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From liberal nationalism to cosmopolitan patriotism: Simon Deutsch and 1848ers in exile
Michael L. Millera a Nationalism Studies Program, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary Online publication date: 16 June 2010

To cite this Article Miller, Michael L.(2010) 'From liberal nationalism to cosmopolitan patriotism: Simon Deutsch and

1848ers in exile', European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire, 17: 3, 379 393 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2010.481931 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2010.481931

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 European Review of HistoryRevue europeenne dhistoire Vol. 17, No. 3, June 2010, 379393

From liberal nationalism to cosmopolitan patriotism: Simon Deutsch and 1848ers in exile
Michael L. Miller*
Nationalism Studies Program, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary (Received May 2009; nal version received January 2010) For many inhabitants of the Habsburg Empire, the Revolution of 1848 represented a common formative experience, signifying their entrance into the public sphere, their initial participation in politics and civil society. While some revolutionaries were executed or given amnesty, many sought refuge in Zurich, London, Constantinople, and especially Paris. This paper examines this international (and largely cosmopolitan) network of 1848ers in exile, focusing in particular on Simon Deutsch (1822 77), a young Austrian Jew who became a radical journalist in Vienna during the Revolution, as well as an ardent proponent of the Greater German Solution [Grossdeutsche Losung], before eeing the ring squads at the end of 1848. During his thirty years in exile (Zurich, London, Paris, Constantinople, Madrid), this curious gure became involved in the Paris Commune, the International Workingmens Association, and even helped found the New Ottomans (during his prolonged sojourn in Paris). His contacts with fellow 1848s from the Habsburg Empire and from other European countries (e.g. Karl Marx, Moses Hess) helped inform the perennial tension between liberal nationalism and international socialism that characterised Deutschs life. Keywords: Jewish; Cosmopolitanism; 1848; Germany; Simon Deutsch; exile; France

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Today, as Will Kymlicka has pointed out, cosmopolitanism is generally viewed as a reaction against nationalism; however, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries cosmopolitanism was rst and foremost a reaction against the atavistic feudal order that privileged the local city, class or religious sect.1 In other words, cosmopolitanism was a reaction against localism. Far from being in conict with nationalism, cosmopolitanism was sometimes even seen as the ultimate goal of nationalism, at least in its more liberal forms. Consider, for example, the civilising mission (mission civilatrice) of French nationalism, which equated French civilisation with the universal principles of 1789. Or the cosmopolitan patriotism of American nationalism, which aimed to spread Americas founding principles to the rest of the world.2 Or the drive for German unication during the Revolution of 1848, which drew on the French revolutionary tradition by framing a particular nationalism in this case German as the quintessential expression of universalistic ideals. For many German 48ers as these revolutionaries are sometimes called the path from German liberal nationalism led organically, if not inevitably, to socialism, communism or internationalism. Indeed, for many liberal nationalists, the sovereign nation-state did not

*Email: millerm@ceu.hu
ISSN 1350-7486 print/ISSN 1469-8293 online q 2010 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2010.481931 http://www.informaworld.com

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constitute the ultimate goal of history, but rather the ideal framework for the establishment of a free, democratic and egalitarian society. One could even argue that liberal nationalism differs from cosmopolitanism primarily in scope, with the former operating in the realm of the nationstate, and the latter in the realm of humanity as a whole. While German 48ers like Richard Wagner and Wilhelm Marr eventually renounced liberal nationalism in favour of chauvinistic and anti-Semitic German nationalism, other 48ers particularly those who had been forced into exile came to view cosmopolitanism as the fullment of their revolutionary hopes. This article will examine one such individual, a Habsburg Jew named Simon Deutsch, described by one French newspaper as a cosmopolitan patriot, a citizen of the world. Simon Deutsch (Figure 1) was born in Vienna in 1822 to parents from Nikolsburg, Moravia (today: Mikulov, Czech Republic).3 He spent much of his youth in Moravia,

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Figure 1. 1876.

Simon Deutsch (1822 1877), wearing a Fez. Source: Le Monde Illustre (Paris), June 10,

preparing for the rabbinate at the Nikolsburg yeshiva, where, according to one contemporary, the students had a command of important linguistic and other secular knowledge, but were also considered skillful Talmudists.4 Deutsch must have learned to read and write standard German in this period, but as we know from later testimony, he never quite mastered the language. Moritz Steinschneider, Leopold Zunz and Moritz Hartmann all ridiculed his German, presumably because he spoke it with a distinctly Jewish accent. To my knowledge, Deutsch never attended gymnasium, but, in accordance with an 1842 law aimed at modernising the Moravian rabbinate, he did complete courses in so-called philosophical and pedagogical studies.5

