RELIGION and the ARTS

Religion and the Arts 13 (2009) 419447

brill.nl/rart

Visualizing Creation in Ancient Greece

Emma Staord*
University of Leeds

Abstract There is very little direct representation of acts of creation in Greek art. This paper examines the visual potential of the extended creation narrative rst related by Hesiod, focusing on the handful of episodes which are to be found in the visual artsthe births of Aphrodite and Athene, Zeuss slaying of Typhon and the Gigantomachywhile attempting to account for their selection. It also considers the remarkable lack of an authoritative account of the creation of mankind in the archaic and classical periods, and the relatively late development of Prometheuss role as mans creator, which contrasts with the much earlier establishment of traditions concerning local rst men and the creation of the rst woman, Pandora. Keywords Greek myth, creation, Hesiod, birth of Aphrodite, birth of Athene, Typhon, Gigantomachy, Prometheus, Erichthonios, Pandora

he heroic myths of ancient Greek culture have captured the western imaginationstories of Herakless labors, the exploits of Theseus, Perseus, and Jason, and the saga of the Trojan War, from Pariss abduction of Helen through to the wanderings of Odysseus. The gods play a vital part in these heroic tales, but they have myths of their own too, particularly concerning their love lives, perhaps most famously Zeuss dalliances in various animal disguises with mortal women. The Greeks are also known for representing these myths in the visual arts. In the very public medium of architectural sculpture the subject matter is almost invariably myth, and

*) I owe thanks to all those who have helped in the acquisition of illustrations and reproduction permissions for this paper, and to Malcolm Heath for commenting on a draft. I also thank the many students who have participated in my undergraduate and postgraduate courses on Greek myth and art at Leedsthis is very much a piece of teaching-led research.
Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2009 DOI: 10.1163/107992609X12524941449886

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most of our surviving examples come from a religious context, such as the temple of Zeus at Olympia and the Parthenon at Athens. Myth supplies the subject matter for a good proportion of extant vase painting too, most copiously in Attic black and red-gure, but also in vase painting from Corinth, Sparta, and numerous Greek colonies in Southern Italy. Altogether then it would not be unreasonable to expect to nd visualisations of the creation myth in Greek art, but in fact such direct representations of acts of creation are rare. What we nd instead are individual episodes from a lengthy story that combines the creation of the cosmos with an account of the births of the gods and a struggle for divine supremacy nally resolved with the establishment of Zeuss rule. The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of those elements of the Greek creation myth which are treated in Greek art, and to oer some tentative conclusions on the signicance of these images. It will be my assumption throughout that visual representations act as something of an index of a myths acceptance into the popular tradition.1

Creation of the Cosmos: Births of the Gods

Our earliest extended literary account of creation is Hesiods Theogony.2 Composed c. 730700 BCEaround the same time as Homers Iliad this stands at the beginning of a whole genre of theogonic poetry which ourished in seventh and sixth-century BCE Greece;3 writing in the latter part of the fth century, Herodotus (2.53) cites Hesiod as an authority on theogonies, and his poem is the only one to survive in complete form. The genre of prose mythography developed during the late sixth century BCE, presenting more or less complete versions of particular mythical cycles or even attempting to systematise the whole of mythology. Most of these
At the other end of the spectrum, the interface between the traditional myths and philosophical speculation about the beginnings of things is discussed by Guthrie. 2) When your gods include the Heaven and the Earth, a theogony entails a cosmogony (West, Theogony 192). The standard edition of the Greek text, with introduction and commentary, is West, Theogony. A very accessible English translation, with helpful notes on the mythological subject matter, is available in the Oxford Worlds Classics series: M. L. West (tr. 1988) Hesiod: Theogony and Works and Days. Lamberton provides an introduction to the issues raised by both of Hesiods poems, while Clays 2003 study presents a detailed case for understanding the two poems as parts of a unied vision of the cosmos. 3) For instance, the post-Homeric Epic Cycle included a Theogony and a Titanomachy. See Davies and West (Eumelos, and Greek Epic Fragments).
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works survive only in the form of fragmentary quotations in later authors, the rst relatively complete example being Apollodoruss Library of Greek Mythology, written in the rst or second century CE.4 Some of the earlier works oer alternative versions of the rst stages of creation, though often employing the same characters,5 but the fact that Apollodorus substantially follows Hesiod suggests that the latters vision of the origins of the cosmos and the establishment of divine order came to hold authority. Hesiods account of the very beginnings of things is brief (Theogony ll. 11622): the four primordial elementsChaos, Earth, Tartaros, and Erossimply come into being; there is no explanation of the process of this becoming, or description of the pre-existing state of the universe (ll. 192211). This brevity is explicable in terms of the poems focus on the Succession Myth, which occupies much of the poem, whereby Zeuss just rule is established over gods and men. The Succession Myth might be best summarized as follows (Table 1): Earth bears Heaven, who becomes her consort and begets Ocean, the Titans, and Kronos, who castrates his father and overthrows Heavens rule; Kronos in turn is overthrown by his son Zeus, who nally establishes order on Olympos after ghting o various threats to his supremacy. Much scholarship has been devoted to demonstrating the parallels between this story and various Near Eastern mythologies,6 but an aspect of particular interest for this paper is the way in which Hesiod treats natural elements and abstractions.7 The Earth plays a fundamental role in the story, bearing Mountains and Sea by herself, as well as Heaven, by whom she ultimately becomes mother or grandmother of nearly all the gods. Both she and the many parts of the natural world which feature amongst her
There is a convenient Oxford Worlds Classics English translation of Apollodorus, with helpful introduction and notes by R. Hard (tr. 1997) Apollodorus: The Library of Greek Mythology. The fragments of earlier works are collected in Fowlers 2000 edition. 5) For example, Time is a primordial element for Pherecydes, alongside Zeus and Earth, while Acusilaus puts all the gods in direct descent from Chaos via Eros. On alternative cosmologies, see briey Gantz 12 and 73944; Orphic cosmologies are treated at greater length in Wests translation of the Orphic Poems. 6) West, Theogony 1831 provides a summary; both Burkert, The Orientalizing Revolution and West, The East Face of Helicon explore the broader issue of oriental inuences on Greek culture. 7) Both Burkert, The Orientalizing Revolution and Duchemin demonstrate the extent to which this treatment, too, is subject to oriental inuences. See Gantz 327 for discussion of the literary and artistic representation of primordial elements and various natural phenomena.
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Table 1. Hesiods cosmology I (simplied)

