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Garcia Martinez, Florentine. Qumran and Apocalyptic: studies on the Aramaic texts from Qumran / by F. Garcia Martinez.



0169-9962; v. 9)

on the texts of the desert of Judah, ISSN

Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 9004095861 (cloth: alk. paper)

1. Dead Sea scrolls-Criticism, 2. Apocalyptic literature-History 11. Series. BM487.C325 1992 296.1 '55-dc20

interpretation, etc.

and criticism.

I. Title.




0 169-9962


90 04 09586


0 Copyright 1992 by E.]. Brill, Lndcn, 7hcNetherlands

AN ngho rtsmcd.

.No part of this book may bc rcproduccd or

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Pour Annie


Foreword l.4QMess Ar and the Book of Noah 4QMess Aramaic Text Translation Notes Commentary TheBookofNoah Noachic materials in 1 Enoch Noachic materials in Jubilees Noachic materials in Qumran Outline of the lost Book of Noah 2. Contribution of the Aramaic Enoch Fragments to our understanding of the Books of Enoch The AstronomicaI Book The Book of Watchers TheBookofDreams The Epistle of Enoch 3. The Book of Giants Copies of the Book of Giants The Manichean Book of Giants Other elements of the Book of Giants

Order of the elements of the Book of Giants Origin and Date of the Book of Giants 4 . The Prayer of Nabonidus: A New Synthesis 4QPrayer of Nabonidus

Reconstructed Text Translation Notes Commentary Relation with other texts Relation with Daniel Relation with Nab H. 2A/B Relation with 4QpsDan Relation with Job Literary genre and Origin 5. 4QPseudo Daniel Aramaic and the Pseudo-Danielic Literature



4QPseudo Daniel Aramaic


Aramaic Texts








Pseudo Danielic Literature


Arabic Pseudo-Daniel


Armenian Pseudo-Daniel


Coptic Pseudo-Daniel


Slavonic Pseudo-Daniel


Greek Pseudo-Daniel


Apocalypsis of the Profet Daniel


The monk Daniel on the 'Seven Hills'


Visions of Daniel


Daniel Diegesis


Hebrew Pseudo-Daniel


Persian Pseudo-Daniel


Syriac Pseudo-Daniel




6. The eschatological figure of 4Q246




Transcription of the text








Milik's Hypothesis


Fitzmyer's Hypothesis


Flusser's Hypothesis


An Eschatological Saviour


4QpsDan Ar




1QH 111.7.18






7. The <<NewJerusalemn and the future temple of the manuscripts from Qumran


The City Plan of NJ


The Description of the New Jerusalem


NJ and the Future Temple





The congress on Apocalypticism held in Uppsala in 1979 undoubtedly marked an important stage in the study of this complex phenom- enon'. It was the end of what I have defined as <<The-Erabf Disil- lusionment,, and it started a new era, one which I have defined as <<TheEra of ~ecu~eration,>*.If the publication of the first Qumran manuscripts gave rise to the idea that in them would be found the key to such problems as the determination of the *essence,, of Apocalypti- cism, the elucidation of its origins, its Sitz im Leben, the relation between Jewish and Christian Apocalypticism and the influence of Jewish Apocalypticism on the origins of Christianity, further study has brought the specialists to the conclusion adaB dieser "Wunderschliis- sel" nicht pa~t,,3. Perhaps the best expression of this disillusionment is H. STEGE- MANN contribution to the Uppsala congress4. In it he not only denies that the Qumran manuscripts have provided the solutions hoped for5, but attempts to explain why in Qumran there was no special interest in ~~ocalyptic~and maintains that the scanty apocalyptic elements to be met within the text are foreings bodies, to which it is impossible to

' Apocalypicism in rlte MediIerraneott World artd the Near Emt. Proceedings of


International Colloquium on Apocalypticism, Uppsala, August 12-17, 1979, editcd


David HELLHOLM (Tiibingen 1983) (second edition enlarged with Supplementary

Bibliography 1989). Cf. F. GARCIAMAR~~KE~.,*Encore I'Apocalyptiquc*, IS/ 17 (IT), 224-232.

In a forschungsberichr on the theme -Apocalyptic and Qumran*: -La Apocalipti- ca y Qumrin-, V. Camno - V. V~LLAR(eds.), N Sintposio BIblico Espial (Valen-


- C6rdoba 1987). 603-613.

' K. RUDOLPH,rApokalyptik in der Diskussionm, in: Apocal).pricisnr, 783.

H. SIEGFMANN,*Die Bedeutung der Qumranfunde fiir die Erforschung der Apokalyptikm, in: Apoca3pricism, 495-530. "Was speziell die Erforschung der Apokalyptik anbctrifft. so besleht gcgenwkrtig eine crhebliche Dikrepanz mischen der Erwartung, die Qumranfundc konnten wenigstens fiir diescn Forschungsgegcnstand immer noch eine A~cWundermcdizin sein, und der Tatsache, daD die biihcrigcn AN;itzc zur Einbeziehung der Qumranfun-

dc in die Apokalyptik-Dikussion so gut wic gar kcine allgemein anerkannten oder

auch nur weiterfiihrenden Ergebnisse erbracht habcn", *Die Bedeutung der Qum- ranfunde*, 495. "Nur ganz knapp will ich mi& abschlieknd nod, zur Exhatologie der Qumran- gmeinde iukrn, weil deren Eigenart wcnigstens teilweisc zu erklaren vermag, warum man in dieser Gruppe des nachexilischen Judentums kcin sonderliches fntcres- se an Apokalyptik hatte", .Die Bedeutung der Qumranfunde*, 521.



assign any central position in the life or the organisation of the Qumran goup7. H. STEGEMANNhas still further radicalised his position in a later studys and his ideas have had a lot of influence during the last decade. Nevertheless I am convinced that the Qumran manuscripts have provided us with key elements for the understanding of the phenom- enon which, for want of a better name, we call ~~ocalyptic~.And more: each of the two - Qumran and Apocalyptic - throws light on the other. In my view, the study of Apocalyptic is necessary for an under- standing of the origins and the development of the ideas which end by bein characteristic of the group we know as <<theQumran commun- ity*''. And the study of the Qumran manuscripts is equally necess- ary for a proper understanding of Apocalyptic and of a good number of Apocalypses, not only those which may be considered as the creation of the Qumran community itself, but others which have come down to us by way of the community, including Apocalypses written after the disappearance of the Qumran community but in which appear ideas in whose transmission the community has played an

' "'Apokalyptikcr' blciben hicr im Grunde 'Frcmdkorpcr', dcncn man ehcr mit eincr gewissen Reserve begegnet sein mag und auf die man bestimmt fiur keincn ~entralcn Lebens- odcr Funktionsbercich dcr Gcmcinde angewiesen war", *Die Bcdcutung der Oumranfundc*, 524. H. STEGEMANN,"Some Aspects of Eschatology in Texts from the Qumran Community and in the Teachings of Jesus*, in: Biblical Archaeolog~Today (Jerusalem

1985d. 4q8-426.


It 1s imposstble to attempt here a satisfactory definition of this phenomenon. I have lately expressed my own understanding of the term as follows: -La apocaliptica es una corriente de pensamicnto que nacc en el conteao religiose y cultural concreto del judaismo posexilico, quc se dcsarrolla durantc un largo period0 de tiempo reilccionando interacrivamente con otras corricntcs de pensamicnto del medio amhicntc judio, como la tradicibn profttica o la tradici6n sapiencial, y que se plasma en las distintas obras que designamor como "apocalipsis"., cf. F. GARCIAMARTINEZ, aiLa apocaliptica judia como matriz de la teologia cristiana?., A. PIIC'ERO(ed.), On'getres del crisrianisttto.Attrccedettresy ptittteros pasos (C6rdoba-Madrid 1991), 195. lo A group whose ideological roots lie precisely in the Apocalyptic Tradition, as I think I have proved, cf. F. GARCIAMARTINEZ, ~Lestraditions apocalyptiques B QumrBn-, C. KAPPI.ER (ed.), Apocabpses er voyages datw I'au-deld (Paris lW), 201- 235; -Esdnisme OumrBnicn: Origines, caracttristiques, heritage*, B. CHIF~A(ed.), Comtrti culnrmli e movitttenri rrligiosi del Giudaistno (AIG - Testi c Studi 5) (Roma 1987). 37-57; -Qumran Origins and Early History: A Groningen Hypothesis*, Folio Orienralia 25 (1989), 113-136.



