1 A Sketch of Mixtepec Zapotec Grammar Eugene S.

Hunn, Akesha Baron University of Washington, Seattle, WA 98195-3100 Roger Reeck SIL, La Ceiba, Honduras Meinardo Hernndez Prez, Hermilo Silva Cruz San Juan Mixtepec, Oaxaca, Mxico Table of Contents: 1. Introduction 1.1. Current status of Mixtepec Zapotec. Table 1.Status of Zapotec in representative towns of the Sierra de Miahuatln region. 1.2. Linguistic research on Mixtepec Zapotec. 1.3. Outline of this grammatical sketch. 2. Phonology. 2.1. Mixtepec Zapotec phonemes. Table 2.Mixtepec Zapotec phoneme inventory in the practical orthography. Table 3.Minimal pairs that illustrate the fortis-lenis contrast. Table 4.Minimal pairs that illustrate simple versus glottalized vowels. Table 5.Minimal pairs that illustrate tone contrast. 2.2. Syllabic structure. 3. Syntax. 3.1. Pronouns 3.1.1. Personal pronouns. 3.1.2. Interrogative pronouns. 3.1.3. Relative pronouns. 3.2 Verbs. 3.2.1. Verb stem forms. 3.2.1.1. Simple verb stems. 3.2.1.2. Compound verb stems. 3.2.1.2.1. Adverbial stem suffixes. 3.2.1.2.2. Nominal and adjectival stem suffixes. 3.2.1.2.3. Compound verbal stems. 3.2.2. The tense/aspect system. 3.2.3. Irregularities in the verbal paradigms. 3.2.3.1. Morphophonemic accommodations for aspect prefixes. 3.2.3.2. Stem changing verbs. 3.2.3.3. Irregular first person conjugations. 3.3. Nouns. 3.3.1. Nouns derived from verbs. 3.3.1.1. Agentives. 3.3.1.2. Stative verbal nouns. 3.3.1.3. Abstract nouns from stative verbs. Table 6: Derivation of nouns and adjectives from verbs.

2 3.3.2. Compound nouns. 3.3.2.1. Plant names. 3.3.2.2. Animal names. 3.3.2.3. Place names. 3.3.2.4. Personal Names. 3.4. Adjectives. 3.4.1. Normal order in adjectival phrases. 3.4.2. Numbers. 3.4.3. Colors. 3.4.4. Possessive forms. 3.4.5. Comparative constructions and expressions of quantity. 3.4.5.1. Reduplication. 3.5. Adverbs. 3.5.1. Temporal expressions. 3.5.2. Spatial reference. 3.6. Prepositions. 3.6.1. Prepositional phrases describing spatial relationships. 3.7. Conjunctions. 3.7.1. n and. 3.7.2. Conjunctions formed with suffixed n that. 3.7.3. Additional conjunctions. 3.8. Modals. 3.9. Ornaments. 4. Sentential word order. 4.1. Topical focus particles. 4.2. Questions. 4.2.1. p What? 4.2.2. What? p [with respect to nominals]?. 4.2.2.2. p-ll How much?. 4.2.2.3. p hr When? 4.2.3. ch Who?. 4.2.3.1. ch chn Whose?. 4.2.4. bl How many?. 4.2.5. zh How?. 4.3. Negation. 4.3.1. The negative affix d. 4.3.1.1.When the negated stem ends in d. 4.4.1. Nominal and adjectival predicates. 4.4.2. Simple existential assertions. 5. Complex and compound sentences. 5.1. Embedded clauses. 5.1.1. n that used to introduced embedded clauses. 5.1.2. zen when used to introduce contemporaneous coordinate clauses. 6. Literature cited. 7. Texts. 8. Verb paradigm tables.

1. Introduction. Mixtepec Zapotec is a language of the Zapotec family within the Otomangue Phylum. It is spoken by ca. 8,000-12,000 people of five adjacent towns on the north slope of the Sierra de Miahuatln in Oaxaca, Mexico. This sketch is based on the speech of one of those towns, San Juan Mixtepec, located at 16 16 N, 96 18 W. The Zapotec family includes an indeterminate number of languages, reputed to be somewhere between four and 54 (). It is, in fact, impossible to count Zapotec languages with any certainty, since speech differs among each of the several hundred Zapotecspeaking communities, with mutual intelligibility the standard criterion for defining language boundaries declining gradually and not always symmetrically with intertown distances (Weathers 1975). Most scholars recognize four genetic divisions within the Zapotec family, with Chatino closely allied, but distinct. Two of these divisions are located in the Sierra Norte, a third is located south and west of the Central Valleys of Oaxaca, adjacent to the Chatino region. The Zapotec family is comparable in time depth (and thus, presumably, in internal diversity) to the Romance language family, descendant languages of the language of the Roman Empire, roughly contemporary with Classic Monte Albn. Mixtepec Zapotec is best placed with this Central Division of the Zapotec family. Despite considerable contact influences with adjacent Zapotec languages to the west, such as those of the Amatln towns and of Miahuatln, MZ is most closely allied with other Zapotec languages downriver within the Tehuntepec River basin, such as the eastern dialects of Mitla Zapotec. This suggests that the Mixtepec towns were settled by a movement up the Tehuntepec River valley from near Mitla. Classic period ruins in San Juan Mixtepec (Winter 1997) suggest that this occupation dates back at least 1500 years. 1.1. Current status of Mixtepec Zapotec. MZ is not at present endangered. Census figures for 2000 (INEGI) report the following totals and percentages of Native Zapotec speakers (five years of age and over) with percentages of those bilingual in Spanish, as follows: TABLE 1.Status of Zapotec in representative towns of the Sierra de Miahuatln region. Municipio/Agencia Native Speakers Percent Percent Monolingual 5 yrs old 837 98.6% 21.9% San Juan Mixtepec 1059 96.6% 4.3% San Pedro Mixtepec San Lorenzo Mixtepec 156 86.7% 0.6% San Agustn Mixtepec 18 5.0% 0.0% San ndres Mixtepec 201 98.5% 2.5% 2659 99.3% 23.8% San Jos Lachiguir 330 91.4% 1.1% Santa Catarina Quioquitani 833 98.9% 4.9% Santa Catalina Quieri San Juan Ozolotepec 3 0.5% 0.0% Santo Domingo Ozolotepec 311 36.7% 0.5%

4 Names of municipos for which we cite municipal totals are in bold type; the names of settlements subordinate to a municipal head town or representing the head town only are in regular type. There are 4662 native speakers of MZ 5 years of age in the five MZ towns, San Juan, San Pedro, San Lorenzo, and San ndres Mixtepec and San Jos Lachiguir. San Agustn Mixtepec has largely abandoned Zapotec since the mid-1960s, according to local residents (pers. comm., 2002), but the few remaining speakers might be added to those speaking MZ, bringing that total to 4680. In addition, we estimate that perhaps 3,000 to 7,000 MZ speakers now live outside their natal communities, mostly in cities of the Isthmus of Tehuantpec and the Central Valleys in Oaxaca and on the Pacific Coast of Oaxaca and Chiapas. The Yautepec-district towns of Quioquitani and Quieri speak closely related forms of Zapotec and might be considered to speak the same language as those of the Mixtepec towns already enumerated. The several communities included in the census tallies for San Juan and Santo Domingo Ozolotepec also speak related dialects, though these are at a somewhat greater remove. The head town, San Juan Ozolotepec, is now predominantly Spanish-speaking. It is not entirely clear what historical, social, political, and/or economic factors might account for this pattern of linguistic conservatism and innovation, but it is clearly not simply a matter of geographic isolation, as some of the least isolated communities (e.g., San Jos Lachiguir) are conservative while some more isolated towns (e.g., San Juan Ozolotepec) have nearly abandoned Zapotec. 1.2. Linguistic research on Mixtepec Zapotec. The only linguistic research to date on MZ is that of Roger Reeck, begun in 1973 and focused on the San Juan Mixtepec dialect. Reecks Masters Thesis (Reeck 1991) is an abridged trilingual dictionary (MZ-SpanishEnglish). This thesis includes a characterization of the MZ speech community, a phonological sketch, and discussion of orthographic conventions. Hunns ethnobiological research (initiated in 1996 in San Juan), relies heavily on Reecks analysis. The Summer Institute of Linguistics has published a number of booklets in MZ (written without marking tone), which include folk tales and translations of sections of the New Testatment (Reeck, M., Hermilo Silva, and Meinardo Hernndez 1980;). Native speakers literate in Spanish (of those >15 years of age: 51% of San Juan, 67% of San Pedro, biased strongly toward males: 80% and 85% respectively) can read these without difficulty, but only two native speakers Hermilo Silva Cruz and Meinardo Hernndez Prez, both of San Juan Mixtepec -- have mastered writing the language. This sketch draws heavily on material developed in a MZ workshop led by Hernndez Prez held at the University of Washington in August 2000.1 1.3. Outline of this grammatical sketch. This sketch includes a description of the MZ phonological system and the orthography developed for MZ. We describe the consonants in terms of a pervasive contrasting lenis-fortis series. We note also a few rare consonant phonemes that occur primarily in Spanish loans. We discuss consonant clusters and the affects of assimilation between adjacent consonants. There are six vowel positions, each of which occurs in simple and glottalized variants and with anyone of four contrastive
1