Chaos Erebos = Night Air, Day EARTH Tartaros Eros

HEAVEN, Mountains, Nymphs, Sea = Earth From Heavens castration

Aphrodite, Giants, Furies, Meliai Ocean, Titans, Themis, Memory, Rhea = KRONOS Hestia, Demeter, Hera, Hades, Poseidon, ZEUS

ospring can be described by the poet simultaneously in anthropomorphic terms and as the phenomena they representthe Mountains are pleasant abodes of the goddess Nymphs (ll. 12930), Earth bore Heaven so that he might cover her on all sides (l. 127), but all are created by being born. Of the other primordial elements the most important is Erosnot imagined here as Aphrodites mischievous son, but as the principle of sexual generation, which is necessary for this whole process of creation.8 Further natural phenomena are descended from ChaosNight comes together mingling in love (l. 125) with her brother Erebos to produce Bright Air and Day (Table 1); additional elements of the natural worldsuch as rivers, winds, and celestial phenomenaare also tted into the poems genealogical structure (Table 2). Table 2. Hesiods cosmology II
Tethys = Ocean Rivers (inc. Inachos), sea nymphs Theia = Hyperion Sun, Moon, Dawn = Astraios Winds

8) See Kovaleva 13543 for a discussion of Hesiods Eros in connection with the Panthenaia festival.

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No distinction is drawn between these phenomena and the gods, both the older generation of Titans and the younger generation of Olympians. Of these, Zeus himself is especially prolic, fully deserving of his title father of the gods (Table 3)by dierent consorts he is father of Athene, Persephone, Apollo and Artemis, Ares and Hermesbut even this far down the family tree we nd some natural elements in the Seasons, as well as more abstract phenomena such as Justice and the Fates. Table 3. Hesiods cosmology III: the children of Zeus
Cunning Order Eurynome Athena The Graces Demeter Persephone Memory Leto Hera Maia Hermes

Apollo, Artemis

The Muses Hebe, Ares, Eileithyia Seasons, Fates, Justice, Peace, Lawfulness

As a standard modern handbook of Classical mythology puts it: How does one represent the Creation of the world out of emptiness and timelessness? Greek artists did not attempt to do so.9 And yet Greek art does have the wherewithal to represent such characters, drawing on the same conventions of anthropomorphism exploited by the poet. Natural phenomena, places, divisions of time, states of the body, emotions, abstract qualities, and political concepts all appear in personied form in vase painting and other media.10 Some of the earliest examples are among the scenes on the Chest of Kypselos of c. 600 BCE, an extraordinarily ornate cedar-wood chest decorated with carving and inlaid ivory and gold,
9) Morford and Lenardon 66. Cf. Gantz: As for artistic representations of these early events and divinities, there are few clear examples; Greek artists understandably preferred as subjects heroes and those gods actually worshipped (3). 10) For an overview of personication in Greek thought, see Staord, Worshipping Virtues (144) or more briey Staord, Personication. On personication in early Greek art, see Shapiro, Personications (theoretical discussion followed by an AZ directory of examples) and Borg, Der Logos des Mythos (theoretical discussion followed by a chronological survey down to c. 400 BCE). On individual personied gures, see the entries in LIMC, Staord, Brother, Son, Friend and Healer, and Burton, The Gender of Death; for a consideration of particualar groups of personications in fth-century Athenian art, see A. C. Smith, Eurymedon and Borg, Eunomia.

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preserved for us in a detailed description by the second-century CE traveller Pausanias (5.17.519.10). Hesiodic gures on the chest include Night holding the children Sleep and Death asleep in her arms, Justice as a beautiful woman throttling the ugly Injustice, and Strife, most ugly in appearance, standing between the duelling Hektor and Ajax. On an extant vase of c. 580 BCE signed by Sophilos, a procession of gods on their way to the wedding of Peleus and Thetis includes completely anthropomorphic female gures labelled Hebe (Youth) and Themis (Order), and a gure consisting of a mans torso and a shs tail labelled Ocean.11 Equivocation between the anthropomorphic gure and the element it represents is less feasible in visual media than in literature, but not entirely absent. In color plate 6, for example, we see the Sun depicted as a youth, characterized by his chariot and by the more literal representation of the sun beside his head, while Earth is the female gure half rising from the ground.12 Not once, however, in surviving Greek art is there any representation of the early part of the creation story. Just one literary reference is worth a mention: in Euripidess tragedy Ion (c. 413 BCE), a messenger describes at some length a tent which Ion has set up in Delphi, made out of tapestries borrowed from the treasury of the temple of Apollo. The tapestry he has used for the roof is woven with a scene of the night sky, including stars and the moon, the Sun, Night and Dawn driving their respective chariots, and Heaven assembling the stars in the circle of the sky (l.1147). The elaborate detail makes this typical of a kind of ecphrasis found in Greek literature from Homer onwards, so that the description is unlikely to reect any real work of art, but it does at least suggest that anthropomorphic conventions would have been invoked had a creation scene been attempted.13

11) Attic black-gure dinos by Sophilos, London 1971. 111.1; Carpenter, Art and Myth in Ancient Greece g. 86. 12) Brard g. 1. See Parisinou for discussion of the various means by which celestial phenomena are represented in Greek art. 13) The archetypal instance of this kind of ecphrasis is the description of the Shield of Achilles in the Iliad 18.478608. For discussion of the Ion passage, see Zacharia 200: 2939. Statues of the couples Heaven and Earth, Day and Night, and Dawn and Noon are said to have been carried in a procession organised by Antiochos Epiphanes at Daphne in 167 BCE (Polybius 30.25.15), implying some cosmological interest though not really presenting a narrative. See Tinh, Ouranos LIMC for a number of related representations in Roman art, notably the cosmogonic mosaic from Mrida, dating from the second half of the second century CE, which also features Chaos, as an old man.