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As a young rabbinical candidate in the Habsburg Empire, Deutsch rmly belonged to what one of his contemporaries called the theological proletariat.6 Like many of his peers, he had devoted his youth to Talmudic study, and in the process, he had acquired very few practical skills. Furthermore, due to occupational and residential restrictions on Jews, his employment prospects were more or less limited to low-paying rabbinical posts, low-prestige (and ever lower-paying) private teaching jobs or the perennial last resort: petty commerce. Like many members of the theological proletariat in Moravia, Deutsch moved to Vienna in 1844 (at the age of 22) in order to try his luck in the Kaiserstadt. In Vienna, Deutsch dabbled in journalism, joining the ranks of other Jews who followed a similar path. From 1844 to 1848, he was a contributor to Der Orient, a Leipzig based German Jewish weekly; and from 1846 to 1848, he wrote for Sonnntagsblatter, a Viennese literary and cultural journal, founded and edited by the Bohemian-born Jew, Ludwig August Frankl.7 Deutsch, Frankel and the many other Jewish journalists in Central Europe constituted a kind of Jewish republic of letters, a highly interconnected network of young men in Berlin, Prague, Leipzig, Breslau, Dresden, Pest, Vienna and elsewhere. The language of this republic of letters was German, which had quickly become the lingua franca of Central Europes Jews. For them, German was not so much a parochial national language, but rather a supranational language of culture, enlightenment and commerce. While the German language gave Deutsch an entree into the literary and journalistic circles of Central Europe, his religion put up numerous obstacles. As he wrote to his friend Moritz Steinschneider (in Prague) in 1847, There is not much to hope for here [in Vienna], and I would even throw myself among the sons of Canaan [i.e. the Czechs] in order to participate in their activities. For someone who cannot become a rabbi, there is nothing left.8 In a letter to his ancee, Steinschneider expressed the fear that Deutsch, like Heinrich Heine and Ludwig Borne before him, would see baptism as a way out of his impasse. This, he wrote, is the fate of all Jewish poets.9 In the end, Deutsch managed to carve out a niche for himself in the intellectual life of Central Europe by putting his rabbinic knowledge in the service of secular scholarship. He familiarised himself with the Hebrew manuscript collection in Viennas Hofbibliothek (court library), and in 1845, he published a medieval grammatical work that he had found there.10 Two years later, he co-published a catalogue of the Hebrew manuscripts in the Hofbibliothek, and afterwards, he hoped to embark on a similar project at the Hofbibliothek in Munich (but the library was not willing to offer him any money).11 As Deutsch learned, scholarship was not a particularly lucrative eld, but its inherently transnational character brought other advantages. In 1848, Deutsch became a corresponding member of the German Oriental Society (Deutsche morgenlandische Gesellschaft) in Leipzig and Halle, one of the rst scholarly associations to welcome Jews into its ranks.12 He was in the company of Adolf Jellinek (Leipzig), Leopold Zunz (Prague), Abraham Geiger (Breslau), and Moritz Steinschneider (Berlin) who were all members of Central Europes Jewish republic of letters. In the rst months of 1848, Simon Deutsch co-published a Jewish biographical compendium, together with Franz Graffer, a non-Jewish writer and bookseller in Vienna. Entitled Judischer Plutarch, this work contained entries on 73 Jews and former Jews, and as the title page proudly announced, the entries had been written by Jews and non-Jews alike.13 With an emphasis on poets, painters, scientists, mathematicians, doctors, philosophers and educators, Judischer Plutarch presented a pantheon of Jews (and former Jews, like Heinrich Heine and Joseph von Sonnenfels) who had contributed to humanity as a whole. Of the rabbis included in the compendium, almost all of them were either

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medieval Sephardim like Moses Maimonides and Abraham Ibn Ezra or modern Jewish enlighteners like Moses Mendelssohn and Aron Chorin. What they all shared in common was an openness to secular knowledge and universal values that could be admired and emulated by Jews and non-Jews alike. On the eve of the Revolution of 1848, twenty-six-year-old Simon Deutsch had already been part of a number of transnational groups: the theological proletariat in the Habsburg Empire; the German Jewish republic of letters in Central Europe; and the larger scholarly community, both as a corresponding member of the German Oriental Society in Leipzig and Halle and as a researcher at the Hofbibliothek in Vienna. All of these groups and groupings were inherently transnational, not necessarily in an ideological sense, but certainly in terms of social organisation. To a large extent, the social organisation of the mid-1840s served as the basis for the highly politicised and highly ideological associational life during the Revolution of 1848. Simon Deutsch belonged to at least three associations that emerged during the rst months of the revolution: the German Eagle (Der deutsche Adler), the Viennese Democratic Club (Der Wiener demokratische Klub), and the Association of Germans in Austria (Verein der Deutschen in Osterreich).14 He was also one of the leaders of the Viennese Academic Legion (Wiener akademische Legion), a volunteer student corps that came into being at the beginning of the revolution.15 These associations were all standardbearers of German liberal nationalism, advocating democratic government and a union with Germany. Deutsch, and many of his friends, also wrote for Der Radikale, one of the many republican newspapers that came into being during the Revolution.16 Simon Deutsch never converted to Christianity in the 1840s, but he was a quick and fervent convert to German nationalism during the Revolution of 1848. For Deutsch, the Habsburg Empire and the Russian Empire represented tyranny and oppression, while a United States of Germany held the promise of democracy and equal rights for all citizens. As such, Deutsch saw no need for a separate struggle for Jewish emancipation, since he was convinced like many other Jewish revolutionaries that their Christian brothers and fellow Germans would secure freedom and equality for all.17 Indeed, the most important struggle was for the German inhabitants of Austria to unite with Germany so that they would not be at the mercy of foreign nations, like the Russians. (Deutsch was an ardent proponent of the so-called Greater German Solution [Grossdeutsche Losung], which envisioned a unied, democratic Germany from the Elbe to the Rhine, as a bulwark against Russian tyranny.) Like the other members of the German Eagle, he viewed the anticipated unication of Germany in almost messianic terms. Now, read a manifesto to which he afxed his name, all of the cultured classes agree that the Germans, by an eternal decree from God, are destined to be the greatest and most important people in the entire civilized world.18 At rst blush, this seems like a raw expression of chauvinistic nationalism, but if we look at a speech that Deutsch made ve months later, we can see that he viewed Germans as the greatest and most important people in the world, precisely because of their essential universalism. Deutsch advocated the establishment of a Free German Academic University in Vienna (rather than Frankfurt) not only because the concentration of German scholarship there was important for the freedom of the entire German fatherland, but also because of its potentially salutary effect on the brewing crisis between Slavs and Germans in the Habsburg Empire. Such a university, he wrote to the Association of Germans in Austria, would allow the general, universal to have a healthy, conciliatory effect on the Slav German conict by giving Bildung (education) the ultimate victory.19

