Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjms20

Albanian immigrants in Italy: migration plans, coping strategies and identity issues
Ankica Kosic & Anna Triandafyllidou Available online: 03 Jun 2010

To cite this article: Ankica Kosic & Anna Triandafyllidou (2003): Albanian immigrants in Italy: migration plans, coping strategies and identity issues, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 29:6, 997-1014 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183032000171339

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 29, No. 6: 9971014 November 2003

Albanian immigrants in Italy: migration plans, coping strategies and identity issues

Ankica Kosic and Anna Triandafyllidou

Abstract This paper studies the adaptation and survival strategies that Albanian immigrants develop from the beginning of their migration project through to their establishment in the host country, Italy. We are particularly interested in how immigrants make sense of the host countrys social and institutional environment and the related immigration policy measures and implementation practices, and their strategies for coping with these. More specically, the study examines how immigrants organise their migration project upon departure from the country of origin and how they adapt their plans and develop coping strategies in response to the social and institutional environment of the country of destination. We also explore how they experience the daily practices of immigration policy implementation in the Italian administration ofces and how they perceive institutional or private attitudes of discrimination (the presence of prejudice, discrimination and/or hostile treatment or, on the other hand, the presence of exible and personalised practices of policy implementation in favour of immigrants). We thus show how immigrants act in a context of limitations and opportunities which they actively integrate into their migration experience and their understanding of themselves, their country of origin and the host country. The research is based on 30 interviews conducted with Albanian immigrants (22 men and eight women) between September and December 2001 in the Florence area. KEYWORDS: ALBANIANS; ITALY; IMMIGRATION; COPING IDENTITY
STRATEGIES;

IMPLEMENTATION;

Introduction
Immigrants adaptation into the host society and the strategies they develop to deal with material as well as emotive hardship related to the experience of migration depend on a number of factors. These include the individual immigrants socio-demographic features, such as age, level of education, professional experience, family status (Berry 1997; Berry and Sam 1997; Ward 2001); their support networks including for instance ties with fellow nationals in the host country, kinship support in the country of origin as well as relations with nationals of the host country (see for instance, Colombo 1998; Knights 1996; Van Oudenhoven et al. 1998); and the institutional environment of the host country regarding not only employment opportunities but also policy implementation practices that condition the immigrants access to legal stay and employment, welfare benets and overall socio-economic integration into the host country (Reyneri 1998; Triandafyllidou and Veikou 2001). This last set of factors has been
ISSN 1369-183X print/ISSN 1469-9451 online/03/060997-18 2003 Taylor & Francis Ltd DOI: 10.1080/1369183032000171339 Carfax Publishing

998

A. Kosic and A. Triandafyllidou

among those least researched, especially in Southern Europe where immigration is a fairly recent phenomenon. In this paper, these three sets of factors are integrated into an agency perspective, which considers the individual immigrant as a social actor in possession of social, economic and cultural resources that s/he mobilises in order to achieve her/his aims. These resources are both sources of empowerment for individual immigrants and pose limits to their plans and actions. Societal and cultural elements form the framework within which immigrants construct their identity, give meaning to their actions and make sense of the surrounding world. In other words, the immigrant here is seen as a socially embedded agent that actively (re-)constructs her/his life chances and relations with other social actors, individuals or institutions, using the resources that are available. From this perspective, we use the term (adaptation or survival) strategy to underline not the intentional a priori elaboration of strategic plans by immigrants concerning their entry and establishment in their destination country but rather the complex and dynamic character of their projects, which develop in response not only to new circumstances and opportunities but also to their changing needs and perceptions of the host society, their country of origin and their own position within them. Our aim in this paper is to explore more in-depth the immigration phenomenon, looking in particular into the adaptation and survival strategies that immigrants develop from the beginning of their migration project through to their establishment in the host country. We are particularly interested in how immigrants make sense of the host-country social and institutional environment and the related immigration policy measures and implementation practices. More specically, we explore how immigrants organise their migration project upon departure from the country of origin and how they adapt their plans and develop coping strategies in response to the social and institutional environment of the country of destination. We also explore how they experience the daily practices of immigration policy implementation in the Italian administration ofces and how they perceive institutional or private attitudes of discrimination (the presence of prejudice, discrimination and/or hostile treatment or, on the other hand, the presence of exible and personalised practices of policy implementation in favour of immigrants). We shall thus show how immigrants act in a context of limitations and opportunities which they actively integrate into their migration experience and their understanding of themselves, their country of origin and the host country. We use immigrant narratives elicited through unstructured qualitative interviews as the main tool for our study. The analysis of the narratives will be related to the relevant measures of Italian migration policy and the ways these are implemented (Triandafyllidou 2003). We thus highlight how policy design and implementation offer or indeed close windows of opportunity to immigrants opportunities to enter the country, nd employment and eventually integrate into Italian society and how immigrants grasp such opportunities. We also briey discuss how the immigration experience is reected on immigrants identity; how they see themselves within the context of the host country, their identications with the country of origin and their individual self-understanding. The study concentrates on Albanian legal and undocumented immigrants in Italy. The Albanian community is the second largest immigrant group both in

Albanian immigrants in Italy

999

the country as a whole and in the province of Florence (Caritas 2002: 115), and is one of the most frequently and most negatively represented in the public discourse. Albania is geographically close to Italy, it has often been seen by Italians as a colony (following its brief annexation to Italy under the Mussolini regime) and has more recently relied on Italian economic and humanitarian aid as well as economic investments (Mai 2003). However, Albanian entries are strictly controlled by the Italian police and Albanian migration is constantly perceived as an invasion. Given the continuing economic hardship and political upheaval that have plagued Albania through the past decade, Albanian citizens continue to leave their country seeking jobs and better life chances elsewhere especially in neighbouring Greece and Italy presenting thus an interesting case for the study of new forms of transnational migration in a post-industrial context (Jordan et al. 2003).

