History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.

Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

Erik S. Ohlander*
Indiana University Purdue University Fort Wayne

Abstract

Taking under consideration major historiographical and interpretive trends associated with recent western scholarship on the topic, this article furnishes a broad schematic overview of basic issues pertaining to the development, place, meaning, and role of Susm in medieval Muslim societies.

Introduction As a popular and enduring mode of religiosity prevalent across Muslim societies past and present, Susm has been a topic of natural interest to historians of the medieval Islamic world. At the same time, signicant lacunae exist in present understandings of the development, place, meaning, and role of Susm and its institutions in medieval Muslim societies. As recently noted by a string of scholars, one of the major reasons for this is that research on Susm produced in western academic discourse over the past century has tended to favor largely de-historicizing phenomenological approaches to the topic. These approaches tend to yield little of direct interest to historians.1 Whether a result of disciplinary territoriality and parochialism, epistemological impasses associated with particular intellectual and confessional proclivities, or the persisting legacy of hidebound interpretive schema inherited from classical Orientalist discourse, this dislocation stands in some opposition to the study of other socio-religious phenomena associated with the broader history of pre-modern Islamdom.2 In recent years, however, a marked uptick in the production of scholarship on Susm rooted in methodologies and interpretive paradigms falling within the general ambit of social and cultural history has began to invigorate the topic as a subject of historical research. By taking into account larger questions concerning social, cultural, political, and economic life, Susm has come to be seen as possessing wider import than it has in the past.3 Still, when taken as a whole, this work has reached only a tentative body of conclusions and much groundwork remains to be done. Keeping this in mind, this article furnishes a broad schematic overview of basic issues concerning the development, place, meaning, and role of Susm in medieval Muslim societies in relation to major historiographical and interpretive trends associated with recent western scholarship on the topic. While boasting an impressive range of research which does, in more than a number of cases, intersect with the interests of researchers writing in European languages, scholarship on Susm produced within the Muslim world falls outside the purview of this article.4 Periodization By medieval is meant here those periods indentied by Marshall Hodgson as the Earlier and Later Middle Periods. The rst of these spanned the years 9451258 C.E. and was marked by the establishment of an international Islamicate civilization that spread beyond
2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

519

the Irano-Semitic areas. The second spanned the years 12581503 C.E. and was marked by processes of crisis and renewal resulting largely from the Mongol invasions of the rst half of the 13th century.5 In starting from this basic framework, scholarship on Susm and its associated institutions over the course of these periods has tended to superimpose a secondary periodization. This parallel chronology has typically been envisioned as falling into four discrete phases: 1) a pre-classical phase spanning the late-7th century through the 8th century; 2) a classical phase spanning the 9th century through the late-11th century; 3) a post-classical phase spanning roughly the end of the 11th century through the beginning of the 13th century; and, 4) a neo-classical phase spanning the mid-13th century up through the beginning of the 16th century.6 Each of these historical phases is envisioned as being marked by predominant characteristics which differentiate it from the others. In order to better outline the major interpretive models, trends, and developments attendant to western academic research pertaining to the wider subject of Susm in medieval Muslim societies, this article will summarize the predominant characteristics associated with each of these phases as they have been presented within the standard scholarly literature. The Pre-classical Phase While this phase does not overlap with Hodgsons denition of the medieval period of Islamic history, in view of the generally assumed linkage between the rst phase and those which followed, it is essential to make note of its predominant characteristics. It is important to note here that the term Susm, or tasawwuf, did not gain currency until at _ least the rst half of the 9th century.7 However, various antecedents of the movement, even though they were not generally dened by the term tasawwuf until later on, were rooted in the teachings of certain circles of Muslim ascetics_ (zuhhd; nussk) who rst a a appeared in Iraq and Syria in the early 8th century.8 Marked by a commitment to religious scrupulosity and strict adherence to sharia norms, indifference to worldly pleasures, and the cultivation of an ascetical lifestyle prone to expressing itself in sometimes quite fantastic acts of contrition, such currents of asceticism (zuhd) are typically understood to have inuenced the emergence of a loose proto-Su movement by the 9th century. This movement combined ascetical piety with devotional and contemplative practices centered on the cultivation and analysis of mystical experience, and is known largely through a hodgepodge of logia, biographical anecdotes, and poetic fragments collected by later Sus. Despite a growing recognition of the problem of back-projecting the developments of later stages of Susms evolution into this period, and the underdeveloped nature of prevailing reconstructions in light of larger questions concerning the development of Islamic theological and legal discourses during the period, the general outlines of this phase are nevertheless typically conceived of along such lines.9 The Classical Phase The transition from the pre-classical phase, characterized by the activities of relatively isolated ascetico-mystic virtuosi, to the classical phase proper is typically linked to the emergence of groups of like-minded individuals, largely from the mercantile and artisan classes, coalescing around the teachings of exemplary mystico-ascetic masters. Here, the ethos associated with the proto-Sus of the previous phase has been portrayed by Western scholarship as inspiring the development of distinctive regional mystico-ascetic schools. These movements, by the mid-9th century, began to appear predominantly in
2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