important role1'. In my opinion, the study of the Qumran manu- scripts has completely transformed the way in which we nowadays understand the most ancient Apocalypses, those composed within the Enochic tradition, has had a profund effect on the study of the origins and the development of the apocalypse of Daniel and has indicated a number of new factors demonstrating the variety and the ideological richness of the apocalypses written within the Qumran community itself. This conviction has arisen and has continued to develop through- out the last ten years. It is based on the findings of a series of studies I have carried out and published during this period. The present volume contains a selection of these studies. The selection is determined by three elements common to all the studies:

they all examine Aramaic texts from the Library of Qumran; they were all originally published in Spanish; they all demostrate some of the contributions made by the Qumran manuscripts to the study of the Apocalyptic. The first three papers collected here are concerned with apocalyp- tic texts belonging to the Enochic Tradition; these texts are certainly pre-Qumranic but the elements supplied by the fragmentary copies found at Qumran have radically altered the way in which we under- stand them. The next two studies deal with two texts which were previously unknown and which stem from the Danielic Tradition; the Qumranic or extra-Qumranic origin of these texts cannot with certain- ty be established, but they both notably enrich our knowledge of the traditions incorporated in the apocalypse of Daniel. The last two studies here included discuss two apocalypses which are very different from each other, but which are both products of the Qumran com- munity itself and which reveal the richness and the diversity of the theological conceptions circulating within the Apocalyptic Tradition. 1. a4QMes Ar and the Book of Noalzm [originally published a5 a4Q Mes. Aram. y el libro de Noh, R. AGUIRRE - F. GARCIA~PEZ

(eds.), Escritos de Biblia y Onente. Misceldnea conrnemoraliva del 25 aniversario del Imtituto Espariol Bihlico y Arqueolbgico de Jewalrin ( = 28, 1981), 195-2321, examines a manuscript found in Cave 4, originally published as a horoscope of the Messiah, and

" For example 4 Ezra, cf. F. GARCIAMARTINEZ, =Traditions eammunes dans le


IVe Esdrac et dans les MSS de Qumrin-,

Mdmoriol/ean Sfarcky. Vol. 1 (Paris 1991), 287-301.



considers it as part of the oldest apocalypse known - the Book of Noah. An analysis of the material from this lost book incorporated in later works such as I Enoch, Jubilees, IQupGn and 1Q20, together

with the traces of this apocalypse to be found in other Qumranic manuscripts such as 1Q19 and 6Q8 permits us to construct a general outline of the lost apocalypse, incorporating in it the elements pro- vided by 4QMess Ar. 2. <<Contributionof the Aramaic Enoch Fragments to our under- standing of the Books of Enochw [originally published as pan of ccEstudios Qumrfinicos 1975-1985: Panorama Critico (I),, Es&ios Biblicos 45 (1987), 127-1731, offers a complete and systematic presen- tation of the contributions of the different Aramaic fragments of Enoch to our knowledge of the Astronomical Book, the Book of Watchers, the Book of Dreams and the Epistle of Enoch, together with a critical evaluation of the many studies on the different components of I Enoch which have appeared since the publication of the Aramaic fragments.

3. <<TheBook of Giants* [originally published as part of ctEstudios

Qumrfinicos 1975-1985: Panorama Crltico (I),,, Estudios Bfblicos 45

(1987), 175-1921, analyses the material of the Book of Giants recovered from the different copies found in Qumran, puts the material in order of sequence and, with the help of the elements

preserved in the Manichean Book of Giants, gives a general outline of its contents.

4. aThe Prayer of Nabonidus: A New Synthesis,, [originally pub-

lished as a4Q Or Nab. Nueva sintesisa, Sefarad 40 (1980), 5-25], examines the remains of a work which preserves a version of the traditions contained in Dan 4 distinct from and earlier than that of the canonical book and compares it with other known traditions both biblical and extra-biblical. 5. a4QPseudo Daniel Aramaic and the Pseudo-Danielic Literature* [published originally as *Notas al margen de 4QpsDaniel arameo*, Aula Orientalis 2 (1983), 193-2081, analyses the fragments of various copies of a pseudo-Danielic composition from Cave 4, containing an apocalypse with a clear periodisation of history and a description of the eschatological age, but without the recourse to the metaphors of other apocalypses. A survey of the wide range of pseudo-Danielic literature surviving in various languages shows that there was no contact between these compositions and the pseudo-Danielic apoca- lypse from Cave 4.



6. *The Eschatological Figure of 4Q246s [originally published as a4Q 246: iTipo del Anticristo o Libertador escatolbgico?s, V. COLLA-

DO - E. ZURRO(eds.), El Mirterio de la Palabra

Homenaje a L.

Afonro Schbkel (Cristiandad, Madrid 1983), 229-2441, discusses an apocalypse originating in Qumran, known only from fragment 40246 and offers an interpretation of this fragment in the light of other Qumran texts, entailing the consideration that the text in question refers not to Alexander Balas (as stated by MILIK), not to the messianic heir to the throne of David (as FITZMYERassumes), nor yet to the Antichrist (as FLUSSERmaintains), but that the mysterious personage designated ason of God, is none other that the eschatol- ogical liberator of angelic character who appears in the other Qumran texts.

.The "New Jerusalem" and the future temple of the manuscripts Qumran* [originally published as ((La "Nueva Jerusalbn" y el


templo futuro de 10s Mss. de QumrAns. D. MUNOZLEON(ed.), Salva-

cibn en la Palabra Targum - Derash - Berith. En memoria del profesor

A. Dlez Mucho (Cristiandad, Madrid 1986), 563-5901, examines another apocalypse, preserved in several copies, originating in Qum- ran, and analyses the conception of the New Jerusalem and of the New Temple reflected in this work, placing these conceptions in the line which runs from the prophet Ezechiel's vision of the "New Jerusalem" to the description of the "heavenly Jerusalem" in the Apocalypse of John. All these studies have been more or less thoroughly revised with a view to their appearance in English, taking into account the most recent publications on the various manuscripts in question. Abbreviations of periodicals, series and biblical books follow the style of the JBL, except for RQ, here used to designate the Revue de


Qumrrin, not the RbmiscIte Quartakchn'ji fir christliclle AQertumslauuie

und Kirchengeschichte. Abbreviations of the Dead Sea Scrolls follow my own aLista de MSS prodecentes de ~umrdnnl*.It has not



appeared necessary to add a bibliography of the works quoted, since it would duplicate the systematic bibliographies I have already published on most of the topics involvedu. Ten years after the Uppsala congress the very idea of the genetic influence of Apocalyptic on the origins of the Qumran community (an idea which is one of the pillars of the ccGroningen Hypothesis of the Origins and Early History of Qumran* is far from being commonly admitted, but the general scepticism of the *Era of Disillusionmentu represented by H. STEGEMANNseems to have been overcome and the close relations between Qumran and Apocalyptic are coming to be recognised. J.J. COLLINS,in a lucid study14 in which he analyses the invoking of a special revelation, the periodisation of history, the dualism and the eschatology of the CD, concludes:

The affinities of CD with the apocalypses are not so great as to require that all these compositions derived from the same group. They do, however, strongly support the opinion that the Dead Sea sect originated in the same general milieu as the apocalyptic movements.

And summing up the findings of research on Apocalyptic since ~~~sala'~in a symposium at the Society of Biblical Literature meeting in Anaheim on November 19,1989, which marked the tenth anniversary of the Uppsala Colloquium on Apocalypticism, COLLINS himself concludes:

A movement or community might also be apocalyptic if it were shaped to a significant degree by a specific apocalyptic tradition, or if its world-view could be shown to be similar to that of the apocalypses in a distinctive way. The Essene movement and Qumran community would seem to qualifyon both counts.

l3 On the Enochic materials in F. GARCIAJMARTINU. - EJ.C. TIGCWELAAR,*I Enoch and the Figure of Enoch. A Bibliography of Studies 1970-1988*,RQ 14/53 (1989), 149-176; on the NJ and their relationship with llQTetnple in F. GARCLA bhRTINE7, -El Rollo dcl Templo (11QTcmple): Bibliograffa sistem&ticam,RQ 12/47 (1986). 425-440 and *The Temple Suoll: A Systematic Bibliography 1985-1991. (forthcoming in the Pnxeedit~gsof the Madn'd Congress on rite Dead Sea ScrdLr; on all the other Qumran Aramaic Texts in the ~Bibliographie-which since 1982 I have


ublishing in the RQ.