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There are a small number of episodes from Hesiods story which do nd more regular expression in the visual arts.14 The rst is the birth of Aphrodite. An obvious reason for this birth to be singled out for visual treatment is its extraordinary nature: as Hesiod tells it (Theogony ll. 188206), Heavens castrated genitals fall into the sea, where they generate a foam (aphros) in which Aphrodite forms. Her character as goddess of love and human fertility is immediately indicated by the way grass springs up beneath her feet as she steps ashore on Cyprus, and she is greeted by Eros and Himeros (Desire) personied. Ancient artists generally seem to have focused on this moment of rising out of the sea, just as Botticelli so famously does in his Birth of Venus. In the fourth century BCE, for example, the painter Apelles is reputed to have caused some scandal by using the courtesan Phryne as his model for an Aphrodite Rising from the Sea (Athenaios, The Sophists at Dinner 13.590). The birth appears most notably on the base of the statue of Zeus at Olympia, one of the Seven Wonders of the ancient world, made by Pheidias around 430 BCE; the gold and ivory statue itself is no longer extant, but Pausanias describes it in some detail and it appears on some coins from Elis, the state which had control of Olympia from the early fth century.15 According to Pausanias (5.11.8), the base featured Aphrodite rising from the sea, her birth attended by gods including Eros, Persuasion and a Grace, all characters strongly associated with Aphrodite as goddess of love. The scene seems to be pregured by that on an Attic vase of around 30 years earlier (g. 1), which includes several of the same characters.16 It is not immediately obvious why Aphrodites birth was deemed relevant for representation at Olympia but Palagia may be right in pointing to the goddesss apparent importance in the pantheon of Elis, the city which controlled Olympia from the fth century on, where Pausanias (6.25.1) records that her temple housed another chryselephantine statue by Pheidias (Palagia, Meaning and Narrative 62). It is also possible to read the base as an oblique reference to the Succession Myth, which would be apt in a sanctuary that celebrated the pre-eminence of Zeus.17

14)

Carpenter 69102 gs. 89143 gives a brief overview of scenes reecting the ascendancy of the Olympians. 15) On the place of the Zeus in Pheidiass career, see Harrison, Pheidias 5962. 16) Shapiro, Personications 199 no. 125 g. 160. 17) Pausanias records several foundation myths for the Olympic Games, including a tradition that Zeus and Kronos wrestled at Olympia for the right to rule (5.7.10).

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Figure 1. Birth of Aphrodite. Drawing from an Attic white-ground pyxis, c. 460 BCE (Ancona 3130). Inscriptions: PEITHO (Persuasion), CHARIS (Grace), APHR . . ., ZEUS. Drawing: H. Fuhrmann, Archologischer Anzeiger 1941, p. 451 Abb. 52.

The second episode is the equally bizarre story of Athenes birth, which Hesiod places at the very start of Zeuss career as a father (Theogony ll. 886900)having married Metis (Cunning), he becomes alarmed when Earth and Heaven tell him that Cunning is destined to bear a son who would become king of gods and men (l. 897). To prevent this happening, Zeus swallows Metis, but she is already pregnant with Athenein due course she comes to term, and the child has to be born via Zeuss head. As the story is told in the sixth-century Homeric Hymn to Athene, Athene leaps forth already fully armed, inspiring awe amongst the assembled gods and even causing earth and heaven to shake.18 Simple versions of the scene involve just Zeus, brandishing a thunderbolt, the armed Athene, and the craftsman-god Hephaistos, whose axe has been used to facilitate the birth; there is sometimes a female gure in attendance (g. 2), who may be the birth-goddess Eileithyia.19 The most prominent representation of Athenes birth, however, was on the east pediment of the Parthenon on the Athenian Akropolis. There is some debate over how the central scene should be reconstructed, but the subject is not in doubt, since Pausanias again conrms it (1.24.5): As you go into the temple which they call the Parthenon, everything on the pediment has to do with the birth of Athene.20 The signicance of such a scene for Athenes main temple in her homonymous city is self-evident, but it is worth noting

For discussion of the scene, see Gantz 8387 and Schefold, Gods and Heroes 716 gs. 17. 19) London B424; Schefold, Gods and Heroes g. 3. 20) For the issues involved in reconstructing the Parthenon pediment, see Palagia, First among Equals and Mostratos.

18)

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Figure 2. Birth of Athene. Drawing from a bronze shield-band from Olympia, c. 550 BCE. Drawing: E. Kunze, Archaische Schildbnder. Olympische Forschungen 2 (Berlin 1950), Taf. 31, X d.

that it was specically the goddesss birthday which was supposed to have been celebrated at Athenss foremost festival, the Panathenaia.21 Yet, the creation scene most frequently chosen for public representation is the Gigantomachy: the battle of Zeus and the other gods to defend Olympos from assault by the Giants. Why this particular revolt should so have captured the artists imagination is not entirely clear. While Hesiod
21) Loraux 11143 discusses Athenes birth as part of the complex nexus of myths dening Athenian identity; see further below.

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(Theogony ll. 17687) tells of the Giants birthfrom the drops of Heavens blood, which fell on Earth when Heaven was castratedhe does not mention the Gigantomachy at all. What he does narrate in some colorful detail are similar revolts by the Titans (ll. 617721) and by the monster Typhon (ll. 82068), both of which conclude with the oenders being hurled into the depths of Tartaros.22 The Titanomachy hardly ever appears in visual form, but we do have a number of small-scale images of Zeus tackling the monster Typhon (also known as Typhaon or Typhoeus).23 These images respond in various ways to Hesiods particularly vivid description of the monsterFrom his shoulders came a hundred heads of snakes, terrible serpents, with dark tongues ickering, and from the eyes of his awful heads re sparkled under his brows (ll. 8247). Zeuss weapons, the thunder, lightning, and smoking thunderbolt (l. 854), are frequently featured in visual realisations of the scene, such as gure 3, and Typhons monstrosity is almost invariably signalled by his snaky legs and wings. As Dowden comments, the violence is an essential element of the Typhon and other rebellion stories, which serve to establish Zeuss awesome and indisputable power (39). For a full account of the Gigantomachy, we have to turn to Apollodorus (1.6.12), who places this battle immediately after the defeat of the Titans. He describes the Giants as unsurpassable in physical size, unconquerable in strength, who appeared fearful to the eyes, with thick hair hanging down from their head and cheeks, and they had dragon-scale feet. This vision of the Giants does not seem to be a particularly ancient one, however, since our earliest representations of the scene depict the Giants more tamely. The battle had a particular vogue in the late sixth century BCE when it was used as the theme for several temple pediments, including that of a forerunner of the Parthenon on the Athenian Akropolis.24 Here special attention would have been drawn to Athenes role in the battleher victories were reputedly woven into the robe presented to the goddess at the Panathenaia festival every year, and Gigantomachy scenes were later used for
22) 23)