Albanian migration to Italy

Albania is a country in transition, beset by serious social, political and economic difculties while also facing the important challenges of transformation to a capitalist democracy. Unemployment is high and economic distress widespread. In particular, there are large numbers of young people out of work who constitute a large, frustrated and volatile migration potential. Until 1989, the totalitarian regime outlawed emigration. Following the political changes, it is estimated that around 800,000 Albanians left the country in the 1990s, nearly 25 per cent of the countrys population. Because of its geographic proximity to Albania, Italy (together with Greece) is the major destination for Albanian immigrants (Barjaba et al. 1992). Nearly 250,000 Albanians appear to have migrated to Italy, although reliable data do not exist as most have entered the country without proper documents, usually arriving on the coast of Apulia at night. About 40,000 Albanian refugees, as they were considered to be at the time, arrived in two massive boat landings in 1991, and another 17,000 arrived in March 1997 after the collapse of the nancial pyramid schemes in Albania. In March 1991, after the rst democratic elections were held in Albania and Ramiz Aijas socialist dictatorship crumbled, more than 24,000 Albanians docked in Apulia within the span of three days. These rst refugees were welcomed warmly. The then Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti suggested that families adopt Albanians. Italian politicians claimed that Italy and Albania were part of a common Adriatic culture, and thus had special bonds and obligations to one another. The refugees who arrived in March 1991 were granted work permits and placed throughout Italy, in a programme designed to promote their integration and alleviate pressures on local resources in the area near Brindisi where they had already started being seen as unwelcome strangers.1 The public reaction to this government initiative was far from enthusiastic and local authorities were either hostile or apathetic to accommodating Albanian refugees. Thus, when on 78 August 1991 over 15,000 Albanians docked on Apulian shores, they were greeted by riot squads, detained in a sports stadium with no bathrooms, and provided with food dropped off by helicopters. Five days later most were given $40, a new T-shirt and pair of trousers and were airlifted back to Albania. Altogether, 17,466 Albanians were deported during the third week of August 1991.2 Albanians who emigrated in 1991 arrived with an image of Italy, and the

1000

A. Kosic and A. Triandafyllidou

West in general, largely based on the Italian TV broadcasts received in Albania during the communist rule. These broadcasts were among the few glimpses of Western culture that made their way into Albania under Enver Hoxhas 50-year communist dictatorship and isolation from the rest of the world (Mai 2001). As early as April 1991 the Italian government took the stance that Italy is not a country of immigration, and modied Law 39 of 1990 (the Martelli Law) to facilitate the expulsion of immigrants. Negative stereotypes towards Albanian immigrants proliferated after this period, not least through the mass media discourse (Ter Wal 2002). The pervasive stereotype of their involvement with organised crime mirrored popular images of Italian maosi. Statements made by Francesca Marcelli, crime investigator for the Italian government, show the interpretative leap that takes place from an acknowledgement of the association of some Albanians with organised crime to generalisations about the character of the people: When they started appearing here in 1991, they were different from other immigrants. They have strong motivations and are very violent.3 When the nancial pyramid schemes collapsed in Albania in January 1997, a period of wide social unrest and anarchy followed. Rebels seized control over several cities in southern Albania. The Italian government registered about 17,000 Albanians arriving in Italy during the immediate months following the crisis. Anticipating a larger inux, border patrols were increased and EU assistance was sought in handling the Albanian crisis. In March of the same year, the Italian government passed an emergency decree, authorising local authorities to set up reception centres and issue 90-day residence permits for Albanians deemed in need of temporary protection. These permits were subsequently renewed until 30 November, when Italy began a concerted effort to repatriate Albanians without legal status. UNHCR reported that 917 Albanians applied for asylum in Italy during 1997, of whom 70 were recognised as refugees. Several thousand Albanians disappeared soon after their arrival, many of whom reportedly left for other Western European countries or continued working in Italys underground economy (Barjaba 1996; Barjaba and Perrone 1996). Analysts of the press coverage given to the Albanian crisis of 1997 blame the national media for creating a sense of generalised alarm and believe that without any hard supporting data, selective news gathering directed at the quest for the Albanian criminal has served to blur the boundary between marginalisation and criminalisation (Mai 2002). It has been suggested that the statement Albanian equals criminal is the result of a TV bombardment which xes the haggard, miserable faces of the refugees as the dominant image in the minds of the Italian viewers hard, masculine features usually associated with country people; hollow eyes dazed with fatigue; uncouth, overwrought faces (Morozzo della Rocca 1997: 109). As a matter of fact, the association between immigrants and criminals is a more general cultural paradigm proposed by the Italian media. Several studies have shown how the press has focused on immigrants mainly when they were involved in crimes, both as victims and more frequently as aggressors (Ter Wal 2002). This has favoured the diffusion of a common-sense perception that Albanians are criminals, with the result that sometimes they are wrongly accused of committing crimes that they were not responsible for. Such a deep-rooted and lasting negative image is undoubtedly a major obstacle to the social and economic integration of Albanian immigrants in Italy. The governments of Albania and Italy announced a joint task force in May

Albanian immigrants in Italy

1001

1997 to deal with the problem of illegal immigration from the former to the latter. Italy instituted a tough patrol over the Adriatic Sea and the Otranto Strait, the narrow passage between Albania and Apulia. In addition, 1,000 soldiers were transferred to the southern Adriatic coast to deter illegal immigrants from entering the country, and another 500 were moved into the area during the next months. Albania also assigned 300 troops to stop Albanians from leaving their homeland. The Albanian Interior and Defence ministries tightened maritime and land border patrols to prevent the country from being used as a springboard for illegal immigrants. Currently, if caught trying to enter Italy without proper documents, Albanians are returned on a ferry that makes the journey between the two countries three times a week. Italy has 5,000 miles of coastline and continues to apprehend illegal foreigners entering the country by boat, especially around the island of Lampedusa and the regions of Apulia and Calabria. Every year hundreds of Kurds, Albanians and Chinese are ferried from Albania across the Adriatic Sea to Italy. Ofcials estimate that over 50,000 illegal immigrants enter the European Union each year through Italys heel. Illegal foreigners who are caught have 15 days to leave Italy, except for Albanians who are expelled immediately in line with an accord with the Tirana government. Following the civil and economic collapse of 1997, the Albanian government implemented a programme of stabilisation and reform. The economy has recorded a fair recovery, with GDP growing at an average of 7.4 per cent between 1998 and 2001 (Economist Intelligence Unit 2001: 2). Despite this growth, average per capita income is very low, unemployment remains high and a sense of lack of security in peoples lives persists. In 1999 people living in poverty still represented 19.6 per cent of the population and the GNP per capita was only one-twelfth the level in Italy (Caritas 2002: 121). It is also important to consider the imbalance between the available labour force and the unemployment rate. In Albania, a relatively high portion of the population is of working age. Emigration plays an important role in alleviating economic and social problems; the scale of the labour force moving abroad results in reduced pressure on the local labour market. Moreover remittances, which represent approximately one-fth of Albanias GDP, play an important function in improving many Albanian families standard of living (UNDP 2000: 48).