We wish to thank the Jacobs Research Fund and the University of Washington for providing financial and logistic support for this workshop.

5 tones. These are illustrated by minimal pairs. We also note briefly some morphophonemic tone changes. We describe MZ syntax in terms of traditional parts of speech: nouns, pronouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, conjunctions, and ornaments (Cordova 1578a:112). We describe typical word order (VSO; head first) and topic marking and provide a brief sketch of compound word formation and derivation. We pay particular attention to the forms of names for plants, animals, and places, most of which are compounds. The core of our account of MZ syntax is our analysis of verbs. We describe verb inflection patterns by person, number, and tense/aspect (the six primary contrasting tense/aspect forms are described). Several common patterns of irregular verb paradigms (a function of person and number) are illustrated, but we are well aware that the verb inflection system is far more complex that what we describe here. We note also some regular derivational processes, such as those for causatives, and illustrate a number of productive verb suffixes that have regular adverbial or semantic force. We describe the most common negative, possessive, comparative, relative, and interrogative constructions. We describe adjectival and adverbial expressions, such as those for number, color, and those specifying temporal and spatial relations. We conclude by noting several intriguing semantic subtleties that distinguish a MZ (or Zapotec) cosmovision. 2.1. MZ phonemes (see Table 2) include labial, alveolar, velar, and labiovelar occlusives, in fortis and lenis series, plus alveolar and palatal affricates and fricatives, also fortis and lenis. The three semivowels do not contrast on the fortis-lenis dimension. Labial and alveolar semivowels following velar occlusives are analyzed as unitary labiovelar phonemes. The sound written ngu is analyzed as a unitary consonant phoneme (a nazalized labiovelar sonorant). These analytic decisions and orthographic conventions are justified in more detail in Reeck (1991:262-270). Labial (f) and velar (j, x) fricatives and the palatal nasal () are found only in Spanish loans, as is the silent h (which is not pronounced but written to conform to Spanish orthographic conventions in loan words). Table 2.Mixtepec Zapotec phoneme inventory in the practical orthography, consonants.2 labial occlusive: fortis lenis affricate: fortis
2

alveolar t d ts

palatal

velar c, qu, k g, gu

labiovelar cu, cw gu, g, gw

p b

ch

This chart is adapted from Reeck (1991:262-270). Due to limitations in our available fonts we have written the sixth vowel as E, rather than , as Reeck does. Symbols in brackets are found only in Spanish loans. Sounds with multiple spellings follow Spanish orthographic rules.

6 lenis fricative: fortis lenis nasal: fortis lenis lateral: fortis lenis vibrant: fortis lenis semivowel: fortis lenis dz [f] s z n n l l rr, r r w w y y dx x zh [] [x]

m m

ngu ngu

As a nave native English speaker, Hunn has experienced particular difficulty hearing the fortis-lenis contrast, as this is similar to but not quite the same as the unvoiced-voiced contrast characteristic of English and Spanish occlusives, affricates, and fricatives. The contrast is particularly subtle for nasal and lateral sonorants. In word-final position, lenis sonorants are scarcely audible. One strategy useful for learning this distinction is to note how vowels are shortened when followed by a fortis as opposed to a lenis nasal or lateral sonorant. If still in doubt, one may elicit the word in a construction where the sonorant in question is followed by a vowel, e.g., ml- it is a star versus ml- it is a fish. Table 2.Mixtepec Zapotec phoneme inventory in the practical orthography, vowels.3 vowel (tone) high mid low front, simple , , , , , , , , , glottalized i, i, i, i e, e, e, e E, E, E, E i, e, E, o, a i, e, E, o, a i, e, E, o, a i, e, E, o, a back, simple , , , , , , , , , glottalized u, u, u, u o, o, o, o a, a, a, a

diphthongs

e, E, u, o, a e, E, u, o, a e, E, u, o, a e, E, u, o, a

This chart is adapted from Reeck (1991:262-270). Due to limitations in our available fonts we have written the sixth vowel as E, rather than , as Reeck does. Symbols in brackets are found only in Spanish loans. Sounds with multiple spellings follow Spanish orthographic rules.

7 The vowel system is perhaps easier for a native English speaker than for a native Spanish speaker, as the sixth vowel is the familiar of English hat or cat. The simple versus glottalized vowel contrast is also not entirely foreign to English speakers, as we are accustomed to the glottalized vowel of the admonitions uh-uh and oh-oh. MZ glottalized vowels sound much like these admonitive interjections when word final or when followed by a lenis consonant, but are reduced before fortis consonants to a preglottalization of the following consonant. One should be aware also that glottalization may be transferred to the preceding word in compounds or phrases, e.g., gz + lu gazl you will bathe (Reeck 1991:265). The following minimal (or near minimal) pairs illustrate the more subtle MZ phonological distinctions. Table 3.Minimal pairs that illustrate the fortis-lenis contrast. word initial or medial word final b vs. p bs omen vs. ps fish<sp> rb swallow vs. rp have c/qu vs. g/gu cc coconut vs. gc did it rcl shade vs. rgl burp cu/cw vs. g/gw rcw wear vs. rgw get stuck ch vs. dx d vs/ t ti earth vs. di dust md tick vs. mt skunk dz vs. ts dzn honey vs. tsn 13 rts break vs. rdz get wet l vs/ l ml star vs. ml fish m vs. m prm prize<sp> vs. dm owl n vs. n gn I planted vs. gn I saw r vs. rr rb tenate vs. rrb pour liquid s vs. z sd silk<sp> vs. zd salt rgs turn back vs. rgz bathe x vs. zh xn eight vs. zhn skirt mx chigger vs. mzh dove Table 4.Minimal pairs that illustrate simple versus glottalized vowels. i vs. ii dzn honey vs. dzin work e vs. ee ml fish vs. mel snake E vs. EE m cooked beans vs. mE moon u vs. uu rl show vs. rlu be shown o vs. oo rn listen vs. ron cry a vs. aa ni narrow vs. nia would have done Tone is of moderate significance in MZ, though native speakers literate in Spanish can read MZ text without tone being marked. In fact, native speakers find written diacritics specifying tone to be distracting. However, tone is not readily predictable, so must be written for the benefit of non-native speakers seeking to learn the language. (It is also the case that tone systems vary substantially among even closely related Zapotec languages.) There are four tones in MZ: low, rising, falling, and high, roughly in order of frequency (see Reeck 1991 for more detail). Tones are most readily heard on simple vowels in word final position or preceding lenis consonants. A trailing fortis consonant shortens the vowel, making tone less apparent. Tone is especially difficult to determine even for