520 Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

the major urban centers of Iraq and Khurasan, with the school of Baghdad being the most inuential. Centered in the bustling cosmopolitan milieu of the Abbasid capital and calling themselves syya (Sus), it was representatives of this group such as al-Junayd u _ al-Baghdd (d. 910) who are typically cited as having been responsible for fashioning the a overarching epistemology, metaphysics, psychology, and basic technical language which would come to characterize Su thought in the phase which followed. At the same time, competing mystico-ascetic schools, such as a Basran mystico-theological movement known as the Slimiyya, various movements born in the Persian province of Khurasan a such as the Karrmiyya and Malmatiyya, or the cases of seemingly isolated mystical a a thinkers such as al-Hak al-Tirmidh (d. ca. 932), Ibn Massara (d. 931), or al-Niffar m   _ (d. after 977), seem to point to a situation characterized more by diversity than homogeneity. While all of these strains have been addressed independently in the scholarship to one degree or another, synthetic accounts concerning the wider dynamics attendant to this situation have only just recently begun to appear.10 This phase has also been characterized by something of a second wave marked by the concerted efforts of a line of prolic Su apologists active between the later-10th century through the mid-to-late-11th century to secure a recognized place for Susm as a legitimate religious science ( ilm) alongside law, Quranic exegesis, the study of the Hadith and such like. Thus, the later part of this phase has often been characterized as a period of systematization and consolidation.11 Spurred on by the suspicions of certain sectors of the learned religious classes regarding the orthodoxy of the Su movement generally, a literary output emerged from various Su apologists such as Ab Nasr al-Sarrj (d. 988), Ab u a u Bakr al-Kalbdh (d. 994), Ab Abd al-Rahmn al-Sulam (d. _1020), Abd al-Kar ala a  u a  m _ Qushayr (d. 1074), Al al-Hujw  (d. between 1072 and 1077), and Abd Allh-i Ansr  r a a  _ (d. 1089). This was a time in which oral and textual traditions belonging to an earlier period were carefully sifted in defense of a teleology which envisioned the sciences of the masters of hearts ( ulm arbb al-qulb) as a contiguous tradition originating in the a u u practice of the prophet Muhammad and his immediate companions. This tradition, almost without exception, came to pass through the line of the syya of Baghdad. Supported u _ by the production of handbooks, doctrinal works, and biographical compendia, the overall success of these systematizers in securing a place for Susm within the mainstream of the Islamic religious sciences is often seen to be exemplied in the life and work of the Sunni theologian, jurist, and polemicist Ab Hmid al-Ghazl (d. 1111), an inuential u a a _ gure who championed a moderate form of Islamic mystical piety as the most efcacious route to salvation. Given the critical role of the gures who emerged over the course of this phase in establishing Susm as a recognizable presence in medieval Muslim societies, the literature of this period has been studied more extensively than that of the others, although overarching synthetic accounts remain few and far between.12 The Post-classical Phase Up to this point, the scholarly literature frequently assumes a preceding golden age marked by innovation and creativity followed by a post-classical phase marked by a widespread owering of Susm across the Abode of Islam. The most predominant characteristic of this phase is the emergence of the so-called Su orders (turuq; sing. tar qa), _ _ mystical brotherhoods or teaching-lineages typically named after a particularly outstanding Su master claimed as the founder of the orders particular method or path (tar of q) _ mystical praxis. Of particular importance here are a number of such eponyms whose names gured prominently over the course of this phase: Abd al-Qdir al-J an (d. 1166) a l 
2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

521

and Umar al-Suhraward (d. 1234), who were both active in Baghdad and who lent their  names to the Qdiriyya and Suhrawardiyya orders respectively; Ahmad al-Rif  (d. a a _ 1182), who was active in the marshlands of southern Iraq and lent his to the Rif iyya; a Najm al-D Kubr (d. 1220), who was active in Transoxiana and lent his to the Kun a brawiyya; Mun al-D Chisht (d. 1236), who settled in India and lent his to the Chis n  htiyya; and Ab l-Hasan Al al-Shdhil (d. 1258), who was active in North Africa and u a   lent his to the Shdhiliyya.13 Other eponymous orders, and various sub-branches of estaba_ lished ones, would continue to appear towards the end of this period and continue to proliferate throughout the course of the next.14 Questions concerning the development of the early Su orders, their attendant processes of institutionalization, and the nature of their position within medieval Muslim societies have proven a fecund area for recent research. Predicated on what is increasingly seen to be a decidedly ahistorical and unilinear trajectory of the development of the Su orders, the inuential three-stage model proposed by J. Spencer Trimingham15 has recently begun to give way to a model which views them instead as largely decentralized mystical teaching-lineages deriving their vitality from the charisma of individual Su masters rather than the structural context of an order as such.16 In addition to witnessing the results of an earlier shift in the nature of the master-disciple relationship, in which Su masters begin to act more as directors than teachers,17 this phase is also marked by the widespread proliferation of residential centers or hospices (ribt, khnqh; or, zwiya). a a a a These institutions acted as loci in which groups of Su novices _ would engage in programs of austerities, supererogatory devotions, and individual and communal rituals under the tutelage of a recognized master.18 This hospice system has proven to be another fruitful area for recent research, especially as articulated in the phase that followed.19 The Neo-classical Phase Stretching from the period that witnessed the initial crystallization of the early Su orders on the eve of the Mongol invasions in the 13th century up through the era witnessing the rise of the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal Empires in the 16th century, the neo-classical phase has typically been characterized by the popularization of Su modes of religiosity across wide segments of Muslim society. Whereas over the course of much of the preceding phase Susm was primarily an elite phenomenon, from this point forward it would begin to develop mass appeal. As perceptively stated in a recent work of synthetic scholarship on the topic, the general assent is that the history of Susm during its formative period is in many ways the story of how Sus gradually moved to the centre of Islamic societies and became part of the mainstream in both urban and rural environments.20 As Hodgson had proposed as part of his broader synthesis of Islamic history, Susm ourished in a context marked by the widespread breakdown of traditional structures of religious authority and the need to rebuild urban life across much of the central and eastern lands of Islamdom following the Mongol invasions. Due to their focus on interior experience and their generally tolerant attitudes towards localized expressions of religious diversity resulting from notions of metaphysical inclusivity, eminently adaptable Su masters were able to provide the basis for a social order which simultaneously embraced and co-opted less exible modes of socio-religious organization.21 Throughout this period and across the Abode of Islam, prominent Su masters and their followers increasingly enjoyed the patronage of the ruling classes. These patrons, whose motives often seem to have been related more to matters of political expediency than pious sentiment, not only funded the construction of scores upon scores of Su
2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