The case study

In February 2001, according to data obtained from the Florence Police Headquarters (Questura), 5,289 Albanian immigrants held a regular stay permit in Florence province (3,609 men and 1,680 women).4 This is a migration of young people. The majority of these permits were issued for work purposes (about 65 per cent), followed by family reunion reasons (about 30 per cent). Migration ows from Albania include professionals, skilled workers and unskilled labourers; they nd employment mainly in construction and agriculture (Bonifazi 1998; Dal Lago 1999; 2001; Marchetti and Solimano 2000; Natale and Strozza 1997). The empirical research presented here is based on 30 interviews conducted with Albanian immigrants (22 men and 8 women) between September and December 2001 in the area of Florence.5 The majority of the interviewees spent some time illegally in Italy. They are mainly young people (mostly in the 2040 age group). Among the men, 14 are married and have children, whilst all of the

1002

A. Kosic and A. Triandafyllidou Table 1. Interview guide

1 Interviewees background in the country of origin (including education, family, place/locality of residence, work experience, professional background, previous emigration experience in a different country and information on the means and contacts employed) and why s/he emigrated. 2 What her/his rst impression was of the host country. 3 How s/he entered the country (legally or illegally). 4 How, through whom and where s/he found accommodation in Italy. 5 How s/he found her/his rst job. 6 How many times s/he changed work and why this happened. 7 How s/he coped with periods of unemployment (community or family support or other). 8 Conditions of work: wages and working hours, environment (did s/he work for instance in ethnic business with co-nationals and what were the conditions: informal labour? taxes? welfare contributions?). 9 Contact with various types of authorities, including direct or indirect experience of enforcement. Illustrate facts as well as the perception of these contacts. 10 Contact with Italians (individuals, families). Illustrate facts and perceptions of the contact. 11 Contact with non-statutory agencies: immigrant associations or other nongovernmental organisations. Again illustrate both facts and perceptions of the contact. 12 Ask her/him for their perception of the host country (e.g. What do they think of Italy?).

women are married. Some of the interviewees had previous experience of migration to Greece. Their length of stay in Italy ranges from two to 11 years; 24 arrived before 1998. Concerning their professional experiences in the home country, 14 among the interviewees were unemployed when they left, four worked in qualied jobs (such as doctor or architect) and others in low-skill occupations. In Italy, men work mainly in the construction sector (16), and women in different sectors (waitress, salesperson etc.). Twenty-seven persons in the study group have acquired legal status: 18 for work purposes, eight for family reunion and one for study reasons. Regarding housing conditions, 17 live in rented ats with their own families while others share accommodation with relatives and friends. The informants were recruited by a mother-tongue interviewer of Albanian nationality in the period between September and December 2001. The interviewer initially took contacts with local immigrant associations, NGOs and trade unions as well as with his own acquaintances and friends to locate the interviewees. At a second stage, he used the snowball technique (that is, he was introduced by his rst interviewees to their friends, colleagues or relatives). The interviewer stressed his interest in the personal experience of the interviewee and invited them for tea or coffee. He reported the lack of condence of some immigrants who were suspicious that he was a journalist or police ofcer working under cover. All interviewees were assured of the protection of their anonymity and the names used here are ctitious. The interviews were loosely structured around a set of topics; the wording of the questions and their sequence followed the ow of the interview itself and not some pre-dened order. The interview guide used by the interviewer was

Albanian immigrants in Italy

1003

structured into ten general themes, which broadly followed the chronological development of the migration experience (see Table 1). The interviews were transcribed and translated into English. Their analysis follows the personal narratives of the immigrants as these unfold, starting from the reasons that motivated migration and the strategies for entry into the host country, moving on to their experiences during the initial period of stay and their strategies of coping with the institutional and social environment. The last section concentrates on identity issues looking into changes in the immigrants personal and social identity and in their positioning of themselves with regard to their country of origin and the host country.

Findings
Immigration motivation and initial plans Albanian immigrants who entered Italy in the early 1990s mentioned, among the push and pull factors in that period, the socio-political situation in their home country (the end of the communist regime), regularisation opportunities offered by the Martelli Law of 1990, and geographical closeness, coupled with the employment opportunities available in Italy. They also mentioned the belief that through Italy it would be easier to emigrate to the USA or Canada. The most powerful motivation for migration was to improve the conditions of life for themselves and their families: in the words of Hekuran (22 years of age, a decorator), we were eight people at home, six children and we lacked a lot of things. I was the only male child and it was up to me to leave. The initial goal for the majority was to remain in Italy for a xed period of time, long enough to earn a certain sum of money for a new start back home; usually, they mentioned projects to start their own small business. But, soon after arrival, most of them seemed to have abandoned ideas of a quick return, for a number of reasons related to both their home country and the host society. Conditions in Albania continued to offer little if any opportunities for employment and improvement of their nancial situation. Among the younger people interviewed, many emigrated because they were unemployed, especially those who lived in small towns or villages.6 Frequently, they explained their choice to stay abroad in terms of differences in earning possibilities between their home country and Italy. The fact that even a low salary in Italy corresponds to several months earnings in Albania makes migration desirable or tolerable, even under harsh living and working conditions. Some had previous experiences of emigration in other EU countries (mainly Greece and Switzerland). However, they lamented the impossibility of regularising their stay in these countries (some of them were expelled) and explained that they eventually came to Italy for this reason too. The decision to emigrate was affected by information about what to expect in Italy. Most of the interviewees conrmed that, before departure, they had obtained some information regarding work possibilities, living arrangements, and how they would be received by natives. Before coming to Italy, they believed that it was easy to live and make money there even without a stay permit, because inspections are few and even if caught, immigrants are rarely deported. This view has been conrmed by other studies on immigrants in Italy (Colombo 1998; Reyneri 1998). Albanian immigrants watched Italian TV pro-