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In 1848, the ultimate victory did not go to Bildung, nor to a United States of Germany or a Free German Academic University. In October 1848, Habsburg forces crushed the revolution in Vienna, and by the summer of 1849, the revolutions had been defeated throughout Europe. Already in November 1848, Austria executed two of Simon Deutschs friends in Vienna, Alfred Julius Becher and Hermann Jellinek, both of whom wrote for Der Radikale and were accused of high treason.20 Deutsch nearly met the same fate, but he managed to ee Vienna in November 1848, making his way to Breslau, Leipzig, Dresden, Frankfurt and nally Paris.21 Occasionally using an alias (Berthold Schwarz), he stayed with Rabbi Abraham Geiger, a fellow member of the German Oriental Society, in Breslau, and he relied on the European-wide network of revolutionary journalists, publicists, national guardsmen, and parliamentarians in every city that he visited.22 At the very end of 1848, Deutsch and four other Viennese refugees Adolf Franckel, Maximilian Gritzner, Siegmund Kollisch and a certain Pokorny published a short pamphlet in Leipzig, recording the last days of Robert Blum, the radical Cologne-born democrat and German parliamentarian who had been executed in Vienna on 9 November 1848.23 The pamphlet condemned Blums murder as an insult to the German people, who had elected him as their rightful representative to the German Parliament in Frankfurt. It called for the German people to avenge this bloody deed, and to rise up against (Habsburg) tyranny.24 By February 1849, Deutsch had settled in Paris, which alongside Leipzig, Zurich, London and Constantinople had become an important centre for revolutionaries in exile. (Paris had a long tradition of giving refuge to Central and East European revolutionaries, dating back to the Polish uprising of 1830.) By April 1849, he had already linked up with other German democrats and refugees residing in Paris, who signed a letter protesting the imprisonment of their fellow revolutionary, Auguste Willich. Signed by Simon Deutsch, Moses Hess, Georg Herwegh, August Hermann Ewerbeck and eleven other 48ers, the letter came to the defence of this victim of the infamy perpetrated by the traitors of the Republic and of European democracy.25 In Paris, Deutsch made contact with the French historian Jules Michelet (1798 1874), whose History of the French Revolution (1847 53) examined the Revolution of 1789, but also made occasional reference to current events in Central Europe.26 On 19 November 1850, Deutsch sent a letter of introduction (composed in French) to Michelet, which reads like a panegyric to the chronicler of French revolutions:
Monsieur, You have deigned to interrupt your warm recitation of the immortal acts of your heroic ancestors from the last century in order to cast a loving and admiring glance at the revolutionary elan of the Danubian peoples. You have deigned to immortalize with your glorious quill the patriotism of the students from Vienna. As a member of this Academic Legion and in a supreme moment, one of its leaders, I feel the need to come and present you with an expression of the deepest recognition, in the name of all my brothers who suffered and who are still suffering for the emancipation of the world. Please, Monsieur, let me know the day and time where you would like to receive respectful homages from your very devoted servant. Simon Deutsch Place du Louvre 2427

Michelet received Deutsch the following month, and over the next fteen years Deutsch became a frequent guest at his dinner table. (Between 1850 and 1865, Deutsch

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is mentioned twenty-two times in Michelets diary.)28 Deutsch apparently made a highly favourable impression on the Frenchman, since Michelet later described him to a friend as a very capable man, a man of deeds and ideas, who knows everything I think and then some.29 Remarkably, we can follow Deutschs thoughts and movements during his rst years in Parisian exile, thanks to the Austrian secret police, which regularly intercepted Deutschs letters home. In May 1849, three months before the Austrian and Russian armies jointly suppressed the Hungarian Revolution, he wrote the following lines to his sister (as paraphrased in a police report):
[I]f the European peoples want to be free, rst the Austrian and then the Russian army must be destroyed; it is certain that it will happen this way soon, unless the soldiers come to their senses [rst] and abandon the ag that stands for the enslavement of human beings. The Viennese will perform their duty at the decisive hour, and the German people will demonstrate that freedom and not the whip will rule the world from now on.30