522 Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

hospices and tomb complexes22 but also regularly called upon Su leaders, both at court and beyond, as advisors and spiritual guides. Despite a long history of unease in mixing worldly affairs with those of the spirit and a good deal of diversity in expressed attitudes towards engagement with the state amongst different Su communities,23 there are numerous examples of Sus of this phase who were not only deeply involved in the politics of their day, but who owned and administered extensive properties, married into powerful families, travelled with large retinues, and maintained visible relations with state ofcials. Accounts of such situations are readily found in scholarship bearing upon the period, and show a clear potential to contribute to a wider understanding of socio-political forms obtaining in medieval Muslim societies.24 At the same time, however, it is essential to note that any potential measure of legitimacy a Su master might bestow upon a potential patron was rooted rst and foremost in his perceived status as a spiritual elite and bearer of baraka (blessing; holiness; spiritual charisma) among the general population. It appears that this was often the case, for in envisioning themselves as the true heirs to the prophets many Su masters not only maintained a policy of attending to the spiritual welfare of the wider communities surrounding them but also became preeminent foci of petitions for supernatural help and intercession long after their passing. Whether or not they were accepted as trained members of the learned religious class and tensions between Sus and the ulama were not unknown in any case25 that such assertions served to endow Sus with status and authority is well documented. A ubiquitous feature of both urban and rural landscapes across the medieval Muslim world, this cult of saints was predicated on the idea that the spiritual charisma of particularly exemplary Su masters could survive them after death, being accessible in tomb-shrines built to house their remains. Throughout the later medieval period the tomb-shrines of such intimates or friends of God (awliy ; sing. wal 26 served as places of popular devotion and a ) pilgrimage amongst the masses. This phenomenon has been the subject of a number of recent studies in the context of several regional milieux.27 Recent scholarship on this phase has been marked by certain interpretive and substantive shifts, such as a reevaluation of the potential usefulness of hagiographic literatures for addressing issues concerning the development, place, meaning, and role of Susm and Sus in medieval Muslim societies. Hagiographies of all types, which were initially dismissed or received only limited attention among earlier generations of scholars, have now been shown to be sources of profound signicance for the study of Susm in pre-modern Islamic societies generally.28 Moreover, a number of scholars working on the topic across multiple regions of the medieval Muslim world have in recent years made a concerted effort to divest such literatures from the old positivist problematic of their questionable value as historical sources.29 Similarly, recent scholarship has also witnessed a marked expansion in the denition of Susm, or Sus, as a descriptive category. Here, research on mystico-ascetic collectivities whose practices, organizational forms, or social positioning appears to have intersected in larger ways with that of Su communities has considerably broadened the picture of the place, role, and meaning of mysticism in the social and cultural life of medieval Muslim societies. For example, recent studies of antinomian Qalandar groups,30 the chivalric futuwwa fraternities,31 or mystically-inclined messianic movements32 show a clear potential for adding to our general understanding of Muslim social and religious life in the Later Middle Period. The general acculturation of Susm within Muslim societies during this period is also evinced in other arenas. The contributions of Su litterateurs to the literary arts and the culture of letters, for example, has been particularly well-studied. This is especially true for the production of those writing in Persian, the lingua franca of the eastern half of the
2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

523

medieval Islamic world.33 Rooted in the popularity of mystically-tinged verse among Sus and non-Sus alike, by the end of this period a synergistic conuence between classical poetic forms and Su doctrine would inform the establishment of a common literary canon which would mark literary traditions from the Indian subcontinent to the Balkan regions of the Ottoman Empire in the period that followed.34 As a ubiquitous feature of the general fabric of day-to-day life across the medieval Muslim world, the ways in which Sus and Susm gured in the conguration of space in medieval Islamic cities has recently been brought under scrutiny as well.35 Conclusion In considering the possible implications of this brief overview of issues pertaining to the development, place, meaning, and role of Susm in medieval Muslim societies in light of major historiographical and interpretive trends associated with recent western scholarship on the topic, three main points come into focus. First, in contradistinction to both earlier racialist models which saw Susm as a foreign accretion grafted upon an incongruous Semitic substrate, or modernist or romantic models which have interpreted its owering during the later medieval period as a sign of either decadence or the watering down of the lofty ambitions of its classical paragons,36 recent scholarship has become increasingly less interested in questions concerning the origins or evolution of Susm as such. Rather, the focus has shifted to larger questions concerning the ways in which Susm and Sus might be plotted in the broadly-conceived social, religious, cultural, political, and economic life of medieval Muslim societies. Second, whereas past phenomenological approaches have typically posited an object of study dened by the transcultural and transhistorical category of mysticism which, in this case, just happens to be Islamic, recent social and cultural history approaches have attempted to redene the object of study as something drawing much closer to cases of Muslim mysticisms. Here, substantive focus has been shifted from largely disembodied religious discourses to the empirically accessible traces of the activities of historical actors plotted rmly in time and space. In the same way, interpretive focus has been shifted from analyses rooted in theological or philosophical interpretive schema to what might be described as historicist interrogations of the social and cultural embeddedness of the empirically accessible traces of actors so identied. As a convenient descriptive category, here Susm has increasingly come to be seen as referring to an interrelated complex of historically-dened mystical and ascetical movements marked by a shared reference to certain practices, texts, and institutions, rather than a discrete, univocal religious movement marked predominantly by its relation to mysticism. Third, while a periodization predicated ultimately on an outmoded model of classicism and decline is inherently problematic,37 its largely unquestioned persistence evinces the need, already well known to specialists in the area, for further groundwork in primary source materials bearing upon the activities of Sus across the medieval Islamic world. A great deal of such material exists in scores of manuscript collections housed in libraries and repositories scattered across the Muslim world, Europe, and North America; it must be stressed here that much of this has only just begun to be systematically explored.38 Short Biography Erik S. Ohlander is currently Assistant Professor of Religious Studies and Director of the Religious Studies Program at Indiana UniversityPurdue University Fort Wayne. An
2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