1004

A. Kosic and A. Triandafyllidou

grammes which represented Italy as a fascinating and rich society (Mai 2001). The comparison of the illusionary stereotypes with reality was a main cause of disappointment and disillusion. They were particularly surprised to actually nd unemployment and competition in the labour market. Another reason for choosing Italy as a destination was that they had a contact there: relatives or friends who had already settled in the country and who offered them temporary accommodation and assistance in nding employment. Such networks were enlarged during their stay in the host country and acted as networks of support during periods of hardship (see Kosic and Triandafyllidou 2002). Issues of entry and experience upon arrival Albanians need a visa to enter Italy: they may apply for tourist or student visas. Tourist visas are valid for three months while student visas depend on the duration of the course (they may be renewed each year in the case of a long course). But in practice visas are virtually impossible to obtain and most interviewees (19 out of 30) entered the country illegally by ferry or by speedboats crossing the Otranto Strait at night. Interviewees reported that tickets for an illegal crossing cost the equivalent of 1,5002,000 Euro. However, payment is not made upon departure, as one would expect, but only after the safe arrival of the immigrant in Italy. The immigrant concerned contacts their family to conrm arrival and the family then pays the smugglers. The transaction is based on a relationship of trust and honour. In some cases, when the immigrant or the family do not have the money, payment takes place later, when s/he nds work in Italy and is able to earn some money. If the crossing is unsuccessful because of rough weather or police patrols or if the immigrant is arrested upon arrival to Italy and sent back, s/he is entitled to another passage without paying additional money to the smugglers. In other words, the above-mentioned sum guarantees illegal entry to Italy for undocumented Albanian immigrants. Those who arrived in the rst wave of Albanian immigration in 199091 expected on the grounds of the solidarity they felt they deserved, eeing from a former totalitarian regime that both the Italian government and the Italian population would help them achieve Italian living standards as soon as they arrived. To their disappointment, their expectations were ill-founded. All the Italian government was able to provide, with great difculty and no less controversy, was temporary shelter in campsites, basic food and a little pocket money. The local population, as reported by one interviewee, together with voluntary organisations, showed remarkable solidarity concerning the immediate needs of the newcomers, but they could do little more than offer temporary shelter, food and clothing. It was not long before it became clear that there was no great willingness to host the Albanians. The solidarity these rst Albanians received however disappointed they may have felt was however enough to conrm the belief that living conditions in Italy would be much better than those they left behind, and consequently hardly any of them showed an interest in going back.
Hekuran (22, decorator): I have been jobless for eight months. An Italian family helped me to study and I stayed in their house for a while. I was only 24 days without a permesso

Albanian immigrants in Italy

1005

(permit), and then according to the law of that time I was a teenager and I was taken by an Italian family who helped me get the documents.

Among those who entered Italy in later years, many did so illegally. Some were not discovered whereas others were picked up by the police. Many mentioned that even when arrested they were eventually released and allowed to remain in Italy.
Ela (35, waitress): I came here with false documents, I came to Otranto, I stayed for four hours in Lecce as I had false documents. In fact when they discovered that my documents were false, a policewoman helped me and she let me go.

The next massive wave of emigration took place in 1997 during the pyramid crisis. Immigrants who entered during that period reported that they stayed in reception centres under police control as foreseen by the emergency decree issued then by the Italian government and after a certain period were issued a visa for three months. Within that time they had to nd a job and apply for a stay permit. Few of them found a regular job in such a short period, and those who avoided being expelled remained in Italy illegally. There is a common pattern, however, with regard to the search for employment and accommodation that applies to both early and late arrivals. Not one of our interviewees had a job arranged upon arrival. They usually waited several months before nding employment. While in search of employment, they reported having lived under very difcult conditions, afraid to be arrested and repatriated. A major difculty in seeking employment during this initial period was their undocumented status. During that time, they were supported by co-nationals already established in Italy or by the Catholic charity Caritas which catered for their basic needs of accommodation and settling in the new environment. Those without relatives or friends in the country (especially men), asked co-nationals encountered at train stations (a common meeting-point for immigrant groups) for information concerning the organisations that provided shelter, food and perhaps some work placements to undocumented immigrants.
Astrit (43, mason): At rst I went to Rome. I stayed there for 13 months. I was registered there to get the permesso (permit). They gave me a ricevuta (receipt) and I stayed for 13 months without permesso. I had so many difculties, you cant imagine. If I had known before that I would live here like an animal I wouldnt have come. I slept under bridges, I slept on the street. The rst six months were really very difcult until I was registered to get the permesso. Without the permesso I was treated as an animal, because nobody helped me. I was afraid of the police. Clirim (25): I needed help at the very beginning and I went to Caritas. They gave me food during the very rst period as I didnt want to be a burden for my friends.

In conclusion, upon arrival in the host country, immigrants found accommodation and work mainly through contacts with fellow-nationals and/or through host-country NGOs. However, these strategies were indirectly supported by the soft implementation practices of the Italian police in border areas. Our interviewees reported that it was easy to disappear while being granted temporary protection status or even after having received an expulsion order. Furthermore, police ofcers were reported to apply the law selectively, following their personal criteria and sensitivities. They sometimes released and even helped undocumented immigrants, presumably out of compassion for the latters plight (Triandafyllidou 2003).

1006

A. Kosic and A. Triandafyllidou

Employment In this subsection we are concerned with the strategies adopted by immigrants to nd employment in Italy and, more particularly, with their interaction with the public administration in charge of managing and controlling immigrant participation in the domestic labour market through the issue and renewal of stay permits for work purposes. A rst nding that emerged from our interviews, conrming earlier studies (Reyneri 1998), is that a large number of immigrants are attracted by the possibility to nd a job in Italys sizeable underground economy. They are in fact convinced that if an immigrant wants to work, s/he can nd a job even if their stay is undocumented. Furthermore, in line with existing literature (Goza 1994; Jahn and Straubhaar 1995; Jordan and Vogel 1997; Reyneri 1998), we found that many immigrants had a relatively high level of education and professional skills but took up unskilled jobs in the host country, as these are the only ones available. Among our interviewees, few had only the low qualications that corresponded to the low-skill job they were doing in Italy. Some immigrants are conned to unskilled employment because of their poor language skills. However, immigrants access to jobs is also conditioned by their network contacts. As new immigrants usually nd employment through friends or relatives already employed in the same job, the chain recruitment leads them to stay in the same category of employment.
Tani (35, driver): The jobs they offer us are not the jobs we want or are specialised in. They offer always the toughest jobs that Italians dont want to do.