Deutsch expressed regret that he could do nothing to bring this about, as he was unable to get near the German lands. Nevertheless, according to another source, Deutsch had already set out for Germany and Austria along with a fellow 48er, Daniel Fenner von Fenneberg to establish a committee that would remain in contact with the revolutionary party in Paris. They reportedly brought socialist literature with them, in order to translate into German and disseminate in Germany.31 Simon Deutsch hinted at his new political leanings in a letter to his parents written in June 1850. He quoted the familiar proverb, He lives like God in France, but added a new ending: and God is the biggest Communist.32 In Paris, Deutsch socialised with fellow 48ers in exile, as well as French intellectuals like Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Jules Michelet and Henri Louis Tolain, all known for their socialist leanings.33 In 1851, the French police suspected Deutsch (and other political refugees from Central Europe) of involvement in a Franco-German communist plot, which resulted in the arrest of two hundred suspected German communists. The French government sought to expel Deutsch, along with other alleged co-conspirators who had also found refuge in Paris after taking part in the Viennese Revolution of 1848 (Leopold Hafner, Siegmund Englander, Anton Niederhuber, Moritz Mahler, Siegmund Kollisch, Adolf Buchheim, Emanuel Pleyel von Bleiburg).34 While the French police suspected Deutsch of being a communist conspirator, Karl Marx suspected him of being a French police informer.35 In any case, for the rest of his life, Deutsch remained in contact with Marx, Moses Hess, and many other socialist thinkers, and he even received a dedicated copy of Das Kapital from its authors.36 If we consider that Deutsch later became a member of the International Workingmens Association and also helped found the Austrian Social Democratic movement, then his socialist credentials might appear quite solid. However, there is another part of his biography, which led some socialists to cast doubt on Deutschs ideological convictions. In sources from the 1860s and 1870s, our protagonist is usually referred to as the well-known banker Simon Deutsch. While banking and socialism do not usually go hand-in-hand, they do share a common transnational character. As for Deutsch, one source claims that he acquired a fortune of 80,000 Gulden during the Revolution of 1848, while another claims that his fortune was acquired through speculation in Paris. The origin of his wealth, however, was most likely his business dealings in Constantinople and the Danubian Principalities during the Crimean War (1853 56). There, he could rely on his connections with fellow revolutionaries in exile, who had sought refuge in the Ottoman Empire in 1848 49. The Hungarian emigre community in Constantinople was quite large, but Deutschs most important connection was probably the Viennese-born Dr Karl

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Hammerschmidt (known as Abdullah Bey after his conversion to Islam), who had been a fellow member of the German Eagle in 1848.37 Through Hammerschmidt and other refugees, Deutsch may have also met Mustafa Fayzl Pasha, grandson of Mehmed (Muhammad) Ali, the reformist Vali (governor) of Egypt; Ziya Bey, a Turkish journalist; Namik Kemal, the Turkish national poet; and Midhat Pasha, an Ottoman grand vizier. Members of the New Ottomans (predecessors of the Young Turks), Deutsch was in contact with them in Constantinople as well as Paris.38 Deutschs connections in Constantinople caught the attention of Moses Hess (1812 75), whose Rome and Jerusalem (1862) called for the establishment of a socialist Jewish commonwealth in Ottoman Palestine.39 In the same year, Ludwig Wihl (1807 82), a German Jewish poet who had been imprisoned during the Revolution of 1848 and now found himself in French exile, informed Hess that:
my friend Simon Deutsch you know him is in the best relations with the Sultan, himself, and with his ministers. He can obtain anything in the [Sublime] Porte . . . I have given him your book to read. You are familiar with his red convictions (rote Gesinnungen) and you can grasp how abstruse your return to Judaism must seem to him. He has been enlightened by me, [however] and the good man has turned from Saul to Paul; he will therefore gladly take up the negotiations with the [Sublime] Porte. He only asks that you send him a fully elaborated plan.40

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Wihl asked Hess to send his plan post-haste, but there is no evidence that Hess ever sent it (or that Deutsch ever came to Hesss aid.) While Deutsch apparently took no action with regard to Hesss plans, he was deeply involved in the activities of the New Ottomans, a loosely organised group of liberal, westernised intellectuals who wanted to introduce constitutional government to the Ottoman Empire in order to save it from inevitable dissolution.41 In the 1860s, many of its members were in Parisian exile, and it was here that they published their ofcial statutes on 30 August 1867.42 As it turns out, Deutsch was one of the signatories to this document, and he even became a member of the management committee in charge of international and diplomatic affairs. The only other non-Ottoman signatory was Wladyslaw Plater (1808 89), an emigre Polish nobleman who had been involved in the Polish Insurrection against tsarist Russia in 1830.43 Like Deutsch, his struggle against tyranny be it Russian, Habsburg or Ottoman made him a kindred spirit of the New Ottomans, who in turn, were eager to establish contacts and alliances in Europe. As Deutsch was getting involved in the New Ottomans, he also turned his attention to the socialist movement in land of his birth. In fact, in the late 1860s and early 1870s, Deutsch bankrolled many of the activities of the Austrian Social Democratic movement, including its newspaper, Volksstimme (Voice of the People), and its workers compensation fund. Thanks to the general amnesty proclaimed by Emperor Francis Joseph in 1857, Simon Deutsch was allowed to visit the Habsburg Empire, and as the daily reports of the Viennese police director reveal he regularly came to Vienna in the late 1860s and early 1870s.44 Deutsch attended the meetings of the Social Democratic movement in Vienna, and the police reports refer to him as the cashier of the workers compensation fund (der Cassierer der Unterstutzungscassa), a faiseur of the Social Democratic Workers Party and the International [Workingmens] Association, and the well-known Parisian banker.45 In these capacities, Deutsch was called on to testify at the trial of fourteen Viennese Social Democrats who were accused of high treason in 1870. At this trial (der Wiener Hochverraths-Process), Deutsch admitted contributing 2000 Gulden towards the security deposit for the Volksstimme newspaper.46 He also noted that he followed the [activities of] the workers movement with great interest during his more