On the Hesiod passages, see West, Theogony 33656 and 37997. Gantz 2756 discusses the Titans and Titanomachia in literature and art. Schefold, Gods and Heroes 5055 discusses some scenes which could be identied as related to the Titanomachy and representations of Typhon, before considering Gigantomachies in archaic sculpture and vase painting (5567). See also Schefold, Myth and Legend 6364 and Carpenter gs. 11215. 24) Boardman, Archaic Period g. 199; Schefold, Gods and Heroes gs. 7172.

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Figure 3. Zeus and Typhaon. Chalcidean black-gure hydria, c. 540 BCE, Munich 596. Photo: Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek Mnchen.

the east metopes of the Parthenon and also appeared on the shield of Pheidiass statue of Athene Parthenos.25 The reason for the Gigantomachys popularity on public buildings is generally held to be its message of the triumph of order over chaos, Greeks over barbariansand indeed this message is reinforced on the Siphnian Treasury frieze by the inclusion of Themis (Order) amongst the godsalthough some scholars have argued
25)

For the robe, see Plato, Euthyphro 6b; scholia to Euripidess Hecuba 467. For Pheidiass statue see further below.

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for interpretations more specic to individual buildings.26 One possible practical reason for the scenes popularity was its adaptability to the awkward triangular shape of the pediment, since the dead and dying can be made to ll the corners, and Gigantomachies seem to have been the subject of pediments for the 520 BCE incarnation of Apollos temple at Delphi and of the Megarian Treasury at Olympia (c. 510 BCE).27 Such a battle also provides suitable matter for the long, thin rectangular shape of the continuous Ionic frieze, as on the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi, of c. 525 BCE, where the most noticeable feature is that the Giants are represented as entirely anthropomorphic, regular hoplite soldiers. The scene resurfaces in monumental form in the Hellenistic period on the frieze of the Altar of Zeus at Pergamon, probably dated to the reign of the Attalid king Eumenes II (19759 BCE), where at last we see the snaky legs of Apollodoruss description, with the additional monstrous feature of wings, reminiscent of Typhons appearance (color plate 7). Earth is again characterised by her position just rising up out of the ground, very much in opposition to the gure of Victory ying above her. The order vs. chaos message is again relevant here, since the monument is usually understood to be celebrating the victories of the Attalid dynasty over invading Gallic tribes, but there may be a further level of political signicance in the choice of the theme, as there is a case for seeing it as a deliberate attempt to equate the relatively young kingdom of Pergamon with the revered city of Athens.28

II

Creation of Mankind

The second part of the traditional creation story is the creation of mankind, although here there is no single authoritative account. Hesiod is once again our earliest source, but he oers oblique and apparently contradic26) For images see Boardman, The Archaic Period gs 208212.4; Schefold, Gods and Heroes gs. 6769. A more specic political signicance for this frieze has most recently been discussed by Neer. 27) For images of Apollos temple at Dephi, see Boardman, The Archaic Period gs. 203.1204; Schefold, Gods and Heroes g. 70. For images of the Megarian Treasury, see Boardman, The Archaic Period g. 215. 28) See Pollitt 97110 and R. R. R. Smith, Hellenistic Sculpture 15764 gs. 1936. Woodford 1226 briey considers the question of the Giants changing appearance. For full details of 400+ appearances of Giants in Greek art, see Vian and Moore, Gigantes LIMC.

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tory information.29 Mans existence is implied, though not explained, by a number of passages in the Theogony: Nights ospring (ll. 21132), for example, are almost all aictions for mortals and presuppose an anthropomorphic society (Battles, Disputes, Lawlessness), while an extended account of the goddess Hecate (ll. 41152) makes reference to men oering her prayers and sacrices. It has been argued too that there is reference to the birth of the human race in the appearance of the Nymphs they call Meliai (l. 187), born of the blood from Heavens castration alongside the Giants and the Furies (cf. Table 1). Meliai literally means ash trees, making these nymphs equivalent to Dryadsthe nymphs of oak trees (dryes)but an ancient commentator on the relevant line adds the further remark that from these came the rst race of human beings (sch. Hesiod, Theogony 187). This attribution would place the human race into the poems scheme of the cosmos as formed through procreation rather than by a creator gure, but since its theme is the births of the gods, the absence of a more explicit account of mans beginnings is not surprising. In contrast to his Theogony, Hesiods other poem, the Works and Days, is more concerned with the human plane, and here we nd the myth of the ve races of man (West, Works and Days ll. 110201). According to this account, successive races of mankind are indeed created (rather than given birth to) by the gods, and each race is equated with a metal of descending order of value. The rst and second races, of gold and silver, are made by the immortals who have their homes on Olympos during the reign of Kronos (ll. 1089), while the third race, of bronze, and the fourth, of heroes, are attributed to Zeus.30 The process of creation is never elaborated upon, and the nal race of iron, to which we belong, is simply established by Zeus rather than having been made like those that came before.31

Clay 8199 devotes a whole chapter to Hesiod on the origins and nature of mankind. Sourvinou-Inwood argues that the dierent stories involved would not have seemed as incompatible to ancient Greek audience as they have to many modern scholars. See also Gantz 1524 and West, The Orphic Poems 172204. 30) The bronze race is described as from ash-trees (l. 145), which may be another allusion to the myth hinted at in the Theogony l. 187. 31) There is some diculty with the text which introduces the fth race since the critical line is one of several which are not included in all manuscripts. Clay explains the change of verb as signalling a gradual transition, rather than a break, between the race of heroes and the race of iron (93).