Contrary to their expectations, they realised that nding employment in Italy, even without a proper contract or welfare contributions, was not easy. Many of our respondents were unemployed for several months after their arrival (11 interviewees reported that they waited ve months on average) and were so relieved and happy to nd any job that it mattered little to them if they had no formal contract. Naturally, undocumented status and the lack of a formal contract exposed them to exploitation by the employers. However, a number of our interviewees mentioned that the majority of the employers were willing to employ only legal migrants.
Joni (21, scooter mechanic): When they learn you are Albanian the rst thing they ask is the permesso.

Albanian men who initially arrived in the South of Italy, often had their rst informal job in agriculture. Conditions in these jobs were harsh, with long working hours and low salaries which occasionally were not even paid to the immigrant. Moving north, to Florence, they were employed mainly in the construction sector, whereas women were mainly employed in domestic services. Our interviews revealed not only hard working conditions (working weeks would be between 40 and 50 hours), low salaries (the equivalent of 57 Euro per hour) and powerlessness but also a certain level of contempt and prejudice on the part of the employers. As workers they were treated as having no rights, as if they were disposable when no longer needed. Employers know they are in an advantageous position, especially given the absence of any Labour Ofce inspections.
Hekuran (22, decorator): If the enterprise is a regular one they ask you for the documents.

Albanian immigrants in Italy

1007

If it is a rm where you work only one month and they dont pay you regularly, they dont ask for the permesso, they say come on, he is an Albanian, let him work. Vojo (43, mason): The employer can do whatever he wants with you, you work two months, six months and then he says to you that I dont have work he kicks you out () They give you a fake continuous job contract and then they tell you that there is no more work and they immediately break the contract. Anton (22, waiter): I am without documents and you are afraid to contradict him [the employer] even when you are sure that you are right, but you stop yourself.

Albanians are active job-seekers but tend to cling onto their jobs, especially if they had a regular contract. They were however also aware that acquaintances were important to nd employment, even more than the actual permit:
Marash (32, mason): Very often they ask for that [the stay permit] it is not that they want to comply with the rules when they hire workers, but simply that they want to know. To have or not to have the permesso is not a real condition. The most important thing is to know somebody as here you have to have recommendations to get ahead.

Obtaining legal status Regularisation remains a constant issue for Albanian immigrants. Even if they arrive legally or manage to regularise their status, they sometimes fall back to an undocumented status for a period, especially if they have difculties in accessing and holding down stable jobs. New ows towards Italy are currently regulated through the application of annual quotas. The procedure for an employer applying for an immigrant worker to enter Italy ofcially, or for regularising one who is already present in the country, is cumbersome and some immigrants stated that their employer found it too complicated to spare the time and effort. In some cases, the main reason obstructing the regularisation was the payment of welfare contributions by the employer, who often could not afford, or refused, to pay them. Although entering Italy mainly illegally, Albanian immigrants were aware of the need to get their papers. They are typically employed in construction and small manufacturing rms, spending much time in public spaces, commuting to work, hanging around in their free time or meeting fellow-nationals. This makes them easy targets for random police checks with the risk of being sent back to Albania on the next ferry. On the other hand, their initial migration plans were usually mid- to long-term. Indeed, those who did not succeed in regularising their status did not visit Albania and their families for years to avoid the risks of illegal entry a second time. Individual immigrant stories revealed a number of paths followed to get hold of a stay permit for work purposes. Those who arrived before 1997 regularised their position thanks to the amnesty implemented in 1996. Many immigrants tried to convince employers to help them obtain legal status, even offering to pay contributions on their own. Interviewees also stated that many employers were willing anyway to pay the contributions and avoid violating the law. Usually, Albanian immigrants have a good knowledge of the Italian language and this played a role in obtaining information and convincing the employer. Contrary to Reyneris ndings concerning the 1996 regularisation (1999: 19), we did not nd evidence that immigrants regularised under a different employment category (e.g. part-time employment or housekeeping) while actually involved in the construction or manufacture sector. However, a number of our intervie-

1008

A. Kosic and A. Triandafyllidou

wees stated that they offered employers a certain amount of money to obtain their consent to legalise their status and employment relationship. Those who arrived more recently remain undocumented as employers are reluctant to get into the process of regularising them through the annual quota procedure.7 Contact with the authorities Our interviewees found Italian bureaucracy very complicated and controversial.
Joni (21, scooter mechanic): Italian laws do not allow certain things and [this] makes it more difcult to get a permesso. For instance, the machine-shop where I work does not have a toilet. According to the Italian law it must have a toilet and for that reason my employer cannot give me a job contract.

They reported receiving controversial information regarding the procedure to follow and little by way of explanation from the Immigration Ofce (IO) agents if their application was incomplete.8 Also the work schedule of the IO appeared to them quite arbitrary: often, when they called at the IO on the date indicated on their application receipt to check if the permit was ready, the ofcer at the counter would say that the permit was not ready and they would be asked to come back the following week without further explanation.
Hyriet (32, mason): I stayed there yesterday for four hours. I dont know how to explain why there are such delays most of the time they dont make sense. Personally I didnt have any problem as I had handed over my documents in September and I got them yesterday (in December). But I was looking at the others. I heard people telling me that they were coming back to the Questura for the twentieth time.

Respondents also reported inconsistencies in the practice of the IO. They conrmed that while the law states that the permit must be issued within 20 days, the actual practice of the Florence IO takes two months (some immigrants mentioned ve months). Furthermore, the implementation of the law often depended on the specic agents interpretation of the provisions. Immigrants note that some IO agents accepted an application even if it was incomplete, whereas others did not. According to the immigrants interpretation, it depended on who is there at any given moment and on the level of the workload on that day:
Tani (35, driver): There are open-minded people who understand things very well, that Italians have been emigrants, too, throughout the world, and they were among the most numerous. But there are also others who are more ignorant, if I can use this term. They understand nothing at all and they abuse the position they hold very badly.