524 Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

historian of religion and specialist in Islamic studies, he has written widely in the areas of Islamic mysticism, Quranic studies, and Islamic intellectual history and religious movements. Author of Susm in an Age of Transition: Umar al-Suhrawardi and the Rise of the Islamic Mystical Brotherhoods (Brill, 2008), he has also contributed numerous articles on Susm to the much anticipated third edition of Brills Encyclopaedia of Islam, the Encyclopaedia Iranica, and other scholarly reference works. He holds a B.A., summa cum laude, in Middle Eastern and Religious studies from the University of Minnesota, and an M.A and Ph.D. in Near Eastern Studies from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Notes
* Correspondence: Department of Philosophy, Indiana UniversityPurdue University Fort Wayne, 2101 E. Coliseum Blvd. CM 23, Fort Wayne, IN 46805, USA. Email: ohlandee@ipfw.edu.
1 See, for example: A. J. Arberry, Susm: An Account of the Mystics of Islam (London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1950); M. Mole, Les mystiques musulmans (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1965); A. Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1975); G. Anawati and L. Gardet, Mystique musulmane: Aspects et tendences, experiences et techniques, 4th rev. edn. (Paris: J. Vrin, 1986). A limited overview of this approach can be found in R. Caspar, Muslim Mysticism: Tendencies in Modern Research, in M. Swartz (ed. and trans.), Studies in Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 16484. 2 An overview of western scholarship on Susm can be found in A. Knysh, Historiography of Su Studies in the West, in Y. Choueiri (ed.), A Companion to the History of the Middle East (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005), 10631, and comments on some of its perceived failings in C. Ernst, The Shambhala Guide to Susm (Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1997), 118; E. Ohlander, Susm in an Age of Transition: Umar al-Suhraward and the Rise of  the Islamic Mystical Brotherhoods (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 12; and, N. Green, Making Sense of Susm in the Indian Subcontinent: A Survey of Trends, Religion Compass, 2 6 (2008): 104449. 3 On the development of trends following WWII see A. Knysh, Historiography, 12127. 4 Examples of such intersections are readily apparent in the bibliographies attached to many of the studies cited in this article, particularly in research published over the past decade. 5 M. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, vols. 12 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). 6 Clearly evinced for example in F. Meier, The Mystic Path, in B. Lewis (ed.), Islam and the Arab World: Faith, People, Culture (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1976), 11728; and, L. Massignon et al., Tasawwuf, in Th. _ Bianquis et al. (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition) (Leiden: Brill, 1998), vol. 10, 31340. 7 See J. Baldick, Mystical Islam: An Introduction to Susm (New York: New York University Press, 1989), 3032; and, A. Knysh, Islamic Mysticism: A Short History (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 57. 8 See J. Chabbi, Remarques sur le developpement historique des mouvements ascetiques et mystique au Khurasan IIIe ` ` siecleIXe siecle, Studia Islamica, 46 (1977): 571; C. Melchert, The Transition from Asceticism to Mysticism in the Middle of the Ninth Century C.E., Studia Islamica, 83 1 (1996): 5170, and idem, Asceticism, in M Gaborieau, et al. (eds.), The Encyclopaedia of Islam Three (Leiden: Brill, 2007), fasc. 2007-1, 16369; A. Popovic and G. Veinstein (eds.), ` Les Voies dAllah: Les orders mystiques dans le monde musulman des origines a aujourdhui (Paris: Fayard, 1996), 3133; Massignon et al., Tasawwuf, 31314; A. Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 813; and, in a broader context, R. Gramlich, _ Weltverzicht. Grundlagen und Weisen islamischer Askese (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1997). 9 See A. Popovic and G. Veinstein (eds.), Les Voies dAllah, 3336; L. Massignon et al., Tasawwuf, 314; A. Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 1342; C. Melchert, Basran Origins of Classical Susm, Der Islam, 82 (2005): 22140; and, A. Karamustafa, Susm: The Formative Period (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007), 17. 10 On this phase generally, see A. Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 43115, a valuable synthetic account which should be read alongside the more recent reconstruction offered in A. Karamustafa, Susm, 782, who has produced the most comprehensive picture of the period to date. 11 For example L. Massignon et al., Tasawwuf, 31415; J. Baldick, Mystical Islam, 5067; A. Popovic and _ G. Veinstein (eds.), Les Voies dAllah, 4043; A. Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 11649; A. Karamustafa, Susm, 83113 (which is the most comprehensive account to date); and, E. Ohlander, Susm in an Age of Transition, 4553. 12 The bibliographies adduced in L. Massignon et al., Tasawwuf, 31617, present a fairly comprehensive picture _ of standard literature pertaining to this phase. 13 On all in general see A. Popovic and G. Veinstein (eds.), Les Voies dAllah, 4467; E. Geoffroy et al., Tarka, in  _ _ Th. Bianquis, et al. (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition) (Leiden: Brill, 1998), vol. 10, 24357; L. Massignon et al., Tasawwuf, 315; J. Spencer Trimingham, The Su Orders in Islam, with a new foreword by J. Voll (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 3166; J. Baldick, Mystical Islam, 7277; C. Ernst, The Shambhala

