Reflectarea Diversitatii in Media

REFLECTING DIVERSITY
IN THE MEDIA
REFLECTAREA DIVERSITII
N PRES

Chiinu 2005
DESCRIEREA CIP A CAMEREI NAIONALE A CRII:

Reecting diversity in the media = Reectarea diversitii n pres =
/ Natalia Angheli-Zaicenco;
trad.: Vladimir Kolteniuk, Iulian Robu . Ch. : Centrul Independent de Jurnalism, 2005
(Tipogr. T-Par SRL). p. 116 p.
ISBN 9975-9599-2-X
200 ex.
NOT ASUPRA EDIIEI:

Lucrarea reprezint o trecere n revist a principalelor informaii obinute n urma monitorizrii
reectrii relaiilor interregionale i interetnice de ctre cinci ziare guvernamentale din
Chiinu, Tiraspol i Comrat. Monitorizarea ziarelor Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova
suveran (Chiinu), Pridnestrovie i Adevrul nistrean (Tiraspol), i Vesti Gagauzii (Comrat) a
fost efectuat n perioada martie 2004 mai 2005. Raportul i propune s devin un instrument de lucru pentru cei interesai de problemele multiculturalismului i diversitii.
***
LA REALIZAREA EDIIEI AU COLABORAT:
Autor:
Dr. Natalia ANGHELI-ZAICENCO, Centrul Independent de Jurnalism
Recenzent:
Dr. Snjezana MILIVOJEVIC, Universitatea din Belgrad (Serbia)
Traducere:
Vladimir KOLTENIUK, Iulian ROBU
Redactare:
Ludmila COSTIN, Mary LAMPHEAR, Natalia MACIULAN
***
Natalia ANGHELI-ZAICENCO, text
Centrul Independent de Jurnalism, proiect
Mihai CATAN, design i machetare
Lucrarea apare n cadrul Proiectului Crearea unui cadru de relaii panice n Republica
Moldova (The Peace Building Framework Project), administrat de ctre secia DFID din
cadrul Ambasadei Marii Britanii la Chiinu. Proiectul este nanat din Fondul Guvernului
Marii Britanii pentru prevenirea conictelor n Rusia i statele CSI. Finanatorii nu subscriu
i nu rspund pentru coninutul acestei publicaii.
070=111=135.1=161.1
REFLECTING DIVERSITY
IN THE MEDIA
Final Monitoring Report
MARCH 2004 MAY 2005
CONTENTS
Executive summary ............................................................................... 5
1. Introduction ...................................................................................... 7
2. Monitoring methodology ................................................................. 10
3. Background
3.1. Historical context ............................................................... 12
3.2. Demographics .................................................................... 13
4. General trends and paper specics
4.1. Key political,economic, other developments covered ........... 15
4.2. Coverage trends ................................................................. 16
4.3. Paper specics ..................................................................... 17
5. Nature of coverage
5.1. Article totals ...................................................................... 20
5.2. Story prominence, length and genre ................................. 22
5.3. Story focus, event importance and location ..................... 24
5.4. Representing the spectrum
(social groups, nationalities, gender-bending) ................... 25
5.5. Issues highlighted or marginalized, coverage tone ............. 28
6. True multiculturalism and diversity? .............................................. 34
7. Recommendations ............................................................................. 38
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The monitoring of ve government-funded newspapers from Chisinau,
Comrat and Tiraspol was carried out in the framework of the project
Networking for Diversity in March 2004 May 2005. Coverage of interregional and inter-ethnic relations in the following newspapers was studied:
Nezavisimaia Moldova and Moldova suverana (Chisinau), Pridnestrovie
and Adevarul nistrean (Tiraspol), as well as Vesti Gagauzii (Comrat). The
purpose was to establish to what extent various facets of these issues were
highlighted, and whether there were signicant variations across these
publications in the way who, what and how was represented in the
stories. Relevant articles were studied to establish their prominence (page
placement) in the newspaper, length, genre, focus, signicance and location
of the event covered, ethnic groups specied, as well as actors, their voice,
role, and the tone of coverage of actors activity.
Throughout the monitoring period the following general trends were
observed in the coverage of inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations by the
ve monitored newspapers:
Relevant issues enjoyed high prominence, with a third of the articles
published on the front page;
Throughout the analyzed period the coverage of inter-regional relations
by far exceeded that of inter-ethnic relations;
Straightforward news stories predominated in the coverage of relevant
issues, and another signicant group was analyses/commentaries;
Short stories made up more than half of the articles;
Stories were predominantly framed around non-conict everyday
events;
One-source stories were an absolute majority;
Authorities representatives predominated both as news sources and as
story actors;
For the majority of the monitored newspapers, governmental issues
(i.e. activities of various public institutions, elections, or implementation
of various legal acts) were the most frequent issues covered;
REFLECTING
DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA
Economic, lifestyle, and crime/justice issues remained largely underreported;

Actors were predominantly represented as a group, not as sociallyactive individuals; when singled out individually, the overwhelming
majority were male;
Story actors were seldom given a voice, i.e. quoted directly or
paraphrased, instead there was a distinctive tendency to speak for
them;
The tone of coverage of actors activities was overwhelmingly neutral.
Despite their geographical and, sometimes, even ideological
dierences, all the analyzed papers appear to adhere to similar journalism
standards. Financial support from public coers seems to trigger a tacit
obligation to provide priority coverage of the activities of political elites to
the detriment of issues aecting everyday life of average citizens.
The coverage was predominantly reactive there were very few cases
when the monitored papers brought up issues to public attention, raised
topics for public debate or demanded changes in relevant public policies.
Under the circumstances, the watchdog role of these media outlets
was signicantly reduced. They largely failed to promote diversity and
multiculturalism.
The quality of relevant stories can be improved and their potential impact
on readers can be increased by applying the principles of constructive
journalism and by engaging journalists in joint reporting projects with
peers from dierent geographic and ethnic backgrounds.
1. INTRODUCTION
What is journalism for? In the modern media-savvy world most literate
adults will have an opinion about it. Some would say journalists role is
that of detached observer of events. Others would insist that they should
be activist participants in major developments. There are also those who
would be happy to see journalists simply as entertainers. The priorities of
the media, public opinion and policy makers interact in complex ways and
have multi-directional eects1. Many would even say that, in one way or
another, the news media set the public agendas2.
However, few are satised with the way this works. Members of our
profession have been accused of being overly-simplistic, reactive, and of
over-playing conict and violence. What is more, in ethnically diverse
communities, the media are often said to reinforce the existing dierences.
They can degenerate spirals of communication and in this way amplify
communal division3. On the other hand, the news media can also serve
as a condence-building tool. By covering a wide spectrum of voices, by
increasing the range of sources and analyzing the agendas of people who
do not belong to the elites, they can contribute to conict resolution and
promote multiculturalism and diversity.
In conditions when Moldovan media continue to depend on various
forms of sponsorship for survival and journalists largely remain divided
along political, linguistic and even geographical lines, there is a pressing
need for activities aimed at bringing them together and enhancing their
critical role as a fourth estate.
The project titled Networking for Diversity was administered by the
Independent Journalism Center (IJC) from January 2004 to June 2005.
1.McQuails Mass Communication Theory. McQuail, Denis. Sage Publications, 2000, p. 456.
2. Agenda-setting theory is based on the premise that the media has the ability to lter and shape the
reality in such a way so as to make the public perceive certain issues as more important than others.
3. The media election. Coverage of the 2003 Northern Ireland Assembly poll. Wilson, Robin and Fawcett,
Liz. Democratic Dialogue. http://www.democraticdialogue.org , January 2004, p. 6.
REFLECTING
DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA
It aimed to promote professional cooperation among journalists from

three conventional regions of Moldova Transnistria, Gagauzia, and
the rest of the country.
The major project components were as follows:
Production of joint materials by mixed teams of journalists from
Transnistria, Gagauzia, and other regions;
Content analysis of the coverage of minority-majority relations by
newspapers from Transnistria, Gagauzia, and other regions;
Creation of a diversity network comprising journalists from dierent
Moldovan regions to promote good practices in reporting about issues
of multiculturalism.
In the framework of the project more than 150 materials were
published/broadcast in various news outlets from Transnistria,
Gagauzia and other Moldovan regions. Six special newsletters
featuring various aspects of diversity reporting and multiculturalism
were produced by project participants, while an IJC research team
analyzed the coverage of relevant issues in mainstream national and
regional newspapers.
The project was built on the premise that true multiculturalism and
diversity can only be attained if adequate attention is given to all segments
of society and the coverage focus is shifted from the comings and goings
of the powers that be to bread-and-butter issues that are of real concern
to the members of the general public.
According to the project participants, its major achievement was
opening of new topic horizons to them, i.e. reminding them that there
is a whole range of issues to be covered beyond the spheres of politics
and economics. Journalists reported positive feedback from the reading
public to the civic journalism perspective that had been generated by
the project activities. Participating news organizations have reported
REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA
strong emotional reactions to materials that had been carried out in

the framework of the project they received letters and phone calls
from readers, and their media outlets registered a circulation increase4.
4.Reectarea diversitatii in mass-media. Evaluare de proiect (Reecting diversity in the media.

A project evaluation). IMAS Inc., June 2005, p. 7.
2. MONITORING METHODOLOGY
Media monitoring was carried out in March 2004 May 2005 by a
research team composed of Dr. Natalia Angheli-Zaicenco (methodology
and data analysis), Diana Deres, Irina Gontea and Natalia Girleanu
(coders). Prof. Dr. hab. Constantin Marin of Moldova State University and
Dr. Snjezana Milivojevic from the University of Belgrade (Serbia) served
as consultants on the project.
The team looked at the way the mainstream national and regional
newspapers covered the following issues:
relations between three conventional regions Chisinau, Transnistria,
and Gagauzia;
relations between dierent ethnic groups inside the respective regions.
The purpose was to establish to what extent various facets of inter-ethnic
and inter-regional relations were highlighted, which themes were given
prominence, and to determine whether there were signicant variations
across the three regions in who, what and how received coverage.
The following research hypothesis has been advanced:
the coverage of inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations is sporadic;
it lacks variety and depth;
as a consequence, it fails to promote the principles of diversity and
multiculturalism.
Five mainstream newspapers from Chisinau, Transnistria and Gagauzia
were selected for analysis, i.e.:
Nezavisimaia Moldova Russian-language, Chisinau, print run ca.
14,300 copies
Moldova suverana Romanian-language, Chisinau, print run ca.
15,000 copies
REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 11
Pridnestrovie Russian-language, Tiraspol, print run ca. 3,100 copies