Some immigrants conrmed the importance of acquaintances even when dealing with the authorities. In some cases, Italian friends played an important part in mediating between the immigrant and the IO. However, our interviewees did not report any specic instances of overt corruption.
Vojo (43, mason): I had a problem when I went to get my permesso as I was expelled one time. I took all measures before going to Albania and the expulsion document was taken away from my le. But, nevertheless they continuously postponed the delivery of my documents. In the end that friend of mine helped me to get the permesso. It was delayed two months but in the end I got it with the help of my friend in the Questura. I know her as my daughter studies in the same school as her daughter. And she decided to help us.

These ndings largely corroborate earlier conclusions (Triandafyllidou 2003) concerning daily implementation practices at the Florence IO. Personal views of

Albanian immigrants in Italy

1009

neediness, philanthropic attitudes, ethnic prejudice, heavy workloads and the need to cope with apparent efciency, and last but not least clientelistic networks and references from natives are important factors that condition the daily implementation practices of the IO ofcers. It is nonetheless worth noting that no interviewee mentioned directly bribing any ofcer or administrative employee, although they did, as noted earlier, mention buying their employers consent to regularise their position by paying extra insurance contributions etc. Identity and relationships with hosts and co-nationals Despite the difculties, many immigrants saw the migration experience as positive because it allowed them to improve their nancial situation and that of their children. They linked migration with personal development; they perceived themselves as changed and more mature. Probably, such selfidentication helps the interviewees make sense of their world and, at the same time, save their self-esteem. Here are some typical examples:
Hekuran (22, decorator): I know European life. I know how to live in whatever European country I could go. I have learnt a lot of new things, I have learnt how to work. Flora (30, blue-collar worker): During these years I have seen more things and I know life better now. Edi (37, architect): Maybe I feel myself more mature. I have more experience. I have faced all the difculties of life here and this makes me more mature.

Many interviewees, despite all difculties encountered, continued to think that the host country should offer them more opportunities (economic, educational, cultural) than their home country. Furthermore, many immigrants may have felt obliged to show those who stayed behind that the hardships they have suffered were worth it. The immigrant will try his or her utmost to avoid coming home without money, because s/he would be seen as a failure by friends and relatives. S/he is thus forced to prolong the Italian stay, even if life becomes increasingly difcult. For the same reasons, the immigrant tends to paint a rosy picture of their situation as an emigrant to those who have remained at home. The Albanian immigrants interviewed were aware of the negative stereotypes about them, especially in media representations; that they were identied in the public opinion with criminality and deviance. Some of them reported discriminatory behaviour of public ofcers in the IO. Frequently they tried to justify the xenophobic attitudes of Italians by pointing to the misinformation provided by the media. Furthermore, they thought that it depends on the person there are good people and bad people, as in all countries. These strategies helped them safeguard their collective self-esteem and enabled them to continue to survive in the host country (Verkuyten 1997).
Pandeli (36, mason): They behave very badly [towards us] in comparison with other citizens. They treat us badly because they are racists, as soon as they hear you are an Albanian they look down on you. Tani (35, driver): Everything is made worse by the mass-media, TV, because this image has been created by them and it inuences them very much and they give a wrong image to their people in relation to Albanians. But, Albanians, in their true and everyday life, as is known to Italians with whom they live, they have other opinions. But the TV, the newspapers bring the most negative Albanian examples. It is impossible that a nation is totally negative, such as it is described.

1010

A. Kosic and A. Triandafyllidou

Furthermore, our interviewees stated that working with Italians provided opportunities to establish relationships, develop personal contacts and overcome negative stereotypes and prejudice. Albanian immigrants who worked with Italian colleagues generally felt accepted by them. Some had friends whom they met outside their work context.
Hekuran (22, decorator): My colleagues are very good people, they are not racists, they are not interested whether you are an Albanian or not, it sufces that you work, it is a valuable work.

However, most of the immigrants interviewed had no Italian friends or friends from other national groups. Their perception of the host group was based on their relationships with their employers. Most relationships with Italians had some degree of social distance, due to their different social status foreigners or extracomunitari (literally non-EU people) versus natives and to their different living standards. The sense of social distance was reinforced by often charitable attitudes towards the immigrants. The benevolent stereotype (Fasulo and Caporali 2001), based on the assumption that immigrants are inferior, denies the possibility of equality in the host groups interaction with immigrants. This stereotype has a boomerang effect in case an immigrant emancipates her/himself from the condition of inferiority, as the following two interview excerpts illustrate:
Ela (35, waitress): There are people that when they see that you are in difculty they can give you a hand and they help you. But in the moment that you show a desire, how to put it, to make a step forward, to do something, nobody helps you anymore. As long as you are a waiter, a barman, a domestica (servant), a person without any particular desire, everything goes well. As soon as you want to do a more qualied job, to reach a higher level, they dont help you. When they feel that you are going beyond their level or when they feel that you have reached their level then they get jealous. Gerta (30, employee): The Italian sees in the emigrant a person that he doesnt like and secondly if he accepts the emigrants he does that only pushed by the concept of charity, compassion, which is very Catholic as a mentality. I have noticed that in a lot of cases when the immigrants try to bring their families here, when they ask for family reunion, this thing is considered to be a luxury, so they consider a human right as a luxury. Thats why I say that the image of immigrants is based mainly on the concept of charity rather than human equality.

Our interviewees were oriented almost exclusively towards family networks. They argued that their potential for collective organisation was constrained by their long working hours. Some suggested that Albanians would not want to organise themselves into any association or union because of past negative experiences with communist organisations in pre-1989 Albania. There seemed to be no sense of common purpose among them. Individualistic values have replaced any sense of community feelings.
Gerta (30, employee): This is in the very Albanian nature, we never had a state, Albanians never have been united [the Albanian] is very individualistic, he doesnt have the concept of collectivity, he is jealous towards the other and in my opinion this comes from poverty.

Despite the fact that many immigrants in our research stated that they have little interest in eventually settling down in Italy, in some instances they expressed feelings of dismay and ambiguous attitudes towards their co-nationals living in their home country.