2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

525

Guide to Susm, 12046; and, A. Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 169244. An important discussion of antecedents can be found in A. Karamustafa, Susm, 11427. A detailed account of the initial diffusion of the orders in the Indian Subcontinent can be found in S. Rizvi, A History of Susm in India, vol. 1 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1978). A highly instructive overview of the same can be found in S. Digby, The Su Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Medieval India, Collection Purusartha, 9 (1986): 5777. 14 In addition to the substantial overview found in A. Popovic and G. Veinstein (eds.), Les Voies dAllah, 261518, see also E. Geoffroy et al., Tarka, 24657.  15 _ See J. Spencer Trimingham, _The Su Orders in Islam. 16 Examples of which include C. Ernst and B. Lawrence, Su Martyrs of Love: The Chishti Order in South Asia and Beyond (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); E. Ohlander, Susm in an Age of Transition; D. Ephrat, The Shaykh, the Physical Setting and the Holy Site: The Diffusion of the Qdir Path in Late Medieval Palestine, Joura  nal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Series 3, 19 1 (2009): 120; and, idem, Spiritual Wayfarers, Leaders in Piety: Sus and the Dissemination of Islam in Medieval Palestine (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008). On this in general, a useful summary can be found in J. Berkey, The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600-1800 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 23640. 17 See the foundational essay by F. Meier, Khursn and the End of Classical Susm, in J. OKane (trans.) and aa B. Radtke (ed.), Essays on Islamic Piety and Mysticism (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 189219; and further M. Malamud, Su Organization and Structures of Authority in Medieval Nishapur, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26 (1994): 42742; and, A. Buehler, Su Heirs of the Prophet: The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Su Shaykh (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1998), 2954. A recent questioning of Meiers model can be found in L. Silvers-Alario, The Teaching Relationship in Early Susm: A Reassessment of Fritz Meiers Denition of the shaykh al-tabiya and the shaykh al-ta l m, The Muslim World, 93 1 (2003): 6997. 18 See A. Popovic and G. Veinstein (eds.), Les Voies dAllah, 90100 and 13972; C. Ernst, The Shambhala Guide to Susm, 81119; L. Massignon et al., Tasawwuf, 31516; J. Spencer Trimingham, The Su Orders in Islam, 194 217; M.I. Waley, Contemplative Disciplines in Early Persian Susm, in L. Lewisohn (ed.), The Heritage of Susm (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1999), vol. 1, 497548; and, A. Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 31425. 19 See J. Spencer Trimingham, The Su Orders in Islam, 16693; and for specic examples: K.A. Nizami, Some ` Aspects of Khnqah Life in Medieval India, Studia Islamica, 8 (1957): 5269; J. Chabbi, La fonction du ribat a Baga ` ` dad de Ve siecle au debut du VIIe siecle, Revue des etudes islamiques, 42 (1974): 10121; L. Fernandes, The Evolution of a Su Institution in Mamluk Egypk: The Khanqah (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1988); Th. Emil Homerin, Saving Muslim Souls: The Khnqh and the Su Duty in Mamluk Lands, Mamlk Studies Review, 3 (1999): 5983; R. Islam, a a u Susm in South Asia: Impact on Fourteenth Century Muslim Society (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002), 87124; J. Berkey, The Formation of Islam, 24142; and, E. Ohlander, Susm in an Age of Transition, 187247. 20 A. Karamustafa, Susm, 143, an idea which clearly builds on Richard Bulliets inuential synthetic model of Muslim intellectual and religious history pertaining to this period, for which see his Islam: The View From the Edge (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994). 21 M. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, vol. 2, 20154. A recent synthetic historical overview of Susm during this phase, clearly inspired by this model, can be found in J. Berkey, The Formation of Islam, 23147. 22 An instructive account of three such complexes can be found in S. Blair, Su Saints and Shrine Architecture in the Early Fourteenth Century, Muqarnas, 7 (1990): 3549. 23 A good example of ambivalence towards engagements with the prevailing political situation in a medieval Su community can be found in J. Paul, Solitude within Society: Early Khwjagn Attitudes toward Spiritual and a a Social Life, in P. Heck (ed.), Susm and Politics (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2007), 13763, and an example of a decidedly oppositional engagement in O. Sa, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam Negotiating Ideology and Religious Inquiry (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 158200. 24 Examples of which can be found in A. Ahmad, The Su and the Sultan in Pre-Mughal India, Der Islam, 38 (1963): 14253; J. Gross, The Economic Status of a Timurid Su Shaykh: A Matter of Conict or Perception?, Iranian Studies, 21 12 (1988): 84104; J. Baldick, Mystical Islam, 9394; L. Potter, Sus and Sultans in Post-Mongol Iran, Iranian Studies, 27 14 (1994): 77102; C. Ernst, Rzbihn Baql Mysticism and the Rhetoric of Sainthood in u a : Persian Susm (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 1996), 13237; H. Dabashi, Historical Conditions of Persian Sufism during the Seljuk Period, in L. Lewisohn (ed.), The Heritage of Susm, vol. 1, 15369; R. Islam, Susm in South Asia, 23491; O. Sa, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam, 12557; B. Manz, Power, Politics and Religion in Timurid Iran (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 20844; A. Karamustafa, Susm, 15255; and, E. Ohlander, Susm in an Age of Transition, 66136 and 249303. A brief general discussion of the issue can be found in J. Berkey, The Formation of Islam, 24244. 25 See, for example, A. Knysh, Ibn Arabi in the Later Islamic Tradition: The Making of a Polemical Image in Medieval Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999). A number of the essays in F. de Jong and B. Radtke (eds.), Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics (Leiden: Brill, 1999) deal with the medieval period and should also be consulted on the topic. The brief comments in J. Berkey, The Formation of Islam, 23235 are instructive in this regard as well.