'J, COW, -Genre, Ideology and Social Mowments in Jewish Apodypti-

cism-, JJ. COLLINS- J.H. CWARESWORTH (cds.), Mysteries and Revelations. Apoca-

lyptic Shrdies since the Uppsala Cdloqui~rn~(JSPS 9) (Shefield 1991),11-32.

"JJ. Cows$ *Was the Dead Sea Sect an Apocalyptic Movement ?*, L.H.

SCHI~N(ed.), Anhaedo~yand Histoty in he Dead Sea Scrolls (JSPS 8) (Shefield


25 51.



The present volume makes no claim to illuminate all aspects of the relation between Qumran and Apocalyptic. Since its scope is confined to the study of some of the Aramaic texts found at Qumran it ignores the community's most important and most characteristic texts, such as IQS, IQM or IQH. Since it consists of detailed studies of particular manuscripts it offers neither a synthetic view nor a systematic solution of the problems that arise. Nor does it make any claim to be com- pletely original. Every study in detail owes a debt to many other researchers, with whom it keeps up a dialogue, to those whose opin- ions it shares and perhaps even more to those with whom it disagrees. The references provided in each case will serve, I hope, to make clear the contribution of each researcher. I should like to express here my gratitude to them all. Thanks are also due to the editors of the periodicals and collected volumes where the Spanish articles were originally published. All of them have graciously agreed to the re-use of the materials in its present form.

the original articles was carried out during a

sabbatical leave spent at the Departamento de Filologia Bfblica y Oriental, Institute de Filologia, Consejo Superior de lnvestigaciones Cientificas de Madrid. 1 should like to take this opportunity to express my thanks to the DGICYT of the Spanish Ministerio de Educacibn y Ciencia, the Director of the Institute, Professor N. FERNANDEZ MARCOS, and the colleagues of the Department of Biblical and Oriental Philology for all the friendship and the most congenial working atmosphere they have provided. Thanks are also due to Mr Alasdair MACKINNON and Dr A. HILHORST. The first has overseen the English version of each one of the original articles, and the second has critically read the complete draft in its final form. Both have notably contributed to the quality of the volume without being responsible for the imperfections that still remain. But the most special word of thanks must go to Professor A.S. VAN DER WOUDE. The stimulating research climate he has been able to create in his Qumran Instituut at the Rijksuniversiteit Groningen provided the atmosphere in which the original Spanish articles grew during the last ten years. Each one of these articles owes as much to his knowledge of the Qumran literature and of Apocalyptic as to his critical insight. Moreover, his was the idea of collecting the articles in a volume, and of publishing the collection. It is thus to a great extent

The revision of



due to him if the present volume, within its modest limits, is able to make a contribution to the understanding of Qumran and of the Apocalyptic.

Florentino Garcia Martinez



Among the peculiarities of Essene practice mentioned by Flavius Josephus, divination plays an important role. In Bell I1 8.12 Ej 159 we read':

There are some among them who profess to foretell the future, being versed from their early years in holy books, various forms of purification and apoph- thegms of prophets; and seldom, if ewr, do they err in their predictions.

Hippolytus (Elenchus 9,27) asserts the same, and Josephus quotes several examples of these predictions in his ~nt' and presents the Essenes as interpreters of dreams3. It is therefore only natural to seek for suggestions of divinatory practices in the manuscripts of the library from Qumran. Among the divinatory documents particular importance has been assigned to 4QMess Ar because the first editor thought that this ms. had preserved a horoscope of the btessiah4. The first commenta-

' Translation of T~inclui~~~in The Loeb Classical Library, Josepltus II, 385. If one adopts the interpretation of A. DUFO~T-SOMMER,Les kcrifs esskniens, d8couwfls p& de la Mer Mofle (Paris 1959), 45, note 2, the power of divination of the Essenes would result from intimate knowledge of the complete biblical text: .Le texte grec porte: kai diaphorois agneiais -el par des purifications diverse*; mais que viennent faire ici les *purificationsn, entre les =liwes saints* et les rsentences des prophttes*? Avec M. lsidore Uvy, nous donnons ici A diaphorois Ie sens d'uecrits*, attest6 dans quelques textes, et nous corrigeons agneiais en agiair usacrb; ales Livres saints. sont sans doute la Bible canonique, tandii que les -6crits sacrks* et les rsentences des Prophttes* dksignent des ouvrages religieu propres B la xcte. On pourrait put-ttre aussi comprendre que sles Liwes saints* dksignent ici seulement les cinq liwes de la TIM,tandis que sles emits sacrCs* dksigncraient les Kecoubitn (Hagiographes) et les "sentences des Prophttes-, les Nebi'im

* See,

for example, Atre. XIII, § 311-13; XV 5 371-79; XVIl $i345-48.

Bell 11 7. 3.

J. STARCKY,*Un texte messianique aram&n de la Grotte 4 de Qumrin*, in

Mkmorial &I cirrquantenaire de I'Ecole des langues oriencales de I'Insfitue Cafhdique de

Paris (Paris IW), 51-66 (with two plates). S~ARCKYhas published a photograph of better quality in the article sLe Maitre de Justice et J&us*, Le Monde de la Bible 4 (1978), 53-55, in which he modifies his first interpretation of the text and accepts the suggestions of m~~~~and GREI~to the effect that the text does not refer to the Messiah but to Noah. Another good quality photograph of thc second column was




tors5 also interpreted

although the divinatory character of messianic content is denied6.




this way,










Only scanty parts of this previously unknown Aramaic text have been preserved. The editor was able to recover part of two successive columns by grouping together several fragments, all of them in a very bad state. This implies that the reconstruction of almost all sentences includes some hypothetical elements, especially in col. ii, where the fragments offer no joint and only isolated words can be read. From col. i remnants of 11 lines have been preserved, as well as some isolated letters of the end of lines 12 to 17. The upper margin and the two intercolumnar margins are visible, and the scribe has left blank part of lines 2, 4 and 11 to indicate major divisions in the text.

Herodian script classified by

CROSS^ as <<roundsemiformalw, which would yield a rough dating of 30 B.C. to A.D. 20. In his paleographic study of the mss. J. CARMI- GNAC concludes that the ms. was most likely copied by the scribe also

responsible for the mss. 4QpPs 37, 4QpIse and 4Qp0sb8. We can



has been

copied in


printed in the catalogue of the Smithsonian Institution, sec F.M. CROSS,Scrolls from [he Wilderness of the Dead Sea (London 1969, Plate 11. A. DUPOW-SOMMER, aDeux Documents Horoscopiqucs cs&niens*, CR41 1965, 239-253; .---La S~dcdcs Wniens et les Horoxopcs dc Qoumr&n*,Archdolo- @e 15 (1%7), 24-31; J. CARMIGNAC,-Les horampes de Qumrgn-, RQ 5 (1%5), 199- 217; J. I-laff, *Legs as signs of election*, Tarbiz 35 (1965-66), 18-26 (Hebrew).

FrrLWYER, =The Aramaic Elect of God Text from Qumran Cave 4*, CBQ

27 (1%5), 349-372 and P. GRfiLOT, uHCnoch et ses Ecriturcsr, RB 82 (1975), 481-500. The only execption is M. DEIXOR, who in his article *QumrHnn in DBSupl 51 (1978), col. 956, maintains the messianic character of the text. The latest study published denies its messianic character: -Cc ne peut gukre etrc un des personaages awquels les hits de Qumrln conRrent le titre de umessie-, car il n est pas question ici de royautC ou dc sacerdoces, and proposcs a ncw interpretation which wc will discuss later, sec A. CAOUOT, a4QMess Ar 1 i 8-11n, in E. PUECH - F. GARCIAMARTINEZ

(edsi), Mkmorial Jean Starcky. Vol. 1 (Paris 1991). 145-155.

