Education in Kashmir

Historical Overview and Current Analysis

Hiba Arshad kashmircorps 2008

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The residents of Kashmir have often been called prisoners in heaven (Ganai, 2008). They are prisoners of one of the worlds longest interstate conflicts, juxtaposed to an exquisite environmental setting. The ongoing strife has cost over 70,000 Kashmiri lives and played a major role in the underdevelopment of Kashmir (Schofield, 1997). In light of this conflict between Pakistan and India, especially as compounded by the 2008 summer riots, it is now more important than ever that the turmoil surrounding Kashmir be addressed. Social services from the State, including education, have been greatly affected by this conflict (Jammu & Kashmir Development Report, 2003). It can be argued that until these issues are resolved, the politically precarious situation of Kashmir will be prolonged even further. History has shown that conflict arises when the majority in Kashmir is ignored and deprived of equal access, opportunities, or a political voice (Rai, 2004). Therefore, it is in the best interest of policy makers to ensure equal and adequate educational, political, and economic opportunities for Kashmiris. This paper provides an overview of educational development in Kashmir, both historically and currently, in the context of the political conflict. The scope of this paper has been narrowed down to the Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir, and not the Dogra Kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir, due to access to reliable data. A comprehensive examination of the entire State of Jammu and Kashmir, or the Dogra Kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir, disregarding the Line of Control between Indian and Pakistan administered Jammu and Kashmir, would be ideal. However, circumstances did not allow this research to manifest. By highlighting educational development in Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir within a historical framework, the patterns of conflict are contextualized. This paper seeks to address the lack of comprehensive and unbiased information regarding educational development in Kashmir, in hopes to begin a dialogue that centers on the people of Kashmir, rather than the political interests of the two nuclear nations of Pakistan and India. In order to address the issue of educational development in Jammu and Kashmir, it is important to define the vocabulary used in this analysis. Jammu and Kashmir (JK) is the Indian administered State of Jammu and Kashmir. Kashmir is defined as the Muslim-majority Northern valley of the Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir (Habibullah, 2008). Educational development is defined as the systematic efforts to improve the education system in Kashmir in order to support broader socio-economic development. The term Kashmiri Pandit is interchangeable for Hindu, as most Hindus in Kashmir belong to Hinduisms Pandit caste (Mir, 2003). A clarification of all of these terms is necessary, especially to aid those who are not familiar with the region.

INTRODUCTION
The beautiful landscape of this disputed State bestows an ironic backdrop on one of the longest running, unresolved, interstatearmed conflicts in the world. Kashmirs rich ethnic and religious diversity is a microcosm of India. Jammu and Kashmir is a very ethno-linguistically complex and culturally unique State, the origins of which can be traced back to its dense history (Burki, 2007). The diversity of the region has had major effects on the development of education, often determining which group receives better educational opportunities than others, a pattern which will be discussed concurrently with the conflict. History has shown that the rulers of the State have long ignored the needs of a majority of its residents (Rai, 2004). The majority of Kashmiri people have historically longed for selfdetermination, a right that has yet to be granted to them from any of its rulers in the past three centuries, including the Government of India. Currently, the State of Jammu and Kashmir in India includes three regions Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh (see Maps). Ladakh comprises of mountainous landscapes and forms the Eastern part of the State that shares a border with Tibet; it is also home to the Buddhist minority in JK. Jammu, which hosts the winter capital of JK, is located in the Southern part of the State that contains the Hindu minority in JK. A majority of Muslims live in the Northern valley of the State, Kashmir, which is also the location of JKs summer capital city, Srinagar. Currently, JK is the only Muslim majority State in India with over 80% of the population being Muslim. The residents of JK mostly reside in rural areas; only 20% live in urban areas (Jammu & Kashmir Development Report, 2003). The scenic State is home to the worlds largest military occupation from the worlds largest democracy, comprising an estimated 500,000 to 700,000 Indian troops (Crossette, 1997). Exploring the religious demographics of a region is also helpful in establishing a thorough overview of a region. Prior to Mughal conquest of the Kashmiri valley, most inhabitants were Kashmiri Pandits, who are classified in the highest caste of Hinduism, the Brahmin class of educators, scholars and preachers in Hinduism (Schofield, 1997). Historians dispute whether the conversion of Muslims in the valley was forced or initiated by the followers themselves (Mir, 2003). However, it is universally agreed that Muslims quickly became the majority, and belonged to a lower socioeconomic class than the Kashmiri Pandits. This division and polarization due to religion began a pattern of domination by the religious minority wealthy class, a pattern that has historically infiltrated the education systems of Kashmir (Rai, 2004).

HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN KASHMIR

In order to systematically assemble the current picture of education in a particular area in conflict, it is important to study the history of the region. Given the lingering history of the conflict, there are many issues affecting educational development in the State. In the case of Kashmir as well as other societies, the beginnings of a modern education system can almost always be traced back to religion and colonialism (Raza, 1984). However, in Kashmir, religion and colonialism are also a part of the deep-rooted conflict, which has had severely detrimental effects on educational opportunities in the State. A closer look at historical educational development in the state displays a link between politics and education, as many of the policies of education in Kashmir were developed by political leaders with their own agenda (Mir, 2003). These political leaders did not develop these policies with the majority of Kashmiri people in mind, causing conflict and an entrenched distrust between the people of Kashmir and the political representation in Kashmir (Habibullah, 2008). These issues can be seen through the following exploration of the historical development of education in Kashmir. The First Anglo-Sikh war transpired for a year in 1845, between the British and the Sikh army. The Sikhs lost due to the British Armies access to Gulab Singh, who provided the British with intelligence from the Sikh court (Pal, 2006). In order to reward Singh for treachery against his own people, he was made the Maharaja (Prince) of Jammu and Kashmir under the Treaty of Amritsar on March 16, 1846. In this treaty, British unified Jammu, Kashmir, Gilgit, and Ladakh into the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir and sold it to Maharaja Gulab Singh, for a fee of seven million rupees according to some historians (Rai, 2004). Jammu and Kashmir at that time was stretched over an area of 84,471 square miles and had about a million inhabitants (Government of Jammu and Kashmir, 2006). Some historians state that Singh paid seven rupees for each resident (Habibullah, 2008). Singh, a Hindu, became the first Dogra ruler of Muslim majority Jammu and Kashmir, but the British Empire still ruled him. Through subordinate isolation, the British made allies out of local rulers who would secure British interests, not the interests of the Kashmiri people (Rai, 2004). This institutionalized disregard for the Kashmiri peoples needs has caused a disjuncture between the Kashmiri people and their historical rulers. The Kashmiri people have been systematically left out of their own dialogue, and this can be seen through the historical interpretation of educational development in the State (Mir, 2003). Education development in Kashmir began in 1857 by the son of Maharaja Gulab Singh and the second Dogra ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, Maharaja Ranbir Singh (Chohan, 1998). He led an eminent court that consisted of mostly elite Hindus, with some Muslims, all who received land, titles, and privileges to keep them loyal. The elitist court took away the rights of the peasants to buy land, thereby effectively reducing Kashmiri Muslims to landless tenants (Rai, 2004). Singh established Vidya Vilas Press, the first press in JK, to translate books into Sanksrit for Hindu male scholars to study in the first two schools built in Jammu. A third school was opened in Kashmir in 1874, displaying the Hindu leaders priorities in educating the elite Brahmin Hindus (Chohan, 1998). Yet with the majority of the

HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN KASHMIR

population being Muslim, Maharaja Ranbir Singh and his Hindu majority, Muslim minority court slowly began to include Islamic education. Soon, all three schools expanded their curriculum to include the study of Persian, English, Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Law (Mir, 2003). During this period of time, a majority of learning institutes were dedicated and affiliated with religious studies for males only (Biscoe, 1925). Education in JK was modeled after the British education system due to the effects of colonization (Raza, 1984). A movement towards the Western definition of education marginalized the traditional religious study schools, and had a modernizing effect on the population educated by the Western standards, the Hindu Brahmins (Mir, 2003). The first Western and modern boys school in Kashmir was founded in 1880, by Reverend J. Hinton Knowles in the premises of Missionary Hospital in Srinagar (TyndaleBiscoe, 1930). Founded as the Church Mission Society Boys School, it is now called the Tyndale Biscoe School, named after Cecil Earle Tyndale Biscoe, a British missionary who became the schools principal in 1891. Biscoe is often attributed with founding the modern education system in Kashmir, through western modernization and rejection of local traditions (Mir, 2003). He set out to raise up this hapless people, and founded the schools egalitarian and anti-caste system motto, In All Things Be Men (Tyndale-Biscoe, 1930). The 250 students in the ten-year-old school were all Brahmin Hindus who initially refused to partake in many of the schools activities, including soccer, for touching leather would render them unholy. The Muslim majority was again ignored by the leaders (Rai, 2004). However, Biscoe introduced social parity and individualism to those select students, who believed in the caste system and collectivism. He introduced soccer, modernization, and western individualistic beliefs to the Brahmins despite a stiff resistance from the locals (Mir, 2003). In few years, the original primary school rose to become a high school that local families fought to send their children to, and discernable opposition melted away due to the desirability of learning the English language and the idea of modernity (Weil, 1985). Biscoe served the Church Mission Society Boys School for many decades; he also undertook many social service program academics and extra curricular activities. By 1890, there were ten schools functioning in the State on these modern lines (TyndaleBiscoe, 1930). There was also a regular school inspector, JK schools were affiliated with Punjab Universitys syllabus and curriculum, and examinations were given every six months. The Mission School in Kashmir was educating and modernizing a select group of the already elite Brahmin Hindu class, the highest caste in the caste system (Chohan, 1998). There were two groups of students that were not served by the new visionary school, Muslims and girls. However, leaders would emerge that desired a promotion in the education of both groups in Kashmir. In 1899, the Mirwaiz (Muslim head priest of Kashmir), Moulvi Rasool Shah, founded an organization called Anjuman-i-Nusrat-ulIslam (ANI) to promote religious education among the almost illiterate majority of Kashmiri Muslims (Rai, 2004). ANI had its humble beginnings in a cottage in central Srinagar (Peer, 2004). Eventually with the

HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN KASHMIR

help of small grants from the Dogra Maharaja, the Mirwaiz transformed the seminary into a school offering both secular and religious education (Zutshi, 1986). ANI spread its networks of schools throughout Kashmir, and enabled thousands to receive education through their Islamia Schools. Eventually, Muslims began to partake in modern education. of the government schools were free, and followed a set curriculum and standards for enrollment into Punjab University, so that the best students could eventually be employed in prestigious government positions (Tyndale-Biscoe, 1930). Entrance examinations were competitive, and if a student did not receive high marks they would resort to unemployment. The student would remain unemployed due to the Girls education in Kashmir faced a more Kashmiri Pandit societys discernment with problematic situation. In the 1890s, a girls manual labor, the only other form of school was started in Kashmir by one of the employment besides State service (Rai, women from the British Church Mission, 2004). The educated yet unemployed group only to close due to an incident where girls is a recurring phenomenon in Kashmir, flung themselves out of a window when where educational people on the street The effort to educate Kashmiri development has preceded shouted that Europeans girls regained momentum in economic development only want to kidnap girls 1912, when a Church Mission (Burki, 2007). (Tyndale-Biscoe, 1930). Society girls school opened with The effort to educate Sheikh Mohammad 17 students. The principal of this Kashmiri girls regained Abdullah, also known as school noted in 1914 that, not momentum in 1912, when the Lion of Kashmir, was a single trained Kashmiri woman part of the very small a Church Mission Society Girls School opened with teacher is to be found in educated yet marginalized Srinagar 17 students. The principal Muslim Kashmiri Biscoe, C. E. T. (1925). Kashmir in Sunlight community. of this school noticed in In the late and Shade. London: Seeley, Service. 1914 that not a trained 1920s, the Dogra rulers Kashmiri woman teacher is to be found in practiced discrimination against Kashmiri Srinagar (Biscoe, 1925). These historical Muslim students (Rai, 2004). This problems with girls education and the discriminatory policy caused the State to education of the Hindu minority versus the reject Abdullah, and only Hindus gained Muslim majority show up again and again admission. At the same time people spoke in the years to come, indicating that the of the right to education for the Muslim policies and programs the State is community, students were turned away implementing are not and have not been from educational institutions due to their historically egalitarian (Rai, 2004). religion (Mir, 2003). Abdullah finally managed to obtain admission in Islamiya By 1925 the education system had made an College, a Muslim college in Lahore. After incredible amount of progress for the Hindu completing this part of his education, he Kashmiri Pandit population that it served. applied to the JK State Government again for There was one technical institute, two admission into medical school, but was colleges, two teacher training institutes, 11 again rejected (Taseer, 2005). high schools, 42 middle schools, and 583 primary schools (Chohan, 1998). Two thirds

HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN KASHMIR

After he attended a plethora of Muslim Universities, Abdullah eventually became the first Kashmiri Muslim to have obtained Masters Degree in Chemistry. Full of hope, Abdullah then applied to the JK State Government to pursue a Doctoral course in Chemistry in England, only to be rejected again for the third time (Taseer, 2005). However, by this time Abdullah was influenced by liberal and progressive ideas and became convinced that the feudal system was responsible for the disparity of the Kashmiri people. These early experiences convinced him that Kashmiri Muslims had as much hope of obtaining justice from the feudal Dogra Hindu ruler as obtaining milk by squeezing a stone, (Taseer, 2005). In 1931, there was a Kashmiri uprising led by Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues against the Dogra Maharaja (Zutshi, 1986). Although this uprising was swiftly controlled, it eventually led to the introduction of a limited form of democracy through the creation of a legislative assembly in 1934 (Habibullah, 2008). What began as a curious student seeking education opportunities quickly spun into the first indigenous uprising in Kashmir (Taseer, 2005). If the Kashmiri Muslims were historically given equal educational opportunities as the Hindu elite, perhaps there would be a more peaceful Kashmir today. After the British Empires hold over the Indian subcontinent unraveled in 1947, the 560 princely states of India had to join either Pakistan or India (Blank, 1999). This partition split up the State of Jammu and Kashmir into three parts, and wreaked havoc onto the States education system (Pal, 2006). Schools were destroyed, families were torn apart, and random acts of violence ensued (Ganai, 2008). One-third of the State was made into Pakistanadministered Azad (Free) Jammu and Kashmir, and two thirds went to Indianadministered Jammu and Kashmir (Burki, 2007). This 1947 partition of India and Pakistan, with its enforced control over the picturesque State of Jammu and Kashmir, was merely a continuation of three centuries of struggles for the control of Jammu and Kashmir by the Mughal, Dogra, and British Empires (Mir, 2003). As dissimilar as all of these dynasties were, they held one truth in common a disregard for the regions indigenous people. By the time the 1947 partition of Pakistan and India materialized, there were 2,158 educational institutes, and the education budget was 7% of JKs revenue (Chohan, 1998). After the partition the educational institutes in JK dwindled down to 1,835, a numerical display of the conflicts detrimental effect on the education system (Raza, 1984). However, the Kashmiri people persevered and continued the expansion and development of education despite the political uncertainty that plagued the region at the time (Ganai, 2008). Just a year after partition, in 1948, a Textbook Advisory Board was established as well as the University of Kashmir (Ganai, 2008). By 1960, State education from pre-primary to higher education was completely free, and there were 5,133 primary schools, 1,354 middle schools, 559 secondary schools, 19 technical institutes, and 9 colleges (Mujoo, 1990). However, conflict continued to plague the area due to the uncertain political boundaries drawn around Kashmir by Pakistan and India (Habibullah, 2009).

HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN KASHMIR

The 1965 Indo-Pak war led to the creation of the current Line of Control between Pakistan administered Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir (Burki, 2007). The war also uprooted many students from their homes, and negatively affected their school routine (Ganai, 2008). Quickly after the end of the 1965 Indo-Pak war, the State moved to revamp their education system. The State government of JK established its own education board, the Board of School Education in the 1970s (J&K Board of School Education, 2008). A subsequent restructure of the education system in JK occurred, which included a revision of curriculum, a new calendar school year, and a survey of the region to determine locations of education institutes (Ganai, 2008). A more youthful, highly educated and politically cognizant generation emerged in Kashmir in the 1980s as a result of an improved education system (Zutshi, 1986). However, economic development and employment opportunities did not expand correspondingly, which lead to a rise in unemployment among the educated (Wirsing, 1998). Frustrated and jobless, many unemployed yet educated youth fell into the gun culture of the late 1980s, which eventually lead to the insurgency and consequential military uprising during the 1990s (Habibullah, 2008). JK officials stated that the several hundred damaged or burnt down school buildings in the 1990s had negative implications to the overall education system, all of which were related to the ongoing conflict in Kashmir (The Tribune, 2008). When Indian Army Chief General Deepak Kapoor inaugurated the first army school in Kashmir in early 2008, he stated that the education system in Kashmir was totally demolished by two decades of militancy (India News, 2008). During the insurgency period, the dropout rate increased tremendously due to the lack of safe and proper school buildings (The Tribune, 2008). The education system has slowly rebuilt itself after the two decades of continuous violence and uprisings (Gupta, 2007). In the past decade, BOSE opened over 3,500 primary schools and renovated over 3,300 middle and high schools with substantial funding from India. As a result, the dropout rate from schools in Jammu and Kashmir decreased from 19% in 2003 to 5% in 2008 (Government of Jammu & Kashmir, 2007). Although schools are readily being built, education ministers have stated that during the last few years many teacher posts in rural areas are vacant, which has led to a collapse of teaching activities in the rural areas (Ganai, 2008). Rural areas, especially on the Pakistan and India Line of Control for Kashmir, are generally not regarded as safe havens, a fact that has lead to fewer teachers to seek a teaching post in rural areas. However, rural areas are not the only areas suffering in Kashmir (Burki, 2007). The overall lack of development caused by the conflict is one of the most crucial barriers to the peace process in Kashmir. After the militancy era of the 1980s and 1990s, the State underwent a period of peace (Habibullah, 2008). This period of peace began after all out war over Kashmir between Pakistan and India, two nuclear powers at the time, was avoided due to the timely intervention from the US President at the time, Bill Clinton (Burki, 2007). Although things have remained tense since this war, called Kargil War, the Indian militart presence has increased significantly

HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN KASHMIR

in Kashmir to secure peace in the region (Pal, 2006). The past decade has brought with it times of relative peace, although Kashmiris are becoming increasingly frustrated with the status quo (Habibullah, 2008). Tension has slowly increased in the region, and in light of recent events, it is clear that Kashmirs political and socioeconomic issues have to be addressed before any peace is established between the two nations of Pakistan and India. Educational development and employment opportunities for the people of Kashmir are both innocuous and pressing issues to begin the peace process with, the success of which can have ripple effects through out society.