29)

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The existence of man is also vital for the story of the Titan Prometheus (Forethought), who outwitted Zeus twice and was twice punished.32 In the Theogony (ll. 507616), Prometheuss rst oence is to trick Zeus into accepting the bones and fat as his portion of a slaughtered ox, while the good meat goes to the mortal men present, thus setting a precedent for Greek sacricial practice; the second is to steal re in a hollow fennel stalk for mans benet (l. 567). Prometheuss punishment is to be tied to a shaft where an eagle daily pecks out his immortal liver, which regenerates every night, until the bird is eventually killed by Herakles. Further punishment is inicted on mankind as a whole by the creation of the rst woman, who is given to Prometheuss hapless brother Epimetheus (Afterthought) to be an evil for mortal men (l. 600). The story stresses the antipathy between Zeus and mankind, since Zeus has deliberately hidden re in the rst place, and then seems so vindictive in his reaction to the theft. It has been plausibly argued that Hesiod again has in mind the story of mans descent from the gods alongside the giants, because Zeus specically denies re to the Melian mortal men (ll. 5634).33 In the Works and Days (ll. 54105), the story of the sacrice and Prometheuss personal punishment are largely dispensed with, the focus much more clearly being on the theft of re and the consequent creation of woman, here named as Pandora, which is narrated in some detail. Under Zeuss instructions, Hephaistos mixes earth and water, putting in a human voice and strength and making the beautiful form of a maiden, like the immortal goddesses in face (ll. 6163); Athene gives her the ability to weave, Aphrodite makes her desirable, and nally Hermes contributes a bitchs mind and a thievish nature (l. 67). The brothers role in the story is emphasised: Epimetheus did not consider how Prometheus had told him never to accept a gift from Olympian Zeus, but to send it right back, lest something somehow evil for mortals might happen. But he accepted it, and only when he already had the evil thing did he realise. For before the tribes of men on earth used to live remote from ills, hard toil and the grievous sicknesses which bring the Fates upon men . . . (ll. 8589)

32)

On Hesiods accounts, see Clay 10028; Dougherty 2745; West, Theogony 30536 and The Orphic Poems 15572; Kernyi 3362. Gantz 15466 discusses both Hesiod and the later sources. 33) For an instance of this argument, see Clay 1089.

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Not only is Pandora herself an aiction, but she opens the jar which releases ills of all kinds to roam the earth. The story concludes: so there is no way to escape the will of Zeus.34 Prometheuss story was further elaborated in the fth century, in both tragedy and the burlesque genre of satyr-play.35 Prometheus Bound is the only part to survive of a trilogy on the subject, transmitted with the plays of Aeschylus, though the attribution is now widely doubted; we have the remaining plays titles, Prometheus Freed and Prometheus the Firebearer, and some fragments from which to gain an idea of their plots.36 The action of the extant play centers on Prometheuss punishmentwith the protagonist chained to a rock on stageand the audiences sympathies are clearly engaged in his support against a high-handed Zeus. A further dierence in emphasis must have been apparent in the second plays theme of Prometheuss liberationsince Hesiods account delivers him from the torture of the eagle, but leaves him in chainsapparently in return for revealing the name of the goddess Thetis who is fated to bear a son greater than his father. The nal play is more obscure, but may have included an explanatory story for the torch races, which were performed in Prometheuss honour at Athens, and possibly something of the Pandora story. Also attributed to Aeschylus, though performed on a dierent occasion, is a satyr-play entitled Prometheus Firekindler that presumably parodied the theft of re in some way, while Sophocless Pandora or Hammerers must have dealt with the later stage of the story, the Hammerers perhaps being involved in the womans creation.37 A further element of the story is suggested by the title of a comedy, the Pyrrha and Prometheus, attributed to the Sicilian playwright Epicharmos.38 Though only a few fragments of the play survive, it is likely to have treated the myth, preserved in brief by Apollodorus (1.7.12), that Epimetheus and Pandoras daughter Pyrrha and Prometheuss son Deukalion were the only humans to survive a great Flood sent by Zeus; afterward they re-started the generation of mankind by throwing stones

Works and Days l. 105. There is extensive literature on the legacy of Hesiods Pandora myth and its social signicance: see, for example, Loraux 72110 and Zeitlin. 35) On fth-century literature, see Dougherty 6587, and Kernyi 69128. 36) See Aeschylus, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, Vol. 3 frs 187208. 37) See Aeschylus, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, Vol. 3 204a207a. See also Sophocles, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, Vol. 4 frs 4826. 38) See Epicharmus, Poetae Comici Graeci frs 11320.