8 linguistically trained native speakers for glottalized vowels. However, examples of falling and high tones on glottalized vowels are few, thus simplifying matters somewhat. Tone is tricky on diphthongs, as these involve a glide which simulates a falling tone. The actual pitch of a given high or low tone and of the onset of a rising or falling tone also varies (for a given speaker) depending on the height of the vowel (an i with low tone sounds higher than an a with the same tone) and the context of the preceding tone (the second of two successive low tones is lower than the first, for example [Reeck 1991:264]). Finally, the tone of a syllable spoken in isolation may well be different than the tone of the same syllable in a compound or sentence. For example, yg tree is pronounced yg in the compounded plant names yg-guir pine tree and yg-guil custard apple tree. Native speakers cannot identify tone consistently without a great deal of systematic practice, but will be highly amused by the awkward efforts of the novice to master these subtleties. Table 5.Minimal pairs that illustrate tone contrasts. low rising i e y raw y sweat bath md tick E nlE loose nlE hot u gt dead gt may kill o lzh hairy ch next to ch who? a mbn rob mbn sad sc because sc suffer ii ee EE uu oo gol yolk aa ba tomb ui bu looked bu guava ay by rebozo ia ril freeze ie guil lake bzi flute

falling md money lzh beard mbn miss

high y also

mbn live

gol I aged ba will lie by I wonder ril end guil corn bzi well

2.2. Syllabic structure. Mixtepec Zapotec words for the most part have a single vowel nucleus, that is, the exhibit the following canonical forms: (C)(C)CV(V)(C)(C), where VV represents either a diphthong or a glottalized vowel. Deviations from these forms are most often either compounds or Spanish loans. For example: by-guit, literally rebozo + tortilla, a special woven cloth for covering tortillas; kwy horse, < Spanish caballo. Polysyllabic Spanish words typically lose the terminal vowel. The stressed vowel (the penultimate in regular Spanish words, which becomes the final vowel in the truncated Mixtepec Zapotec form) takes falling tone.

3. Morphosyntax. 3.1. Pronouns 3.1.1. Personal pronouns. Subject, direct and indirect object, and possessive pronouns are invariant and follow the verb (subject first, then object) or possessed noun. The first approximation is straightforward, as follows: na lu m n n t zh I, me, my, mine you, your, yours (sing.) he/she, him/her, his/her(s) we, us, our, ours (incl.) we, us, our, ours (excl.) you, your, yours (pl.) they, them, their, theirs lbr na 'my book' lbr lu 'your (singular) book' lbr m 'his/her book' lbr n 'our (inclusive) book' lbr n 'our (exclusive) book' lbr t 'your (plural) book' lbr zh 'their book'

"He gave you my book," would be, "Bded m lu lbr na." The third person singular pronouns, however, vary by sex and age of speaker and referent, as well as by animacy. Pronoun choices in this instance may also index familiarity and/or respect. The form cited above, m, is only used by adults of either sex for male or female persons of equal or superior age/status. A number of other third person singular pronouns double as nouns. The most frequently employed are as follows: m ndzop ndip nguig mgu mEd wn m C-, V-w only used by adults of either sex for male or female persons of equal or superior age/status by adults referring to a young female by adults referring to a young male by adults referring to a young person of either sex used to refer to an adult male by adults referring to a child by adults referring to a child used to refer to an animal (> mushrooms, acorns) pronominal suffixes used to refer to inanimate entities

3.1.2. Interrogative pronouns introduce questions. These are treated in detail below in section 4.2. The most common interrogative pronouns are: p What? [with respect to nominals]; ch Who?; ch-chn Whose?; 3.1.3. Relative pronouns link subordinate and independent clauses. The particle n that most often serves this function.

10 Grs m n n dn gux ntsb m. All wild animals are timid. [All animals that there are [in] wild bush [are] timid.] 3.2. Verbs. 3.2.1. Verb stem forms. Verb stems may be simple or compound. 3.2.1.1. Simple verb stems may have the canonical forms (C)V(V) (C)(C). Noun and adjective stems very rarely begin with a vowel (except for many Spanish loans) and frequently begin with two consonants, verb stems are commonly of the form V, -VV, VC, -VVC and never begin with two consonants. This suggests that the tense/aspect prefix functions as an integral part of the word morphophonemically. A sample of simple verb stems is listed below: rrrrrrrrrrrrrra b can ded t ee lb ol w rie t u t xel lie down swallow hit, bump into give die dance read, count play (an instrument) eat leave, go out sell see, look kill send

3.2.1.2. Compound verb stems. Compound stems may be composed of a simple stem plus and adverbial suffix (which may be more or less productive), of a simple stem plus a noun or adjective, of two simple stems, or of a simple stem plus a stem with an aspect or derivational prefix. 3.2.1.2.1. Adverbial stem suffixes. The following productive stem suffixes contribute adverbial clarification to the action of the verb: -qu also: briequi-qu succeed also < rriequi succeed; dw-qu has eaten already < rw eat; Wn-qu-w. Its good also. -l already: Dw-l na. I have already eaten. gn-l may see, take care of already < rn see, take care of [idiomatic polite expression];

11 gl-l has matured already < rl get old, mature, e.g., Bd gl-l hr n gaguis n? Perhaps the hour that we may eat has arrived? Q: P gg-l bzia? Are the beans cooked yet? A: Gg-l-w. They are already cooked. < rg boil, cook by boiling; Q: P ri-l zhmcal l luu? Are you sleepy yet? [literally, Exists already your sleep to you? < ri be located, exist, live; -ls one another < ls fellowman, mankind: rcan-ls hit one another < rcan hit; rlE-ls get angry at everyone < rlE get angry; rt-ls kill one another < rt kill; -ni with: rc-ni accompany/help < rc do/make; rdl-ni to fight with < rdl fight; riad-ni bring < riad come; ri-ni to take with, carry along< ri go; rol-ni praise, honor < rol play an instrument; rqui-ni to have< rqui be attached; rz-ni walk with [someone] < rz walk;; Bi-ni na x-mgw na l wga. My friend went with me to the corn field.; Gy-ni x-mgw na na l wga. I went with my friend to the corn field. -pa definitely/exactly: Dw-pa m guit. She definitely ate tortillas. n-pa right now < n now; -ra besides/in addition: Q: P tsi lu? Where are you going? Q: P-ra tsi lu? And where else? Q: P-ra? What else? -r completely: -s only/just: ma-s OK; yen-s just a little < yen a little; znip-s soon < znip a little more; La na zb-s. Im just sitting here. < rzb sit, zb seated; -s : rdd-s ? < rdd pass through, enter; -wa as it is known; -x while moving: riad-x come, move bringing < riad come ri-x ? < ri go; -y extremely: rts-i explode < rts get broken; rc-y burn severely [by the sun] < rc burn; rw-y bite < rweat. 3.2.1.2.2. Nominal and adjectival stem suffixes. The following stem suffixes also contribute adverbial clarification to the action of the verb, but are somewhat idiomatic, hence are listed as separate dictionary entries:

12

-didz word, language, message: rdl-didz-ni quarrel, argue < rdl fight + -ni with; rgal-didz insult < rgal to be touched; rnb-didz ask < rnb ask for; rz-didz chat, converse < rz stand up, appoint; -ldz center, town: rc-ldz want < rc happen, be done, be able; rbn-ldz feel sad, betrayed < rbn be piled up ?; rib-ldz be in a hurry < rib ?; rl-ldz believe < nl certain, truerne-ldz sigh < rne speak; rian-ldz forget < rian remain, stay, be left ; -l [meaning uncertain] < l face: rbz-l welcome a visitor < rbz wait, live, dwell; rgun-l cast spell with evil eye < rgun strike, hit someone; rqui-l pretend, fake < rqui hit, affix, shoot rrie-l be able to do something < rrie go out, leave; rs-l begin < rs penetrate, soak ?; rsiab-l diminish < rsiab lower [the price]; rsib-l show up, appear < rsib ?; rzie-l cross oneself < rzie be painted, decorated; -n with the foot < n foot rcan-n kick < rcan hit rril-n stumble < rril be wrapped 3.2.1.2.3. Compound verbal stems. These are compounded of the aspect marker plus the first stem followed by the second stem, with or without aspect or derivational prefixes: rc-ly bless < rc happen, be able; rc-ly bless < rc happen, be able; rn-ctb use up, finish something < rn do + potential aspect of rdb be used up, finished; zi-ca went to sell < ri go + rca sell; zi-t went to buy < ri go + rt buy; zi-wz went to buy [intrans] < ri go + rz buy [intrans], with the stative prefix w-; 3.2.2. The tense/aspect system. The canonical verb inflectional paradigm involves an invariant stem with a mandatory tense/aspect prefix. The prefix may vary morphophonemically (as will be indicated below). We refer to these invariant stems as Class I verbs. An example is rlldz 'believes' (note: this involves a compound stem: rmarks the habitual aspect, which is used as the canonical verb form; + -l- ''; + -ldz 'center'): Habitual aspect: rlldz na I believe rlldz lu you (singular) believe

13 rlldz m he/she believes rlldz n we (inclusive) believe rlldz n we (exclusive) believe rlldz t you (plural) believe rlldz zh they believe Completive aspect (also the singular imperative, with no trailing pronoun): blldz na (et cetera) Imperative: blldz [no pronoun appended] Future aspect: zlldz na (etcetera) Potential aspect: glldz na (etcetera) Progressive aspect: nlldz na (etcetera) Irrealis aspect: nlldz na (etcetera) An additional continuative aspect appears to be in play, but is poorly documented in our materials. Examples include: znqui was leaning against, and still is < rznqui lean against; this contrasts with the future snqui leaned against; zrie left, but has not returned < rrie leave; this contrasts with the future zrie left; Bdz dz zi m. He/she left late in the afternoon [and has not returned]. ri go; contrasts with future zi [in tone] and completive g. 3.2.3. Irregularities in the verbal paradigms. 3.2.3.1. The regular morphophonemic accommodations for the aspect prefixes are as follows: rinvariant bbefore lenis and sonorant consonants (except b) and vowels; w- before b; p- before fortis consonants; zbefore lenis and sonorant consonants (except z) and vowels; 0- before z; s- before fortis consonants; gbefore lenis and sonorant consonants (except g) and a, o, and u; gu- [pronounced g] before e and i (as in Spanish); c- before ch, s; y- before c, qu; ninvariant (except that stem-initial i-V is written y-V); nbefore all consonants; ni- before a, e, o, and u;

14 0- before i. 3.2.3.2. Stem changing verbs. Several Class I verbs are irregular in the completive aspect, changing the stem vowel (often, but not always, without change of tone). The stem vowel is invariant in the other aspects. The following are the most common patterns: Stem vowel u to e in the completive: rn 'do' bn 'did' rt 'kill' bt 'killed' Stem vowel a to o in the completive: rc 'be, make' gc 'was/were, made' rz 'bathe' gz 'bathed' Stem vowel e to u in the completive: rt 'die' gt 'died' Stem vowel o to i in the completive: rn 'hear' bn 'heard' 3.2.3.3. Irregular first person conjugations. Many verbs have contrasting stem forms for certain categories of subject pronouns. These may otherwise inflect quite regularly. We define a series of verb classes in terms of these patterned irregularities. As noted above, Class I verb stems are invariant across subjects. Class II verb stems show an irregular stem pattern for first person plural only. Class III verb stems show irregularities for first person singular only. Class IV verb stems are doubly irregular, with one stem change for first person plural and another for first person singular. Other patterns may be noted, but we have not yet analyzed them. They are infrequent. 1s I II III IV An example of a Class II verb is rzc 'think, imagine, suffer' (which exhibits a number of additional irregularities): 1s rzc bzhac sc nzc nzc ysc 1p, 2, 3 rziac bzhiac siac nziac nziac siac An example of a Class III verb is rc 'buy': 1s rc pc sc nc nc yc 1p, 2, 3 rca pca sca nca nca yca A Class IV verb is r 'go': 1p r bi z ni ny g 2s 3s 3p 2p 1p

15 1s 2,3 ri ri bi gy zi ze ni ne ny ny gui tsi

The patterning of these stem changes is complex, but not entirely unpredictable. One pattern common to Class II verbs is the insertion of -diV-/-dzV- between the aspect prefix and the base stem (sometimes doubling the vowel of the base stem), with a variety of tone shifts. The following exhibit the range of variation within this type: 1st singular, 2, 3 rn rn rdd ` ry ri rn rol ron rw rt rug rzc 1st plural rdzin rdzin rdied rdzey rdzi rdzin rdziol rdzion rdziow rdziut rdziug rdziac

'plant, cultivate' 'see, take care of' 'enter, pass' 'carry, bring' 'live, be' 'hear' 'sing (as a bird)' 'cry' 'eat' 'kill' 'cook' 'think, imagine, suffer'

A common pattern in Class III verbs involves doubling (glottalizing) the base stem vowel (with or without a tone change). This pattern is occasionally reversed (the cases marked *) and may be combined with a Class II type change in Class IV verbs. 1st singular rdd rtd rc rdzag rdzin rn rqui rslo (1st, 2nd sing.) rtx (1st, 2nd sing.) 1st plural, 2, 3 rded rted rca rdzg rdzn rne (2nd, 3rd only) rquia (2nd, 3rd only) rsl rtix

'give' 'cause to give' 'buy' 'get tired'* 'arrive' 'speak, say' 'hit, stick' 'begin' 'weigh, measure' 3.3. Nouns.

3.3.1. Nouns derived from verbs. 3.3.1.1. Agentives. The prefix ng- before a verb stem may derive an agentive noun. For example, ngtix [< rtix measures], literally measurer, inch worm; ngz [< rz buys, penetrates, soaks through], literally buyer, penetrator, God of Lightning [cf. Cocijo]; nguat [< rcuat to be deaf] deaf, deaf person; ngbch [< rbch be lazy] lazy. This prefix also serves as an animate prefix in a number of animal names

16 for which the stem is unanalyzable. For example, ngrgw spiny lizard, ngldz fly, ngxg weevil, ngxop [agentive + six], six-point buck deer. 3.3.1.2. Stative verbal nouns. These are derived from verb stems by one of several stative prefixes: w-: wchup whistling < rchup whistle; wga growing milpa < rga stretch, get longer; wgub searching < rgub search, look for; wguib washing < rguib wash; wgut toy < rgut play; wil song < rol sing, chirp [as a bird]; wtix measuring, measurement < rtix measure, weigh; wzdz drunkenness < rzdz be drunk; wzhobns swimming < rzhobns swim, float [< ns water]; n-: 3.3.1.3. Abstract nouns from stative verbs. The prefix guil- plus the stative form of the verb may derive an abstract noun. The state described must be enduring. Thus guil-wie [< rie dance] dancing implies that the dancing continues indefinitely, as in the story of the girl who could never stop dancing because of her enchanted shoes. Examples include: guil-mbn [< rbn be alive, live] life; guil-gn [< rn plant, cultivate] planting; guil-bly [< rly be happy, joyful] joy, happiness; guil-gt [< rt die] death. Table 6: Derivation of nouns and adjectives from verbs. to be born r-l n-d following behind n-l r-dd be lazy, feel lazy r-bch n-ddbin lazy ngu-bch r-dbd to crush, to smash r-cadz n-dbd w-ncdzguib blacksmith, smithy r-dib to blur (vision), to weaken r-chol (vision) n-dib blurry (unclear vision) n-chol r-dl to whistle r-chup ngu-ndl whistling, whistled song w-chup r-do to faint, to lose r-cw consciousness n-do dark n-cw n-doldz to choose r-cue r-dp special, especially chosen, n-cue not common n-dp to become delicate, get r-d moody, become sensitive r-dzE delicate, breakable, n-d n-dzE sensitive r-dzbde to be healed, to go get r-dan healed n-dzbde healthy, not sick n-dan r-t to be bedridden r-d n-t

deformed to pass through, to get through, enter transparent to be rolled up wrapped around, coiled up to be sewn sewn fight argumentative, looking for a fight to become tame, to be domesticated tame humble, meek to collect, to make a list, to shrink short, not tall to warm up warm to condemn, to damn, to curse accursed, damned to die clear, bright