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than twenty years in France and that he was present at a political demonstration in Viennas Gumpernsdorf district on 13 December 1869.47 This demonstration for collective bargaining rights was attended by roughly 20,000 workers and served as the pretext for the arrest and trial of fourteen leaders of the Social Democratic Movement on charges of high treason. As a witness, Deutsch came to the defence of the accused, insisting that the workers party does not aim to bring about a violent upheaval, but rather to improve the plight of [the workers] in general through peaceful means.48 At the trial, it must have struck the prosecutor as rather strange that Simon Deutsch, the well-known Parisian banker, was so involved in a workers movement that seemed to go against his own class interests. At rst, he asked Deutsch if he was a member of the bourgeoisie (Burgerstand), and Deutsch evaded the question by explaining that the term was borrowed from the French and was out of place in the Austrian context, where society is divided into aristocrats and non-aristocrats (Adelige und Nichadelige).49 Later, Deutsch was asked if he belonged to the propertied class, and when he playfully answered, At your service, the prosecutor inquired whether he had ever experienced fear of the workers movement.50 Predictably, Deutsch responded with a resounding no, but the prosecutors line of questioning certainly touched upon the apparent incongruity between Deutschs political activities and his class interests. Even his kindred spirits seemed to be aware of this incongruity. During the trial, one of them noted that Deutsch supported Social Democracy on idealistic grounds because he believed it embodied the democratic spirit of 1848. As Walter Pollak has observed, Austrian Social Democracy harked back to the democratic tradition of 1848, and, as such, its adherents preferred the liberal Greater German Solution over the illiberal power politics of Bismarck.51 Of course, Prussias defeat of Austria in the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 and the ensuing exclusion of Austria from a unied Lesser Germany (Kleindeutschland) under Prussian hegemony made Greater Germany an impossibility and gave Bismarck the upper hand in Central Europe. Increasingly, Austria came to see France as an important ally against Bismarck, and as Bismarck and Napoleon III began rattling sabres in the lead-up to the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 71, Austrias Social Democrats adopted an increasingly pro-French attitude. The Volksstimme, which was founded (with the help of Simon Deutsch) in April 1869, was sometimes denigrated by its detractors as overly francophile, and Simon Deutsch who had resided in France for two decades was seen by the Viennese police as a key factor in the French-orientation of Austrian Social Democracy.52 With the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War in July 1870, Austrias Social Democrats favoured intervention on the side of the French, and Simon Deutsch allegedly nanced a mass demonstration in Vienna that was intended to accomplish this goal.53 In January 1871, the Viennese police observed that Simon Deutsch was showing off his French sympathies too much, and making such a big deal of his connections with the former French government and the current French ambassador [in Vienna].54 On 23 March 1871, just before the establishment of the Paris Commune, the Viennese police reported that the local Social Democrats express sympathy for the Paris Communists and their antics, proclaiming themselves against the German nationalists and especially against the manifestation of servility to Bismarck on the part of the local German students.55 The report from 23 March 1871, makes no mention of Simon Deutsch, but the events of the short-lived Paris Commune leave no doubt that he shared these views. The Paris Commune came into being on 26 March 1871, following the French defeat in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 71 and the subsequent workers uprising in Paris. On 28 March 1871, the Commune was crushed by the Versailles Army after La Semaine

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Sanglante (The Bloody Week), in which thousands of supporters of the Commune were killed. In the intervening three months, the Commune attracted the attention and support of many socialists, anarchist and communists across Europe, including Karl Marx, who described it as essentially a working class government, the product of the struggle of the producing against the appropriating class, the political form at last discovered under which to work out the economic emancipation of labor.56 Indeed, in its brief existence, the ninety-two-member elected Communal Council managed to pass a number of decrees (e.g. separation of church and state and worker protection measures) that were in the spirit of Social Democracy. Many 48ers participated in the Paris Commune, seeing it as the logical next step in the revolutionary tradition that had originated in France in 1789. Simon Deutsch was in Paris during the rst days of the Commune, even though he was expected in Vienna at the beginning of April, since according to a police report from 30 March 1871 he had promised to cover the costs of the Austrian Social Democrats upcoming mass demonstration.57 Nevertheless, Deutsch remained in Paris, where he played a role in the Commune. Deutsch did not man the barricades, but it was rumoured that he played an important role among the Communards in Paris. According to a police report from 10 May 1871, Deutsch had assumed a prominent position in the Finance Department of the Commune.58 This may have been the source of a later claim that he had nanced this failed experiment in Social Democracy (a charge that was later repeated in 1920 by the Nazi ideologue, Alfred Rosenberg).59 After the fall of the Commune, Deutsch was imprisoned at Versailles, along with many of the defeated Communards. Ironically, he was released thanks to the intervention of Prince Richard Clemens Metternich, Austrian ambassador in Paris (and son of Prince Clemens Metternich, who had resigned as Minister-President 23 years earlier, at the very outset of the Viennese Revolution of 1848).60 Austrian Social Democrats interpreted his speedy release as evidence that Deutsch was an Austrian agent, which may or may not have been true.61 In any case, it meant that Deutsch had lost all inuence and credibility in Austrian Social Democratic circles. In 1874, Deutsch was again accused of being an agent, but this time he was allegedly in the service of Prussia. The accusation emerged in the course of the so-called Arnim Affair, when the private dispatches of Bismarcks ambassador to France, Harry von Arnim, were published in various European newspapers. One dispatch (2 December 1872), which surveyed the activities of German journalists in France, singled out Simon Deutsch as the most active medium between the French and German Republican papers, and identied him as a staunch adherent of the International and a nancial factorum of the Paris Commune. It also claimed that his activities as an agent of the Egyptian Prince, Mustapha Fayzl Pasha had put considerable means at his disposal, enabling him to purchase a sizeable share of the French republican newspaper, La Republique Francaise.62 Following the publication of this dispatch, La Republique Francaise published a letter claiming that Deutsch, a well-known German Jew, was an agent of Germany, as could be seen by his activities during the Paris Commune (which came into being at the end of the Franco-Prussian War).63 In response, Simon Deutsch wrote a letter to the editor, arguing that it was impossible for a French-loving Austrian like himself to be in the service of Prussia. It is true, sir, that I am a German, he wrote,
but you cannot have forgotten that there is a South Germany (un Allemagne de Sud), and that in the past, the diplomats of your empire have relied on the French sympathies of South Germany. My nationality, sir, is Austrian, and the Austrians are not Prussian agents . . . 64