Albanian immigrants in Italy

1011

Tani (35, driver): For me people in Albania they have another mentality and we are used here to another one. The mentality there is different. I have the feeling that I dont understand people to whom I talk, I say one thing and they understand another. I am used to the life here. It happens that sometimes when I go home to Albania and I feel like a stranger there. Ela (35, waitress): I would like to go back [but] Albania is in a difcult situation we are immigrants here and we feel immigrants also there. I see my future in Albania, but in an Albania that has changed.

Conclusion
The ndings of this study highlight the dynamic nature of the phenomenon of migration. Our interviewees narratives illustrate the common migration paths followed by Albanian workers migrating to Italy but also the specicities of individual cases. We do not see our interviewees as necessarily representative of the Albanian documented or undocumented migration to this country, but rather as individual testimonies of the real and symbolic encounters between immigrants and hosts. Thus, while we have identied common strategies of entry, problems encountered upon arrival, shared work experiences and common employment-seeking patterns, we have also listened to their individual experiences. We have thus sought to disentangle the ways in which they make sense of themselves as Albanians in Italy, as workers, and as individuals engaging in personal relations with Italians and/or fellow-Albanians. In this paper, we have not been able to investigate further the gender dimension of these narratives. The reason for this is twofold. On the one hand, it proved to be particularly difcult to locate and interview Albanian women, hence most of our interviewees were males. On the other hand, the main focus of this study was on the overall interaction between immigrant workers and the host-country social and administrative framework. However, the gender issue is certainly one worth exploring in future research. The analysis of immigrant narratives in the light of our former research on immigration policy implementation in Italy and also in relation to the specic policy provisions (Kosic and Triandafyllidou 2002; Triandafyllidou 2003; Triandafyllidou and Veikou 2001) shows that immigrants are a dynamic element of host societies both because of their exibility and adaptability to the living and working conditions offered to them and because they actively seek to improve their position and integrate in the new environment. Concerning immigrant identities and how these are affected and, indeed, re-negotiated during the migration experience, our ndings exemplify the strategies of survival and coping adopted by immigrants such as achieving a positive self-concept through favourable comparisons with the native and the host groups or interpreting the migration experience in positive ways despite harsh living and working conditions. At the same time, our research evidence raises new issues regarding the personal, professional and ethnic-national components of immigrant identities. The interviewees presented themselves not only as victims but also as individuals who have responsibilities, and who can draw upon rich cultural and personal experiences in dening themselves. However, issues of prejudice and inequality are prominent in their stories. The participants argued that the existence of discrimination depends on socio-cultural variables (mass-media representations of immigrants, social contacts between immigrants

1012

A. Kosic and A. Triandafyllidou

and host-nationals, cultural knowledge, etc.) and on the contextual framework (they feel more discriminated and aware of their foreign label when they have to cope with public ofces). In their response to work and institutional environment they feel unsafe, uncertain about their actual as well as their possible selves. Illegal immigrants reject any personal responsibility for their status and attribute responsibility to the political system and complex bureaucratic procedures. This is a social-psychological survival strategy that helps them make sense of their world. There seems to be little doubt that prejudice and resentment against Albanians are fuelled, in Italy in particular, by the increased Albanian participation and Italo-Albanian partnership in the variegated activities of organised crime. The majority of Albanian immigrants in Italy undoubtedly wish to live and work legally; however the difculties in obtaining a visa or residence permit make this extremely difcult. This situation will not change unless formal procedures become less bureaucratic, and unless the general public and potential employers become less biased against Albanian workers.

Acknowledgements
This study is part of a larger research project Does Implementation Matter? Informal Administration Practices and Shifting Immigrant Strategies in Four Member States (IAPASIS), funded by the European Commission Research DG, Improving the Socio-Economic Knowledge Base Programme. The authors would like to thank the European Commission for its generous nancial support, our mother-tongue interviewer and EUI research student Artan Puto, and also the IAPASIS partners, Bo Strath, Norbert Cyrus, Franck Duvell, Bill Jordan, Iordanis Psimmenos and Dita Vogel for their constructive criticisms on earlier drafts of this paper. An earlier version of this paper was presented as a project report and can be found at www.iue.it/RSC/IAPASIS. Notes
1 2 3 4 5 See, as examples, two articles A ciascuno il suo profugo (To each his refugee) and Albanese non ti amo (Albanian, I do not love you) in the weekly magazine Espresso, 23 June 1991. See The Economist, 17 August 1991. Reported in the private news agency: http://www.eishman.com/ For obvious reasons there are no data on undocumented immigrants. Florence was a suitable city for our case study because it is among Italys largest cities, with a 378,000 resident population plus 300,000 daily commuters from the surrounding area. It is the capital of the region of Tuscany, with a strong economy based on tourism, garment and leather factories, trade, services and agriculture. Tuscany and Florence in particular have attracted a large number of immigrants during the past decade; in the city more than one out of ten inhabitants is an immigrant. Unemployment in Albania aficts particularly rural areas and has been a main cause for internal migration to urban centres and in particular the TiranaDurres region where approximately one-third of the countrys population now lives (UNDP 2000: 48). An inappropriate land re-allocation process left a lot of rural families without adequate cropland. The lack of mechanisation, irrigation and chemical fertilisers and isolation from schools and health centres rendered life in rural areas even more difcult. This internal migration has led to the further impoverishment of both rural and urban areas as the former are being deserted while the latter can provide neither services nor employment for everybody. A new regularisation programme recently concluded (November 2002) following the passing of Law 189 on 30 July 2002 and Decreto Legge 195 of 9 September 2002. Law 189/2002 amends Law

Albanian immigrants in Italy

1013

40/1998 and opens up two special regularisation programmes, one for care providers and domestic helpers who were expected to submit their application by 10 November 2002 and a second for industrial workers (introduced by DL 195/2002), the deadline for whose applications expired on 10 October 2002. 8 The IO, formerly known as the Foreigners Ofce, is part of the Questura, the provincial headquarters of the national police force. It deals with issues of public security and the ght against crime. It belongs to the operational structure of the Ministry of the Interior. The IO controls and regulates the stay and work of foreigners: it is responsible for the issue and renewal of the relevant permits. Each local IO is divided into two sections. The sojourn section (sezione soggiorni) which manages the stay and work of immigrants, and the expulsion section (sezione espulsioni) which deals with enforcement and expulsion orders.