Adevarul nistrean Romanian-language, Tiraspol, print run 1,300
copies5
Vesti Gagauzii Russian-language, Comrat, print run ca. 5,000 copies
At the time of the analysis, all ve papers were funded by the governments
of the respective regions6, had region-wide circulation, and largely reected
the ocial stance on major societal developments. Two issues per week of
every newspaper were selected for analysis7. These issues were analyzed for
the way ethnic groups inside these three regions were covered, as well as the
character of the coverage of relations between these regions.
Relevant articles were studied to establish their prominence (page
placement) in the newspaper, length, genre, focus, signicance and location
of the event covered, source of information, issues and character of the
event covered, ethnic groups highlighted, actors, their voice, role, and the
tone of coverage of actors activity.
5. Despite such a marked dierence in their print runs, both Pridnestrovie and Adevarul nistrean have the
Transnistrian presidency and parliament as founders. Russian remains the most frequently used language,
even though the equality of Russian, Ukrainian and Moldovan (Romanian) languages is proclaimed in
Transnistrian constitution. Moldovan (Romanian)-language media are in demand largely in Moldovan
(Romanian)-language villages and a few educational establishments throughout the region.
6. In May-June 2005, the Moldovan government ocially withdrew as the founder of Nezavisimaia
Moldova and Moldova suverana. No immediate changes in the format or content of the respective
papers ensued.
7. Since Adevarul nistrean comes out only once a week, every issue of this publication was analyzed.
3. BACKGROUND
3.1 Historical context
Moldovas emancipation from the Soviet rule brought about the
revival of the national awareness of ethnic Moldovans. As part of
this movement, a Law on the Functioning of Languages on the Territory
of Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic (RSSM) was adopted in 1989.
Under the law, Moldovan (Romanian) gained the status of the official
language, and Russian was declared the language of communication
among nations 8. While raising the status of Moldovan (Romanian),
the law also stipulated the use of Ukrainian, Bulgarian, Hebrew,
Yiddish, Roma languages, etc. to meet the needs of various ethnic
groups living in Moldova.9 The law also stipulated the use of the
Latin alphabet for Moldovan (Romanian).
However, the drive for the revival of Moldovan culture and language,
and especially the adoption of the language law, was perceived as a threat
by some representatives of ethnic minorities. Their strongest fear was
that Moldova would eventually reunite with neighboring Romania (of
which it was part before 1940). Fierce protests ensued in the region east
of the river Dniester, which was populated largely by Ukrainians and
Russians. Thus, the self-proclaimed Moldovan Trans-Dniestrian Republic
(Transnistria) was created in September 1990. The 1991 referendum to
preserve the Soviet Union, boycotted in most of Moldova, was widely
hailed here. The Transnistrian parliament abolished the 1989 language
law and reintroduced the use of the Cyrillic alphabet for the Moldovan
language. The regions constitution declares Moldovan, Russian and
Ukrainian as the regions ocial languages.10 Relations between central
authorities and Transnistrian separatists reached a nadir in late 1991, and
several hundred lives were lost in ghting over the next seven months.
8. Article 3 of the Law on the Functioning of Languages on the Territory of RSSM .
9. Article 4 of the Law on the Functioning of Languages on the Territory of RSSM.
10. Article 12 of the Constitution of the Moldovan Trans-Dniestrian Republic.
The situation has remained tense, and years of negotiations between the
central authorities and Transnistrian leaders brokered by the OSCE have
not resulted in any signicant breakthrough.
In the south of Moldova, the fears of ethnic Gagauz (a Christian
Orthodox Turkic people) of losing their rights as a result of Moldovas
independence were allayed when the autonomous region of Gagauz
Yeri (Gagauzia) was created. The 1994 Law on the Special Legal Status of
Gagauz Yeri gave them the right to independently settle issues relating
to the political, economic and cultural development of the region.
Under the law, the ocial languages of Gagauz-Yeri are Moldovan
(Romanian), Gagauz and Russian. However, the predominant means
of communication in the region are Russian and Gagauz. Gagauzia has
its own parliament, while the regions governor (baskan) is a member of
the Moldovan Cabinet.
3.2 Demographics
According to preliminary data of the 2004 census, the population of
Moldova (without Transnistria) comprises 3,388,071 people. Moldovans
(and Romanians) are the largest ethnic group making up 78.2%. They
are followed by Ukrainians - 8.4%, Russians - 5.8%, Gagauz - 4.4%,
Bulgarians - 1.9%. Representatives of other ethnic groups number
1.3%.11
According to the census, 155,587 persons lived in Gagauzia in 2004.
The ethnic composition of the region was as follows: Moldovans 4.6%,
Ukrainians 3%, Russians 3.7%, Gagauz 82.6%, Bulgarians 5.1%,
and representatives of other nationalities - 0.9%.12
11. Recensamintul 2004. (2004 population census). Biroul national de Statistica al Republicii Moldova
(National Statistics Bureau of Moldova). http://www.statistica.md/recensamint.php
12. Ibid.
14 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA
The Transnistrian authorities did not participate in the national

Moldovan census, but organized their own population count instead.
According to the local census, 555,500 people lived in the region in
2004. Moldovans made up 31.9%, Russians 30.3% and Ukrainians
- 28.8%, whereas representatives of other nationalities comprised 9%.13
13. .
(Preliminary results of census in Transnistria have been announced). .
. http://www.narodru.ru/news3447.html , 09 June 2005
4. GENERAL TRENDS
AND PAPER SPECIFICS
4.1 Key political, economic and other developments covered
The period under analysis was marked by a variety of regional, national
and international events which had an impact on the coverage of relevant
issues in the ve monitored newspapers.
In the summer and early autumn of 2004, tensions between central
Moldovan authorities and Transnistrian leaders grew signicantly. Six
Romanian-language schools were closed down by the Transnistrian
administration in late July, and the Tighina (Bendery) segment of the
Moldovan railway was taken over by the local law-enforcement ocers. As a
result, negotiations on the future status of Transnistria were suspended, and
President Vladimir Voronin imposed economic sanctions against the region.
In September 2004, Dinu Mija, a cameraman of Moldovan public television,
was arrested by Transnistrian authorities and spent one week in a local jail.
The crisis has received ample coverage in most of the monitored papers.
In autumn 2004, the Moldovan parliament passed a law on privatization
in Transnistria which was severely criticized by the regions authorities.
Instead, Transnistrian leaders launched the idea to hold a referendum on
formal independence from Moldova (by June 2005, the referendum had
not been organized).
Tensions started to subside in late autumn of 2004, and OSCEmediated talks between authorities in Chisinau and Tiraspol resumed.
After months of protests, students of Romanian-language Transnistrian
schools returned to the classrooms. Nevertheless, by the end of the year the
Transnistrian authorities created a new political movement Respublica
aimed at strengthening the regions statehood.
In January March 2005, the coverage in the monitored papers was
largely dominated by the campaign for parliamentary elections in Moldova
and the local elections in Transnistria. Inter-regional relations, as well as

aspects of inter-ethnic relations, were largely viewed through the election
perspective.
In April 2005, Vladimir Voronin was re-elected as the countrys
president, and Moldova hosted a summit of GUUAM.14 The major
highlight of the summit was the proposal on the solution of the
Transnistrian dispute made by the Ukrainian President Victor Iuscenco.
This initiative was discussed at length in most of the monitored papers.
Throughout the monitoring period, inter-regional and inter-ethnic
relations were also covered in the context of various anniversaries:
the 10th anniversary of the Moldovan Constitution ( July 2004);
the 500th anniversary of the death of Moldovan ruler Stefan cel Mare
( July 2004);
the 10th anniversary of Adevarul nistrean (September 2004);
the 10th anniversary of Gagauz autonomy (December 2004);
the 60th anniversary of Soviet Army victory in World War II.
4.2 Coverage trends

In March 2004 - May 2005, the following general trends were observed
in the coverage of inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations in the papers
under analysis:
Relevant issues enjoyed high prominence, with a third of the articles
published on the front page;
Throughout the analyzed period the coverage of inter-regional
relations by far exceeded that of inter-ethnic relations;
14. GUUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Moldova) Group was formally founded
in 2000 as a political, economic and strategic alliance designed to strengthen the independence and
sovereignty of these former Soviet Union republics. In 2005, Uzbekistan withdrew its membership.
Since then the organization has been known as GUAM.
Straightforward news stories predominated in the coverage of relevant

issues, and another signicant group were analyses/commentaries;
Short stories made up more than half of the articles;
Stories were predominantly framed around non-conict everyday
events;
One-source stories were an absolute majority;
Authorities representatives predominated both as news sources and
as story actors;
For the majority of the monitored newspapers governmental issues (i.e.
activities of various public institutions, elections or implementation
of various legal acts) were the most frequent issues covered;
Economic, lifestyle, and crime/justice issues remained largely underreported;
Actors were predominantly represented as a group, not as sociallyactive individuals; when singled out individually, the overwhelming
majority were male;
Story actors were seldom given a voice, i.e. quoted directly or
paraphrased, instead there was a distinctive tendency to speak for
them;
The tone of coverage of actors activities was overwhelmingly
neutral.
4.3 Paper specics

In Nezavisimaia Moldova and Moldova suverana relevant issues were
largely covered in the context of various protocol events, i.e. highlevel meetings, visits, etc. Interest in dierent ethnic groups increased
signicantly during trips of Moldovan authorities to the countries where
these were titular nations (e.g. Bulgaria, Azerbaijan) or visits to Moldova
by high-ranking ocials from these states. Aspects of relations between
the regions were viewed primarily from the perspective of political elites
from Chisinau. The Transnistrian stalemate was the dominant issue, and
the general underlying message was that the local leaders are criminals who
are interested in preserving the status quo (this position is very much in line
with the ocial stance on the problem). The coverage of relevant events
in both newspapers was overwhelmingly concise, and the predominant
journalistic genre was straightforward news. Since Nezavisimaia Moldova
and Moldova suverana both have a nationwide circulation, it is not surprising
that events of national importance predominated.
A similar coverage trend was observed in Pridnestrovie. Here aspects of
relations between Transnistrian and Moldovan authorities were the major
highlight, and the stance of the regions authorities on relevant issues was
always perceived as the right one. On the other hand, Moldovan policies
towards Transnistria, and especially the agenda promoted by President
Vladimir Voronin, came under close scrutiny and severe criticism. The
keynote message throughout the monitoring period was that Moldovan
leaders are inveterate liars. Therefore, their initiatives on resolving
the Transnistrian dispute cannot be trusted. Similarly, Pridnestrovie
frequently criticized the position of the Western nations and international
organizations on the Transnistrian issue. Since Moldovan leaders, and
especially Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin, were among the most
frequent story actors, it is not surprising that the paper had the largest ratio
of negative evaluations of actors activities and the largest number of stories
in which relevant events were framed around verbal conicts. Analysis
was the most favorite news genre used to cover aspects of relations with
central Chisinau authorities, and Pridnestrovie carried the largest ratio
of analysis/commentaries among the monitored papers. However, in the
coverage of other issues analyses were not that frequent.
Adevarul nistrean and Vesti Gagauzii devoted far more attention to
highlighting various cultural issues, and in this way they diered from the
other monitored papers. Traditions, history, and development of ethnic
languages featured prominently in both papers, sometimes even in the
shape of scientic research articles.
For Adevarul nistrean, aspects of the life of ethnic Moldovans in the
region were of primary interest. The key message in most articles was that
Transnistria is the only remaining bastion of Moldovenism in the world,

i.e. the only place where Moldovans can develop their autochthonous
language and culture. Stories of regional importance were an absolute
majority. The paper carried the largest number of features as well as stories
framed around festivities. The ratio of positive evaluations of actors
activities was the highest among all monitored papers.
On the other hand, Vesti Gagauzii had the largest ratio of stories in
which actor activities were evaluated in a neutral way. Another distinctive
feature of this publication was its extensive coverage of decisions taken by
various national public administration bodies. Vesti Gagauzii carried the
largest number of long and very long stories and had the highest ratio of
articles framed around non-conict, everyday events. Most of the articles in
the paper were published in Russian. However, throughout the monitoring
period Vesti Gagauzii also carried a regular insert in the Gagauz language.
5. NATURE OF COVERAGE
5.1 Article totals
Over the 15-month monitoring period 3,057 articles highlighting
aspects of inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations were identied. Vesti
Gagauzii carried the largest number of stories on the issues analyzed (744),
whereas the number of relevant materials in other monitored newspapers
ranged between 570 and 598 (see the percentage ratio in diagram 1):
Diagram1 1
Diagram
23%
19%
Nezavisim aia Moldova

Moldova suverana
Diagram
1
Pridnestrovie
20%
Adevarul nistrean
19%
Vesti
Gagauzii
Nezavisim
aia Moldova
23%
19%
19%
Moldova suverana
Pridnestrovie
20%
Adevarul nistrean
Throughout this period, the ve newspapers
focused mainly on
19%
Gagauzii
relations among the three conventional Vesti
regions
(Transnistria, Gagauzia,
Diagram 2
19%As shown
and the rest of Moldova).
in diagram 2, the number of articles
on these30%
issues by far exceeded the number of stories on aspects of interethnic relations:
Inter-regional relations
Diagram
2
Inter-ethnic relations
Diagram 2
30%
70%
Inter-regional relations
Inter-ethnic relations
Diagram 3
70%
300
250
200
150
Diagram 3
100
300
50
250
0
200
04
04
04
04
05
05
05
05
Diagram 1
23%
19%
Nezavisim aia Moldova

Moldova suverana
Pridnestrovie
20%
Adevarul nistrean
REFLECTING
DIVERSITY
Vesti Gagauzii
19%
IN THE MEDIA 21
19%
The coverage of issues within the scope of the present research was
largely reactive. It appeared to be driven mainly by political developments
in the country. Thus, the number Diagram
of relevant
articles increased at the time
2
of the Romanian-language
schools crisis in August-October 2004, in the
30%
run-up to the general and presidential Inter-regional
elections ofrelations
March-April 2005, and
relations
following the new initiatives on ways toInter-ethnic
resolve the
Transnistrian stalemate
in May 2005 (cf. data in diagram70%
3):
Diagram 3
Diagram 3
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
ar
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4
A
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04
M
ay
4
'0
Ju
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'0
4
Ju
ly
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4
A
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04
p
Se
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04
O
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'0
4
N
ov
'0
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D
ec
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4
Ja
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05
F
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M
ar
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A
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ay
'0
5.2 Story prominence, length and genre