17 r-to to go to sleep (feet), to be anesthetized, to lose feeling stupefied to carry pregnant to stretch oneself, to get longer corn plant to stretch oneself, to get longer stretched, elongated to be painted, to be colored painted, colored to be counted counted to put away, to save, to store stored away, protected to hug, to embrace, to hold (a child) hug to hide hidden, secret to yellow, to turn yellow, to fade yellow to green upp, to become green, to grow (plant) full of leaves, verdant green, blue, any combination of blue and green to hunt for, to seek search to be toasted, to be fried crisp, to become brittle brittle to wash washing, cleaning to attach, to add on attached, connected, glued on to break breaking r-guzh n-guzh r-gudz n-gudz r- n- r-iaz r-iaz n-iaz r-ig n-ig r-il n-il r-in n-in r-its n-its r-izh to pay, to give wages stingy, selfish to become soft, to soften soft to become sour acidic, very sour to get stuck to be nailed, to be pricked (with a thorn) caught, caged to get cold, to become chilled cold to open up (flowers, buds) open to be hot (food), to feel hot, to bu hot (tasting), spicy to become proud proud, prideful, stuck-up to have the nerve to do something, to have valor, be brave expensive, costly to rotate, to turn around twisted, spun to clear up (weather), to dawn, to get light light, clear to close closed, shut to be bitter, to become bitter tasting bitter gall bladder to want purslane (plant) to become thin, to lose weight, to get skinny thin, skinny to be loose, to loosen loose (not tight) to twist, to bend, to be crooked, to warp twisted, bent

n-to r-y n-yzhn r-ga w-ga r-ga n-ga r-gay n-gay r-gb n-gb r-gtsw n-gtsw r-guedz w-dedz r-guets n-guets r-guts n-guts r-gui n-gui n-gui

n-izh r-icw n-icw r-in n-in r-iog n-iog r-l n-l w-l r-ldz w-ldz r-ls n-ls r-lE n-lE r-lngw n-lngw

r-gub w-gub r-guiex n-guiex r-guib w-guib r-guid n-guid r-guits w-guits

18 r-ly n-ly r-lib n-lib r-n n-n r-ol w-il r-on w-in r-quibldz n-quildz r-quts n-quts r-rits to be happy, to be joyful happy, joyful to be tied, to be harnessed tied, bound, wrapped up to hear important, powerful, valuable to sing, to read, to speak foolishly song to weep, to cry weeping, crying to want, to desire loving, kind to whiten, to become white white to be dispersed, to be strewn about, to be let out of school scattered to be ripped, to be to torn, ripped to get big, to grow large, big, huge to slop, to slide smooth, slippery to lock up, to enclose caught, caged to get weak weak to get crushed, to be smashed n-tadz r-tix w-tix r-tsb n-tsb n-tseb r-xi n-xi r-ze w-ze r-zEb n-zEb r-zhn n-zhn r-zhil n-zhil r-zhxcua n-zhxcua r-zhobns w-zhobns r-zgu squashed, smashed to measure, weigh measurement, weighing to frighten, to scare fearful cruel, fierce to milk, to squeeze the liguid out of thick (growth), jungle-like to marvel, to wonder at mocking, taunt to owe, to be in debt owing, being in debt to become wide wide to be open open to fix, to make, to fix up fixed up, decorated to swim, to float swimming to swell, to become swollen, to become expanded swollen obey obedient to desire, to envy desire to get drunk drunkenness

n-rits r-riz n-riz r-rob n-rob r-rdz n-rdz r-siogui n-siogui r-ss n-ss r-tadz

n-zgu r-zobdidz ngu-zbdidz r-zobldz w-zobldz r-zdz w-zdz

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3.3.2. Compound nouns. 3.3.2.1. Plant names. Most plant names are binomial or trinomial compounds of the form LF + GEN + SP [life-form name + generic name + specific name] (cf. Berlin 1992; Hunn 1998]. For example, yg-dr [yg tree/shrub + pine needle] pine tree; yguits [yg tree/shrub + guits spine], a general term for several species of spiny trees, mostly of the genera Acacia and Mimosa; these trees may be further specified as, for example, yguits-clv [tree/shrub + spine + nail <Sp clavo], e.g., Acacia farnesiana. The generic stem is not always analyzable: yg-yaz seep willow [which includes primarily species of the genus Baccharis]; blg-w [leaf + ?] hoja de San Pablo (Wigandia urens); ygblg-bn [tree/shrub + leaf + ?] cazahuate tree (Ipomoea intrapilosa); guie-cb [flower + ?] marigold (Tagetes spp.), several varieties of which are named: e.g., guiecb-guin [flower + ? + chili pepper] Tagetes patula; guie-dl [flower + dahlia <Sp dalia] dahlia; guzh-crz [herb + cross <Sp cruz] fern; guzh-dp [herb + ?] grass. Simple plant names tend strongly to be Spanish loans. For example, rnc [< Sp rnica] Bocconia arborescens; spns [< Sp espinocilla] Loeselia mexicana. The local referents of these loans may or may not correspond to their referents in other Spanish-speaking regions however. 3.3.2.2. Animal names. The great majority of animal names begin either with m-, which is almost certainly derived historically from m animal or ng-, which is likely historically derivative of the agentive prefix. Exceptions include Spanish loans and onomatopoetic [ON] names. Representative examples follow: bd [<Sp pato] duck; bzhcl [<Sp fiscl] katydid; crpntr [<Sp carpinter] woodpecker; cnf [<Sp conejo] rabbit; cul jay [ON]; dzng hummingbird [ON]; m-dozhr [animal + <Sp tijeras scissors] earwig; mdzd horned lizard; mcw dog; medz wild cat; mel snake/worm; mr turkey; mgun bird; mlin jack rabbit; ms hawk/eagle; mzn rat/mouse; ngbch-yg [lazy + tree/stick] walking stick; ngp armadillo; ngrgw spiny lizard; ngzhnch grasshopper; ngzhn wren; wt Empidonax flycatcher [ON]. Curiously, mushroom my and acorn mgg also begin with m- and are treated syntactically as if they were animate. For example, if one asks if there are mushrooms or acorns present when there are not, the response requires the animate pronoun: guind m there is none [animal] rather than the inanimate guind- there is none. 3.3.2.3. Place names. Most place names are compounds of the following form: (spatial adverb) + generic landform + modifier. For example, dn-lba Tomb Forest/Hill; guguibe-l-gut Squash River Mountain; gu-ngli Caterpillar Mountain; guiu-mz Fox Creek; ldz-cul Scrub-Jay Town; lts-pxizh Chepl Flat; ps-nsly Holy Water Barranca; qui-vntn Window Cliff; r-dn Forest/Mountain Edge; zhnqui-bE Base of Moon Cliff. Town names are most often compounded of a borrowed Spanish saint name plus a local place name. The official names of towns are often Hispanicized Nahuatl translations of the Zapotec element of the town name. For example, San Juan Mixtepec is Sn Fn GbE, which is literally San Juan Moon, a reference to a local legend of the founding of the first Mixtepec settlement in the headwaters of the