Development of the Jewish Saipts*, in The Bible and Ihe


F.M. CROSS, -The

Ancient Near East. Essays in honour of W.F. Albrighf (Garden City 1x1). 138.




approximately date the copy of 4QMesr Ar in the first half of the first century A.D~

A. Tea






i aniw '1

p[ I. T7n?n KT' '1


vaccu [ 1% ?'n!~i'?u[i]~~?~w2 77 10 11 1'1w I?[ ]an3i7 >Y 77'~ii 1oiwi 3

'1 ]?Y [lY O]Ylo K> '1 W 1[3K3 JW'.?.il la> an lo"lY3 4 VUC~[ ] ~'19~nn7n Y?I['] 5 ]n3i3i~>Y a7 anltn'? llin ?w[ 1.W vl31o?y7 l'lx[3] 6 KJ>n 7[11]il? a13Y i13117i1 7'n[ ] 'a lnfl3~131?a13K31 7


ap 101Y 1

313 'il 'li7iIan K'nov >i13 ann3iniKwJK vi ylyll

K -n


Klan K71W K"il

713 nlD01 1!JlD7 'al>Y

~1;1'313Wn >1[31]

'a 1313w[n

ilia> 'ai113w[n

1s '1 K[



1 11

1 12

1 13


1 15


1 17




?ainw:7 nil1 ai'7in K ia K~>K171-13'13

vmt [





11i3wn n[


'a 11


";i .I



a in 3


?Knrli I


17U W'K3



p 1


]an a[














'ainyu] niii 7



I. '1 .3n7 ?>.3.[ ?i]~a'I>K 513 13in' In2 lo[



(lost 9.10.11)



1.n 7 137n'i




The date of the original cannot be ascertained. The composition is certainly prior to Jub. it is even possible that it predates nte Book of Watchers because it presents a previous stage in the development of the legend of the fallen angels and because I hmh 10.1-3 seems to incorporate a reference to it (on the level of the Aramaic original, or on the level of thc later Greek Version?).


B. Translation

CoL i


of the hand, two[





a mark; is red


his hair [and he has] moles on





And small marks on his thigh [



different one from another.

He will know




In his youth he will be


like a m]an who does not know

anything, [until] the moment in which



he will know the three books. Vacar


Then he will acquire wisdom and will know [


of visions, in



order to come to the sphere[ And with his father and with his forefathers [ life and old age. Counsel and prudence will be with him,



and he will know the secrets of man. And his wisdom will reach all the peoples. And he will know the secrets of all living things.


And all their plans against him will come to nothing, although the opposition of all living things will be great,


[ his plans. Because he is the elect of God, his birth and the


spirit of his breath his plans shall be forever. Vacut

11 [: I




which [


13 [


the plan




15 [






17 [




1 ]


fell in old times. The sons of the pit.





The mole[










to go[



[ ]fle[sh ]





and the spirit of his bre[ath






(9.10.11 lost)



and cities[





they will destroy [





waters will cease [ will destroy [ from the high places; all of them will come[




15 [



16 and all of them will be rebuilt. His deed will be as the one of the Watchers.

I will base upon him its foundation. Its sin

17 Instead of his voice[ and its guilt

[ I

18 [






One and the Watchers[

19 they have sploken against him.



20 [ ]





21 [





C. Notes

Col. i

Line 1 r)l7 '1. These words undoubtedly form part of a sentence begun in a previous column. We surmise, together with the editor, that lwn? refers to a substantive that has been lost, perhaps 70 lw,which reappears at the end of the line. Something like .<[and he has] two [marks on the back] of the handpi should be reconstructed. The editor reads: ;lnJ[lF .black*. F~ZMYERpresents ilcJ ahown, as a possibility. Both interpretations are admissible, but the state of the ms. does not enable us to draw any definite conclusion. A n is all that can be made out of the eroded patch.

1'7~ l\u. The reading is uncertain. The parchment was found in a tom and shrunken state and its first words have practically vanished. The editor reads ;?n[,7li?\U(a form that appears in 4QNor Ar), joins it



to anl~w,his reading of line 2, and translates: $chis hair is red*. FITZMYERwould rather read: In [l7]3\v .It left a mark from>>.This alternative would certainly avoid the problem of the grammatical agreement as ;'3v then becomes a verb, but this reading is paleographically impossible. P. GRELOTreads pn 1\u and attaches it to an ?w. He offers the following translation: ccune tache rouge [sous (?)I sa chevelures, but here again, as with the reading of the editor, the grammatical agreement is impossible for the simple reason that an l\v is obviously feminine. We adopt CARMIGNAC'Sreading and interpretation; the form 7'1~01x1 frequently appears in later Aramaic as 1'170 lolo. The final 7 is partially visible on the photographs, and the editor himself recognises the possibility of this reading.

Line 2 K71Y\U.This reading was suggested by CARMIGNACbecause it is the most sensible from a paleographical point of view and the one which best agrees with j771?1w. The editor reads a]nl~ .chevelure>,. F~ZMYERreads ~TYW<<barley*,influenced by the use of 7 'fl9 I~U [literally alentils>>]in the same line, but he does not succeed in making this reading fit the context. His best argument is a parallel text taken from the Elephantine papyri (COWLEY 2.4.5; the other text quoted by FITZMYERis nothing but a reconstruction based on this one). But, apart from the contextual difference, the link between ~TYWand lnriyu in the Elephantine text is secured by the structure of the sentence. Such is not the case in our text. Another weighty argument against FITZMYER'Sinterpretation is the continual presence of s&u/scirut <chair* in the Babylonian physiognomic treatises, as proved by the texts collected by KRAUS".

17nri15U. Literally *lentils*. Our translation is based on the fact that all evidence seems to indicate that cclentilsw is used here to designate spots or marks on the whole surface of the body; these same marks

'O In Middle Aramaic the original W is always written D,but Qumran Aramaic offers a different picture; some mw. (such as llQ@ob and 4QEn) use indifferently D and W to represent the original consonant, while others (such as 1QopGn) use consis- tent1 W for the same purpose. F.R. KRAUS,TCIICLUI brrbylonischen Phpiognmik (Berlin 1939). He has himself published a very good study of these texts: -Die physiognomischen Omina der Babylonicr*, MdVAG Band 40,Heft 2 (Lei- 1935), 60-100.


are called <<grainsof wheatr or ccolivest>in the Babylonian treatises. It seems obvious that the text does not refer to nrlentilsn here as veg- etables, because of the use of the singular in col. ii, 2 and because, in

this instance, it is followed by

most commentators. CARMIGNACgoes even further and proposes to give a symbolic value to the use of the cclentils* and @redhair*. Like Esau, whose hair was red and who sold off his primogeniture for a dish of lentils, ale futur chef &Israel possedera ces lentilles jusque dans sa chair, comme le precise la suite du texten. This interpretation seems unconvincing. In the above-named treatises body marks are essential for predicting future life and in them red hair appears as a special omen of good luck. In the text number LXXXI of KRAUS' collection we find the sentence: when his hair turns red, he will grow into a godlor be trustworthy,,'*. As it appears, a good portion of the line was left blank, so that only one word is lost.


interpretation is favoured by

Line 3

JA.,. The editor and CARMIGNACread shinnfn and translate:


~[bienranglees seront les dents les unes par rapport aw autresu. FITZMYER prefers to read shenfn: After two years he knows this from that*. We would prefer to read shrinayin, the participle of >l'u at0 be different*, attached to the following expression -3 >n ;? (with DUPONT-SOMMERand GRELOT).The first '7 has been added on top of the line.



the end of the line is illegible. Many conjec-

tures have been proposed:

8"7n ;1vl 1 ccet (sa) science sera elevee,t (STARCKY);

;I 7'lg;1 Y 3

ccil saura parler distinctementtt (CARMIGNAC);

i17%i_l ~11a(i1 aura) une intelligence parfaiten (DUPONT-SOM- MER). GRELOTproposes to consider 'll' as a participle ~Connaisseur [de *, a solution which does not take us any further either, especially because there is apparently still another illegible word after The state of the text does not enable us to be more accurate.


l2 See also numbers LIX and LXlX and page 10 of the book by KRAUS.



Line 4

. ,. This word is read as w'U" dike (something) sharpened* by the editor who follows a suggestion of J. STRUGNELL. This reading seems possible, although the objection raised by CARMIGNAC(lack of space for the u) is apparently well founded, but I do not see how it could fit into the context. The editor himself doe not offer a transla- tion. The reading put forward by CARMIGNAC \U7'>3 ncomme un lions is paleographically unacceptable, apart from the unusual form with two ''. The first stroke preserved is neither vertical nor does it show the typical hood-like heading of the '. The reading 1 la31 of FITZMYER is impossible and his translation: <<hewill become like*, does not solve anything either. Among the possible roots with the preserved letter none apparently fits into the context.