CURRENT ANALYSIS
The current status of educational development in Kashmir is important to explore because it demonstrates how the State manages an education system after a significant amount of violence. The Board of School Education (BOSE) is the central authority regarding education in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K Board of School Education, 2008; Ganai, 2008). Currently, BOSE runs more than 10,609 schools across the State and employs 22,300 teachers (Government of Jammu & Kashmir, 2007). There are approximately 14,938 public and private schools in JK, including primary schools, elementary schools, secondary schools and senior secondary schools (J&K Board of School Education, 2008). BOSE is in charge of training and placing teachers in all schools in JK through two specific programs. In 1986, BOSE established District Institute of Education Training (DIET) and Institutes of Advanced study in Education (IASE) to standardize and improve the quality of teacher education in JK (Ganai, 2008). BOSE largely bases their policies and programs on exams conducted for students in 8th, 10th, and 12th grade. Reforms and changes are also beginning to occur for a better, well rounded, and inclusive education system (Ganai, 2008). For example, the introduction of the Kashmiri language into the secondary school curriculum is an effort to preserve the language and heritage of Kashmiris; it is now given as an optional language course up until 8th grade (J&K Board of School Education, 2008). In addition to the government schools run by BOSE, there are an abundance of private and NGO schools in Kashmir (Ganai, 2008). Regarding religious or madrassa education, which recently has been receiving negative attention due to its supposed link with terrorism, JK only has 1,729 boys and 962 girls studying in madrassas (Sachar Committee Report, 2006). In contrast to other states where numbers run to several thousands, JK has one of the lowest madrassa enrollment rates. Religious experts attribute it to the majority of residents in JK being Muslim, which causes them to be secure about their religion and identity and dismantles their need to attend madrassa for a religious identity (Ganai, 2008). Many of the students in Kashmiri madrassas are from rural areas and poor families, and new admissions are mostly orphans of violence. In order to get a clear picture of the education system, it is helpful to look at the statistics normally associated with education

CURRENT ANALYSIS
The Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir has of primary school aged children, the quality a total population of around ten million of education they receive can be understood people, with five million in Kashmir, four through an assessment of their examination million in Jammu, and less than one million performance (Seventh All India Educational in Ladakh, according to the 2001 Indian Survey, 2002). In 2006, the Annual Status Census. In 1998, the State spent 19% of its of Education Report found that 36% of 3rd overall budget towards education, a fact that to 5th grade students cannot read, and 33% shows the State is moving towards can not do simple math like addition or prioritizing education (Jammu & Kashmir subtraction (Parvaiz, 2007). These statistics Educational Facts & Figures, 1999). are representative of State that is recovering According to the 2001 Indian census, more from conflict, and moving towards than 43% of the population was under the developing their education system. age of 14, and more than one third of the Although Kashmiris follow their own Kashmiri population lived on less than a constitution and take ownership of their dollar a day. The 2001 literacy rate for the own education system, the Indian military State was 55%, with rural literacy of 48% presence in Kashmir makes and urban 72% (Jammu & 43% of the population was it difficult for the Kashmiri Kashmir Development under 14, and more than onepeople or visitors to Report, 2003). This sharp third of the Kashmiri population experience democratic contrast in comparing rural lived on less than $1 per day. freedom. According to versus urban literacy rates 2001 Census of India some, the world's largest illustrates the severe lack of democracy is currently administering the development in rural Kashmir, especially world's largest military occupation (Roy, the lack of education in villages closer to 2008). On an average day, a student has the Line of Control (J&K Board of School frequent sightings of soldiers, military Education). The historical implications of barracks, and checkpoints located all not prioritizing the education of women and around the States capital city of Srinagar. Muslims can be seen through these current Historically, development in Kashmir has statistics. In 2001, male literacy was been severely limited due to this military estimated at 66% and female at 42% presence by India (Habibullah, 2008). This (Jammu & Kashmir Development Report, occupation causes frequent harthaals 2003). Also according to the 2003 Report, (strikes) led by Kashmiri separatist parties among the rural areas Hindu-majority against the Indian military presence. Jammu tops the rural literacy rate charts Kashmiris leave their home, work, and with 72%, and Muslim-majority Kashmir is school regularly to protest in the streets, at the bottom. According to the Report, march in droves, and picket for azadi this is due to the impact of the militancy; (independence) from the Indian all of the districts affected by militancy have occupation of their homeland. This harthaal a low literacy rate, (Jammu & Kashmir is a recurring phenomenon that happens on Development Report, 2003). a monthly, sometimes weekly basis, as was These statistics are not surprising due to the experienced by the author in the summer of historic beginnings of education in Jammu 2008. Everything comes to a standstill rather than Srinagar, and the education of when these strikes take place, which in turn men as opposed to women (Mir, 2003). perpetuates the lack of socioeconomic Although JK has achieved 94% enrollment