Aspects of inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations were given a high
prominence in the monitored papers. Throughout the 15 monitoring
months 1,012 articles (33%) on these issues were placed on the front
page. The number of front-page stories in the five newspapers ranged
from 161 to 273.
Traditionally, the Moldovan newspapers tend to carry political
stories on their front pages, and this tendency was preserved in the
coverage of inter-regional and inter-ethnic issues by the monitored
newspapers. There appeared to be a direct link between story
prominence and the general coverage trends in each of the five papers
analyzed. As shown in diagram 4, the largest number of front-page
articles on relevant issues were printed in Pridnestrovie (47% of all such
articles published in that newspaper) and Moldova suverana (38%)
both of which show a proclivity towards political and protocol events.
By comparison, the smallest number of front-page articles on interregional and inter-ethnic relations was carried by Adevarul nistrean
and Vesti Gagauzii the papers that lean more towards the coverage of
cultural developments:
Even though a fairly large number of stories on aspects of interethnic or inter-regional relations was registered during the monitoring
period, these were largely short or medium-length articles.15 As shown
in diagram 5, all five monitored newspapers tended towards a concise
coverage of relevant issues rather than detailed, in-depth reporting:
15. An article, which was one-page long or longer, was considered as very long; an article, which was
between half-page and full page in length as long; an article, which was between a quarter of page
and half a page in length as medium-length; an article, which was less than a quarter of a page as
short;.
Throughout the monitoring period, Vesti Gagauzii carried the

largest number of long stories (116). These were largely excerpts from
research papers on various aspects of history, culture and traditions
of the Gagauz people. Pridnestrovie carried 81 long stories - mostly
opinion pieces or analyses on aspects of Transnistrias relations with
central Moldovan authorities.
In terms of journalistic genres, there was little diversity in the
monitored newspapers. Straightforward news made up the largest
group - accounting for 40% of all stories on relevant issues. Editorials/
opinion pieces comprised the second largest group (32% of the
total story number), while such newspaper genres as features and
interviews were largely under-represented (cf. diagram 6):
In Moldova suverana the ratio of straightforward news was even

higher - reaching 62%. On the other hand, in Pridnestrovie, news made
up only 24.9% of all relevant stories. Here analysis/ commentary was
the most popular genre in the coverage of aspects of inter-ethnic and
inter-regional relations (45.9%).
The only signicant dierence concerning the use of newspaper
genres in the coverage of relevant issues was observed in Adevarul
nistrean. Throughout the 15 monitored months this paper carried the
largest number of feature articles (24.4% of the total articles on relevant
issues published in the paper).
5.3 Story focus, event importance and location

In the overwhelming majority of stories on inter-ethnic and interregional relations, relevant issues were tackled as primary topics. They
were considered in a more general context or in connection with other
topics in less than a quarter of cases (682 stories in all the monitored
newspapers) and were briey mentioned in 476 relevant articles
published in March 2004-May 2005 (cf. diagram 7):
More than two-thirds of relevant articles (67%) highlighted events of

national importance. As shown in diagram 8, the only signicant dierence
was the coverage in Adevarul nistrean, where issues of regional importance
predominated:
With the exception of Vesti Gagauzii, all the monitored newspapers

largely covered developments that occurred inside their respective regions.
The ratio of locally-based events was the highest in Adevarul nistrean

(88% of all relevant stories covered by the paper during the 15-month
period). (See diagram 9):
5.4 Representing the spectrum (social groups,

nationalities, gender-bending)
In terms of sources used, issues covered and actors featured, the coverage
in the ve monitored newspapers lacked diversity. In March 2004-May 2005,
one-source stories predominated in the coverage of inter-ethnic and interregional relations. Thus, only 3,404 sources were identied in 3,057 stories.
The most frequent news triggers in the analyzed papers were statements
by government newsmakers. Events were largely viewed through the
perspective of political elites, and authorities predominated both as news
sources and as story actors (cf. diagram 10):
By comparison, the number of arts/culture personalities, military

representatives, economic and business leaders, sportsmen/sportswomen as
story actors was signicantly smaller (see diagram 11):
The number of personalities from the eld of education, NGO

representatives, health or social workers and law-enforcement ocers
specied in the stories on inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations was
even smaller:
Education personalities 158 (4.4% of all story actors registered in
the ve papers);
NGO representatives 130 (3.6%);
Law-enforcement ocers 62 (1.7%);
Health workers 22 (0.6%);
Social workers 7 (0.2%).
Representatives of dierent ethnicities, too, received insucient
individualized coverage. Not only were they mentioned in just 30% of all
relevant stories, but they were also practically ignored as news sources (cf.
diagram 12):
Many ethnic groups were mentioned only in the context of special

events such as ethnic/national celebrations or the annual ethno-cultural
festival organized by the Department of Inter-Cultural Relations.
Representatives of ethnic minorities were sometimes specied in articles
about high-level meetings with authorities of the respective countries
(Bulgarians, Azeris, etc.). Little attention was paid to their everyday
activities or concerns.
As shown in diagram 13, throughout the monitoring period Moldovans
were the most frequently mentioned ethnic group, whereas Bulgarians
were identied most seldom:
The ratios of dierent ethnic groups mentioned in the monitored

newspapers also depended on their editorial concept. Thus, Adevarul
nistrean considers itself as a newspaper that promotes the interests

of ethnic Moldovans and has the following slogan on its masthead:
Moldovans, preserve your language! Throughout the monitoring period
it mentioned Moldovan nationality most frequently. In a similar vein,
Vesti Gagauzii had the largest ratio of stories in which ethnic Gagauz
were specied (cf. diagram 14):
In general, minorities as a whole represented but a fraction of all story

actors (3.7%). Actors were represented predominantly as group entities,
and not as socially-active individuals (groups made up 68.8% of all actors
registered in relevant stories). In all the analyzed papers group actors
largely represented the population of the respective region. As shown in
diagram 15, when singled out individually the overwhelming majority of
actors were male:
Actors were seldom given a voice. In most of the cases (37.7%)

they were not even specied. They were referred to but not quoted in
29.5% of cases, paraphrased in 10.4% and quoted directly in 22.4%

of instances.
As follows from diagram 16, this is a general trend for all ve monitored newspapers:
5.5 Issues highlighted or marginalized, coverage tone

Throughout the monitoring period stories on relevant issues were
seldom triggered by journalistic enterprise. Few were the cases when
the monitored newspapers launched issues for public debate. Instead,
most of them previewed, analyzed or interpreted news generated
by officials or acknowledged special events or anniversaries. Thus,
elections, activities of various public institutions, implementation of
relevant provisions in the constitution and other legal acts, as well
as developments in the military domain made up 40.5% of all topics
covered in the five monitored newspapers. As seen from diagram 17,
this is a much higher ratio than that of stories on cultural, societal or
other topics:
The only signicant dierence in the coverage of relevant events was

registered in Adevarul nistrean. Here the ratio of articles on cultural issues
(arts, traditions, history and language) was signicantly higher than in
other monitored papers (see diagram 18):
In general, a predilection for political events has resulted in a number

of important topic domains being marginalized, i.e. economics, crime and
justice, lifestyles.
Not only were bread-and-butter issues absent from the coverage of
inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations by the monitored newspapers,
but the perspective of the average citizen was under-represented as well.
This was most noticeable in the way the monitored newspapers covered the
campaign for general and presidential elections in Moldova in early 2005.
At the time when election contenders could be expected to raise issues

of concern to prospective voters, platforms published in the analyzed papers
contained few references to ways interests of dierent ethnic groups could
be safeguarded or how the Transnistrian dispute could be resolved.
Instead, mutual suspicion and accusations thrived. Thus, Nezavisimaia
Moldova and Moldova suverana regularly accused candidates from
the opposition bloc Moldova Noastra Alliance of siding with the
Transnistrian separatists or even of being on their payroll. Nezavisimaia
Moldova also warned readers of acts of sabotage that could be carried out
by Transnistrian authorities during elections.16 According to the paper, the
Trasnistrian conict threatens inter-ethnic cooperation and tolerance in
the country.
Interestingly enough, similar warnings of possible acts of sabotage
were carried by Transnistrian media. The only dierence was the possible
perpetrator identied. Thus, Pridnestrovie quoted the regions leader
Igor Smirnov as saying that Moldova could try and provoke a new
armed conict during elections.17 The paper also accused the Moldovan
incumbents of promoting nationalist policies, as well as of trying to oust
Russians, Ukrainians and Belorussians from the country.18 Adevarul
nistrean lashed out against Moldovan authorities for not having opened
polling stations in the region and accused them of having adopted an
irresponsible attitude towards prospective voters.19 The paper also
repeatedly called on Moldovan citizens living in Transnistria not to vote
for Communists.
16. (The
CE Council of ministers has been informed about mounting tensions in Transnistria). Nezavisimaia
Moldova. 8 February 2005, p. 3.
17. : , . (We will
do everything not to admit clashes on the Dniester). Pridnestrovie. 26 January 2005, p. 1.
18. .(A wolf remains a wolf even in sheeps clothing). Pridnestrovie.
18 January 2005, p. 2.
19. Moldova are o atitudine iresponsabila fata de cetatenii ei. (Moldova has an irresponsible attitude
towards its citizens). Adevarul nistrean, 29 January. 2005, p. 2.
The key message in Vesti Gagauzii during the election campaign was
that it was the Communists who had ensured a true language, ethnic
and cultural diversity in Moldova.20 Moldova suverana maintained the
same note in its coverage. According to the paper, it was the Communist
governance that had created instruments for harmonious development
of all ethnicities in Moldova. 21
Nevertheless, throughout the 15-month monitoring period, the
dominating story-telling frame was non-conflict everyday events.
48.3% of stories in the five newspapers were built around it. Another
commonly-used frame was festivities/important dates (22.8%).
The ratio of stories covering verbal conflicts was significantly lower
- they comprised 15.4% of relevant articles in the five monitored
newspapers.
A similar non-conict reporting trend was observed in the coverage of
the activities of specic story actors. In all the papers analyzed the tone was
predominantly neutral (see diagram 19):
20.
.(The call of the Comrat bureau of the Socialist party to all
Moldovas voters). Vesti Gagauzii. 8 February 2005, p. 1.

21. Noua generatie nu trebuie sa e afectata de probleme lingvistice (The new generation should not
be aected by language problems). Moldova suverana. 1 February 2005, p. 3.
Adevarul nistrean carried the largest number of stories in which

actors activities were evaluated positively. These were largely activists of
Moldovan ethnic organizations, personalities from the eld of arts, culture
and education from Transnistria, or local veterans of World War II and the
1992 military operations.
Pridnestrovie published the largest number of stories in which the
activities of story actors were perceived in a negative way. Moldovan
authorities, western countries (especially the US), as well as the OSCE,
were regularly criticized for their stance on the Transnistrian dispute.
Negative evaluations increased signicantly in most of the newspapers
under analysis when relations between Moldova and Transnistria
worsened in the summer-early autumn of 2004 (cf. diagram 20):
During this time Pridnestrovie repeatedly maintained that

Romanian-language schools are Moldovas fth column, in which a
negative attitude towards the Transnistrian state is cultivated.22 Chisinau
authorities were accused of trying to perpetuate the image of the region
as an enclave of bandits.23 Reminiscences of the 1992 conict were
22. (When children become bargaining chips). Pridnestrovie.
16 July 2004, p. 1.
23. ,
(Chisinau has imposed an economic blockade against Eastern regions, but it is the
Moldovan enterprises that suer). Pridnestrovie. 24 August 2004, p. 1.
frequent. According to the paper, there were a lot of similarities between

the way the conict escalated in early 1992 and events in the summer
of 2005.
Moldova suverana also made reference to the early 1990s. The
paper stated that Transnistrian authorities had declared a war on
Romanian-language schools in 1991, i.e. when the regions struggle for
independence gained momentum.24 The closure of the schools featured
in the coverage of Nezavisimaia Moldova as well. Here the closure of the
schools was called a barbaric act.25 The paper maintained that students
of these schools had become hostages of evil policies of Transnistrian
leaders.26
The coverage of these events in Adevarul nistrean was far more moderate.
The keynote message was that the Transnistrian public was concerned about
the mounting tensions and did not want the events of 1992 to happen
again.27
Interestingly enough, Vesti Gagauzii practically ignored the issue. In the
three months of the school war only one story highlighted the relevant
events.
As the tensions subsided, so did the ratio of negative evaluations of
actors activities.
24. Smirnov a declarat razboi scolilor inca in 1991. (Smirnov declared the war on schools back in
1991). Moldova suverana. 17 August, 2004, p. 2.
25. (The
reintegration minister qualies the actions of the Transnistrian authorities as barbaric). Nezavisimaia
Moldova. 16 July 2004, p. 2.
26. (I am going home). Nezavisimaia Moldova. 23 July 2004, p. 6.
27. Obstimea nistreana e ingrijorata de escaladarea incordarii. (Transnistrian public is concerned about
mounting tensions). Adevarul nistrean. 7 August, 2004, p. 2.
6. TRUE MULTICULTURALISM
AND DIVERSITY?
The major pitfall of Moldovan media, i.e. their general obsession with
the comings and goings of political elites, has translated into a skewed
coverage of inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations by the monitored
newspapers:
Reporting about these issues was largely driven by political developments,
and authorities were the major newsmakers.
Political stories predominated by receiving front-page coverage, and it
was the perspective of the authorities on aspects of inter-ethnic and
inter-regional relations that was largely presented.
The stories were predominantly framed around the us-themdichotomy,
and the monitored papers unswervingly lined up behind the authorities
of the respective regions.
The coverage was predominantly reactive there were very few cases
when the monitored papers brought up issues to public attention, raised
topics for public debate or demanded changes in relevant public policies.
Issues aecting everyday life of average citizens were marginalized, and
their opinions on socially-signicant problems were rarely solicited.
Despite their geographical and, sometimes, even ideological
dierences, all the analyzed papers appear to adhere to similar journalism
standards. Financial support from the public coers seems to trigger a tacit
obligation to provide priority coverage of the activities of top political
gures rather than generate stories that would be of real interest to citizens.
Under the circumstances, the watchdog role of these media outlets was
substantially reduced.
Throughout the monitoring period even Adevarul nistrean and Vesti
Gagauzii, which proclaim the goal of preserving the language and culture
of ethnic Moldovans and Gagauz on their mastheads, appeared to take
their cues largely from the authorities.
The only exceptions were stories on sports. Throughout the 15