Line 5 K "99 nr-7. These are unquestionably three specific books well known to the readers, for whom the reference was apparently clear, since the author does not feel obliged to mention the title of the writings, but their identification poses many problems for us. The editor holds the view that they were three eschatological, and perhaps even astrological, books but he does not explain his opinion. CARMIGNAC finds here a reference to the three fundamental books of the Qumran community: <{The book of meditation* (lgo '~iiiiof IQSa I,7; CD X6; XIII,Z), The Rule of the Community (1QS) and The Damarcus Document (CD).But this would entail that 4QMess Ar is a text written by the Sect and, also, that these three books constituted a sort of unity different from the rest of the sectarian writings. None of these conjectures seems to be right. FITZMYERasumes that the three books are aprobably apocalyptic, and not specific, real books)), somewhat like the <(Books of the Livinga (1 Enoch 47,3), the <<Bookof Man's Deeds* (Psalm 56,9; Dan 7.10; I Enoch 90,17) and the ccheavenly tablets* (Jub 30,22; 1 Enoch 81,l-2). But, as pointed out by GRELOT, the content of these nbookss is known by revelation, not by study. And, although the text does not allow us positively to exclude the possibility that the content of the three books is revealed, the phrasing seems rather to point to a knowledge acquired through the reading or the perusal of these three books and not by revelation of their content. Although any hypothesis that may be favoured will unavoidably depend on the particular overall idea one has of the contents of the




text, GRELOT'S suggestion that these three books represent the primitive works of the Enochian literature (The Ashonomical Book, the Book of Watchers and the Book of Dreams) seems the most plausible to me. These three books, according to Juh 4,1743, sum- marise Enoch's literary activity and constitute an abstract of ancient wisdom. This hypothesis has been accepted by J.T. MILIK~who sees a reference to this same trilogy in the section devoted to Enoch in the Samaritan Kitdh al-'Asair: aIn 7 years he (Noah) learned the three Books of Creation: the Book of the Signs, the Book of Astron- omy (Arab nugmah, 'star'), the Book of the Wars which is the Book of the Generation of darn*'^.

Line 6 1.w.Only the first letter has been preserved. The editor recon- structs K 'pw ccmuch~.DUPONT-SOMMERprefers to read IJV, and reconstructs n>>]3w(<thepaths,. Finally, FITZMYERseems to make out an 1 and reads K>3]lW <<discretion,,.The text permits any recon- struction, since the only letter preserved is the w. Although the text that follows is preserved almost in its entirety, it presents a number of difficulties:

- Is i13 an <(ethicaldative* (STARCKY)or a udirectional dative),


<<knees,,? (The meaning of the sentence, in

that case would be either <<toadore, to venerate*, or else to recognise

somebody as a son by placing him on one's knees). Or could it be a geographical term used in a mystical sense (GRELOT)? How does this tie up with the previous and the subsequent contexts ?

- Does In3 l33K mean

l3 J.T. MII.IK, rEcrits prCesdniens de QumrPn: d'Htnoch

il Amrams, in M.

DELCOR(ed.),Qumdm, so pi&&, so rhdolqgie el son milieu (BETL XLVI) (Paris/

Lcuven 1978), 94.

'' Translation of J.T. MIl.IK, The Bodcr of Enach. Aramaic Fmgmenfs of QumrrOn

Cma 4 (Oxford 1976), 66. For MILIKthe three earlicst compositions attributed to Enoch would be the sacred calendars, the Astronomical Book and the Visions of Enoch: *It is to Enoch, rather than to Adam, that - according to the information provided by the Kitib al-'Asiktir- we should ascribe the authorship of the three antediluvian works transmitted to posterity by Noah: the Book of the Signs, of the Heavenly Bodies, and of the Wars. We can recognise in these without much difficulty the earliest compositions attributed to End the sacred calendars, the most compre- hensive of which conccrns the cyde of seven Jubilees, the astronomical treatise (En 72-82), and she Visions of Enoch (En. 6-19)- (pp. 67-68).



Our interpretation is based on the reading nJ3lK7 'i iK 1 of lQapGn II,23 put forward by MIL~K" who explains the meaning of the word as referring to the third of the celestial spheres where Enoch is dwelling when visited by Larnech. As pointed out by GRE- LOT, the word KJ~~Kin the Talmud of Babylon designates the highest of the three dikes marked in a field. We understand 83 as a directional 'i with an anticipatory suffix. The text thus becomes coherent with the rest, which explains the changes experienced by the main character once he knows the con- tents of the three books, and his bond with his ancestors who are resting, as he does, in the paradise that according to 1 Enoch is located in the third celestial sphere.

Line 7

-2 in;l[~xjr:i

-2 13x3 I. CARMIGNACreads '2 in21

I3 1 ~~~3x31

apendant la croissance, pendant ses [--Is.We follow the editor's reading, which is far more convincing. ~RMIGNAC'Sreading tends to differentiate four stages in the life of the personage after his young years: <(Pendant la croissance, pendant ses [--I, (pendant) [--I et

(pendant la )

vieillesse,>. But to arrive at this understanding of the

text he has to overlook 'il[ , whose reading is certain, and is forced to fill up within brackets the assumed life stages which, in my opinion,

do not exist.

Line 8 '71. The word il is used in different senses in the Book of Enoch:

to designate the secrets revealed to mankind by the Watchers and those which God reveals to Enoch. Its concrete meaning is quite difficult to ascertain in this context. The expression can be understood as the secrets men have, or as the secrets concerning men and all the living creatures. Generally speaking, it appears more than 50 times in the Qumran writings published so far16. In lQS III,23; IQpHab vii,8; lQM III,9; XVI,ll it refers to God's secrets ('ix ?il).But in our text the most logical understanding is that ((secrets of menw and ((secrets of all living), are two synonymous expressions to cover all the secrets

'' ntc Boob of Enoch, 41, note 1.

E. VOGT, -Mysteria in Tcaibus Qumran*, Biblico 37 (1956), 247-257, and

R. E. BROWN, *The Prc-Christian Semitic Concept of Mystery-, CBQ 20 (1958), 417-





concerning humanity. If we link these *secrets* of men and of all living things with the three books mentioned in line 5, one may accept the hypothesis of GRELoT according to which they reflect the con- tents of the Books of Enoch: *La connaisance des secrets des hommes et des secrets de tous les vivants peut donc s'appliquer au contenu des livres transmis par HCnoch sa posteritt*. As pointed out by the editor, the theme of the wisdom which extends to all peoples recalls Solomon's wisdom (1 Kgs 10.2; 5,9-14), although this does not necessarily imply that the text has a messianic character.

Line 9 1 la-3 13Wn. The word appears again in lines 10, 11 and 13. The

primary meaning is that of mathematical or commercial calculation. STARCKYthinks that the word in this case refers to astronomical calculation. In Qumran it only appears three times in Hebrew texts. In one of them (IQS VI,20), it maintains its traditional meaning: ain his account,. In the other two (IQH I,29; 1Q27 1 ii 2) it appears associ- ated with 71,just as in our case. Although in the other three Aramaic

where it is found (4QEnC 1 xii 24; 4~~na.d25,3

and 26,7), it has the sense of astronomical calculation, the context here seems to request a sense very much like <<projects,plans*, a meaning that is sufficiently well attested in later Aramaic. CAQUOT prefers to retain the meaning ~compte~,gives an objective value to the suffix and interprets ? 19 10' in a positive way17; as a result he asserts that the 'secret' known by the 'elect of God' is precisely the exact number of men. But his understanding of the sentence depends on the particular meaning he gives to the word nlon, based on the supposed existence of a second root 1313 11, equivalent to the Hebrew 77C. This assumption seems to be unnecessary; in any case a root

texts of Qumran

'' -Ce parall&lenous invite b considkrer que la 'fin' dknotkc par le verbe sdf n'est pas un khec, mais au contraire un accompliisement. Les calculs faits au sujet des hommes arriveront b leur terme ';I 1>Y L'Elu est ainsi donnk cornme cclui qui peut faire un calcul exact concernant 'tous les vivants'. C'est la precision qu'on pouvait attcndre au sujet des 'secrets' qu'il dbtient, il s'agit d'un dCcompte exact concernant les 'vivants'-, a40Mess Arm, 149.



11~~311 is not attested elsewhere in Qumran Aramaic or in the older levels of the language18.