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Simon Deutsch, who had been an ardent proponent of a democratic Greater Germany (Grossdeutschland) ever since 1848, found it inconceivable that an Austrian democrat would support let alone serve Bismarcks reactionary Lesser Germany (Kleindeutschland). Indeed, Germany had been unied in 1871, precisely through the exclusion of Austria from the Prussian-dominated state. (Here, it is worth mentioning Friedrich Meinecke, whose classic study, Cosmopolitanism and the National State (1907), praised German unication because it entailed the renunciation of all cosmopolitan values and the afrmation of the sovereign nation state as the supreme value and ultimate goal of history.)65 The editor of La Republique Francaise found Deutschs self-exculpatory letter unconvincing, because his allegiance to France could be brought into question just as easily by his involvement in the Socialist movement as by his alleged activity on behalf of Prussia. As the editor wrote, M. Deutsch declares that he is Austrian and not Prussian.
We understand that, in this case, he is keen on asserting his nationality. Nevertheless, if he is one of the most active agents of the International as Bismarcks old ambassador assures us then it is not important whether he is a native of North Germany or South Germany. He is a cosmopolitan patriot [un patriote cosmopolite], a citizen of the world, and the fond sentiments he pretends to have for France interest us very little. So, M. Simon Deutsch, German Jew, is Austrian. Very well, but what else?66

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The editor of La Republique Francaise reminded the reader that Simon Deutsch was not only a cosmopolitan patriot, but also a German Jew, as if the two were synonymous. He questioned the sincerity of Deutschs francophilia, assuming perhaps correctly that allegiance to a transnational ideology was incompatible with loyalty to a nation. Other contemporaries were a little kinder, viewing Deutschs cosmopolitanism as compatible or at least reconcilable with French nationalism. As Le Monde Illustre proclaimed in 1876 (in an article on the Young Turks), Simon Deutsch loved France as ardently as it is possible for a cosmopolitan to love his adopted fatherland [sa patrie dadoption].67 Deutschs cosmopolitan patriotism naturally raised questions about his national loyalty, whether to Republican France or to the German Reich. Even if cosmopolitanism had once been viewed as a reaction against localism, it was now increasingly perceived as a threat to the nation-state. Perhaps this is why Deutsch identied himself until the very end as an Austrian, i.e. a citizen of a supranational monarchy. Others, however, believed it was Deutschs Jewishness and not his Austrianness that enabled him to rise above the local and parochial concerns of the day. Indeed, when Midhat Pasha, Deutschs old friend, was appointed Grand Vizier in 1876, this Ottoman statesman considered naming Deutsch as the Vali (governor) of Ottoman Bulgaria, where violence had repeatedly erupted between the local Muslim and Christian populations. This never came to be, since Midhat Pasha fell from power in February 1877 and Simon Deutsch unexpectedly died a month later. Nevertheless, the London Jewish Chronicle insisted that someone like Deutsch would have made the ideal Vali, since neither by race nor faith [would a Jewish governor] be predisposed to be unjust, either to Moslem or Christian.68 While this observation may say more about Jewish power and powerlessness, it also corresponds to one denition of a cosmopolitan: a person who is free from local, provincial or national bias or attachment; a citizen of the world (Random House, unabridged dictionary). Notes
1. 2. Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular, 204. Hansen, The Lost Promise of Patriotism.

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4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

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9. 10. 11. 12.

13. 14. 15. 16.

17. 18. 19.