20 Tehuantepec River area, at the place now known as qui-bE Moon Cliff. This was apparently mistranslated by the Spanish invaders and their Central Mexican allies as Mixtepec, Cloud Mountain in Nahuatl, when the correct Nahuatl translation would have been Mztepec, Moon Mountain. However, Spanish lacks the low front vowel of Zapotec and Nahuatl. Thus the confusion today caused by the fact that there are two quite different San Juan Mixtepecs in Oaxaca, the other a large Mixtec town in the far western part of the state. Another example is sn-mtw zhits [Saint Mathew + pineapple] San Mateo Pias. 3.3.2.4. Personal Names. Personal names are Spanish names adapted to Mixtepec Zapotec phonology. Many are old loans from 16th century Spanish. Such loans invariably have a single vowel nucleus, usually with falling tone. Eucario < Eucarius = c; Eufrosina = Dxn; John < Juan = Fn; Jurez = Fr [as in Benito Jurez]; Peter < Pedro = Bd; 3.4. Adjectives 3.4.1. The normal order in adjectival phrases is (numeral + (classifier)) + noun + (adjective). For example, tb lE guts nquts [one + piece + paper + white] one piece of white paper; tb lp ngs [one + pen/pencil <Sp lpiz + black] one black pen. Cardinal numerals precede the noun modified while ordinals follow the noun: chp hr two hours versus hr chp two oclock. 3.4.2. Numbers.

tb, wd chp, wrp tsn, bin tp, wdp gay xop gdz xn guie tsi tsib-tb

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

tsib-chp tsn tsi-d tsin tsim-tb tsim-chp tsim-tsn tsim-tp gl gl-ptb gl-ptsi

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 30

cho cho-ptsi grl-gy tsn-gl tsn-gl-tsi tp-gl tp-gl-tsi gyo tsi-gyo

40 50 100/2 60 70 80 90 100 1000

3.4.3. Colors. Mixtepec Zapotec appears to have had five (or six, if we count gray) basic color terms and thus qualifies as a Stage IV (of V) system according to Berlin and Kays scheme (Berlin and Kay 1969): ngs, yas black, nquts white, nzhni red; gts yellow; ngui green/blue, xqudi gray/ash; yech milky white; nguts

21 yellow/yellowish/pallid is a secondary term that may be in the process of replacing gts as the most common term for yellow. Similarly, ngs may have replaced yas as the basic term for black. Contemporary Mixtepec Zapotec uses Spanish loans to name the remaining basic color foci: mrd [<Sp mortada/o] purple; cf [<Sp caf] brown, vrd [<Sp verde] green, zl [<Sp azul] blue, rsd [<Sp rosada/o] pink, myg [< achiote (Bixa )], nrnj [<Sp anaranjada/o] orange. Pattern terms include ms banded, pnt [<Sp pintada/o] multicolored/spotted. What color is this? = P clr ri? What color is this book? = P clr lbr rc? It is red. Nzhni-w. 3.4.4. Possessive forms. The normal possessive construction is: x- + possessed noun + possessor (noun or pronoun). For example, x-ni na [poss + mother + 1st sing] my mother; x-nz guiel [poss + path + night], literally nights path, The Milky Way. If the possessed noun begins with a lenis or sonorant consonant, that consonant becomes fortis in agreement with the possessive prefix: x-pEd lu [poss + mEd child + 2nd sing] your (sing) child; x-quzh t [poss + guzh payment + 2nd pl], literally your (pl) payment, Thank you (pl); x-tst ngud [poss + dzt egg + chicken] a chickens egg. Note that Spanish loans do not undergo this morphophonemic transformation: x-mcw nib [poss + monkey <Sp mico + boy] the boys monkey; x-fld m [poss + skirt <Sp falda + 3rd sing] her skirt. If the possessed noun begins with zh-, this is elided following the possessive prefix: x-b mgu [poss + zhb clothing + man] the mans clothing. If the possessed noun begins with a double consonant, the prefix changes to zh-. For example, zh-mcal na [poss + dream + 1st sing] my dream; zh-wna lu [poss + woman + 2nd sing], literally my woman, my wife. A few forms mark possession by a first person singular subject by suffixing n. For example, ba-n [tomb + poss] my tomb; g-n m [g tuber + poss + 3rd sing] his/her tuber. 3.4.5. Comparative constructions and expressions of quantity. Comparative adjectival constructions suffix ra to the adjective in question. gl-ra older; Nol-ra na l lu. Im taller than you.; Q: Ch gl-ra? A: Who is older?; Q: P gl-ra pdr l Fn? A: Is Peter older than John?; dmst much [Dmst n bn There is a lot of mud.]; 3.4.5.1. Reduplication. Adverbs, and adjectives may be reduplicated to indicate distributive plurality, multiplicity, or emphasis. For example: bi bi completely broken up, fragmented < bi broken up, fragmented; dzg dzg little by little, < dzg slow; mr mr right away < mr very soon < Sp mero ; pc pc once in a while < pc when?; zhas zhas very distinct < zhas distinct; zhg zhg little by little < zhg little by little.

22

3.5. Adverbs. Adverbs normally follow the VSO core of the sentence. 3.5.1. Temporal expressions: nin [emphasis + now], right now; gzh tomorrow; wdz day after tomorrow; ndz [n now + dz day], today; nwdz tonight; nieg yesterday; niewdz last night; ns day before yesterday; 3.5.2. Spatial reference. These adverbs follow the noun they modify: n here; nc there (within speakers field of view); g there (beyond speakers field of view); ri this; ui that (close to addressee); rc that(within speakers field of view); c that (beyond speakers field of view). 3.6. Prepositions. 3.6.1. Prepositional phrases describing spatial relationships typically begin with a preposition that is an anatomical metaphor. For example: l to on, of, < l face; e.g., l gdz at/of the marsh; qui l y ][stone + of + house], a stone house; r edge, entrance to, < r mouth; r y door of the house; r dn edge of the forest/mountain, r ts lip of the cup, r mzh [edge + table < Sp mesa] edge of the table; ch next to, near, by, on [a vertical surface], < ch side of the body, ch y on/next to the wall, ch dn at the top/bottom of the hill; rqui clndr ch y The calendar is [stuck] on the wall; ln in, inside, into, < ln stomach, belly, ln n arch of the foot, ln ldz m inside his/her house; ld on, between, beside; ld y, literally beside above, north; zhn under, beneath, at the foot of, n-w zhn mzh it is beneath the table, zhnchr [under + next to + mouth] , chin; guit below, down, deep, guit down there, guit-lts Plain Below [a place name]; ld guit, literally beside below, south;

23 y up,above, high, y up there, y gu top of the mountain, ld y, literally beside above, north. 3.7. Conjunctions. 3.7.1. n and is used to join the elements of compound phrases as well as independent sentences. Drz n mln nc grp nx mzdra rdzildz na. Peaches and melons are the fruits I like best. Gn zh wn, sc bin zh t mEd bzib-, n tb chot rp-d-ra wn. They cared for the child, because they realized that he was an orphan and no longer had any relatives. 3.7.1.1. Multiple subjects and predicates may be joined by simply repeating the multiple elements. For example, Bzhixcuaa m t bd blo m ni wn. She made the taco and put it in the childs hand. 3.7.2. A number of conjunctions are compounds formed with the suffix n that: g-n therefore; ncuan what, that, which > ncuan + n; n-n it is necessary pr-n because; pr-n because; sc-n because; tl-n if; zaat-n where; zen when [relative pronoun] > zen + n; zh-n she/he/they who, whoever, that which; 3.7.3. Additional conjunctions include: dl if by chance, if, for fear of nic-l even though, in spite of Zh n n-d gn didz, nicl mzdra rne zh l zh b rn-d zh-w. If a person doesnt listen to reason, even though they tell him over and over he will not listen. nic-x even though pr but < Sp pero but;