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over their heads.39 This story ties Prometheus into the early history of the human race as a direct ancestor. Even more striking is the fact that Apollodorus prefaces his version of Prometheuss crime and punishment with the words: having moulded men from water and earth . . . (1.7.1). This allusion to the idea of Prometheus being mans creator is tantalisingly brief, but it also appears, for example, in Ovids Metamorphoses (1.7688), written c. 28 CE, where it oers an alternative to mans being made by an anonymous creator from divine seed: or else the new-made earth . . . which the son of Iapetus [i.e. Prometheus], mixing it with rainwater, fashioned into the image of the all-governing gods . . . (ll. 8083). Pausanias is certainly familiar with the idea when he identies a statue which he saw beside the road to Delphi as Prometheus on the grounds of its proximity to two unusual clay-colored stones: and there is a smell very close to human esh; they say that these were left over from the clay out of which the whole human race was moulded by Prometheus (10.4.4). How early Prometheus acquired the role of creator is a matter for some debate. Some scholars have argued for its presence underlying Hesiods account, on the grounds that it would provide motivation for Prometheuss partiality for mankind.40 The creative mechanism does indeed replicate the rst stage of Pandoras creation in Hesiods accountHephaistos mixes earth and water (Works and Days ll. 6061)but as we have seen, the version of the story recorded in the Theogony implies mans descent from the Meliai, while the Works and Days version is juxtaposed with Hesiods conicting attribution of mans creation to Zeus in the myth of the ve races. There are perhaps hints of the creative role in fth-century drama, which presents Prometheus as a source of intelligence, culture, and technology, but the earliest explicit literary link between Prometheus and mans creation comes in Platos Protagoras, probably written c. 390 BCE. Here the story is put into Protagorass mouth: the philosopher describes how the gods made all mortal creatures from earth and re, and then gave them to Prometheus and Epimetheus for the distribution of powers (such as speed, size, protective skins and hooves): Epimetheus imprudently gave away all the powers available before he got to mankind, so Prometheus had to steal re along with technical skill from Hephaistos and Athene, for which he
Bremmer argues that Apollodoruss account is derived from the archaic Titanomachy, which was in turn inuenced by Near Eastern versions of the Flood myth. 40) See Heitsch 41935.
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was duly punished (Allen, Protagoras 320c21e). Some have attributed the story to the historical gure of Protagoras himself, a sophist who was active in Athens in the mid to-late 430s BCE, the dialogues dramatic date. It is equally possible, however, that the story is Platos own invention, expanding on the Hesiodic opposition between the clever and the stupid brother, and rationalising the theft of re.41 Even here, however, Prometheus is only mankinds champion, while the actual creation is attributed rather vaguely to the gods. Plato uses the image of the Craftsman-god in a number of his dialogues, developing it most fully in the Timaeus, where a divine creator makes the universe out of a desire for order and subsequently delegates to the gods he has made the task of creating living creatures to populate air, water, and dry land.42 He never assigns a name to the Craftsman, nor does he explicitly include Prometheus in the creative process. Nonetheless, the Protagoras story does suggest the steps by which Prometheuss general association with mans early history, and his role as benefactor, might have developed into the role of mans creator. This is soon made explicit in later fourth and third-century works: for example, the philosopher Herakleides of Pontos makes tangential reference to the time when Prometheus made men; there are one or two references in New Comedy to Prometheus making mankind and the animals, or being hated by the gods for making women; and Callimachus can even allude to mankind as Promethean mud.43 Representations of Prometheus in Greek art tend to reect the story of his punishment, while a number of Attic vases from the second half of the fth century depict him giving re to satyrs, very probably inuenced by satyr-plays like those we have mentioned.44 However, quite a number of images from Italy depict Prometheus in the very act of making man. The subject appears on a handful of Roman sarcophagi of the second century CE or later and in one or two wall-paintings, but closer in time to our Greek material are a range of Etruscan/Italic and Roman gems of the third
See Allen 97103, Dougherty 7884, and Gantz 166. On Platos divine craftsman, see Pender, Images of Persons Unseen 1004 (with full list of references at 2368); Pender Chaos corrected specically discusses the relationship between Platos and Hesiods visions of creation. 43) Herakleides, fr. 66ab Wehrli; Philemo, Poetae Comici Graeci fr. 93; Menander, Poetae Comici Graeci fr. 508; Callimachus, fr. 192 Pfeier (cf. fr. 493). 44) For punishment, see Gisler, Prometheus LIMC nos 2479; Schefold, Myth and Legend 31, pls 11a and 57a, and Gods and Heroes 5254, gs. 5657; Carpenter gs. 11617. For the transmission of re, see Gisler, Prometheus LIMC nos 419; Carpenter g. 118.
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to rst centuries BCE.45 In most, as in color plate 8, the mans incomplete state is indicated by missing limbs; the torso is bearded, so clearly male, and supported on a stand to facilitate Prometheuss work. A few examples show the half-made man as a skeleton, which Gisler interprets as a kind of memento mori: son face face avec la squelette pourrait voquer la rexion du penseur sur la mort et le mystre de la vie.46 These images demonstrate that the absence of mans creation from Greek art is not due to technical limitations. Certainly, the whole idea of the creator-gure may not have gained currency early enough to feature in gured vase painting, which dies out at Athens soon after 400 BCE and in the Greek colonies of Southern Italy around 300 BCE, but the simple composition of the gems could easily be imagined rendered in three dimensions as a sculptural group, and groups with such a narrative avor were indeed popular in sculpture of the Hellenistic period.47 Other explanations then should be sought. One possible reason for Greek arts lack of interest in the creation of man as a species is the existence of strong local traditions which trace the origins of a particular city to a rst man genealogically connected with the local landscape. The Argives, for example, traced their ancestry back to Phoroneus, son of the local river Inachos, himself a son of Ocean and Tethys (cf. Table 2); they credited Phoroneus with being the rst to gather humans into a community, and sometimes even with giving re to mankind.48 Other cities have their ancestors spring from the earth, as is the case of the Sown Men (Spartoi) of Thebes, whose founder Kadmos gathered the teeth of the dragon which had guarded Aress spring and sewed them in the ground; immediately, fully armed men sprang up and fought each other to the death until only ve remained. These men became the ancestors of the

See Gisler, Promethus LIMC nos 80112. Tassinari catalogues 63 gems. The creatorgure is not explicitly identied (e.g. by inscription) as Prometheus in any of these scenes, but identication is made reasonably likely by the currency of the story in contemporary literature. 46) Tran. [H]is encounter with the skeleton could evoke a thinking mans reection on death and the mystery of life. Prometheus, LIMC 552. See Tassinari for detailed discussion of the gems and transmission of the myth of Prometheus the creator, which she tentatively links with the spread of Orphic and Pythagorean ideas in Magna Graecia from the late fourth century onwards. 47) On the theatrical mentality of Hellenistic sculpture, see Pollitt 47. 48) Apollodorus 2.1.1, Pausanias 2.15.5 and 2.19.5; see Gantz 1989.