Line 10 ti iil ti il >E( 1 'n 3. The expression uthe elect of God* does not appear as such in the Old Testament. The most similar expression would be il la7 17n3 (2 Sam 21,6) which is generally considered a corruption, instead of athe mount of Yahweh*. In Isa 42, 'T'RII umy chosen one# is found, applied to the Sewant of Yahweh. The express- ion is also applied to Moses (Psalm 106.23). David (Psalm 89,4) and, in a collective sense, to the people of Israel (Isa 43,20; 45,4). In the Qumran writings the idea of welection>>follows the main lines of the Old Testament, though phrased in expressions like ccthe chosen of Goodwill* (lQS VIII,6), ccthe chosen of the time* (lQS IX, 14), athe chosen of men* (lQS XI,16), ccthe chosen of Thy holy people), (lQM XII,l), athe chosen of the heavens>>(IQM XII,S), athe chosen of justices (lQH I1,13; 4Q184 i 14), ccthe chosen of Israeb (CD IV,3; 1Q37 i 3; 4Q165 6,l; 4Q171 ii 2; 4Q174 i 19). A title similar to ours occurs once again in Qumran, although in Hebrew and in the plural: >ti 'l'n3 (IQpHah x, 13). In this case, it applies to the members of the Community. This confirms the impression that 17n3 may be better interpreted as a substantive than as a participle, but, just as with the expression *chosen of God>>of Rom 8,33; Col 3,12; Titus 1,l etc., its use in the plural does not help greatly in clarifying our text, in which it certainly refers to an individual. The use of 17.n3 in singular, in expressions such as ii'n3 nly (4Q164 i 3; 4Q171 ii S), or even the use of ll7ilr: <<Hiselect)>,referring to the Teacher of Righteousness, does not help either, because of the different formula- tion and the non titular character of the expression. The expression is not found as such in intertestamental literature. In the Parables of Enoclt (1 Enoclz 37-71) the title <<TheElect,, is frequently used, alternating with ccSon of Man>>and ccAnointedn, referring to the Messiah. But this title is not identical to our express-

'*CAOUOTtranslates the sentence: eet si grand que soit le nombre de tous Ics vivants*, following the interpretation of Z. BEN-HAYIMof *massoram with the help of Samaritan Aramaic. -Plusieurs rtKrcnces du dictionnairc traditionnel (le Melis), dcs targoums et des homtlics de Marqah montrent que I'aramCEn MSR rend I'htbreu PQD et font admettre qu'il a exisst un verbe arambn MSR, different de son homophone signifiant 'livrer', et prbntant les divers sens que I'htbreu attribuc & POD, 'visiter', 'passer en revue', 'dtnombrer', 'appointer'e -4QMss Ar*, 1%.



ion and, above all, the composition of this work is the subject of lively discussions, as is also its possible Christian influencelg. We cannot, therefore, conclude, without any further ado, that the title of our text has a messianic connotation. The assessment of the concrete meaning turns out to be even more complicated because of the many possible interpretations of the other elements of this line and the different ways in which one can divide the sentence. CARMIGNACinsists that we should give to '"2 a participial mea- ning, and considers i1 l>113as the subject of the phrase: gparce que sa naissance est choisie de Dieu,,. DUPONT-SOMMERtakes ill '! li? as an attribute and identifies the Chosen of God with the Messiah: ccparce que 1'Elu de Dieu sera son engendrk*. GREL~Tand FITZMYER prefer to consider the sentence as a nominal clause, depending on the precedent clause [aparce qu'il est I'Clu de Dieun]. It would explain why the machinations of the Elect's enemies and the opposition to him of all living things are doomed to failure. We, with the editor and CAQUOT,consider the causal sentence as

a nominal clause, <&muse he is the elect of God*, but one which precedes the principal sentence. ;lT> in and lo\rJjn l? would then be two characteristic elements about which something is said, but this

is unfortunately lost in the blank of line 11. This division of the sentence is obviously dependent on the general

comprehension of the text and on the sense which is given to 87'7 10. The word may be interpreted as a participle or as a substantive. The

first interpretation (past part. Xfel

of l>?) is insistently supported by

'' Especially since the publication of the provocative positions of MMK,


Bwkr of

Enoch, 89-98. According to MlLIK 7he Pombles of Enoch would be of

Christim origin and not earlier than 270 A.D. His views have been generally rejected,

see J.C. GW~AEID-M.SIY)NE, -The Enochic Pentateuch and the Date of the

Similitudes-, HTR 70 (1977),

Enoch: A Critical Review, NTS 25 (1979), 345-359; CI(.L. MWIRS, -Dating the Similitudes of Enoch-, NTS 25 (1979), 360-369; M. DFLCOR,*LC liwe dw Paraholes d'HCnoch Ethiopien. LC probltme de son origine h la lumitre dm dCcQuvertes rhntcsr, EstBfbl 38 (1979-80)' 5-33; M. BUCK, .The Composition, Character and Date of the 'Second Vision of Enoch'., in Tet?, Won, Gloube. Feslcchrifi K. Alund (Berlin 1980), 19-30, D.W. SmR, *Weighed in the Balance: The Similitudes of Enoch in Recent Dixussion-, Reli@ous Studies Review 3 (1981), 217-221; G. BAMP-

51-65; MA. KMBB, -The Date of thc Parables of



DUPONT-SOMMER, who sees in it an Essenic anticipation of the Christian idea of the divine origin of the ~essiah~'.This reading of the passage would imply that the Elect of God is begotten by God, and that he is His son2'. This idea of the divine origin of the <<Elect of God* is by no means odd in a Qumranic context as evidenced by IQSa II,ll-12: *When God begets the Messiah among them,,=. But the context does not seem to support this thesis and a parallel expres- sion is not attested in Aramaic. The case of ill'llo as a substantive is quite different. It is well attested both in Hebrew and in Aramaic with the meaning ccbirth, moment of birth, and especially in the astrological sense (<themede gknitureu. It is used with this last technical meaning in the astrological document published by ALLEGRO (4Q186 ii 8)23. This is the mean- ing which, in our view, must be also adopted here.

inw3 nl~.The phrase as such does not present any difficulty. The redundancy of the expression, quite common in the Qumran writings, may be understood in the light of the biblical expressions by which it

is inspired (see Gen 7,22, Job 34.14). For STARCKY, it would be an equivalent of a> n 11 (from a still unpublished ms. of Cave 4) or of 13 n 11 of 4Q186 ii 7, iii 5. In both cases it refers to the spirit of the personage as opposed to his body and, above all, to his proportional participation in light and in darkness. DUPONT-SOMMER goes even further. He refers the pronoun to God and reads the sentence as if it were a parallel to O-n now3 of Gen 2,7. Consequently he supple- ments it with alan i2193K3 or illiln 23. He translates the sentence:

I'esprit de Son souffle [sera dans ses narines]~~~.As a

uparce que

result, our text would anticipate, according to DUPONT-SOMMER,the Ebionite christology. The text would refer not only to the Messiah,

*Dew Documents Horoscopiquew,249-251. His translation -sera son engendrC- is difficult to accept because of the future meaning given to X 1il . '* See M. SM~,-God's Begetting the Messiah in 1Q Sa-, NTS 5 (195&59),218-

224; R. Goma, *The Begotten Messiah in the Qumran Scrolls*, M 7 (1957), 191-

194, H. RICHARDSON,*Some Notes on 10 Sam,JBL 76 (1957). 108-122. CAouoT has published a sentence, communicated to him by DUPONT-SOM- MER, from one as yet unpublished 4Q ms., in which the word 375 113 occurs again

with this technical meaning: n3i-I~Yln iK1

uchcrche ses gbnitures dans le My~ttre de I'avenir et alors tu sauras ce dont il

htriterav, see *4QMess. Arm, 152, note 21. -Dew Documents Hor05~0piques-,252.

l7l>l0 Wlll

i17;13 i13:



but to the Messiah as a new Adam. Or, to use its own words: As Adam, the Chosen of God shall possess in himself the breath of God Himself, that is, the Spirit of God, which will be his own breath of life. In my view, there is nothing in the text to support this view. If the meaning proposed for ;ll?lo is correct, the meaning of low I n 13 is <<thebreath of his respiration*, that is, his very life, which is men- tioned here in association with his birth. This induces us to fill the blank found in line 11 with a sentence such as uthey will be perfect or blessedw.