2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

526 Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

On this concept generally see M. Chodkiewicz, Seal of the Saints: Prophethood and Sainthood in the Doctrine of Ibn Arab (Cambridge, UK: The Islamic Texts Society, 1993), 1746; H. Landolt, Walyah, in L Jones (ed.), The a Encyclopedia of Religion, 2nd edn. (Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2005), vol. 14, 965662; and, J. Renard, Friends of God: Islamic Images of Piety, Commitment, and Servanthood (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008), 26081; and on its range of manifestations in relation to the period: C. Ernst, The Shambhala Guide to Susm, 5863; V. Cornell, Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Susm (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998), 1120; and, A. Karamustafa, Susm, 12734. An extended study of the relationship between the concept and the construction of a medieval Su order can be found in R. McGregor, Sanctity and Mysticism in Medieval Egypt: The Waf Su Order and the Legacy of Ibn Arab (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004), and an a  excellent overview of the intersection between the concept and broader conceptions of religious authority in the social and political sphere in a late-medieval Muslim society in B. Manz, Power, Politics and Religion in Timurid Iran, 178207. A re-consideration of the use of the concept as related to the period can be found in N. Amri, Wal et  awliy dans l-Ifr ya medievale, Studia Islamica, 90 (2000): 2336. a q 27 In particular C. Taylor, In the Vicinity of the Righteous: Ziyra and the Veneration of Muslim Saints in Late Medieval a Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 1999); J. Meri, The Cult of Saints among Muslims and Jews in Medieval Syria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002); and, A. Suvorova, Muslim Saints of South Asia: The Eleventh to Fifteenth Centuries (London and New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004). A precis on the wider implications of this phenomenon for the writing of medieval Islamic social history is to be had in C. Taylor, Saints, Ziyra, Qissa, and the Social Construction of a _ Moral Imagination in Late Medieval Egypt, Studia Islamica, 88 (1998): 10320._ See also C. Ernst, The Shambhala Guide to Susm, 7180; A. Karamustafa, Susm, 14349; and, J. Renard, Friends of God, 17685. 28 ` See D. Aigle, Charismes et role social des saints dans lhagiographie persane medievale (XeXVe siecles), Bulle tin dEtudes Orientales, 47 (1995): 1536; M. Hermansen, Interdisciplinary Approaches to Islamic Biographical Materials, Religion, 18 4 (1988): 16382; idem, Religious Literature and the Inscription of Identity: The Su Tazkira Tradition in Muslim South Asia, The Muslim World, 87 34 (1997): 31529; C. Ernst, The Shambhala Guide to Susm, 6371; M. Hermansen and B. Lawrence, Indo-Persian Tazkiras as Memorative Communications, in D Gilmartin and B Lawrence (eds.), Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia (Gainsville: University of Florida Press, 2000), 14975; J. Mojaddedi, The Biographical Tradition in Susm: The tabaqt Genre from al-Sulam to Jm (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2001); and Renard, Friends of God, 24057. a  a  29 _ Examples include C. Ernst, Rzbihn Baql 11130; J. Gross, Authority and Miraculous Behavior: Reections u a , on Karmt Stories of Khwja Ubaydullh A hrr, in L. Lewisohn (ed.), The Heritage of Susm, vol. 2, 15769; D. a a a a a _ DeWeese, Sayyid Al Hamadn and Kubraw Hagiographical Traditions, in ibid., 12158; idem, Dog Saints and a Dog Shrines in Kubrav Tradition: Notes on a Hagiographical Motif from Khwrazm, in D. Aigle (ed.), Miracle et  a karma (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2000), 45997; D. Ephrat, In Quest of an Ideal Type of Saint: Some Obsera vations on the First Generation of Moroccan Awliy Allh in Kitb al-tashawwuf, Studia Islamica, 94 (2002): 6784; a a a C. Ernst, Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Su Center, 2nd edn. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004) 6293; E. Alexandrin, The Sciences of Intuition and the Riches of Inspiration: Najm al-D nKubr in Jm Nafaht al-uns, in T. Lawson (ed.), Reason and Inspiration in Islam: Philosophy, and Mysticism in a a s a Muslim Thought. Essays in Honour of Hermann Landolt (London: I.B. Tauris Publishers in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2005), 28497; J. Curry, Home Is Where the Shaykh Is: The Concept of Exile in the Hagiography of Ibrahim-i Gulseni, Al-Masq, 17 1 (2005): 4760; O. Sa, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern a Islam, 12557; and, D. DeWeese, Ahmad Yasav and the Dog-Men: Narratives of Hero and Saint at the Frontier  or Orality and Textuality, in J. Pfeiffer and M. Kropp (eds.), Theoretical Approaches to the Transmission and Edition of Oriental Manuscripts: Proceedings of a Symposium held in Istanbul, March 28-30, 2001 (Beirut and Wurzburg: Ergon Verlag Orient-Institut Beirut, 2007), 14773. To a certain extent, an earlier example can be cited in R. Eaton, Sus of Bijapur 13001700: Social Roles of Sus in Medieval India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), whereas a recent counterpoint can be found in R. Islam, Susm in South Asia, 167. 30 See A. Karamustafa, Gods Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in the Islamic Later Middle Period 12001550 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994); J. Spencer Trimingham, The Su Orders in Islam, 26469; A. Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 27274; and, J. Berkey, The Formation of Islam, 24546. 31 See J. Baldick, Mystical Islam, 9192; M. Mahjub, Chivalry and Early Persian Susm, in L. Lewisohn (ed.), The Heritage of Susm, vol. 1, 54982; E. Ohlander, Chivalry, in J. Meri (ed.), Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia (New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis, 2006), vol. 1, 15354; and, idem, Susm in an Age of Transition, 27191. 32 A particularly poignant example of which is discussed in S. Bashir, Messianic Hopes and Mystical Visions: The Nrbakhs Between Medieval and Modern Islam (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2003). u ya 33 See J. Baldick, Mystical Islam, 6769; C. Ernst, The Shambhala Guide to Susm, 17378; and, J. de Bruijn, Persian Su Poetry: An Introduction to the Mystical Use of Classical Persian Poems (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 1997). 34 See A. Schimmel, As Through a Veil: Mystical Poetry in Islam (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 13569; A. Popovic and G. Veinstein (eds.), Les Voies dAllah, 17384; C. Ernst, The Shambhala Guide to Susm, 15769; and, L. Massignon et al., Tasawwuf, 32122. 35 See, for example, S. Wolper, Cities and Saints: Susm and the Transformation of Urban Space in Medieval Anatolia (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003).
26

2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

36

527

See A. Knysh, Historiography, 11219 and 12526; P. Heck, Susm What Is It Exactly?, Religion Compass, 1 1 (2007): 14849; and, N. Green, Making Sense of Susm in the Indian Subcontinent, 104449. 37 An instructive discussion concerning which can be found in F. Meier, Sousme et decline culturel, in R. Brunschvig and G.E. von Grunebaum (eds.), Classicisme et decline culturel dans lhistoire de lislam; actes du symposium international dhistoire de la civilisation musulmane (Bordeaux 25-29 Juin 1956), reprint (Paris: G.-P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1977), 21745. 38 See, for example, W. Chittick, Notes on Ibn al- Arab Inuence in the Subcontinent, The Muslim World, s 82 34 (1992): 21841; D. DeWeese, Two Narratives on Najm al-D Kubr and Rad al-D Al Ll from a n a n  a a Thirteenth-Century Sources: Notes on a Manuscript in the Raza Library, Rampur, in T _Lawson (ed.), Reason and Inspiration in Islam, 298339; and, E. Ohlander, A New Terminus Ad Quem for Umar al-Suhraward Magnum s Opus, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 128 2 (2008): 28593.