monitoring months the analyzed papers carried 163 articles about various
sports competitions involving participants from the three conventional
regions or proles of personalities from this domain. Activities of these story
actors were evaluated in a neutral or positive way even when relations between
authorities in Chisinau and Tiraspol reached a nadir in the summer of 2004.
Usually, there was no reference to Transnistria, Gagauzia or the rest of
Moldova in these stories. Instead, particular place names were mentioned.
Several other uniting examples of coverage have been identied. Thus,
on 19 February 2005, Adevarul nistrean carried an article entitled Noi
toti am luptat dupa un singur riu (We all fought behind one river), which
described the way veterans of the war in Afghanistan from the Transnistrian
town of Dubasari marked the anniversary of the withdrawal of the Soviet
troops from that country. As part of commemoration events, the veterans
visited the grave of a soldier who had lost his life in Afghanistan and oered
nancial help to his family that lives in the Moldovan enclave of Pohrebya.
The keynote message of the article was that there are no articial borders
for veterans of the war in Afghanistan, and former war buddies have
remained united despite dissent on the political level.28
In late January 2005, Pridnestrovie and Adevarul nistrean carried
front-page articles about the ceremony organized to honor laureates
of the year 2004 in the eld of journalism. Along with Transnistrian
journalists, winners also included two media professionals working for
Chisinau-based media outlets.29
Nezavisimaia Moldova carried several articles featuring the main facets
of the journalistic project Two banks of the river Dniester journalists
28. Noi toti am luptat dupa un singur riu. (We all fought behind the same river). Adevarul nistrean, 19
February 2005, p. 3.
29. . (Accomplishments of our colleagues are recognized). Pridnestrovie.
25 January 2005, p. 1 and Laureatii anului 2004 in ziaristica (Laureates of the year 2004 in journalism).
Adevarul nistrean, 29 January 2005, p. 1.
cooperate administered by reporters from the Chisinau-based, privatelyowned Timpul newspaper.30 Vesti Gagauzii and Adevarul nistrean also carried
reports about successful, cross-regional projects of non-governmental
organizations.31
Nevertheless, these examples were few and far between. Moreover,
the predominantly neutral coverage of relevant issues in the monitored
papers did not mean that problems were analyzed in a comprehensive and
in-depth manner or that the perspective of the other side was oered.
Therefore, a claim can be made that throughout the monitoring period
the analyzed newspapers did not contribute to a better understanding
among the residents of the three conventional regions and generally failed
to promote diversity and multiculturalism.
30. For example, . (We write history in dierent letters). Nezavisimaia

Moldova, 12 April 2005, p. 3.
31. .(Contact NGO will carry out analysis of
community development). Vesti Gagauzii. 17 May 2005, p. 2 and
Viata vine in intimpinarea celui care ii iese in intimpinare. (Life meets half-way those who make their half
of the way). Adevarul nistrean. 24 May 2005, p. 4.
7. RECOMMENDATIONS
Examples provided in the present study highlight the major challenges
facing the ve monitored media outlets. Priority given to the top political
dogs at the expense of other societal voices and reducing complex issues to
an us-them confrontation signicantly hamper the ability of the media to
inform and engage the public in an eective manner.
A dierent approach to news reporting might prove useful one that
focuses on complexity and seeks common ground. This kind of journalism
covers a wide spectrum of voices in any conict instead of simply reducing
the number of parties to two. It increases the range of sources and analyses
the agendas of people who do not belong to the elites. Along with providing
facts, it also discusses the process by which some facts are selected and
others are suppressed.
Among other terms, this kind of journalism is known as constructive
reporting. The key dierences between the traditional and constructive
journalism frameworks are mapped in the table below:32
TRADITIONAL JOURNALISM
CONSTRUCTIVE JOURNALISM
Journalists role
Watchdog
Commentator
Independent of issues covered
Observer
Enabler
Communicator
Independent yet interdependent
In the boat
Debate
Dierence
Polemic
Dialogue
Common ground and dierence
Discussion
Style/Stories
32. Based on Peace journalism how to do it. McGoldrick, Annabel; Lynch, Jake. October 2000, p. 28.
Approach to reporting
Seeks simplicity
Explores complexity
Event-based reporting
Process-based reporting
Balance means covering both sides Balance means representing both
equally (quantity)
sides and perceptions (quality)
Approach to audiences
Newsroom sets the agenda
The public has a role
in setting the agenda
Leaders/experts know best
Ordinary people need
to be consulted
In fact, there is nothing dramatically new in this approach. It is based on
traditional journalistic values, and it sets the goal of holding the powers that
be accountable. It is, however, far less sensational and much more creative
and analytical than the journalism products that we regularly consume.
It does not mean that reporters are expected to get soft and conceal
violence and conict. Actually, this approach requires a signicant amount
of critical thinking, sound judgment, knowledge and style. This, obviously,
requires a considerable investment of time and eort on the part of
journalists.
A number of specic requirements for media professionals result from
this framework:
Be aware of own prejudices and stereotypes and make sure they do not
penetrate into the story;
Illuminate the story in detail from all sides;
Be careful to draw from diverse sources; do not overuse elites as
sources, but make use of dierent experts;
Oer sensible and well-written reports about ordinary people;
Supply more background reports;
Be committed to producing work that is as error-free as possible;

Exercise professional responsibility, i.e. high reporting standards and
good taste in the choice of language.
Adhering to these principles would signicantly improve the quality of
stories and their potential impact on the readers.
Finally, an eective way to improve the coverage of inter-regional and
inter-ethnic relations is by involving journalists of dierent ethnic and
geographical backgrounds in joint reporting projects. Day-to-day activities
aimed at achieving a common goal could help them overcome personal
prejudices and stereotypes and facilitate a more comprehensive and indepth coverage of relevant issues. This is likely to lead to a decrease in
the ratio of stories framed around the us-them perspective, which picture
them as the problem and our leaders as having the right solutions.
REFLECTAREA DIVERSITII
N PRES
RAPORT FINAL AL MONITORIZRII
MARTIE 2004MAI 2005
CUPRINS
Raport sumar ....................................................................................... 43
1. Introducere ....................................................................................... 45
2. Metodologia monitorizrii .............................................................. 48
3. Fundal
3.1. Contextul istoric ............................................................... 50
3.2. Demograa ....................................................................... 51
4. Tendine generale i specicul ecrui ziar
4.1. Relatarea principalelor evenimente politice,
economice .a .............................................................. 53
4.2. Tendine n reectare ......................................................... 54
4.3. Specicul ziarelor n particular ............................................ 55
5. Caracterul reectrii problemelor analizate
5.1. Totalitatea articolelor ....................................................... 58
5.2. Amplasarea, volumul i genul articolelor ............................ 59
5.3. Accentele articolelor, importana i locul evenimentelor .. 61
5.4. Reprezentarea spectrului social
(grupuri sociale, naionaliti, gender) ........................ 63
5.5 Probleme de interes sporit sau
marginalizate, tonalitatea reectrii ............................ 67
6. Un adevrat multiculturalism i diversitate? ................................. 73
7. Recomandri .................................................................................... 76
RAPORT SUMAR
Monitorizarea a cinci ziare guvernamentale din Chiinu, Comrat
i Tiraspol s-a efectuat n cadrul proiectului Reflectarea diversitii n
mass-media, n perioada martie 2004 - mai 2005. Reflectarea relaiilor
interregionale i interetnice a fost studiat conform materialelor
din urmtoarele ziare: Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran
(Chiinu), Pridnestrovie i Adevrul nistrean (Tiraspol), i Vesti Gagauzii
(Comrat). Scopul studiului: a) determinarea nivelului de elucidare a
acestor probleme; b) diferena de relatare a evenimentelor, personajelor
i aciunilor lor n ziarele amintite. Au fost studiate articole adecvate,
analizndu-se amplasarea lor n pagini, lungimea, genul i accentele
materialelor, semnificaia i aria geografic a evenimentelor reflectate,
personajele i grupurile etnice implicate, opinia i rolul lor n contextul
acelor evenimente; tonalitatea n care au fost descrise activitile lor.
n perioada monitorizri celor cinci ziare au fost observate urmtoarele
tendine generale n modul de reflectare a relaiilor interregionale i
interetnice:
Problemele corespunztoare s-au bucurat de atenie sporit, o treime
din articole fiind publicate pe prima pagin;
n perioada analizat reflectarea relaiilor interregionale a depit cu
mult pe cele interetnice;
n reflectarea problemelor relevante au predominat tirile clasice,
precum i analizele/comentariile;
Circa jumtate din materialele studiate au fost cuprinse n articole
scurte;
Subiectele fceau parte preponderent din categoria evenimentelor
cotidiene neconflictuale;
n majoritatea covritoare a articolelor era consultat o singur
surs;
n marea majoritate a articolelor reprezentanii autoritilor figurau ca
personaje sau n calitate de surs de informaie;
Activitatea diverselor instituii publice i de stat, alegerile sau
funcionarea legilor a fost frecvent reflectat n ziarele analizate;
44 REFLECTAREA DIVERSITII N PRES
Problemele economice, sociale i de jurispruden au fost abordate

mult prea insuficient;
Eroii materialelor au fost reprezentai mai mult ca un grup, i nu ca actori
sociali individuali. n cazurile n care personajele erau individualizate,
cea mai mare parte a acestora erau de genul masculin;
n multe cazuri personajele erau lipsite de voce, adic rareori erau
citate direct sau parafrazate.
Majoritatea absolut a personajelor din articolele corespunztoare au
fost prezentate neutru.
Dei aria geografic i ideologic a ziarelor analizate este divers, toate
par s respecte standarde jurnalistice asemntoare. S-ar prea c dependena financiar de autoritile publice locale a mass-media examinat impune o regul nescris de a da prioritate reflectrii activitii elitelor politice
n defavoarea problemelor cotidiene ale ceteanului simplu.
Subiectele privind problemele respective rareori erau abordate din
iniiativ jurnalistic. n puine cazuri ziarele monitorizate au lansat
probleme n atenia publicului. N-au fost provocate dezbateri publice pe
cele mai controversate teme, nu s-au auzit apeluri la schimbarea politicii
de stat. Prin urmare ziarele monitorizate nu i-au ndeplinit rolul de cine
de paz al societii. n general, nu s-a reuit promovarea diversitii i
multiculturalismului n societate.
Calitatea materialelor poate fi mbuntit, iar impactul lor asupra
cititorilor poate fi sporit prin aplicarea principiilor jurnalismului
constructiv i prin antrenarea reporterilor de diferite etnii i din localiti
geografice diferite n proiecte jurnalistice comune.
1. INTRODUCERE
La ce servete jurnalismul? n lumea modern, contient de
mecanismele de funcionare a presei, aproape orice om citit i are opinia
sa asupra unui subiect. Cineva ar spune c rolul jurnalitilor este de a fi
observatori detaai ai evenimentelor. Alii ar insista c acetia trebuie s
fie participani activi la evenimentele importante. Mai sunt o categorie
de ceteni care i-ar dori ca ziaritii s nu fie dect simpli ageni de
divertisment. Prioritile presei, opiniei publice i ale clasei politice
interacioneaz complex i produc efecte pe mai multe direcii.1 Am
putea afirma c presa este n stare s fac schimbri de importan social
n agenda public.2
Totodat, puini sunt acei care se simt satisfcui de modul n care
funcioneaz aceste mecanisme. Unii reprezentani ai profesiei noastre au
fost acuzai de simplism, pasivitate i atenie exagerat situaiilor de conflict
i violenei. Mai mult ca att, se spune c presa adncete contradiciile
existente n comunitile caracterizate de o diversitate etnic. Aceasta
ar duce la obstrucionarea spirale de comunicare, ceea ce ar amplifica
dezbinrile deja existente n societate.3 n alt sens, presa ar putea contribui
la edificarea ncrederii reciproce ntre prile conflictuale. Prin lrgirea
spectrului de opinii, de surse i analiza activitii cetenilor simpli, presa
ar contribui la soluionarea conflictelor, la promovarea multiculturalismului
i diversitii.
n condiiile n care presa din Moldova continu s depind de diverse
forme de sponsorizare, iar jurnalitii sunt divizai pe criterii politice,
lingvistice i chiar geografice, este imperios necesar de a desfura activiti
ce ar avea drept scop apropierea i sporirea rolului lor, n calitate de puterea
a patra.
1. McQuails Mass Communication Theory. McQuail, Denis. Sage Publications, 2000, p. 456.
2. Teoria de stabilire a agendei se sprijin pe premisa c presa are capacitatea de a ltra i modela realitatea
astfel nct s determine publicul s perceap unele probleme ca ind mai importante dect altele.
3. The media election. Coverage of the 2003 Northern Ireland Assembly poll. (Alegeerea mass-media.
Reectarea alegerilor parlamentare din Irlanda de Nord din 2003). Wilson, Robin and Fawcett, Liz.
Democratic Dialogue. http://www.democraticdialogue.org , ianuarie 2004, p. 6.
Proiectul intitulat Reflectarea diversitii n mass-media a fost