24 Sl bded na r ldz lu rbdz na lu, pr b chot rquibd. This morning I passed by your house and called you, but no one answered. prqu because < Sp porque why; sc because; ...sc tl pta-w rly zh rn zh-w. ...because whatever there is to do they do it happily. tl if; tln if; Tln guind n n gcd s, scqu m tln guind xil m gcd csb m. If we had no legs we couldnt walk; likewise if a bird had no wings it couldnt fly. zen so that; zen- in order that; zen when [relative pronoun] > zen + n; Zen blzh g na cf, gn na nips ban ndxi zhn ts. When I finished drinking my coffee, I saw that all that was left were the dregs. zh-n she/he/they who, whoever, that which; Zhn rchob ngud g rl n rlyni zh ngud... Whoever raises chickens goes to show that they like chickens... zig-n as soon as; Zign rsl t guilgudz, nn lugw tsi mnrzcn l zhn rn rmd. As soon as a disease starts, it is necessary that the sick person go immediately to the person who is a healer. 3.8 Modals. nn it is necessary, have to, must Nn g na mndd. I have to/must go on an errand 3.9. Ornaments bd. maybe; bzhguil. Please; din Who knows?; bl surely, doubtless, always;

25 mas. OK; x-quzh lu. Thank you (sing). [< rguzh pay]; 4. Word order. The normal word order is VSO. For example, zguzh na lu I will pay you and zguzh lu na You will pay me. Reflexive verbs simply repeat the pronoun: gw-y na na I bit myself. 4.1. A topical focus on the subject or object is marked by moving the subject or object ahead of the verb and preceding it with a focus particle. For example, la na zguzh lu I will pay you; la m zi gn doz He has gone to cultivate the corn field. 4.2. Questions. Questions normally begin with an interrogative particle or pronoun. These are illustrated below. They include: p What? [with respect to nominals], p What? [with respect to adjectival qualities]; ch Who?; ch-chn Whose?; bl How many?; p-ll How much?; p hr When? [literally What hour?]; zh How?. 4.2.1. p What? [with respect to nominals and verb objects]. Q: P-w? What is it? Q: P n? What is [this] here? Q: P rn-s lu? What are you doing? A: La na n-s. Im just here. Q: P rcldz lu gw lu? What would you like to eat? Q: P rn lu? What do you see? 4.2.1.1. p also serves as a general interrogative particle: Q: P n Bd? Is Peter here? A: Guind m. He is not. 4.2.2. What? p [with respect to adjectival qualities]?. Q: P clr lbr rc? What color is this book?. 4.2.2.1 Where? p: Q: P tsi lu? Where are you going?. Asking where requires that an appropriate verb be selected. Q: P n lp? Where is the pencil? A: N-w ld mzh. Its between the tables.; P l nc ldz lu? [At] where is your house [built]?; P z mnrd? Where is Meynardo [standing]?; P zhob lbr? Where is the book [lying/placed]?;

26 P ndxi Sn Wn GbE? Where is San Juan Mixtepec [spread out]? ; 4.2.2.2. p-ll How much?: Q: P-ll nn-? How much is it worth/What does it cost? 4.2.2.3. When? p hr, p dz, p mE When? [literally What hour, day, month?]; 4.2.3. ch Who?: Q: Ch l lu? What is your name? A: Bd l na. My name is Pedro.; Q: Ch zh lu? Who are you/what is your occupation? A: Mastr na. Im a teacher. Q: Ch nc lu? Who are you/what is your ethnicity? A: Grngw na. Im a gringo [without negative connotations]. 4.2.3.1. ch chn Whose?: Q: Ch chn lbr ri? Whose book is this? A: Chn na-w. It is mine. 4.2.4. bl How many?: Q: Bl z x-pEd lu? How old is [how many years has] your child? 4.2.5. zh How?: Q: Zh gy lu? How did it go [with you]? A: Wn-. It [went] well. Q: Zh l guie ri? What is the name of this flower? Q: Zh psed lu rne lu didz-z? How did you learn to speak Zapotec? 4.3. Negation. Co. No.; Co, s-d na. No, I wont go.; ld, ld no, not; 4.3.1. To assert to the contrary, affix d to the verb or noun. For example: Gc-d csb mgun. The bird cant fly. Gr-d-. Not yet.; Guin-d l m. The animal has no name. [Literally, the animals name does not exist.]; Guin-d-. There is none/It is not. Nn-d na. I dont know. Nl-d-. [true/certain + neg + inanimate pronoun] It is not true.; Pso-d-. It is not adobe. Ladr-w. It is brick. Rl-d m. The suns not out. [Literally, the sun does not show itself. Note that the sun is treated as a person, requiring the pronoun m.] wn-d bad [literally, not good < wn good < Sp. bueno]

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4.3.1.1.When the stem to be negated ends in d, add d or the doubled d becomes fortis t + . bziud purse, Bziud-. It is a purse. Bziud-d-w. It is not a purse. p something, ptdnothing, zero; Rmd-d-w. or Rmt-w. It is not a medicine. Contrast, Rmd-. It is a medicine. 4.4.1. Nominal and adjectival predicates may lack a verb. For example: Mastr m. She is a teacher. Alternatively, Mastr nc m. She is a teacher. < rc happen, be done, be able MEd-scul na. I am a student. [Literally, School-child I.]; Ndp li. The earth is hard. [Literally, Hard/strong earth.]; Nzhni-w. It is red. Sc-w. Thats the way it is. 4.4.2. Simple existential assertions employ n there is/are/was/were and guind there is/are/was/were not. For example: N n qui. Here there are rocks. Q: P n tgr n? Are there jaguars here? A1 N m. There are. A2: Guind m. There arent. 5. Complex and compound sentences. 5.1. Embedded subordinate clauses. 5.1.1. n that is used to introduced embedded subordinate clauses: Din pll timp, n bi zh g,... Who knows how long [it was], that they were there, ... 5.1.2. zen when is used to introduce contemporaneous coordinate clauses. La zh gbl, zen la Dm bdzn. They had already returned, when Owl arrived. 6. Literature cited. Black, Cheryl. 1994. Quiegolani syntax. Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, Santa Cruz. Briggs, Elinor. 1961. Mitla Zapotec Grammar. Instituto Lingstico del Verano, Mxico, D.F. Butler, Inez M. 1976. Reflexive constructions of Yatzachi Zapotec. International Journal of American Linguistics 42:331-337.

28 Crdova, Fray Juan de. 1578a. Arte en lengva apoteca, Casa de Pedro Balli, Mxico. Reeditado como Juan de Crdova, Arte del idioma zapoteco, bajo la direccin y cuidado de Nicoln Len, Imprenta del Gobierno dn la Escuela de Artes, Morelia, 1886. Una edicin facsimilar de la edicin de 1886 fue publicada por Ediciones Toledo, Mxico, D.F., 1987. Crdova, Fray Juan de. 1578b. Vocabulario en lengva apoteca, Pedro Charte y Antonio Ricardo, Mxico. Una edicin facsimilar fue publicada como Juan de Crdova, Vocabulario casstellano-zapoteco, con introduccon y notas de Wigberto Jimnez Moreno, Biblioteca lingstica mexicana, 1, Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, SEP., Mxico, 1942. Earl, Robert. 1968. Rincn Zapotec clauses. International Journal of American Linguistics 34:269-274. Egland, Steven T. 1978. La Integibilidad Interdialectal en Mxico: Resultado de Algunos Sondeos. Instituto Lingstico del Verano, Mxico, D.F. Fernndez de Miranda, Mara Teresa. 1964. Los prstamos espaoles del zapoteco de Mitla. Anales de antropologa 17:259-274.. Galant, Michael R. 1998. Comparative constructions in Spanish and San Lucas Quiavin Zapotec. Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, Los Angeles. Grimes, Barbara F. et. al. 1996. Ethnologue. Summer Institute of Linguistics, Dallas, Texas. http://www.sil.org/ethnologue/. Hunn, Eugene S. 1998. Mixtepec Zapotec ethnobiological classification: A preliminary sketch and theoretical commentary. Anthropologica 40:35-48. Hunn, Eugene S. 2000. La Etnobiologa en El Vocabulario en Lengua apoteca de Fray Juan de Crdova en Comparacin con la Actual de San Juan Mixtepec. Cuadernos del Sur No. 15. Jones, Ted E., and Ann D. Church. 1985. Personal pronouns in Guelava Zapotec. S.I.L. Mexico Workpapers 7:1-15. Jones, Ted E., and Lyle M. Knudson. 1977. Guelava Zapotec phonemes. Pp. 163-180 in Studies in Otomanguean Phonology, William R. Merrifield, editor. S.I.L. / University of Texas, Arlington. Junta Columbina, eds. 1982. Vocabulario Castellano Zapoteco. (Facsimile version of the 1893 publication). H. Auntamiento Popular de Juchitn, Juchitn, Oaxaca. Leal, Mary. 1950. Patterns of tone substitution in Zapotec morphology. International Journal of American Linguistics 16:132-136.