Line 11 Although the blank starts immediately after ?'n>!'?, the end of the line has been preserved and no signs of writing are apparent. This leads us to infer the existence of a partition, as in lines 2 and 5. Unfortunately, the words preserved in the four following lines do not allow us to draw any conclusion about the contents of the new sec- tion.

CoL ii.

Line 1 l'nl173 393. FITZMYERtranslates afell to the East,,, because the second word appears in the absolute state. We prefer the interpreta- tion given by the editor, which is better attested in Imperial Aramaic, dr. DISO 251. An adverbial sense would also be possible = uprevi- ously,,, a meaning l'fil;? also has when preceded by a lamed (COW- LEY 30, 8.10). In that case, the allusion to the fall of the angels (Gen. 6,l-4 and I Enoch 15,11) would be less justified.

;I inw 'I 13. This is the only time ;I inw appears in the Aramaic texts published so far. It is apparently equivalent to the Hebrew nnw. IIQ- tgob XIII, 1 translates nnw by K>]3n in the only place in which the correspondence has been preserved. In this case, the Rabbinic Tg (ed. IAGARDE,Job 33,24.28) uses ~nnllw.Nevertheless, in Job 17,14, translates nnw by K I inw, thus confirming the equivalence. This would enable us to accept the suggestion of the editor who finds in the sentence of our text the equivalence of the expression nnw 'UIIK, frequently attested in IQS, IQM and CD.



Line 2 ~ngI?U. Although the singular could be taken as a collective noun and could refer to the -lentils* as food, the same use of the singular leads us to give to it the derived meaning of ccmole*, as in col. i 2.

Line 7 We follow the reading of Fnww~,which repeats the expression

of col. i 10. STARCKYreads Kllw3 fll? 1, and the spirit of the flesh,

dr. 1 Enoch

of the second word preserved is a horizontal stroke which, at first sight, seems to be far too long for a 2, but which in view of the script used in the document can be read perfectly as a 1.

15,8 and lQH XIII,13 and XVII,25. In fact, the only part

Line 8


We read






11, not

]l'>~>(so the

editor). There is sufficient space for a o. ? IQY is not found as an absolute term in the Qumran texts, but always in the expression

Il7?Y >K.

Line 14 :mlo?. With RTZMYER,we read the word as a form of 710. STARCKYprefers to derive it from YD ', <<increase)),and sees here a reference to the pouring down of the waters of the deluge. This derivation is morphologically disputable and his argument that the root q lo would make less sense here is not convincing in view of the uncertain meaning of the sentence as a whole. The editor himself interprets 119 lo7 in col. i 9 as a derivation from I lo and recognises that the stopping of the waters is also an apocalyptic motif.

In3. RTZMYER'Sreading 133 seems to me paleographically impossi- ble. His transcription ?33[ ]lo, which surmises a non-existent blank, is likewise unjustified. We must however admit that our interpretation is

problematic because the only

In contradistinction to the editor we consider ]o'/K '1 13 as the

subject of the following verb 7 ll~il', not of 731n7. But the meaning of the whole sentence remains uncertain because an equally accept-

able reading

divide the sentence in a different way.

could be 7 lJil1, or 13lfl1, which would force us to

attested plural of ;lo3 is K n 103,M no3.




Line 16 The editor reads ill3 IK as a direct object of the verbal form

1 iml, which he derives from 7'3. As for us, we would rather derive

it from K 13, and consider the rest of the line as a new sentence.

?7?7~2.In the literature of the period in question, the Watchers are identified as beings of a somewhat angelical nature, see Dan (which not only uses the plural, but also the singular), Jub 4.15: 10.5; Test. hben 56-7; Test. Naphtali 3.5. In I Enoch they are identified sometimes with the Archangels (12.2.3; 20,l; 39. 12.13; 40.2; 61,62; 71,7) and sometimes with the fallen angels (1,5; 10,9.15; 12.4;

13,lO; 14,1.3; 15,2; 16.1.2; 91,15). In Daniel, the LXX translate the term by ccangelsn while Aquila and Syrnmachus translate it by IrP~vopot,as the Greek text of I Enoch, since they derive the term from the Semitic root 1 lv, thus giving rise to the customary transla- tion of cwatcherss, those who keep awake.

Line 18 v 1117. In Dan 4,10.14.20, there appears the same couple: Saint- Watcher. But in the three cases, both elements appear, either in singular or in plural, the same as in lQapGn 11, 1. The fact that here w 177 is in singular and 1 >? 'Y in plural, leads us to consider 11: as

a divine title, frequently used in I Enoch, and not as another angel.

D. Commentary

If the preceding analysis is accepted, the text refers to a personage whose name has not been preserved. The first part of co1.i describes the physical features of the hero, possibly at the time of his birth. since another of the extant copies of the same work25 has revealed to us even the child's weight: ax0 n'7n l'Vn >;7n[0 ahe weighs 300 shekels*. The marks he presents are of different types, distributed over various parts of his body. A fundamental fact concerns the future

25 See J.T. MIl,iK, 7he B& of Enoch, 56. In hi forthcoming publication, rLes moddes aramkns du liwe &Esther daas la grotte 4 de QumrL*, in E. PvEcti-F. GARCIAMARTINEZ,MCmoriol Jean Stonky, Vol. 2 (Paris 1992), 321-406, MIUK gives a transcription of ~QNO~SJN~,a fragment of a -colophon, inail, d'un manwcrit de 4Q qui relate la naissanee de N&, reeoupC par quelques mots d'un autrc mt, siglc:

e* (p. 357).




development of his character: the knowledge of the three books. Before that knowledge, his life will evolve normally. Thereafter, everything will change: he will obtain wisdom, experience visions, know the hidden secrets, and, although a strong opposition will rise against him he will remain unaffected because he is 'the Elect of


After this summary of the hero's life, co1.i could have started a detailed exposition of the facts, although the fragmentary state of the text prevents us from drawing any firm conclusions. The mention of the ccmole* in col. ii 2 seems to suggest that in each of the marks discovered in the child there lies a clue for the interpretation of the future facts of his life, in much the same way as is the case in the physiognomic treatises, in which all possibilities are systematically imagined and given a meaning that will materialise in the future. But, in contrast to those treatises, in the part of the text that has been preserved, this future is not dependent on the body marks, but on the knowledge of the 'three books', a development which fully places our text within the literature of initiati~n~~. In fact, the rest of the material preserved in column ii. apparently refers to the deluge, and the material of col. ii, after the Vacut of line 15, to the story of the Watchers - which would lead us to the story of Noah. J.A. FITZMYER~~was the first author to suggest this way of read- ing the text and P. GRELOT~developed this idea placing the frag- ment within the perspective of the Enochic literature. J.T. MILIKhas acce~ted the identification of the main character with ~oah~~and evens the editor of the text. J. STARCKY~'. has subscribed to this new

CAQUOT has proposed a different interpretation. After excluding the view that the mysterious personage could be one of the messianic

26 4Q186, on thc contrary, remains fully within the physiognomic literature. Acfording to MIUK,this Hebrew tea would also concern Noah and his horoscope, but in my opinion it has no relation at all with 4QMess Ar. rr *The Aramaic 'Elect of God's, 371. eHCnoch ct ses Ccriturw, 493-496.

29 7he Books of Enoch, 56 and -Enits prC&nienw, " uLe Maitre de Justice*, 56.


J.C. GREF~ELDhas proposed to identify the 'elect of God' fwre with Melchizcdek, but without giving any argument for this identitieation, see hi PloIego mnon to the reprint of H. ODEBERG,3 Enoch or fhe Hebrew Book of Enoch (New

York 1973),XXI.



figures expected by the Qumran community because ccil n'est pas question ici de royaute ou de sacerdocen, and suggesting that the best candidate seems to be ~noch~*,CAOUOT finally concludes that the text announces the coming of an Enoch redivivu, whose si ns should

be recognised and whose career as a diviner is predicted3'.

identification of the 'elect of God' with the figure of Enoch is depend- ent on his understanding of the expressions ecrets of man* and

*plans,, as ccle nombre de tous les humains qui doivent venir au monde avant la consommation du monde* and on his finding of this idea in 2 Enoch 23,~~~.But, as we have already stated in the Notes, this understanding of the Aramaic expressions is problematic and is unattested elsewhere. In fact, more than on a formal proof, the identification of the mysterious personage with Noah rests on a series of indications. None of them is conclusive as such, but, if they are taken together, the cumulative evidence seems convincing. The most important indications are the following:

But this

1. The knowledge of the three hooks

The fundamental change in the life of the main character occurs at the time when he acquires the knowledge of the three books. As we saw in the Notes, the most likely explanation would be to consider these books as the three primitive works of the Enochic literature. Jub 4,17-22 explains how Enoch was the very first man on earth who learned the art of writing and that he wrote in a book:

32 *Si I'on x rappelle qu'aux termes mSmes dc cetlc partic dc I HLnuch Ie personnage appelt *Elu*, *Fils d'homme* ou *Messie* n'~autre qu'Htnoch lui- mEmc, on pourrait pcnser, en effet, que le htros dont park @Mess Ar, au moins en son dltbut, n'est autre qu'Htnoch que les ~Parabolcsrprtsentmt wmme un dtten- tcur et un rCvClaleur dc mysttrcs divins (46.3; 51.3).-, -4QMess Ar-, 155. eLe texte annonce plut& la venue d'un personnage qui sera put-itrc un Henoch rediviw mais qu'il s'agit dc rcwnnaitre dcs signes (que Ie debut dc 4QMess Ar devait Cnumtrer) et dont on prtvoyait la carribre de devin*, ff40Mw



Ar, 155.