administrat de Centrul Independent de Jurnalism (CIJ) din luna ianuarie
2004 pn n iunie 2005. Scopul propus a fost de a promova cooperarea
profesional i apropierea dintre jurnalitii celor trei regiuni convenionale
ale Moldovei Transnistria, Gguzia i restul rii.
Componentele de baz ale proiectului au fost urmtoarele:
Elaborarea de materiale comune n cadrul unor echipe mixte de
ziariti din Transnistria, Gguzia i alte regiuni;
Analiza coninutului materialelor despre relaiile majoritateminoritate, publicate de ziarele din Transnistria, Gguzia i alte
regiuni;
Crearea unei reele de colaborare n numele diversitii, care ar
ncropi jurnaliti din diferite regiuni ale Moldovei, ntru promovarea
bunelor practici n reflectarea multiculturalismului.
n cadrul proiectului, au fost publicate mai bine de 150 de materiale
de ctre diferite organizaii de pres din Transnistria, Gguzia i alte
regiuni ale Moldovei. Participanii la proiect au realizat ase buletine
speciale, dedicate diverselor aspecte ale reflectrii diversitii i
multiculturalismului, n timp ce o echip de cercetare de la CIJ a analizat
reflectarea problemelor corespunztoare n principalele ziare naionale i
regionale.
Proiectul s-a sprijinit pe premisa c adevratul multiculturalism i
diversitatea pot fi obinute atunci cnd se acord atenie sporit tuturor
segmentelor societii, iar relatrile jurnalistice deplaseaz accentele de la
micrile i aciunile puterii spre problemele cotidiene ale ceteanului
simplu.
Conform opiniei participanilor la proiect, realizarea cea mai important
a fost deschiderea noilor orizonturi tematice n faa participanilor, cu alte
cuvinte proiectul le-a amintit despre multitudinea de probleme ale societii
REFLECTAREA DIVERSITII N PRES 47
(n afar de tradiionalele politic i economie) ce necesit o abordare i

reflectare complex n mass-media. Jurnalitii au menionat aprecierile
pozitive din partea publicului cititor asupra concepiei jurnalismului
civic care a stat la baza activitilor proiectului. Participanii la proiect au
consemnat o serie de reacii emoionale puternice la materialele publicate
n cadrul proiectului s-au primit scrisori i telefoane din partea cititorilor,
ziarele respective realiznd i o cretere a tirajului.4
4. Reectarea diversitii n mass-media. Evaluare de proiect. IMAS, iunie 2005, p. 7
2. METODOLOGIA MONITORIZRII
Monitorizarea presei a fost efectuat n perioada martie 2004 - mai
2005 de ctre o echip de cercetare compus din Dr. Natalia AngheliZaicenco (metodologia i analiza datelor), Diana Dere, Irina Gontea i
Natalia Grleanu (operatori). Consultani ai proiectului avndu-i pe Prof.
Dr. hab. Constantin Marin de la Universitatea de Stat din Moldova i Dr.
Snjezana Milivojevic de la Universitatea din Belgrad (Serbia).
Echipa a examinat modalitatea n care principalele ziare regionale i
naionale au reectat urmtoarele subiecte:
raportul dintre cele trei regiuni convenionale Chiinu, Transnistria
i Gguzia;
raportul dintre diverse grupuri etnice ce locuiesc n regiunile
respective.
Scopul monitorizrii a fost determinarea gradului de elucidare i
reectare a relaiilor interregionale i interetnice; cror teme li se acord
prioritate, diferena de relatare a evenimentelor, personajelor i activitilor
lor n ziarele din cele trei regiuni consemnate.
Pentru cercetare a fost lansat urmtoarea ipotez:
reectarea relaiilor interetnice i interregionale este sporadic;
reectarea duce lips de diversitate i profunzime;
drept consecin, nu se promoveaz principiile multiculturalismului.
Pentru examinare au fost selectate urmtoarele cinci ziare din Chiinu,
Transnistria i Gguzia:
Nezavisimaia Moldova de limb rus, Chiinu, tiraj cca. 14.300
exemplare
Moldova suveran de limb romn, Chiinu, tiraj cca. 15.000
exemplare
Pridnestrovie de limb rus, Tiraspol, tiraj cca. 3.100 exemplare
Adevrul nistrean de limb romn, Tiraspol, tiraj 1.300 exemplare5

Vesti Gagauzii de limb rus, Comrat, tiraj cca. 5.000 exemplare
La momentul analizei, cele cinci ziare erau nanate de ctre guvernele
regiunilor respective6, pe teritoriul crora erau difuzate i care reectau, n
esen, poziia ocial asupra evoluiilor sociale principale. Pentru sintez,
sptmnal, erau selectate cte dou numere curente7. Ziarele erau analizate
n vederea determinrii gradului de reectare att a grupurilor etnice, ct i
a raportului dintre regiuni.
Se studia ponderea articolului, amplasarea n pagin dup importan,
volumul, genul lui, accentele puse, semnicaia i locaia evenimentului,
sursele de informaii, problematica i caracterul evenimentului reectat,
grupurile etnice implicate, personajele, opiniile i rolul lor, tonalitatea
reectrii.
5. n ciuda acestei diferene substaniale de tiraj, att Pridnestrovie ct i Adevrul nistrean au fost fondate
de preedinia i parlamentul autoproclamat de la Tiraspol. Rusa este n continuare limba cea mai larg
folosit, dei constituia transnistrean proclam egalitatea limbilor rus, ucrainean i moldoveneasc
(romn). Presa de limb moldoveneasc (romn) este citit mai mult n satele moldoveneti (romneti),
ct i n unele instituii de nvmnt din regiune.
6. n lunile mai-iunie 2005 guvernul Moldovei a renunat n mod ocial la calitatea sa de fondator al
ziarelor Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran, ns n perioada imediat urmtoare nu s-a nregistrat
nici o schimbare n formatul sau coninutul ziarelor respective.
7. Deoarece Adevrul nistrean apare doar o dat pe sptmn, a fost analizat ecare numr al acestui ziar.
3. FUNDAL
3.1 Contextul istoric
nclzirea climatului politic n fosta URSS n epoca gorbaciovist
(Perestroika) a permis fostelor republici unionale s-i reconstituie
trecutul i prezentul lor ca naiuni, ceea ce a adus dup sine renaterea
contiinei naionale a populaiei majoritare (moldovenii) i n RSSM. n
rezultatul acestei micri a fost adoptat Legea cu privire la funcionarea
limbilor pe teritoriul RSSM, votat la 31 august 1989. Conform acestei
legi, limba moldoveneasc (romn) a obinut statut de limb ocial,
iar limba rus a fost declarat limb de comunicare ntre naiuni.8
Sporind statutul limbii moldoveneti (romne), legea stipula n acelai
timp condiiile de aplicare a limbilor ucrainean, bulgar, ebraic, idi,
rrom etc. pentru satisfacerea necesitilor naional-culturale ale diverselor grupuri etnice care conlocuiesc n Moldova.9 Conform aceleiai
legi s-a trecut la alfabetul latin pentru scrisul n limba moldoveneasc
(romn).
ns micarea de renatere naional i mai cu seam adoptarea legii
privind funcionarea limbilor, au fost percepute ca o ameninare de
ctre unii reprezentani ai minoritilor naionale. Argumentul forte
ind eventualitatea reunicrii Moldovei cu Romnia (din care fcuse
parte pn la 1940). Aceasta a dus la proteste n regiunea din partea de
est a Nistrului regiune populat masiv de ucraineni i rui. Astfel, n
septembrie 1990, a fost creat autoproclamata Republic Moldoveneasc
Nistrean (Transnistria). Referendumul din 1991, pentru pstrarea
Uniunii Sovietice, boicotat n cea mai mare parte a Moldovei, a fost
primit cu mult entuziasm n Transnistria. Parlamentul transnistrean
anuleaz legea cu privire la funcionarea limbilor, adoptat n 1989, i
reintroduce alfabetul chirilic n cazul limbii moldoveneti. Constituia
autoproclamatei regiuni declar limbile moldoveneasc, rus i ucrainean
8. Articolul 3 al Legii cu privire la funcionarea limbilor pe teritoriul RSSM.
9. Articolul 4 al Legii cu privire la funcionarea limbilor pe teritoriul RSSM.
10. Articolul 12 al Constituiei Republicii Moldoveneti Nistrene.
drept limbi ociale ale regiunii.10 Relaiile dintre autoritile moldovene

i separatitii transnistreni atingnd cota minim la sfritul anului 1991,
iar n rzboiul ce s-a dus n urmtoarele apte luni au fost pierdute mai
multe sute de viei omeneti. Situaia rmne tensionat i la ziua de azi,
iar negocierile purtate ntre autoritile centrale i cele autoproclamate,
cu medierea OSCE, iat deja mai mult de zece ani, nu au dus la nici un
progres semnicativ n rezolvarea conictului.
La sudul Moldovei, temerile etnicilor gguzi (o populaie turcic de
religie cretin-ortodox) de a-i pierde drepturile ca rezultat al renaterii
naionale a populaiei majoritate au fost calmate atunci cnd a fost creat
regiunea autonom Gagauz Yeri (Gguzia). Legea privind Statutul Juridic
Special al Gagauz Yeri din 1994 a oferit dreptul gguzilor de a-i soluiona
de sine stttor problemele de ordin politic, economic i cultural din regiune.
Conform acestei Legi, limbile ociale n Gagauz Yeri sunt moldoveneasca
(romna), gguza i rusa. Dei, n comunicare predomin limbile rus i
gguz. Gguzia i are propriul parlament, iar guvernatorul regiunii
(bacanul) este membru al Guvernului Republicii Moldova.
3.2 Demograa
Conform rezultatelor preliminare ale recensmntului din 2004,
populaia Moldovei (fr Transnistria) reprezint 3.388.071 persoane.
Moldovenii (romnii) reprezint grupul etnic cel mai numeros, cu 78,2%.
Urmeaz ucrainenii 8,4%, ruii 5,8%, gguzii 4,4%, bulgarii 1,9%.
Reprezentanii altor etnii ocup 1,3% din total.11
Conform recensmntului, n 2004, n Gguzia locuiau 155.587
persoane. Componena etnic a regiunii era urmtoarea: moldoveni 4,6%,
ucraineni 3%, rui 3,7%, gguzi 82,6%, bulgari 5,1% i reprezentani
ai altor naionaliti 0,9%.12
11. Recensmntul 2004. Biroul naional de Statistic al Republicii Moldova.
http://www.statistica.md/recensamint.php
12. Ibidem.
Autoritile transnistrene nu au participat la recensmntul naional din