20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

All biographical entries on Simon Deutsch falsely identify his place of birth as Nikolsburg, perhaps because he like his parents fell under the jurisdiction (Zustandigkeit) of this Moravian Jewish community. At the time of his birth, Vienna had no ofcial Jewish community, and all Jews residing in Vienna paid taxes to and fell under the jurisdiction of their Zustandigkeitsgemeinde. Accordingly, his Toleranzgesuch (request for permission to reside in Vienna) from 1847 indicates that Deutsch was born in Vienna, but from Nikolsburg. See Central Archive for the History of the Jewish People (CAHJP, Jerusalem), A/W 205, Z. 2364, 27 November 1847, and 6 January 1848. Already in von Wurzbachs Biographisches Lexikon des Kaiserthums Oesterreich (vol. 3, 266 7), his birthplace is listed as Nikolsburg. Weiss, Zikhronotai. CAHJP (Jerusalem), A/W 205, Z. 2364, 6 January 1848. Wiener Blatter, August 11, 1850. Simon Deutsch also published at least one letter in the Leipzig-based Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums (21 October 1844), 609 10. I thank Michael K. Silber for this citation. Simon Deutsch (Vienna) to Moritz Steinschneider (Berlin), 7 June 1847. Moritz Steinschneider Papers, Jewish Theological Seminary of America (JTSA) ARC 108. Correspondence, D. On the identication of sons of Canaan as Czechs, see Krauss, Der hebraischen Benennungen der modernen Volker, 397 400. Moritz Steinschneider (Berlin) to Auguste Auerbach (Prague), 30 June 1846. Moritz Steinschneider, Briefwechsel mit seiner Verlobten Auguste Auerbach, 1845 1849, 119. Menachem ben Saruk, Machbereth. Krafft and Deutsch, Die Handschriftlichen hebraischen Werke der k.k.Hofbibliothek zu Wien. Verzeichniss der Mitglieder der DMG, 505 15. Simon Deutsch became a member between October 1845 and June 1846. He resigned from the Society in 1849. On the German Oriental Society, see Preissler, Die Anfange der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 241 327. Graffer and Deutsch, Judischer Plutarch. On these associations, see Wolfgang Hausler, Von der Massenarmut zur Arbeiterbewegung, 215, 281 and 473. On the Academic Legion, see Molisch, Die Wiener akademische Legion und ihr Anteil an den Verfassungskampfen des Jahres 1848, 1 208. Der Radikale was edited by Herman Jellinek and Alfred Julius Becher, who were executed in November 1848. Deutsch also published a collection of poems written in the rst days of the Viennese revolution (15 17 March 1848), entitled Album der drei Marztage des Jahres 1848 in Wien. This Album, which appeared in two different versions, contained poems by members of the Jewish republic of letters (Ludwig August Frankl, Simon Szanto, Adolf Buchheim) as well as other supporters of the Revolution. For an extensive discussion of the struggle for Jewish emancipation in 1848, see Salo W. Baron, The Revolution of 1848 and Jewish Scholarship, Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 18 (1948 49): 1 66; 20 (1951): 1 100. Bachmayr, et al., Der deutsche Adler an die deutschen Bewohner aller Provinzen Oesterreichs. Simon Deutsch (Frankfurt am Main) to Ausschuss des Vereins der deutschen in Osterreich (Vienna), 1 September 1848. Wienbibliothek im Rathaus (Vienna), Handschriftensammlung, H.I.N. 37568. On Deutschs activities on behalf of the Free German Academic University, see Der Orient, 16 September 1848, 299, and 30 September 1848, 315; Sonntagsblatter, 10 September 1848, 670 1, and 8 October 1848, 722 3; and Die Volkswehr (Abendblatt), 8 September 1848, 27. Hausler, Hermann Jellinek (1823 48), 125 75. According to Hans Tietze, Simon Deutsch was on the original list of wanted revolutionaries, and Hermann Jellineks name was only added later. See Die Juden Wiens, 190. Berthold Schwarz was a fourteenth-century Franciscan monk and alchemist in Freiberg, who according to a German folktale, invented gunpowder (Schwarzpulver). Simon Deutsch et al., Die letzten Tage und der Tod Robert Blums. On Blum, see Schmidt, Robert Blum. Schmidt, Robert Blum, 4. This letter, which appeared in several newspapers, is reproduced in Silberner, Moses Hess. Briefwechsel, 218 20.