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Theban nobility.49 Such stories of course have a legitimizing function, establishing the peoples right to their land by positing a literal genealogical link between the two, but the political message is reinforced in the case of the best attested autochthony story, that of the Athenians. According to the story related by Apollodorus, not only are the early kings of Athens, Kekrops, and Kranaos autochthonous (3.14.1, 5), but the third king, Erichthonios, is ingeniously associated with the citys patron deity, Athene, without damaging the virginity which is an essential part of her character. Athene rejects the advances of the craftsman-god Hephaistos, who tries to pursue her but, being lame, cannot quite catch up and ejaculates on Athenes leg: She, having been deled, wiped the semen o with a piece of wool and threw it on the ground. As she was eeing, and since the seed had fallen into the earth, Erichthonios came to birth (3.14.56).50 The double maternity is a vital element of the story, and vase-painters often chose to depict precisely the moment of the baby Erichthonioss transfer from Earth to his step-mother Athene.51 Such an image may also have been present in the more public context of Hephaistoss temple in the Athenian Agora. This was begun in 4498 BCE but not nished until a cult statue, by Pheidiass pupil Alkamenes, was dedicated in 41615 BCE.52 Unusually, rather than a single gure, this seems to have been a statue group, including Athene as well as Hephaistos, reecting the fact that both deities were worshipped at the temple in their capacity as patrons of crafts, especially at the annual Chalkeia festival. The appearance of the statue is the subject of considerable debate, but Pausanias (1.14.5) makes brief allusion to the Erichthonios story in connection with it, and scholars have argued
Our earliest source for the story is Euripidess Phoenician Women 81821 and 93142, which dates to 41109 BCE; cf. Apollodorus 3.4.1. For a discussion of the sources, see Gantz 46771. 50) On the slightly confusing picture presented by earlier sources, and the inconsistent application of the names Erichthonios and Erechtheus, see briey Gantz 2335. The signicance of the autochthony myth to Athenians of the classical period is discussed at length by Loraux: see especially 3771 on the Erichthonios story, and 184236 on its elaboration in Euripides Ion. On the Ions treatment of the autochthony theme, see also Zachariah 44102. 51) See Kron, Erechtheus LIMC nos 128; Reeder 25066 nos 6772; Loraux pls 15; Carpenter g. 111; Brard gs. 46. Shapiro, Autochthony and the visual arts discusses both the Erichthonios scenes and representations of Kekrops, whose Earth-born nature seems to be indicated by his hybrid form, with a mans upper body but a snakey tail in place of legs. 52) See Boardman, Classical Period 1468 and Harrison, Alkamenes Sculptures.
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either that the baby might have been part of the main group, held in Athenes arms, or that the statue-base might have featured a scene similar to the vase paintings, with Earth handing the baby over to Athene (g. 4).53 Local autochthony myths always focus on the maleas Loraux comments, there is no rst Athenian woman54but, as we have seen, Hesiod provides a much stronger narrative for the creation of a universal rst woman. The Works and Days account particularly elaborates on Pandoras physical preparation by Athene and by Aphrodites assistants: And the goddess bright-eyed Athene girdled her and adorned her, and the divine Graces and lady Persuasion put golden necklaces around her neck, and the rich-haired Seasons garlanded her with spring owers; and Pallas Athene bedecked her form with every adornment (ll. 7276). The dangerous character of Pandoras outer attractiveness is clear from the opening of the account, when Zeus proposes to give mankind an evil thing, in which all will delight in their hearts even as they warmly embrace their own

Figure 4. Birth of Erichthonios. One possible reconstruction of the base of the cult statue in the temple of Hephaistos, Athenian Agora. Drawing: Amilia Kossona, from Delivorrias 1997: g. 6.

53)

See Delivorrias on this reconstruction, reproduced here with his kind permission. Palagia, Meaning and narrative techniques 6874 provides a useful overview and criticism of the various reconstructions proposed, concluding that the birth of Erichthonios was not the subject of the base. See also Robertson 9596. 54) Loraux 10. She later comments: the consistency of this discourse about women deserves to be emphasized, especially considering the proliferation of various competing discourses in the world of the Greek city about the origins of the rst man (75).

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misfortune (Works and Days ll. 5758), but at the same time the beautication process very much presents Pandora as the bride she is about to be to Epimetheus.55 This role is apparent in the one certain image we have of Pandora being handed over to her future husband (g. 5);56 both Pandoras and Epimetheuss identities are conrmed by inscriptions, though the latters workmans tunic and mallet would more usually be associated with Hephaistos.57 Zeus stands to the far left next to a readily-identiable Hermes, reecting the conclusion of the adornment scene, where Zeus instructs Hermes to deliver Pandora to Epimetheus (Works and Days ll. 8385); in his left hand Hermes carries a ower, perhaps as a nal touch to Pandoras adornment. The small Eros above Pandoras head indicates her sexual attractiveness, but the inclusion of such a gure is also a conventional way of identifying the bride in wedding scenes on vases of this period; likewise Pandoras crown might be standard bridal wear, although it is also reminiscent of the elaborate golden crown made by Hephaistos in the Theogony version of the story (ll. 57884).58 The most striking aspect of the image, however, is Pandoras position rising out of the ground, which might be meant to symbolise her creation from earth and water, and certainly calls to mind representations of Earth, as seen above in color plates 6 and 7, and gure 4.59

55) The adornment of the bride becomes a standard scene in Athenian vase painting: see Oakley and Sinos 1621. On the ambivalent character of Persuasion here and in later wedding imagery, see Staord, Worshipping Virtues 11145. 56) Robertson g. 4.8; Reeder no. 81; Shapiro, Personications g. 45; Carpenter, Art and Myth g. 119. 57) See Neils for a comparison of this with the scene on a Campanian amphora of c. 45025 BCE, attributed to the Owl Pillar Group (London F 147; Robertson gs. 4.910), in which a female rising from the earth is greeted by a male wearing a workmans hat and holding a mallet. The gures are not labelled here, so that their identications remain controversial, but Neilss interpretation of the image on the reverse of the vase as Zeus contemplating Hope, trapped inside Pandoras jar, is attractive. 58) Oakley and Sinos 45. 59) Brard 1614, g. 71. He concludes that the representation of Pandora here is due to the inuence of images of other females rising from the earth, rather than reecting a genuine variation in Pandoras own story; he therefore dismisses the idea that the Hammerers of Sophocless satyr-play were employed somehow in liberating Pandora from the ground.