References
Barjaba, K. (1996) Dalle piramidi nanziarie alla ribellione armata: convivenze e implicazioni politiche, in Barjaba, K. (ed.) Albania. Tutta dun pezzo, in mille pezzi e dopo? Milan: Franco Angeli (special issue of Futuribili), 6773. Barjaba, K. and Perrone, L. (1996) Da Valona ad Otranto: rapida evoluzione di un modello migratorio, in Barjaba, K. (ed.) Albania. Tutta dun pezzo, in mille pezzi e dopo? Milan: Franco Angeli (special issue of Futuribili), 20522. Barjaba, K., Dervshi, Z. and Perrone, L. (1992) Lemigrazione albanese: spazi, tempi e cause, Studi Emigrazione, 107: 52538. Berry, J.W. (1997) Immigration, acculturation and adaptation, Applied Psychology: An International Review, 46(1): 534. Berry, J.W. and Sam, D.L. (1997) Acculturation and adaption, in Berry, J.W., Segall, M.H. and Kagiticibasi, C. (eds) Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology. Volume 3: Social Behavior and Applica tions. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon, 2nd edition, 291326. Bonifazi, C. (1998) Limmigrazione straniera in Italia. Bologna: Il Mulino. Caritas (2002) Immigrazione, Dossier Statistico 2001. Rome: Anterem. Colombo, A. (1998) Etnograa di uneconomia clandestina: immigrati algerini a Milano. Bologna: Il Mulino. Dal Lago, A. (1999) Non persone. Lesclusione dei migranti in una societa globale. Milan: Feltrinelli. ` Dal Lago, A. (2001) Giovani, stranieri e criminali. Rome: Manifesto Libri. Economist Intelligence Unit (2001) Albania. Country Report. London: EIU. Fasulo, A. and Caporali, L. (2001) Mia Patria Seconda. Strategie identitarie dei migranti nella descrizione del paese accogliente. Palermo: Poster presented at Congresso Nazionale di Psicologia Sociale 2001. Goza, F. (1994) Brazilian immigration to North America, International Migration Review, 28(1): 13652. Jahn, A. and Straubhaar, T. (1995) A Survey of the Economics of Illegal Migration. Online at http://migration.ucdavis/edu/mm21 0211/StraubhaarIllegalimmig.html Jordan, B. and Vogel, D. (1997) Which Policies Inuence Migration Decisions? A Comparative Analysis of Interviews with Undocumented Brazilian Immigrants in London and Berlin. Bremen: University of Bremen, Working Paper 14/97. Jordan, B., Strath, B. and Triandafyllidou, A. (2003) Contextualising immigration policy implemen tation in Europe, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 29(2): 195224. Knights, M. (1996) Bangladeshi immigrants in Italy: from geopolitics to micropolitics, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 21(1): 10523. Kosic, A. and Triandafyllidou, A. (2002) Making Sense of Italy as a Host Country. A Qualitative Analysis of Immigrant Discourse. Florence: European University Institute, Project Report. Online at http:// www.iue.it/RSC/IAPASIS/ Mai, N. (2001) Italy is beautiful: the role of Italian television in Albanian migration to Italy, in King, R. and Wood, N. (eds) Media and Migration: Constructions of Mobility and Difference. London: Routledge, 95109. Mai, N. (2002) Myths and moral panics: Italian identity and the media representation of Albanian immigration, in Grillo, R. and Pratt, J. (eds) The Politics of Recognizing Difference: Multiculturalism Italian Style. Aldershot: Ashgate, 7795. Mai, N. (2003) The cultural construction of Italy in Albania and vice versa: migration dynamics, strategies of resistance and politics of mutual self-denition across colonialism and post-colonialism, Modern Italy, 8(1): 7794.

1014

A. Kosic and A. Triandafyllidou

Marchetti, C. and Solimano, N. (2000) Immigrazione, convivenza urbana, conitti locali. Florence: Quaderni della Fondazione Michelucci. Morozzo della Rocca, R. (1997) Albania: Le Radici della Crisi. Milan: Guerini. Natale, M. and Strozza, S. (1997) Gli immigrati stranieri in Italia: quanti sono, chi sono, come vivono. Bari: Cacucci. Reyneri, E. (1998) The role of the underground economy in irregular migration to Italy: cause or effect?, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 25(2): 31331. Reyneri, E. (1999) Immigration and the Underground Economy in New Receiving South European Countries: Manifold Perverse Effects, Manifold Deep-Rooted Causes. Brussels: Paper presented at European Socio-Economic Research Conference, 2830 April. Ter Wal, J. (2002) Attitudes towards Albanian refugees in political discourse, in Melossi, D. (ed.) Migrants, Interactions and Conicts in the Making of a European Democracy. Milan: Giuffre, 71950. ` Triandafyllidou, A. (2003) Immigration policy implementation in Italy: organisational culture, identity practices and labour market control, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 29(2): 25798. Triandafyllidou, A. and Veikou, M. (2001) Immigration policy and its implementation in Italy: the state of the art, in Triandafyllidou, A. (ed.) Migration Pathways. A Historic, Demographic and Policy Review of Four Countries of the European Union. Brussels: European Commission Research Directorate, 6385. UNDP (2000) Albania Human Development Report. Tirana: UNDP. Van Oudenhoven, J.P., Prins, K.S. and Buunk, B.P. (1998) Attitudes of minority and majority members towards adaptation of immigrants, European Journal of Social Psychology, 28(4): 9951013. Verkuyten, M. (1997) Discourses of ethnic minority identity, British Journal of Social Psychology, 36(3): 56586. Ward, C. (2001) The ABCs of acculturation, in Matsomuto, D. (ed.) The Handbook of Culture and Psychology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 41145.

Author details
Dr Ankica Kosic and Dr Anna Triandafyllidou are Research Fellows at the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, Florence, Italy. They may be contacted at: Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies European University Institute Via dei Roccettini 9 50016 San Domenico di Fiesole Italy E-mail: ankica.kosic@IUE.it E-mail: anna.triandafyllidou@IUE.it