Bibliography
Ahmad, A., The Su and the Sultan in Pre-Mughal India, Der Islam, 38 (1963): 14253. ` Aigle, D., Charismes et role social des saints dans lhagiographie persane medievale (XeXVe siecles), Bulletin d Etudes Orientales, 47 (1995): 1536. Alexandrin, E., The Sciences of Intuition and the Riches of Inspiration: Najm al-D Kubr in Jm Nafht aln a a s a _ uns, in T. Lawson (ed.), Reason and Inspiration in Islam: Philosophy, and Mysticism in Muslim Thought. Essays in Honour of Hermann Landolt (London: I.B. Tauris Publishers in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2005), 28497. Amri, N., Wal et awliy dans l-Ifr ya medievale, Studia Islamica, 90 (2000): 2336.  a q Anawati, G., and Gardet L., Mystique musulmane: Aspects et tendences, experiences et techniques, 4th rev. edn. (Paris: J. Vrin, 1986). Arberry, A. J., Susm: An Account of the Mystics of Islam (London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1950). Baldick, J., Mystical Islam: An Introduction to Susm (New York: New York University Press, 1989). Bashir, S., Messianic Hopes and Mystical Visions: The Nrbakhs Between Medieval and Modern Islam (Columbia, SC: u ya University of South Carolina Press, 2003). Berkey, J., The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600-1800 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 23147. Blair, S., Su Saints and Shrine Architecture in the Early Fourteenth Century, Muqarnas, 7 (1990): 3549. de Bruijn, J., Persian Su Poetry: An Introduction to the Mystical Use of Classical Persian Poems (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 1997). Buehler, A., Su Heirs of the Prophet: The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Su Shaykh (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1998). Caspar, R., Muslim Mysticism: Tendencies in Modern Research, in M. Swartz (ed. and trans.), Studies in Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 16484. ` ` ` Chabbi, J., La fonction du ribat a Bagdad de Ve siecle au debut du VIIe siecle, Revue des etudes islamiques, 42 (1974): 10121. Chabbi, J., Remarques sur le developpement historique des mouvements ascetiques et mystique au Khurasan IIIe ` ` siecleIXe siecle, Studia Islamica, 46 (1977): 571. Chittick, W., Notes on Ibn al- Arab Inuence in the Subcontinent, The Muslim World, 82 3-4 (1992): 21841. s Chodkiewicz, M., Seal of the Saints: Prophethood and Sainthood in the Doctrine of Ibn Arab (Cambridge, UK: The Isla  mic Texts Society, 1993). Cornell, V., Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Susm (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998). Curry, J., Home Is Where the Shaykh Is: The Concept of Exile in the Hagiography of Ibrahim-i Gulseni, Al-Masq, 17 1 (2005): 4760. a DeWeese, D., Dog Saints and Dog Shrines in Kubrav Tradition: Notes on a Hagiographical Motif from  Khwrazm, in D. Aigle (ed.), Miracle et karma (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2000), 45997. a a DeWeese, D., Two Narratives on Najm al-D Kubr and Rad al-D Al Ll from a Thirteenth-Century n a n  a a _ Sources: Notes on a Manuscript in the Raza Library, Rampur, in T. Lawson (ed.), Reason and Inspiration in Islam: Philosophy, and Mysticism in Muslim Thought. Essays in Honour of Hermann Landolt (London: I.B. Tauris Publishers in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2005), 298339. DeWeese, D., Ahmad Yasav and the Dog-Men: Narratives of Hero and Saint at the Frontier or Orality and  Textuality, in _J. Pfeiffer, and M. Kropp (eds.), Theoretical Approaches to the Transmission and Edition of Oriental Manuscripts: Proceedings of a Symposium held in Istanbul, March 28-30, 2001 (Beirut and Wurzburg: Ergon Verlag Orient-Institut Beirut, 2007), 14773. Digby, S., The Su Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Medieval India, Collection Purusartha, 9 (1986): 5777. Eaton, R., Sus of Bijapur 13001700: Social Roles of Sus in Medieval India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978).