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Leal, Mary and Otis Leal. 1954. Noun possession in Villa Alta Zapotec. International Journal of American Linguistics 20:215-226. Lee, Felicia. 1996. Antisymmetry and the syntax of San Lucas Quiavin Zapotec. Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, Los Angeles. Lopez, Felipe and Pamela Munro. 1999. Zapotec immigration: The San Lucas Quiavin experience. Aztln 24:129-149. Lyman, Larry. 1964. The verb syntagmemes of Choapan Zapotec. Linguistics: An International Review 7:16-41. Lyman, Larry and Rosemary Lyman. 1977. Choapan Zapotec phonology. Studies in Otomanguean Phonology. Summer Institute of Linguistics and the University of Texas at Arlington, Dallas. MacLaury, Robert Ethan. 1970. Ayoquesco Zapotec: Ethnography, phononlogy, and lexicon. M.A. Thesis, University of the Americas, Mxico. Marcus, Joyce. 1980. Zapotec writing. Scientific American 242:50-64. Marlett, Stephen and Velma Pickett. 1987. The syllable structure and aspect morphology of Isthmus Zapotec. International Journal of American Linguistics 53:398-422. Munro, Pamela. 1996. Making a Zapotec dictionary. Dictionaries 17:131-155. Munro, Pamela and Lopez, Felipe. 1999. Dicsyonaary X:ten Dizh Sah Sann Luuc. San Lucas Quiavin Zapotec Dictionary. Diccionario Zapoteco de San Lucas Quiavin. Volume 1. Zapotec-English-Spanish Dictionary. Chicano Studies Research Center, Los Angeles. Nader, Laura. 1969. The Zapotec of Oaxaca. Pp. 329-359 in Handbook of Middle American Indians, volume 7: Ethnology, part 1, Robert Wauchope and Evon Vogt, editors. University of Texas Press, Austin. Nellis, Donald and Barbara Hollenbach. 1980. Fortis and lenis in Cajonos Zapotec phonology. International Journal of American Linguistics 46:92-105. Nellis, Neal and Jane Nellis. 1983. Vocabulario Zapoteco de la Sierra Jurez. Instituto Lingstico del Verano, Mxico, D.F. Pickett, Velma et al.. 1988. Vocabulario Zapoteco del Istmo: Castellano-Zapoteco y Zapoteco-Castellano, corregido y aumentado. Serie de Vocabularios Indgenas Mariano Silva y Aceves 3. Secretara de Educacin Pblica, Mxico, D.F.

30 Pickett, Velma. 1960. The Grammatical Hierarchy of Isthmus Zapotec. Linguistic Society of America, Baltimore, Maryland. Pike, Eunice V. 1948. Problems in Zapotec tone analysis. International Journal of American Linguistics 14:161-170. Radin, Paul. 1930. A preliminary sketch of the Zapotec Language. Language 6:3. Radin, Paul. 1935. An historical legend of the Zapotecs. Ibero-Americana 9. University of California Press, Berkeley. Rendn, Juan Jos. 1967. Relaciones internas de las lenguas de la familia ZapotecaChatino. Anales de Antropologa 4:187-190. Mxico, D.F. Rendn, Juan Jos. 1975. Estudios de los factores sociales en la diversificacin del Zapoteco. Anales de Antropologa 12:283-318. Mxico, D.F. Rendn, Juan Jos. 1995. Diversificacin de las lenguas zapotecas. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologa Social Oaxaca, Instituto Oaxaqueo de las Culturas, Mxico, D.F. Reeck, Roger. 1981. Mixtepec Zapotec kinship terms. In. Proto-Otomanguean Kinship, William Merrifield, editor. International Museum of Cultures, Dallas, Texas. Reeck, Roger. 1982. Sixteenth-century Valley Zapotec: A challenge for linguistics and ethnohistory. Native American Ethnohistory 23 (2):369-375. Joseph Whitecotton and Judith Bradley Whitecotton, editors. University of Oklahoma, Norman. Reeck, Roger. 1991. A trilingual dictionary in Zapotec, English and Spanish. M.A. Thesis, Universidad de las Amricas-Puebla. Rojas, Basilio. 1958. Miahuatln: Un Pueblo de Mxico. Mxico, D.F. Ruegsegger, Manis and Jane Ruegsegger. 1956. Vocabulario Zapoteco del Dialecto de Miahuatln del Estado de Oaxaca. Instituto Lingstico del Verano, Mxico, D.F. Stubblefield, Carol. 1981. Mitla Zapotec kinship terms. Pp. 307-308 in Proto Otomanguean Kinship, William R. Merrifield, editor. International Museum of Cultures, Dallas, Texas. Stubblefield, Morris and Carol Miller de Stubblefield. 1991 Diccionario Zapoteco de Mitla, Oaxaca. Instituto Lingstico del Verano, Mxico, D.F. Surez, Jorge A. 1983. The Mesoamerican Indian Languages. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England.

31 Swadesh, Morris. 1947. Phonemic structure of Proto-Zapotec. International Journal of American Linguistics 13. Weathers, Mark. 1975. Investigaciones de inteligibilidad entre los idiomas Zapotecos. Pp. 243-249 in Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologa, XII Mesa Redonda: Antropologa Fsica, Lingstica, Cdices. Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologa, Mxico, D.F. Zuiga, Rosa Maria. 1982. Toponimias Zapotecas. INAH, Mxico, D.F.

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Texts La prcw zirie nz ly, zen la t gxti-dx ps, la mri briequi g bdznni xtib. art N <sp> asp + V prep. adv rel pro art adj/num N comp asp + V art an + N asp + V + sf adv asp + V + sf pos + N la prcw n-rie nz ly zen la t gxti-dx p-s la m-ri b-rie-qui g b-dzn-ni x-dib focus/emphasis particle perico esta saliendo [rrie, progresivo] haca afuera cuando focus/emphasis particle one big cloud of dust [smoke + dust + large] burst forth [completivo, r-s alzar] focus/emphasis particle correcamino [roadrunner] left in front [completivo, r-rie+qui] there arrived with [completivo, r-dzn+ni] its feather

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Loxaque brieequia win ro yu laa mEcw biasle pquia lad win, pquiadan win redz, lo redz co haxta mEcw bdzieb. "As soon as the child went outside, the dog jumped on her and she let out so loud a scream that even the dog got scared." adv + adv asp + V + V N prep N focus an + N asp + V + adv asp + V prep N asp + V N N prep N rel pro prep an + N asp + V lx + qu b + rie + qui wn r y la m + cw b + is + l p + qui ld wn p + qui wn rdz l rdz c hxt <Sp m + cw b + dzib as soon as past + left + in front child mouth, edge house topic dog past + jump + already past + hit on, toward child past + hit child shout, cry to, at, on shout, cry over there until dog past + be frightened

Lo grE ncuaane no lo guidz-liu, miine mazd-raa rley-nie miech nac diimi. Of all the things on earth, that which people love the most is money.

34 Table 6: Derivation of nouns and adjectives from verbs.