R. Moldova, organizndu-i propriul recensmnt. Conform rezultatelor
acestuia, n 2004, n Transnistria locuiau 555.500 persoane. Moldovenii
reprezentau 31,9%, ruii 30,3%, iar ucrainenii 28,8% i 9% erau
reprezentate de alte naionaliti.13
13. . (Au fost

anunate rezultatele preliminare ale recensmntului din Transnistria). .
. http://www.narodru.ru/news3447.html , 09 iunie 2005
4. TENDINE GENERALE
I SPECIFICUL FIECRUI ZIAR
4.1 Relatarea principalelor evenimente politice, economice .a
Perioada supus analizei a fost marcat de un ir de evenimente
regionale, naionale i internaionale, care au inuenat modul de reectare
a problemelor nominalizate n cele cinci ziare supuse monitorizrii.
n vara-toamna timpurie a anului 2004, tensiunile dintre autoritile
centrale moldovene i liderii transnistreni au sporit semnicativ. La
sfritul lunii iulie, administraia transnistrean a nchis ase coli
cu predare n limba romn, iar segmentul Tighina (Bender) al cii
ferate moldoveneti a fost acaparat i trecut sub jurisdicia organelor
de drept locale. n consecin, au fost suspendate negocierile privind
viitorul statut al Transnistriei, iar Preedintele Vladimir Voronin a
impus regiunii sanciuni economice. n septembrie 2004, Dinu Mija,
cameraman al televiziunii publice din R.Moldova, a fost arestat de ctre
autoritile separatiste, andu-se timp o sptmn ntr-o nchisoare
din regiune. Aceast criz a fost pe larg reectat de ctre majoritatea
ziarelor monitorizate.
n toamna lui 2004, parlamentul moldovean a adoptat Legea cu privire
la privatizare n Transnistria, care a fost aspru criticat de ctre autoritile
regiunii. Acestea din urm au lansat ideea unui referendum privind
separarea formal de R. Moldova (referendumul nu fusese nc organizat
pn n iulie 2005).
Tensiunile au nceput s slbeasc abia la sfritul toamnei 2004, iar
negocierile dintre autoritile de la Chiinu i Tiraspol, mediate de OSCE,
au fost reluate. Dup luni ntregi de proteste, elevii colilor cu predare
n limba romn din Transnistria au revenit n slile de clas. Cu toate
acestea, ctre sfritul anului, autoritile transnistrene au ninat o nou
micare politic, Respublika, care avea drept scop consolidarea statalitii
regiunii.
n ianuarie-martie 2005, articolele din ziarele monitorizate erau dedicate

alegerilor parlamentare din R. Moldova i alegerilor locale din Transnistria.
Att relaiile interregionale, ct i cele interetnice erau privite prin prisma
electoral.
n aprilie 2005, Vladimir Voronin este reales n funcia de preedinte al
rii, iar R. Moldova a fost gazda summit-ului GUUAM.14 Evenimentul
principal al summit-ului a fost propunerea privind soluionarea diferendului
transnistrean iniiat de preedintele ucrainean Viktor Iucenco. Iniiativa
dat a fost pe larg discutat n majoritatea ziarelor monitorizate.
Pe parcursul perioadei de monitorizare, relaiile interregionale i
interetnice au fost reectate i n contextul mai multor aniversri:
aniversarea a 10-ea a Constituiei R. Moldova (iulie 2004);
a 500-a aniversare de la moartea domnitorului Moldovei tefan cel
Mare i Sfnt (iulie 2004);
a 10-ea aniversare de la ninarea Adevrului nistrean (septembrie
2004);
a 10-ea aniversare de la proclamarea autonomiei gguze (decembrie
2004);
a 60-ea aniversare a victoriei Armatei Sovietice n cel de-al doilea
rzboi mondial.
4.2 Tendine n reectare

n perioada martie 2004-mai 2005, au fost observate urmtoarele
tendine generale n reectarea raporturilor interetnice i interregionale pe
paginile ziarelor supuse analizei:
14. Grupul GUUAM (Georgia, Ucraina, Uzbekistan, Azerbaidjan i Moldova) a fost ninat n 2000 ca
o alian politic, economic i strategic scopul creia este de a consolida independena i suveranitatea
acestor foste republici sovietice. n anul 2005 Uzbekistanul s-a retras din acest grup. De atunci organizaia
poart denumirea de GUAM.
Cele mai relevante probleme s-au bucurat de atenie sporit i

mediatizare ampl, o treime din articole ind publicate pe prima
pagin;
Pe parcursul perioadei supuse analizei reectarea relaiilor
interregionale a depit cu mult pe cea a relaiilor interetnice;
n reectarea problemelor corespunztoare au predominat tirile, un
alt grup semnicativ de articole ind analizele i comentariile;
Majoritatea articolelor au fost scurte;
Materialele s-au ncadrat preponderent n contextul evenimentelor
cotidiene neconictuale;
n majoritatea covritoare a articolelor era consultat o singur
surs;
Att n calitate de surs de informaie, ct i de personaje ale articolelor
gurau, de regul, diferii funcionari;
Activitatea diverselor instituii publice i de stat a fost cel mai frecvent
reectat n majoritatea ziarelor analizate;
Problemele economice, sociale i de jurispruden au fost mai puin
abordate;
Eroii articolelor erau prezentai n grupuri, foarte rar ca indivizi activi
din punct de vedere social (i acetia n majoritatea lor covritoare ind
brbai);
n multe cazuri personajele erau lipsite de voce, adic rareori erau
citate direct sau parafrazate.
Tonalitatea cu care era descris activitatea personajelor a fost de cele
mai multe ori neutr.
4.3 Specicul ziarelor n particular

n Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran problemele relevante
au fost reectate, de regul, n contextul diverselor evenimente de
protocol, adic ntruniri la nivel nalt, vizite etc. Interesul fa de diverse
grupuri etnice cretea semnicativ n timpul vizitelor efectuate de
ocialii moldoveni n rile unde acestea erau naiunea titular, sau n
timpul vizitelor efectuate n Moldova de ctre nali ociali ai acestor
state. Relaiile dintre regiuni au fost privite mai mult prin prisma elitelor
politice de la Chiinu. Impasul transnistrean a fost problema dominant,
mesajul principal ind c liderii locali sunt nite criminali interesai n
pstrarea status quo al regiunii (aceast poziie corespunde ntocmai
poziiei ociale asupra problemei). Reectarea evenimentelor respective
n ambele ziare a fost concis i a predominat tirea clasic. Fiind dat
faptul c Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran sunt difuzate la scar
naional, nu este deloc surprinztor c au predominat evenimentele de
importan naional.
Aceeai tendin a fost observat i n materialele ziarului
Pridnestrovie. n cazul acestei publicaii, relaiile dintre autoritile
transnistrene i cele moldovene au reprezentat punctul principal
de interes, iar poziia autoritilor din regiune asupra problemelor
respective n toate cazurile a fost perceput ca cea corect. Pe de alt
parte, politicile promovate de Moldova fa de Transnistria, i mai ales
de ctre preedintele Vladimir Voronin, au fost supuse unei examinri
minuioase i critici severe. Mesajul de baz n perioada monitorizrii a
fost c liderii moldoveni sunt nite mincinoi incorigibili i iniiativele
acestora n vederea soluionrii diferendului transnistrean nu trebuie
crezute. Similar, Pridnestrovie a criticat vehement poziia Occidentului
i a organismelor internaionale fa de problema transnistrean. Fiind
dat faptul c liderii moldoveni, i n special preedintele moldovean
Vladimir Voronin, erau printre personajele cel mai frecvent prezente n
articole, nu este surprinztor faptul c ziarul respectiv a avut proporia
cea mai mare de evaluri negative ale activitilor personajelor, ct
i numrul cel mai mare de articole n care evenimentele respective
erau prezentate n contextul unor conicte verbale. Analizele au
reprezentat genul de actualiti preferat pentru reectarea relaiilor cu
autoritile centrale de la Chiinu, Pridnestrovie avnd i proporia
cea mai mare de analize i comentarii printre ziarele monitorizate. Pe
de alt parte, n reectarea altor probleme, analizele nu au constituit
genul cel mai frecvent.
Adevrul nistrean i Vesti Gagauzii au acordat o atenie sporit actualizrii
unor probleme culturale, fcnd aceste publicaii s difere de celelalte

ziare monitorizate. Tradiiile, istoria, dezvoltarea limbilor etniilor vizate
erau subiectele reectate masiv n ambele ziare, uneori chiar sub form de
materiale de cercetare tiinic.
n cazul Adevrului nistrean, aspectele ce in de viaa etnicilor
moldoveni din regiune au fost de interes primordial. Mesajul cheie,
observat n majoritatea articolelor, era c Transnistria este ultimul bastion
al moldovenismului din lume, unde moldovenii i pot dezvolta limba i
cultura lor autohton. Articolele de importan regional au reprezentat
majoritatea absolut. Ziarul a publicat cel mai mare numr de schie i
articole de actualiti plasate n contextul festivitilor. Proporia
aprecierilor pozitive date aciunilor personajelor a fost cea mai nalt dintre
toate ziarele monitorizate.
Pe de alt parte, Vesti Gagauzii a publicat cel mai mare numr de
articole n care activitile personajelor erau descrise n mod neutru. O
alt caracteristic deosebit a acestei publicaii a fost reectarea pe larg a
deciziilor organelor administraiei publice centrale. Vesti Gagauzii a avut cel
mai mare numr de articole voluminoase, avnd i cea mai mare proporie
de articole ce reectau evenimente cotidiene neconictuale. Majoritatea
articolelor erau n limba rus. Dei, n perioada monitorizrii, Vesti Gagauzii
a publicat sistematic i un insert n limba gguz.
5.CARACTERUL REFLECTRII
PROBLEMELOR ANALIZATE
5.1 Totalitatea articolelor
n perioada de monitorizare, ce a durat 15 luni, au fost selectate
3.057 articole ce tratau aspecte ale relaiilor interregionale i interetnice.
Vesti Gagauzii a avut cel mai mare numr de articole privind problemele
analizate (744), n timp ce n celelalte ziare supuse monitorizrii numrul
lor a variat ntre 570 i 598 (vezi raportul procentual n diagrama 1).
Pe parcursul acestei perioade, cele cinci ziare s-au concentrat preponderent

asupra relaiilor dintre cele trei regiuni convenionale (Transnistria,
Gguzia i restul R. Moldova). Dup cum se vede n diagrama 2, numrul
articolelor la aceast tem depete cu mult numrul celor ce privesc
relaiile interetnice.
Reectarea chestiunilor incluse n cercul de interes al acestui studiu a fost

mai mult o reacie pasiv la evenimentele politice din ar. Astfel, numrul
articolelor a crescut n perioada crizei colilor cu predare n limba romn
din august-octombrie 2004, n perioada electoral din martie-aprilie 2005,
i n urma lansrii noilor iniiative privind cile de soluionare a impasului
transnistrean din mai 2005 (vezi diagrama 3).
5.2 Amplasarea, volumul i genul articolelor

n ziarele supuse monitorizrii, relaiilor interregionale i interetnice li
s-a acordat o importan major. Pe parcursul celor 15 luni de monitorizare,
pe prima pagin de ziar au fost plasate 1.012 articole (33%) la aceast tem.
Numrul de articole pe prima pagin a variat n cele cinci ziare ntre 161
i 273.
n mod tradiional, ziarele din R. Moldova public articole politice pe
prima pagin, aceast tendin ind respectat i n reectarea problemelor
interregionale i interetnice. S-ar prea c exist o legtur direct ntre
importana articolelor i tendinele generale de reectare manifestate de cele
cinci ziare analizate. Dup cum este ilustrat n diagrama 4, cel mai mare
numr de articole publicate pe prima pagin au fost n Pridnestrovie (47%
de articolele de acest fel) i Moldova suveran (38%) ambele and o
predilecie pentru evenimentele politice i de protocol. Pentru comparaie,
cel mai mic numr de articole de prima pagin despre relaiile interregionale
i interetnice a aprut n Adevrul nistrean i Vesti Gagauzii ziare ce prefer
s consemneze evenimentele culturale.
Dei n perioada monitorizat a fost nregistrat un numr destul de

mare de articole despre relaiile interregionale i interetnice, ele au fost,
de regul, mici sau medii.15 Dup cum se vede n diagrama 5, toate cele
cinci ziare supuse monitorizrii au nclinat spre o reectare concis, fr
a recurge la consemnri detaliate i profunde:
Pe parcursul perioadei de monitorizare, Vesti Gagauzii a avut cel

mai mare numr de articole lungi (116). Acestea ind, de fapt, extrase
din studii tiinice asupra diverselor aspecte ale istoriei, culturii i
tradiiilor poporului gguz. Pridnestrovie a avut 81 de articole lungi
n majoritatea lor articole de opinie sau analiz privind relaiile dintre
autoproclamata rmn i autoritile moldovene.
15. Un articol de o pagin sau mai mult era considerat ca ind foarte lung; un articol cu lungimea de
la jumtate de pagin pn la o pagin ntreag lung; un articol care avea lungimea ntre un sfert i o
jumtate de pagin mediu; un articol care era mai mic dect un sfert de pagin scurt; un rezumat
sau un articol care coninea doar cteva rnduri era considerat ca ind foarte scurt.
n ceea ce privete genurile jurnalistice, ziarele monitorizate nu au

oferit o diversitate n acest sens. tirile clasice au reprezentat grupul
cel mai numeros 40% din articole privind problemele respective.
Editorialele/articolele de opinie au cuprins al doilea dup mrime
grup (32% din numrul total al articolelor), n timp ce astfel de genuri
gazetreti, cum ar schiele i interviurile, au fost n general puin
utilizate (vezi diagrama 6).
n Moldova suveran proporia de tiri clasice a fost i mai mare, atingnd

62%. Pe de alt parte, n ziarul Pridnestrovie, tirile au reprezentat numai
24,9% din toate materialele relevante. n acest caz analizele/comentariile
a fost genul preferat pentru reectarea relaiilor interregionale i interetnice
(45,9%).
Singura diferen impuntoare n ceea ce privete utilizarea genurilor
gazetreti pentru reectarea problemelor respective a fost observat n cazul
Adevrului nistrean. Pe parcursul a 15 luni acest ziar a publicat numrul cel
mai mare de schie (24,4% din totalul articolelor la tema corespunztoare,
publicate de acest ziar).
5.3 Accentele articolelor, importana i locul evenimentelor

n majoritatea covritoare a articolelor privind relaiile interetnice
i interregionale, problemele respective au fost tratate ca subiecte primare. Ele au fost abordate n context general sau n legtur cu alte
teme n mai puin dintr-un sfert de articole (682 articole n total) i au
fost menionate pe scurt n 476 articole publicate n perioada martie