2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

528 Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

Ephrat, D., In Quest of an Ideal Type of Saint: Some Observations on the First Generation of Moroccan Awliy a Allh in Kitb al-tashawwuf, Studia Islamica, 94 (2002): 6784. a a Ephrat, D., Spiritual Wayfarers, Leaders in Piety: Sus and the Dissemination of Islam in Medieval Palestine (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008). Ephrat, D., The Shaykh, the Physical Setting and the Holy Site: The Diffusion of the Qdir Path in Late Medieval a  Palestine, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Series 3, 19 1 (2009): 120. Ernst, C., Rzbihn Baql Mysticism and the Rhetoric of Sainthood in Persian Susm (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, u a : 1996). Ernst, C., The Shambhala Guide to Susm (Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1997). Ernst, C., Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Su Center, 2nd edn. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004). Ernst, C., and Lawrence B., Su Martyrs of Love: The Chishti Order in South Asia and Beyond (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). Fernandes, L., The Evolution of a Su Institution in Mamluk Egypk: The Khanqah (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1988). Geoffroy, E., P. Lory, R.S. OFahey, Th. Zarcone, N. Clayer, A. Popovic, K.A. Nizami and N. Kaptein, Tarka,  _ _ in Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition), vol. 10 (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 24357. Gramlich, R., Weltverzicht. Grundlagen und Weisen islamischer Askese (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1997). Green, N., Making Sense of Susm in the Indian Subcontinent: A Survey of Trends, Religion Compass, 2 6 (2008): 104461. Gross, J., The Economic Status of a Timurid Su Shaykh: A Matter of Conict or Perception?Iranian Studies, 21 12 (1988): 84104. Heck, P., Susm What Is It Exactly?Religion Compass, 1 1 (2007): 14864. Hermansen, M., Interdisciplinary Approaches to Islamic Biographical Materials, Religion, 18 4 (1988): 16382. Hermansen, M., Religious Literature and the Inscription of Identity: The Su Tazkira Tradition in Muslim South Asia, The Muslim World, 87 3-4 (1997): 31529. Hermansen, M., and Lawrence B., Indo-Persian Tazkiras as Memorative Communications, in D. Gilmartin, and B. Lawrence (eds.), Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia (Gainsville: University of Florida Press, 2000), 14975. Hodgson, M., The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, vols. 12 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). Homerin, Th. Emil., Saving Muslim Souls: The Khnqh and the Su Duty in Mamluk Lands, Mamlk Studies a a u Review, 3 (1999): 5983. Islam, R., Susm in South Asia: Impact on Fourteenth Century Muslim Society (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002). de Jong F., and Radtke B., (eds.), Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics (Leiden: Brill, 1999). Karamustafa, A., Gods Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in the Islamic Later Middle Period 12001550 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994). Karamustafa, A., Susm: The Formative Period (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007). Knysh, A., Ibn Arabi in the Later Islamic Tradition: The Making of a Polemical Image in Medieval Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999). Knysh, A., Islamic Mysticism: A Short History (Leiden: Brill, 2000). Knysh, A., Historiography of Su Studies in the West, in Y. Choueiri (ed.), A Companion to the History of the Middle East (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005), 10631. Landolt, H., Walyah, in L. Jones (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Religion, 2nd edn., (Detroit: Macmillan Reference a USA, 2005), vol. 14, 965662. Lewisohn, L. (ed.), The Heritage of Susm, vols. 12 (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1999). Malamud, M., Su Organization and Structures of Authority in Medieval Nishapur, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26 (1994): 42742. Manz, B., Power, Politics and Religion in Timurid Iran (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007). Massignon, L., B. Radtke, W.C. Chittick, F. de Jong, L. Lewisohn, Th. Zarcone, C. Ernst, F. Aubin and J.O. Hunwick, Tasawwuf, in Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam (New_ Edition), vol. 10 (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 31340. McGregor, R., Sanctity and Mysticism in Medieval Egypt: The Waf Su Order and the Legacy of Ibn Arab (Albany: a  State University of New York Press, 2004). Meier, F., Sousme et decline culturel, in R. Brunschvig, and G. E. von Grunebaum (eds.), Classicisme et decline culturel dans lhistoire de lislam; actes du symposium international dhistoire de la civilisation musulmane (Bordeaux 25-29 Juin 1956), reprint (Paris: G.-P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1977), 21745. Meier, F., The Mystic Path, in B. Lewis (ed.), Islam and the Arab World: Faith, People, Culture (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1976), 11728.

2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x

Susm in Medieval Muslim Societies

529

Meier, F., Khursn and the End of Classical Susm, in J. OKane (trans.), and B. Radtke (ed.), Essays on Islamic aa Piety and Mysticism (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 189219. Melchert, C., The Transition from Asceticism to Mysticism in the Middle of the Ninth Century C.E, Studia Islamica, 83 1 (1996): 5170. Melchert, C., Basran Origins of Classical Susm, Der Islam, 82 (2005): 22140. Melchert, C., Asceticism, in M. Gaborieau, G. Kramer, J. Nawas and E. Rowson (eds.), The Encyclopaedia of Islam Three (Leiden: Brill, 2007), fasc. 2007-1, 163169. Meri, J., The Cult of Saints among Muslims and Jews in Medieval Syria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002). Mojaddedi, J., The Biographical Tradition in Susm: The tabaqt Genre from al-Sulam to Jm (Richmond, Surrey: a  a  _ Curzon Press, 2001). Mole, M., Les mystiques musulmans (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1965). Nizami, K. A., Some Aspects of Khnqah Life in Medieval India, Studia Islamica, 8 (1957): 5269. a Ohlander, E., Chivalry, in J. Meri (ed.), Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia (New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis, 2006), vol. 1, 15354. Ohlander, E., Susm in an Age of Transition: Umar al-Suhraward and the Rise of the Islamic Mystical Brotherhoods  (Leiden: Brill, 2008a). Ohlander, E., A New Terminus Ad Quem for Umar al-Suhraward Magnum Opus, Journal of the American s Oriental Society, 128 2 (2008b): 28593. Paul, J., Solitude within Society: Early Khwjagn Attitudes toward Spiritual and Social Life, in P. Heck (ed.), a a Susm and Politics (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2007), 13763. ` Popovic, A., and Veinstein G., (eds.), Les Voies dAllah: Les orders mystiques dans le monde musulman des origines a aujourdhui (Paris: Fayard, 1996). Potter, L., Sus and Sultans in Post-Mongol Iran, Iranian Studies, 27 1-4 (1994): 77102. Renard, J., Friends of God: Islamic Images of Piety, Commitment, and Servanthood (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008). Rizvi, S., A History of Susm in India, 2 vols.. (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1978). Sa, O., The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam: Negotiating Ideology and Religious Inquiry (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006). Schimmel, A., Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1975). Schimmel, A., As Through a Veil: Mystical Poetry in Islam (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982). Silvers-Alario, L., The Teaching Relationship in Early Susm: A Reassessment of Fritz Meiers Denition of the shaykh al-tabiya and the shaykh al-ta l m, The Muslim World, 93 1 (2003): 6997. Suvorova, A., Muslim Saints of South Asia: The Eleventh to Fifteenth Centuries (London and New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004). Taylor, C., Saints, Ziyra, Qissa, and the Social Construction of Moral Imagination in Late Medieval Egypt, Studia a Islamica, 88 (1998): 10320.__ Taylor, C., In the Vicinity of the Righteous: Ziyra and the Veneration of Muslim Saints in Late Medieval Egypt (Leiden: a Brill, 1999). Trimingham, J. S., The Su Orders in Islam, with a new foreword by J. Voll (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). Wolper, S., Cities and Saints: Susm and the Transformation of Urban Space in Medieval Anatolia (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003).

2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 8/6 (2010): 518529, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00683.x