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M.L. Miller

Michelet, Histoire de la Revolution Francaise. Letter from Simon Deutsch (Paris) to Jules Michelet (Paris), 19 November 1850. Michelet, Correspondence generale, 1849 1851, vol. 6, 594. 28. Michelet, Journal. Deutschs rst meeting with Michelet was on 23 December 1850. ` 29. Jules Michelet (Saint Jean de Luz) to Eugene Noel, 6 October 1863. Jules Michelet, Correspondence generale, 1862 1865, vol. 10, 455. 30. Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna (HHStA), Informationsburo, A 1, 18481849. Letter from Simon Deutsch (Paris) to his sister, 5 May 1849. 31. Police warrant for Fenner v. Fenneberg and Simon Deutsch, 4 May 1849. Narodn archiv, Prague, Fond PGT, 1849 1852, Sig. F13 1849. On Fenner v. Fennebergs activities during the revolution of 1848, see his Zur Geschichte der rheinpfalzischen Revolution. 32. HHStA, Informationsburo, A 1, 1848 1849. Letter from Simon Deutsch (Paris) to his parents, 4 June 1850. 33. Simon Deutsch wrote to Jules Michelet on 19 November 19, 1850, after arriving in Paris. Michelet received Deutsch at his home on 23 December 1850. Jules Michelet, Correspondence generale, vol. 6, 594. 34. Minister of the Interior Alexander Bach (Vienna) to Minister-President Felix von Schwarzenberg (Vienna), 18 December 1851. HHStA, No. 1460/9 pr. 19/12. On the Franco-German plot, see Lattek, Revolutionary Refugees, p. 155. 35. Karl Marx (London) to Friedrich Engels, 3 July 1852. Marx and Engels, Briefwechsel, vol. 1, 1434 36. 36. Andreas et al., eds., Unbekanntes von Friedrich Engels und Karl Marx. Teil I: 1840 1874, 157. 37. On Karl Eduard Hammerschmidt (1801 74), see Vlahakis et al., Imperialism and Science, 97. 38. Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire 1856 1876, 214 16. 39. Hess, Rom und Jerusalem. See also Avineri, Moses Hess, and Koltun-Fromm, Moses Hess and Modern Jewish Identity. 40. Ludwig Wihl (Grenoble) to Moses Hess, 19 October 1862. Silberner, Moses Hess. Briefwechsel, 412. See also Silberner, Moses Hess, 565 66. 41. On the New Ottomans, see Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought. 42. Ozturk Emiroglu has argued that the statutes were drafted and signed in Baden-Baden on 29 August 1867, and then published in Paris on the following day. See his Spotkanie Mlodoturkow, Polaka i Austriaka w Baden-Baden, 18 22. 43. Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 214 16; see also Lewak, Dzieje emigracji polskiej w Turcji, 213 15; Menemencioglu, Namk Kemal Abroad: A Centenary, 29 49, 42. 44. The police reports can be found in the HHStA, Informationsburo, 1868 1872. Specic reports will be referred to below. 45. HHStA, Informationsburo, Karton 22, folder 458, Nr. 1682/Dep.II 1870, Tages-Bericht des Wiener Polizeidirektors vom 21. November 1870. 46. Scheu, ed., Der Hochverraths-Process, 107. 47. Scheu, Der Hochverraths-Process, 106. 48. Scheu, Der Hochverraths-Process, 107 8. 49. Scheu, Der Hochverraths-Process, 108. 50. Scheu, Der Hochverraths-Process, 109. Normally, At your service would be rendered into German as zu Diensten; Deutsch used the expression zu dienen, which may be a combination of zu Diensten (at your service) and zur Dienenden (belonging to the serving class), serving as a clever way of contrasting himself with the besitzende Klasse (propertied class). I thank Robert Schiestl and Maria Diemling for this insight. 51. Pollak, Sozialismus in Osterreich, 53. 52. Die Entstehung und Organisation, 471 2; Pollak, Sozialismus in Osterreich, 57 8. 53. Die Entstehung und Organisation, 473. 54. HHStA, Informationsburo, Karton 25, folder 10, Nr. 33/Dep. II 1871, Tages-Bericht des Wiener Polizeidirektors vom 5. Janner 1871. 55. HHStA, Informationsburo, Karton 25, folder 10, Nr. 298/Dep.II 1871, Tages-Bericht des Wiener Polizeidirektors vom 22. Marz 1871. 56. Marx, The Civil War in France, 212. 57. HHStA, Informationsburo, Karton 25, folder 10, Nr. 331/Dep.II 1871, Tages-Bericht des Wiener Polizeidirektors vom 30. Marz 1871.

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58. 59. 60. 61.

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62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68.

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HHStA, Informationsburo, Karton 25, folder 10, Nr. 448/Dep.II 1871, Tages-Bericht des Wiener Polizeidirektors vom 10. Mai 1871. Rosenberg, Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten, 100 1. Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv (Vienna), Politisches Archiv des Ministerium des Aussern, IX. Frankreich Berichte, 1871 I-IX, fol. 432, Karton 98 P.A. IX, No. 7243/29896; IX. Frankreich, Weisungen 1871, fol. 110, Karton 97 P.A. IX. Bezuglich des Deutsch herrscht in Arbeiterkreisen dermalen kein Zweifel, dass er Regierungs-Agent sei, weil sonst seine Entlassung aus der franzosischen Gefangenschaft als bekanntes Mitglied der Commune als unerklarlich bezeichnet wird . . . HHStA, Informa tionsburo, Karton 25, folder 10, Nr. 999/Dep.II 1871, Tages-Bericht des Wiener Polizeidirektors vom 2. Dezember 1871. Latest Intelligence Count Armin, The Times (London), December 15, 1874, 5; Das Staatsarchiv, vol. 28 (Leipzig, 1875), 148 9. La Republique Francaise, December 17, 1874, 1. La Republique Francaise, December 20, 1874, 2. Gilbert, Introduction, ix. Gilbert, Introduction, ix. La Comite directeur de la Jeune Turquie, Le Monde Illustre, June 10, 1876, 374. A Jewish Governor, Jewish Chronicle, February 9, 1877, 4.

Notes on contributor
Michael L. Miller is Associate Professor in the Nationalism Studies Program at Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. He received his Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, where he specialised in Jewish and Central European History. His research focuses on the impact of nationality conicts on the religious, cultural and political development of Central European Jewry in the nineteenth century. He has contributed to Kotowski, Schoeps, and Wallenborn, Handbuch zur Geschichte der Juden in Europa (Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 2001), Biographisches Handbuch der Rabbiner. Teil 1: Die Rabbiner der Emanzipationszeit (Munich-New York: K.G. Saur, 2004), and the YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe (New Haven, Yale, 2008). He has also published articles in Slavic Review, Austrian History Yearbook, and Mult es Jovo. His book, Rabbis and Revolution: The Jews of Moravia in the Age of Emancipation, will be published by Stanford University Press in fall 2010.

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