2004-mai 2005 (vezi diagrama 7).
Mai bine de dou-treimi din articolele respective (67%) s-au

concentrat pe evenimente de importan naional. Dup cum se
observ din diagrama 8, singura diferen semnicativ a fost reectarea
din Adevrul nistrean, unde au predominat subiectele de importan
regional:
Cu excepia ziarului Vesti Gagauzii, toate ziarele monitorizate au

reectat n general evenimente ce au avut loc n regiunile respective.
Proporia evenimentelor de ordin local a fost cea mai nalt n cazul
Adevrului nistrean (88% din toate articolele relevante publicate de
acest ziar n perioada de 15 luni) (vezi diagrama 9):
5.4 Reprezentarea spectrului social

(grupuri sociale, naionaliti, gender)
Din punct de vedere al surselor utilizate, problemelor reectate i
personajelor incluse, materialele celor cinci ziare monitorizate nu s-au
remarcat prin diversitate. n reectarea relaiilor interetnice i interregionale
au prevalat articole n care a fost consultat o singur surs. Astfel, numai
3.404 surse au fost identicate n 3.057 articole.
Declaraiile oficialilor guvernamentali a fost informaia cea mai
atractiv care a strnit interesul jurnalitilor. Evenimentele au fost
privite n general prin prisma elitelor politice, autoritile predominnd
att ca surse pentru tiri, ct i ca personaje ale articolelor (vezi
diagrama 10):
Pentru comparaie, numrul personalitilor din domeniul culturii i

artei, forelor armate, economiei i businessului, sportului a fost innit mai
mic (vezi diagrama 11):
Diagrama 11
Diagrama 11
Numrul personalitilor din domeniul educaiei, reprezentanilor

ONG-urilor, asistenei sociale sau din domeniul sntii, reprezentanilor
organelor de drept nominalizai n articolele privind relaiile interregionale
i interetnice a fost i mai mic:
Personaliti din domeniul educaiei 158 (4,4% din toate personajele
de articole identicate n cele cinci ziare);
Reprezentani ai ONG-urilor 130 (3,6%);
Reprezentani ai organelor de drept 62 (1,7%);
Lucrtori n domeniul sntii 22 (0,6%);
Asisteni sociali 7 (0,2%).
Nici reprezentanii diferitelor etnii nu au fost inclui, n mod
individualizat, n articole n msur sucient. Ei nu numai c au fost
menionai n doar 30% din toate articolele relevante, ci au fost practic
ignorai ca surse de informaie (vezi diagrama 12):
Diagrama 11
Multe grupuri etnice au fost menionate numai n contextul unor

evenimente speciale cum ar fi festiviti etnice/naionale sau festivalul
etno-cultural anual organizat de ctre Departamentul pentru Relaii
Interetnice. Reprezentanii diferitelor etnii au fost uneori nominalizai
n articole privind ntrunirile la nivel nalt cu reprezentanii rilor n
care acetia sunt naiunea titular. ns activitilor sau problemelor
lor cotidiene li s-a acordat puin atenie.
Dup cum este ilustrat n diagrama 13, n perioada de monitorizare,
moldovenii au fost grupul etnic menionat cel mai frecvent, n timp ce
bulgarii au fost nominalizai cel mai rar.
Proporiile diverselor grupuri etnice menionate n ziarele

monitorizate au depins i de concepia editorial. Astfel, Adevrul
nistrean se consider drept un ziar ce promoveaz interesele moldovenilor
i aeaz urmtorul slogan pe prima pagin: Moldoveni, pstrai-v
limba! n perioada monitorizat acest ziar a menionat naionalitatea
moldoveneasc cel mai frecvent. n mod similar, Vesti Gagauzii a avut
cea mai considerabil proporie de articole n care au fost menionai
gguzii (vezi diagrama 14):
Minoritile n ntregime au constituit doar o mic parte a

personajelor din articole (3,7%). Eroii materialelor au fost reprezentai
mai mult ca grupuri, nu ca i indivizi activi ai societii (grupurile
au reprezentat 68% din toate personajele nregistrate n articolele
relevante). n toate ziarele analizate personajele n grup au reprezentat
de obicei populaia regiunii respective. Dup cum ne prezint diagrama
15, majoritatea personajelor individuale erau brbai:
Foarte rar li s-a acordat personajelor posibilitatea de a vorbi. ntr-o

bun parte din cazuri (37,7%), acestea nici nu au fost nominalizate. n
29,5% din cazuri, personajele au fost menionate dar nu au fost citate, n
10,4% au fost parafrazate, i n 22,4% din cazuri au fost citate direct.
Dup cum se observ din diagrama 16, aceasta este o tendin general
a tuturor ziarelor monitorizate:
5.5 Probleme de interes sporit sau marginalizate,

tonalitatea reectrii
Pe parcursul perioadei de monitorizare subiectele privind problemele
respective rareori erau abordate din iniiativ jurnalistic. n puine
cazuri ziarele menionate au lansat probleme n atenia publicului. Mai
curnd, au fost trecute n revist, analizate sau interpretate informaiile
generate de ociali sau au fost menionate evenimentele speciale,
ori aniversrile. Astfel, att alegerile, activitile instituiilor publice,
implementarea diverselor prevederi constituionale i ale altor acte
normative, ct i evoluiile din domeniul militar au reprezentat 40,5%
din toate temele reectate n cele cinci ziare monitorizate. Dup cum
vedem n diagrama 17, aceast proporie este mult mai considerabil
dect proporia articolelor pe teme culturale, sociale sau de alt gen:
Singura diferen semnicativ n reectarea evenimentelor respective

a fost nregistrat n cazul Adevrului nistrean. Aici proporia articolelor
pe teme culturale (art, tradiii, istorie i limb) a fost mult mai nalt
comparativ cu celelalte ziare monitorizate (vezi diagrama 18):
n general, preferina fa de evenimentele politice a avut ca i rezultat

marginalizarea unui ir de tematici importante, cum ar economia,
jurisprudena, socialul.
Pe lng faptul c problemele cotidiene au lipsit din reflectarea
relaiilor interregionale i interetnice efectuat de ctre ziarele
monitorizate, a fost slab reflectat i punctul de vedere al ceteanului
de rnd. Acest lucru a fost evident n modalitatea de reflectare a
campaniei alegerilor generale i prezideniale din R. Moldova de la
nceputul anului 2005.
n perioada electoral, cnd concurenii electorali ar fi putut ridica
probleme de interes major pentru potenialii alegtori, platformele
publicate n ziarele analizate conineau puine referine la modalitatea

n care ar putea fi protejate interesele grupurilor etnice sau cum ar
putea fi soluionat diferendul transnistrean.
n schimb sporeau suspiciunile i acuzaiile reciproce. Astfel,
Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran acuzau frecvent candidaii
din aliana de opoziie Moldova Noastr de crdie cu separatitii
transnistreni sau chiar de faptul c ar fi fost pltii de acetia din urm.
Nezavisimaia Moldova, de asemenea, i avertiza cititorii de posibile
acte de sabotaj ce ar putea fi declanate de autoritile transnistrene
n timpul alegerilor. 16 Conform publicaiei, conflictul transnistrean
pune n pericol cooperarea i tolerana interetnic din ar.
n mod curios, avertismente similare privind posibile acte de
sabotaj au fost lansate i de presa transnistrean, singura diferen
ind identicarea fptaului posibil. Astfel, Pridnestrovie l-a citat
pe liderul regiunii Igor Smirnov, care susinea c Moldova ar putea
ncerca s provoace un nou conict armat n timpul alegerilor.17 Ziarul
acuza, de asemenea, autoritile moldovene de promovarea unor politici
naionaliste i de ncercarea de a-i da afar din ar pe rui, ucraineni i
belarui.18 Adevrul nistrean a atacat autoritile moldovene, acuzndule de faptul c nu au deschis secii de votare n regiune i de o atitudine
iresponsabil fa de potenialii alegtori.19 Ziarul, de asemenea, a apelat
n repetate rnduri la cetenii R.Moldova ce locuiesc n Transnistria
ndemnndu-i s nu voteze pentru comuniti.
16.
(Consiliul de minitri al CE a fost informat despre escaladarea tensiunilor n
Transnistria). Nezavisimaia Moldova. 8 februarie 2005, p. 3.
17. : ,
. (Preedintele RMN: vom face totul s nu admitem ciocniri pe Nistru). Pridnestrovie. 26
ianuarie 2005, p. 1.
18. .(Lupul lup rmne chiar i n piele de oaie). Pridnestrovie.
18 ianuarie 2005, p. 2.
19. Moldova are o atitudine iresponsabil fa de cetenii ei. Adevrul nistrean. 29 ianuarie 2005, p. 2.
Mesajul cheie din ziarul Vesti Gagauzii, n timpul campaniei electorale,

a fost c anume comunitii au reuit s asigure o adevrat diversitate
lingvistic, etnic i cultural n R. Moldova.20 Moldova suveran a acordat
materialelor sale aceeai nuan. Conform acestui ziar, anume guvernarea
comunist a creat instrumente pentru o dezvoltare armonioas a tuturor
etniilor din R. Moldova.21
Cu toate acestea, pe parcursul perioadei de 15 luni, cadrul
dominant al relatrilor a fost determinat de evenimente cotidiene
neconflictuale reprezentnd 48,3% din articolele publicate. Un alt
cadru folosit pe larg a fost festiviti/ date importante (22,8%).
Proporia articolelor privind conflictele verbale a fost mult mai mic
acestea au reprezentat 15,4% din articolele relevante publicate de
cele cinci ziare monitorizate.
O tendin asemntoare, de a relata evenimente neconictuale, a
fost remarcat i n reectarea activitilor unor personaje concrete. n
toate ziarele supuse analizei tonalitatea a fost predominant neutr (vezi
diagrama 19).
20.
. (Adresarea biroului central al Partidului Socialist din
Comrat ctre toi alegtorii din Moldova). Vesti Gagauzii. 8 februarie 2005, p. 1.
21. Noua generaie nu trebuie s e afectat de probleme lingvistice . Moldova suveran. 1 februarie 2005, p. 3.
Cel mai mare numr de articole n care activitile personajelor erau

apreciate pozitiv a fost publicat n Adevrul nistrean. n majoritatea lor acetia
erau activiti ai organizaiilor etnice moldoveneti, personaliti din domeniul
artelor, culturii i educaiei din Transnistria sau veterani transnistreni ai celui
de-al doilea rzboi mondial i ai operaiunilor militare din 1992.
Pridnestrovie a publicat un mare numr de articole eroii crora erau
atestai negativ. Autoritile moldovene, statele occidentale (n spe SUA),
dar i OSCE, au fost criticate n mod regulat pentru atitudinea lor fa de
diferendul din Transnistria.
Aprecierile negative au crescut la numr n mod semnicativ n
majoritatea ziarelor analizate cnd relaiile dintre Moldova i Transnistria
s-au nrutit, adic n vara-toamna timpurie 2004 (vezi diagrama 20).
n aceast perioad ziarul Pridnestrovie a susinut n repetate

rnduri ideea c colile cu predare n limba romn sunt coloana a
cincea a Moldovei, unde se cultiv o atitudine negativ fa de statul
transnistrean.22 Autoritile de la Chiinu au fost acuzate de faptul c
ncearc s perpetueze imaginea regiunii ca o enclav de bandii.23
22. (Atunci cnd copiii devin obiect al negocierilor).
Pridnestrovie. 16 iulie 2004, p. 1.
23. ,
(Chiinul a introdus blocada economic a regiunilor de est, ns au de
suferit ntreprinderile din Moldova). Pridnestrovie. 24 august 2004, p. 1.
Pe paginile ziarului apreau frecvent amintiri din anul 1992. Conform