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Figure 5. Epimetheus receives Pandora; Zeus, Hermes and Eros attend. Attic red-gure krater, c. 450 BCE, Oxford G 275. Photo: Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

It is more usually the adornment, however, which is the focus of representations of Pandora in the visual arts.60 In one late sixth-century image she appears like a doll in Zeuss hands, while Hermes stands by and a goddess,
The Pandora entry in the LIMC catalogues just six images, which are more fully discussed by Reeder 27786, Shapiro, Myth into Art 6370, Hurwit, and Robertson.
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Figure 6. Creation of Pandora. Attic red-gure krater by the Niobid Painter, c. 460 BCE, London E 467. Above: Athene, Pandora, Ares. Below: musician and actors dressed for a satyr play. Photo: British Museum.

who may be Aphrodite or one of her assistants, holds out wreaths or necklaces for her adornment.61 The more standard schema, though, has Pandora standing frontally, on only a slightly smaller scale than the surrounding deities. The earliest version of this type is an Attic white-ground cup of
61)

Attic black-gure amphora by the Diosphos Painter, c. 520 BCE (Berlin F 1837); Robertson g. 4.1. Shapiro does not recognise this as a Pandora scene, and explains the absence of archaic representations as reecting the storys lack of action (Myth into Art 66).

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c. 47060 BCE, where the central female is in fact named Anesidora (she who releases gifts), but she is suitably anked by Hephaistos, who holds a stick for marking the clay, and Athene, who pins the womans peplos (one of two standard Greek types of female dress) as the rst stage of her adornment.62 More or less contemporary with this is the red-gure krater (g. 6), which again shows Pandora frontally and wearing a peplos while Athene prepares to crown her with a wreath; behind Athene, Poseidon turns to converse with a seated Zeus, while Ares is looking back at Hermes who seems to be running away from the scene.63 In the frieze below are an aulos-player and a chorus of actors dressed as satyrs, suggesting that the image was inspired by a satyr-play such as Sophocless Pandora, mentioned above. In keeping with the satyrs, Aress proximity to Pandora might be a humorous touch, given the gods traditional role as Aphrodites virile lover (Odyssey 8.266366), or more seriously might indicate that war is one of the evils she will bring upon mankind. The most signicant appearance of this scene, however, is on the base of Pheidiass celebrated statue of Athene Parthenos, made in 438 BCE to stand in the Parthenon. The original 11.5 m tall chryselephantine statue does not survive, but we have brief mentions of the plinths subject in Pausanias (1.24.57) and Pliny (Natural History 36.1819), and two smallerscale copies of the statue make some attempt to replicate the base.64 The so-called Lenormant Athene is a very small version, with just six gures on the base, rather than the twenty recorded by Pliny, but it includes the chariots of the Sun and Moon at either end, indicating a cosmic setting for the scene.65 Color plate 9 is a rather larger version, a third of the size of the original and with ten gures on the base, made in the Hellenistic period to adorn the library at Pergamon.66 Pandora is just about distinguishable in the center, in a frontal pose, on a slightly reduced scale and wearing a peplos, just like the images on the vases; the gure immediately to the left, one of three Graces or Seasons, holds what may be a belt, an essential accessory

Attributed to the Tarquinia Painter (London D4); Robertson g. 4.2; Hurwit g. 5; Reeder no. 79; Shapiro, Personications 41. 63) Robertson g. 4.4; Hurwit g. 6; Reeder no. 80; Shapiro, Personications gs. 4244. 64) Recent discussions of the base include Palagia, Meaning and Narrative Techniques 6062, Harrison, Alkamenes Sculptures 4852, and Hurwit 1995. 65) Athens National Museum 128; Hurwit g. 3; Boardman, Classical Period g. 98. 66) Robertson gs. 4.57; Hurwit g. 2; Boardman, Classical Period g. 101; Harrison, Alkamenes Sculptures Part I, g. 10.

62)

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for the draping of a peplos, recalling Hesiods description of Athene girding Pandora. Various theories have been advanced as to why the story of Pandoras creation was chosen for such a prominent position. The story might be related to the troubling female gender of Athenss patron deity, juxtaposing the archetypal woman/mother to the anti-femininity of Athene (a virgin, born of her father), at the same time oering justication for the political exclusion of women and warning of the existence of evil and the possibility of catastrophe even in Athens.67 More positively, the emphasis might be on Pandoras role as mother of all Greeks, who acts as a conduit for the gifts of Athene and Hephaistos, signifying that Athens is showering Greece with the gifts of civilisation (Palagia, Meaning and Narrative Techniques 61). Most recently it has been suggested that the emphasis on Pandoras adornment, and in particular the girding of her peplos, might provide an aition for the central ritual of the Panathenaia festival, in which a new peplos was presented to Athene, and which is (arguably) depicted at the center of the Parthenons east frieze.68

III

Conclusion

In conclusion then the story of the worlds creation could have been presented in Greek artthe strong anthropomorphism of Greek thought facilitated representation of both gods and natural phenomena in human form, while Hesiod provided an authoritative narrative from which episodes might be excerpted. The images we have, however, are conned to one or two unusual divine births and battles establishing divine order. It may be simply that the very beginnings of things were not of particular interest to the majority of Greeksand even Hesiod passes over the early stages as quickly as possiblebut any answer to the question should take into account the contexts in which our existing images appear. Vase painting favors strong, even dramatic, narrative, which is easily provided in the births of Aphrodite and Athene and various divine battles. Relief sculpture likewise requires a good story-line, but its use for the decoration of highprole public buildings and cult statues introduces a further, political level to the choice of subjecta Gigantomachy can convey a general message about the superiority of Greek order over barbarian chaos, while Athenes
67) 68)

Hurwit 186. According to Hurwit, Pandora is, in eect, the Anti-Athena (185). See Robertson.

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birth projects a more specic message about Athenian supremacy. Similar considerations must underlie the ways in which the creation of mankind is visualized. The complete absence of images of the creation of man from Greek art is, on the one hand, explicable in terms of the absence of any strong early narrative tradition, but may also reect the primacy of local stories of autochthony. The stronger interest in the origins of woman, on the other hand, attested by Hesiods narrative and reected in a handful of images, says much about Greek attitudes towards women: their existence requires explanation in a way which mans does not, while a rehearsing of their creation perhaps restores a sense of control for the male viewer.

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