CURRENT ANALYSIS
There is currently no contingency plan for the continuation of education and schooling for children during these periods of strikes, an issue that BOSE does not address in its current policies. The military presence and consequential insurgency is a major factor in the lack of economic development in Kashmir (Habibullah, 2008). The lack of economic development in Kashmir has a direct effect on employment opportunities for Kashmiri students when they finish school. Without a solid economy, the job market cannot adequately support the influx of educated and qualified individuals with relevant jobs. Kashmirs average per capita income is more than 100 times less than the United States, at about $324 a year (US Department of Commerce, 2007; India Economic Survey, 2007). The loss of profits from trade and tourism due to the insurgency severely effected economic development in Kashmir. As late as the early 1980s, these two activities accounted for over 17% of the GDP, and by 2001 their share declined to less than 10% of GDP (Burki, 2007). The conflict in Kashmir has crippled the economy of Kashmir. Whether measured by per capita income, aggregate growth rates, or GDP, JK ranks among the bottom one-third economically of the Indian states, and has been one of the slowest growing regional economies in South Asia (Burki, 2007). The two issues of economic and educational underdevelopment in Kashmir are interrelated, and must be addressed concurrently in order for real progress to transpire. The violence causes the people of JK to disregard progress or development, and focus on the politics of the region. In 2005,human rights groups and local NGOs put the total figure of lives lost due to the insurgency at more than 84,000, although most agree to 70,000 (Pal, 2006). Many of the lost lives have been male heads of household, who leave their family for the Kashmiri cause only to die on the battlefield. These men leave behind families, who, after the fathers death are led by illiterate mothers who cannot provide for their families (Schofield, 1997). This phenomenon is creating towns of widows and their families like Dardpora (town of pain). The number of orphans caused by the conflict is estimated to be around 100,000 (McGivering, 2000). For the countless widows of the conflict, education of their child is their top priority; irrespective of their economic status they want to provide quality education to their children (Zahoor, 2008). Yet, in order to support their household, children must leave school early to work, causing 85% of JK students to drop out after secondary school (Parvaiz, 2007). The ongoing conflict in Kashmir has caused a significant amount of human lives lost, causing a collapse of the family structure (Mir, 2003). The effects of the conflict on family structure, economy and education system has been devastating and the State must address these issues in order to begin rebuilding a stable society for generations to flourish within. Also, equitable political conditions are still nonexistent in the State. As the 2006 Sachar Committee report for the Government of India states, in Jammu and Kashmir, with a 67% Muslim population, the Muslim communitys share of the State judiciary is only 48%. Without a government that fully represents its residents, it is difficult to implement policies that are inclusive and representative of the majority in the State.

CONCLUSION
The growing frustration of the unemployed educated youth, the absence of visible economic development, and the continuing conflict are all factors to be considered when studying educational development in JK. Viewing these issues from a historic standpoint is important to understand where and why these issues began. In gathering this information, policy makers are able to design and implement a more holistic strategy in developing Kashmir. By knowing the historic information, it is easier to discover what has and has not worked, and what issues continually transpire with education in Jammu and Kashmir. The ongoing conflict is the overall hindrance to true educational development that promotes equality and opportunities for all of the residents of Jammu and Kashmir in India. In the words of Indias current President, Pratibha Patil, Education is key to Kashmirs peace and prosperity, (AOL India News, 2008).

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