publicaiei, existau multe similitudini ntre modul n care conictul s-a
declanat la nceputul anului 1992 i evenimentele din vara lui 2004.
i Moldova suveran a fcut referin la nceputul anilor 1990. Publicaia
arma c autoritile transnistrene declaraser rzboi colilor cu predare n
limba romn n 1991, adic atunci cnd avntul, resimit n regiune, pentru
obinerea independenei era la intensitate maxim.24 nchiderea colilor a
fost reectat i n Nezavisimaia Moldova. Aici nchiderea colilor a fost
numit un act barbar.25 Ziarul susinea c elevii acestor coli au devenit
ostatici ai politicilor agresive ale liderilor transnistreni.26
Reectarea acestor evenimente n Adevrul nistrean a fost mult mai
moderat. Mesajul cheie al acestei publicaii a fost c publicul transnistrean
se simea ngrijorat pentru tensiunile crescnde i nu i dorea o repetare a
evenimentelor din 1992.27
n mod curios, Vesti Gagauzii, practic, a ignorat aceast problem. n
cele trei luni, ct a durat rzboiul colilor, un singur articol a reectat
evenimentele nominalizate.
Odat cu calmarea spiritelor, a sczut i proporia aprecierilor negative
date activitilor ntreprinse de personajele relatrilor.
24. Smirnov a declarat rzboi colilor nc n 1991. Moldova suveran. 17 august 2004, p. 2.
25.
(Ministrul Reintegrrii apreciaz aciunile autoritilor transnistrene ca pe o barbarie).
Nezavisimaia Moldova. 16 iulie 2004, p. 2.
26. (Plec n patrie). Nezavisimaia Moldova. 23 iulie 2004, p. 6.
27. Obtimea nistrean e ngrijorat de escaladarea ncordrii. Adevrul nistrean. 7 august 2004, p. 2.
6. UN ADEVRAT MULTICULTURALISM
I DIVERSITATE?
Problema cea mare a presei din R. Moldova, adic obsesia general
pe care o manifest aceasta pentru aciunile i micrile elitelor politice,
s-a transformat ntr-o reectare distorsionat a relaiilor interregionale i
interetnice pe paginile presei monitorizate:
Relatarea evenimentelor a fost motivat de obicei de evenimente
politice, autoritile ind centrul de atenie pentru pres.
Articolele politice au dominat primele pagini, ind prezentat n general
punctul de vedere al autoritilor asupra aspectelor ce in de relaiile
interregionale i interetnice.
Articolele au fost n mod predominant ncadrate n contextul dihotomiei
noi i ei, iar ziarele supuse monitorizrii s-au aliniat fr rezerve la
poziia autoritilor din regiunile respective.
Reectarea a fost predominant pasiv au fost foarte puine cazurile
cnd ziarele monitorizate s supus ateniei publicului anumite
probleme, s abordat teme pentru dezbateri publice sau s se cerut
modicri n politica de stat respectiv.
Problemele ce afecteaz viaa cotidian a cetenilor au fost
marginalizate, iar opinia lor asupra unor probleme cu semnicaie
social a fost solicitat foarte rar.
Dei aria geografic i ideologic a ziarelor analizate este divers,
toate par s respecte standarde jurnalistice asemntoare. S-ar prea
c dependena financiar de autoritile publice locale a mass-media
examinat impune o regul nescris de a da prioritate reflectrii
activitii elitelor politice n defavoarea problemelor cotidiene ale
ceteanului simplu. Ziarele monitorizate nu i-au ndeplinit rolul
de cine de paz al societii, insuficient fiind tratate problemele
din societate; n-au fost provocate dezbateri publice pe cele mai
controversate teme, nu s-au auzit apeluri la a influena politica de stat.
n general, nu s-a reuit promovarea diversitii i multiculturalismului
n societate.
n perioada monitorizrii chiar i Adevrul nistrean i Vesti Gagauzii,

scopul declarat al crora este de a pstra limba i cultura etnicilor moldoveni i
gguzi, i-au ndreptat atenia preponderent asupra aciunilor autoritilor.
Singura excepie au constituit-o articolele din sport. Pe parcursul celor
15 luni de monitorizare, ziarele supuse analizei au publicat 163 articole
despre diverse competiii sportive cu implicarea participanilor din cele trei
regiuni convenionale sau prolnd personaliti din domeniu. Activitile
personajelor acestui gen de articole au fost apreciate n mod neutru sau
pozitiv, chiar i atunci cnd relaiile dintre autoritile de la Chiinu i
Tiraspol ajunseser la cota minim, n vara anului 2004. Nu se fcea referin
la Transnistria, Gguzia sau restul Moldovei n aceste articole, ci erau
nominalizate localiti concrete.
S-au gsit i alte exemple de relatri unicatoare. Astfel, pe 19
februarie 2005, Adevrul nistrean a publicat un articol intitulat Noi toi
am luptat dup un singur ru, n care era descris modul n care veteranii
rzboiului din Afganistan, originari din oraul transnistrean Dubsari, au
srbtorit aniversarea retragerii trupelor sovietice din acea ar. n cadrul
evenimentelor de comemorare, veteranii au vizitat mormntul unui soldat
care i pierduse viaa n Afganistan, i au oferit ajutor nanciar familiei
lui, care locuiete n enclava moldoveneasc Pohrebea. Mesajul principal
al articolului a fost c pentru veteranii rzboiului din Afganistan nu
exist hotare articiale, fotii camarazi de rzboi rmnnd unii n ciuda
nenelegerilor care exist ntre politicieni.28
La sfritul lui ianuarie 2005, Pridnestrovie i Adevrul nistrean au
publicat articole de prim pagin despre ceremonia organizat n cinstea
laureailor anului 2004 n domeniul jurnalismului. Deopotriv cu jurnaliti
din Transnistria, printre ctigtori, s-au aat i doi ziariti de la publicaii
chiinuene.29
28. Noi toi am luptat dup un singur ru. Adevrul nistrean, 19 februarie 2005, p. 3.
29. . (Au fost remarcate realizrile colegilor notri). Pridnestrovie.
25 ianuarie 2005, p. 1 i Laureaii anului 2004 n ziaristic. Adevrul nistrean, 29 ianuarie 2005, p. 1.
Nezavisimaia Moldova a publicat cteva articole privind aspectele

principale ale proiectului ziaristic Dou maluri ale Nistrului jurnalitii
coopereaz, administrat de reporterii ziarului privat din Chiinu Timpul.30
Vesti Gagauzii i Adevrul nistrean au publicat i ele articole despre proiecte
interregionale reuite iniiate de organizaii neguvernamentale.31
Totodat, astfel de exemple au fost puine la numr i sporadice. Mai
cu seam, reectarea predominant neutr a problemelor abordate, din
ziarele monitorizate, nu a nsemnat faptul c problemele respective au fost
analizate profund i integral, sau c a fost prezentat i punctul de vedere al
prii adverse.
De aceea, se poate susine ideea c n perioada supus monitorizrii
ziarele respective nu au contribuit la o mai buna nelegere ntre locuitorii
celor trei regiuni convenionale i nu au reuit s promoveze diversitatea i
multiculturalismul.
30. .(ONG-ul Contact va efectua

analiza dezvoltrii comunitilor). Vesti Gagauzii. 17 mai 2005, p. 2.
31. Viaa vine n ntmpinarea celui care i iese n ntmpinare. Adevrul nistrean. 24 mai 2005, p. 4.
7. RECOMANDRI
Exemplele oferite n acest studiu scot n eviden problemele
stringente cu care se confrunt cele cinci ziare monitorizate. Prioritatea
acordat personajelor politice de vrf n defavoarea ceteanului simplu,
problematicile complexe ind reduse la o confruntare de genul noi i ei,
duce la o paralizie a capacitii inerente a presei de a informa i angrena
ntr-o manier ecient publicul.
Ar putea util o alt abordare a reectrii noutilor o abordare ce sar concentra pe complexitate i ar cuta teren comun. Acest fel de jurnalism
cuprinde un spectru larg de opinii, oricare ar conictul, nelimitnd
numrul prilor aate n contradicie la numai dou. El de asemenea
sporete gama surselor de informaie i analizeaz interesele particulare ale
personajelor ce nu fac parte din elite. Pe lng consemnarea faptelor, acest
fel de jurnalism discut, de asemenea, i despre procedura de selectate ori
excludere a diverselor fapte i evenimente.
Acest fel de ziaristic este cunoscut i ca jurnalism constructiv.
Diferenele de baz dintre jurnalismul tradiional i cel constructiv sunt
prezentate n tabelul de mai jos:32
JURNALISM TRADIIONAL
JURNALISM CONSTRUCTIV
Cine de paz
Agent de abilitare
Comentator
Rolul jurnalistului
Independent de problematica
reectat
Observator
Dezbateri
Diferene
Polemici
Agent de comunicare
Independent dar interdependent

n acelai timp
n aceeai barc cu toi
Stilul/Subiectele
Dialog
Teren comun i diferene

Discuii
32. n baza Peace journalism how to do it. McGoldrick, Annabel; Lynch, Jake. October 2000, p. 28.
Metoda reportericeasc
Caut simplitate
Exploreaz complexitatea
Relatri n baza unor evenimente
Relatri n baza unor procese
Echilibrul nseamn reectarea
Echilibrul nseamn prezentarea
ambelor pri n mod egal
opiniilor ambelor pri
(cantitate)
(calitate)
Abordarea publicului
Redacia alege temele
Liderii/experii sunt cei mai avizai
Opinia public are un rol

n alegerea tematicii
Trebuie consultai
i oamenii de rnd
De fapt, aceast abordare nu reprezint nimic nou. Ea se sprijin pe

valorile jurnalistice tradiionale i stabilete scopul de a impune autoritile
s se fac responsabile. Acest fel de jurnalism este, ns, mai puin
senzaional i mult mai creativ i analitic dect produsele jurnalistice pe
care le consumm de obicei.
Aceasta nu nseamn, ns, c reporterii trebuie s-i piard din exigene
i s disimuleze actele de violen i de conict. De fapt, aceast abordare
nou solicit o puternic gndire critic, judecat sntoas, cunotine
i stil. Pentru aceasta este nevoie, n mod evident, de investiii n timp i
eforturi considerabile din partea jurnalistului.
Din acest cadru ziaristic reies un ir de exigene fa de ziariti:
Contientizarea propriilor prejudeci i stereotipuri, i excluderea lor
categoric din articole;
Prezentarea detaliat i sub toate aspectele a subiectului;
Informarea din diverse surse; consultarea diverilor experi i utilizarea
minim a elitelor n calitate de surse;
Relatri echilibrate, complexe i interesante despre oameni obinuii;
Relatri de fond asupra unui subiect;

Consultarea mai multor surse pentru excluderea eventualelor greeli i
inexactiti;
Respectarea deontologiei jurnalistice i a bunului gust n toate
situaiile.
Respectarea acestor principii ar mbunti n mod semnicativ calitatea
articolelor i impactul lor potenial asupra cititorilor.
n sfrit, o metod ecace de a perfeciona modalitatea de reectare a
relaiilor interregionale i interetnice este implicarea ziaritilor de origine
etnic i geograc diferit n proiecte gazetreti comune. Activitile
cotidiene ce ar avea un scop comun i-ar putea ajuta s depeasc prejudecile
i stereotipurile personale i s faciliteze o reectare mai cuprinztoare i
mai profund a problemelor. Aceasta ar putea duce la o scdere a numrului
de articole ncadrate n schema noi i ei, care i prezint pe ei ca pe o
problem i pe liderii notri ca posesori ai soluiilor adecvate.

2004 . 2005 .

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1. McQuails Mass Communication Theory. McQuail, Denis. Sage Publications, 2000, . 456.
2. (agenda-setting theory) ,
,
, .
3. The media election. Coverage of the 2003 Northern Ireland Assembly poll. ( . 2003 ). Wilson, Robin
Fawcett, Liz. Democratic Dialogue. http://www.democraticdialogue.org , 2004, . 6.
84

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Centrul Independent de Jurnalism

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tel: +373 22 213652, 227539, fax: +373 22 226681
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REFLECTING DIVERSITY

DESCRIEREA CIP A CAMEREI NAIONALE A CRII:

NOT ASUPRA EDIIEI:

DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

Economic, lifestyle, and crime/justice issues remained largely underreported;

DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

It aimed to promote professional cooperation among journalists from

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

strong emotional reactions to materials that had been carried out in

4.Reectarea diversitatii in mass-media. Evaluare de proiect (Reecting diversity in the media.

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 11

Pridnestrovie Russian-language, Tiraspol, print run ca. 3,100 copies

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 13

14 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

The Transnistrian authorities did not participate in the national

16 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

and the local elections in Transnistria. Inter-regional relations, as well as

4.2 Coverage trends

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 17

Straightforward news stories predominated in the coverage of relevant

4.3 Paper specics

18 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 19

Transnistria is the only remaining bastion of Moldovenism in the world,

Nezavisim aia Moldova

Nezavisim aia Moldova

5.2 Story prominence, length and genre

22 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 23

Throughout the monitoring period, Vesti Gagauzii carried the

In Moldova suverana the ratio of straightforward news was even

24 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

5.3 Story focus, event importance and location

More than two-thirds of relevant articles (67%) highlighted events of

With the exception of Vesti Gagauzii, all the monitored newspapers

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 25

The ratio of locally-based events was the highest in Adevarul nistrean

5.4 Representing the spectrum (social groups,

26 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

By comparison, the number of arts/culture personalities, military

The number of personalities from the eld of education, NGO

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 27

Many ethnic groups were mentioned only in the context of special

The ratios of dierent ethnic groups mentioned in the monitored

28 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

nistrean considers itself as a newspaper that promotes the interests

In general, minorities as a whole represented but a fraction of all story

Actors were seldom given a voice. In most of the cases (37.7%)

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 29

29.5% of cases, paraphrased in 10.4% and quoted directly in 22.4%

5.5 Issues highlighted or marginalized, coverage tone

30 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

The only signicant dierence in the coverage of relevant events was

In general, a predilection for political events has resulted in a number

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA 31

At the time when election contenders could be expected to raise issues

32 REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA

Moldovas voters). Vesti Gagauzii. 8 February 2005, p. 1.