~Ecristoutcs les Hmes des hommes, tous ccux aui ne son[ pas nCs. et Ies dams qui leur sont prtpartcs A jamais. Car toutcs lcs hes sont prtparh avant la formation tenestre-, in the translation d A. VAILLANT,Le lim dw secrefs dlHknoch




The signs of the heaven according to the order of their monlhs, so that the sons of man might know the (appointed) times of the ycan according to their order, with resped to each of theiu months (4,17) (Asmomicol Ed).

This one was the fm (who) wrote a testimony and tded to the children of men throughout the generations of the earth. And thcu weeks according to jubilees he recount4 and the days of the years he made known. And the months he set in order, and the sabbaths of the years he reutunted, just as we made it known to him. And he saw what was and what will be in a vision of his deep as it will happen among the children of men in their generations until the day of judgement. He saw and knew ewqthhg and wrote his testimony and deposited the testimony upon the earth against aU the children of men and their generations (4,1&19) (Bookof Dnomc)

And he was therefore with the angels of God six jubilees of years. And they showed hi everything which is on earth and in heavens, the dominion of the sun. And he wrote everything, and bore witness to the Watchers, the ones who sinned with the daughters of men because they began to mingle them- selves with the daughters of men so that they might be polluted. And Enoch bore witness against all of them (4, 21-22) (Bodc of Wotchers).

According to 1 Enoch 82,l3' Enoch transmitted the books to Methu- selah.

Now, Methuselah, my son, I shall reeount all these. things to you and write them down for you. I have revealed to you and given you the book concerning all these things. Preserve, my son, the book from your father's hands in order that you may pass it to the generations of the world.

Methuselah transmitted them to Lamech, who passed this legacy to Noah.

Because, thus, Enoch, the father of your father, commanded Methuselah, his son, and Methuselah (commanded) Lameeh, his son. And Lam& commanded me everything which his fathers commanded hi (Jub 7,38).

Noah, then, according to this tradition, is presented as the repository of the Enochic wisdom, of the digest of the antediluvian wisdom which is summarised in the athree booksw.

2. To come to the sphere

As we have also seen in the Notes, the best way to understand the Aramaic expression in question is to relate it to Lamech's trip to paradise, where Enoch resided and was consulted about Noah's birth.




The Ethiopic text corresponding to IQapGn, I Enoch 106, uses the same expression. Curiously, in one of the fragments considered as coming from the Book of Noah which are incorporated in the Pambles of Enoch (I Enoch 6~,2)~~,it is expressly said that Noah <<tookoff from there and went unto the extreme ends of the earth. And he cried out to his grandfather, Enoch*, using the same expression which

I Enoch 106,8 uses for Methuselah's journey.

3. And with his faher and with his forrfafhers

life and old age

Noah is, in fact, the last of the long-lived patriarchs: he became 950 years (Gen 9,29). After him, the ages of men will progressively decrease as they turn away from God. This longevity is denied to the contemporaries of Noah. The Watchers claim it for their descendants (I Enoch 13.6) but their request is turned down:

They will beg you everything - for their fathers on behalf of themselves - because they hope to live an eternal life and that each one of them will live a period of five hundred years but they will die together with them in all their defilement (I Enoch 10.10-11).

4. He will know the secrets of man

This knowledge is the result of his reading the three books, something which befits the Noachic hypothesis. All secrets were revealed to Enoch: the secrets of the holy ones (1 Enoch 106,19), those of the sinners ( I Enoch 104,10), sin of all kinds on earth (I Enoch 83,7), the secrets that the fallen angels reveal to men (I Enoch 7.1; 8.1-3; 9,6; 10,7; 16,3), the secrets of God (I Enoch 103,2; 104.12). The express- ions used make us think of texts such as I Enoch 81,2:

So I (Enoch) looked at the tablet(s) of heaven, and read all the writing (on them), and came to understand everything. I read that book and all the deeds of humanity and all the children of the flesh upan the earth for aU the gencr- ations of the world.

It also reminds us of the already quoted text of Jub 4,18 where Enoch records in a book the secret of each man's fate until the day of the last judgement. These are the secrets which are passed to Noah through the reading of the three books.



A confused text, which is certainly redactional and which seems to come from a Noachic insertion in the Book of the Pambles (I Enoch 68,l) takes up the same idea:

After that, my grandfather, Enoch, gave me instructions in all secret things in the book and in the parables which were given to him; and he put them together for me in the words of the book of the parables.

5. His wisdom will reach all the peoples

The expression perfectly suits Noah inasmuch as he is the conveyor of the antediluvian wisdom which, thanks to his mediation, is transmitted to later generations. If the sentence in question is understood as an allusion to his reputation among his contemporaries, it may be equally applied to him, since Wisdom 10,4 implies that Noah was rescued from the deluge precisely because of his wisdom.

6. Elect of God

As we have already mentioned, the titulary use of the phrase is only found in the Parables of Enoclt, where it has a clear messianic mean- ing. The appropriateness of its application to Noah may be suggested in different ways:

- in terms of his election to continue human existence on earth after the deluge; - because Josephus confers on him the title of <<God'sloved ones, which makes it possible to understand the use of a similar title in


- the reason why he is chosen to be rescued from the deluge is recorded in Gen 7,1, where it is said that Noah is the only <<just*man of his generation, and this is the title by which Noah is remembered:

171u in the mss. of Ben Sira of the Genizah and Masada, ~(raroc in the Greek version; Jub 10,17 says that eon account of his righteous- ness in which he was perfected, his life on earth was more excellent than (any of) the sons of men except Enochw. Now, in the Enochian writings the notion of justice and election are intimately bound together (see I Enoch 1,l: ~rexro'uc ~txaiouc in the Greek text,

37 So ~ER,-The Aramaic 'Elect of God'*, 371.



heruydn wasddeqdn in the ~thio~ic~;I Enoch 93, 10: heruydn sade-

qdn. In the same way as in the Parables of Enoch the messianic title of 1 Enoch 53,6, ccthe Just and the Elect,,, is reduced to the most frequent and simple one <<TheElects (I Enoch 40,s; 45,3; 49,2.4; 51.3.5; 52,6.9; 53,6; 55,4; 61,5.8.10; 62.1). it is also possible to under- stand the transition of Noah's traditional title *The Just* to *The Elece as influenced by that same Enochic literature where the two of them are united. In this first column there are two elements whose application to Noah is not obvious: the opposition of all living things to the hero, and the red colour of his hair. The first one appears only in belated stories and may be easily reduced to a folkloristic element39. The problem disappears if one accepts the interpretation of the root '13 as meaning rebellion (against God?) with GRELOT~', and understands the sentence as a first allusion to the corruption prevailing on earth which would ultimately bring about the deluge. But even if one discards this interpretation, the phrase is sufficiently broad to permit its being included among the scarce data of Noah's history known to us. The colour of his hair poses a greater problem, because in I Enoch 106,2.10 and in the corresponding Latin text respectively, it is specified that Noah's hair was ccas white woolw and ccwhiter than the snow,. This detail appears neither in IQapGn nor in IQ19 3. But in view of the parallel elements collected in the physiognomic treatises, the red colour of the hair seems to be original. Its change to white according to the later tradition could be perfectly explained by the influence of the Book of Dreams of 1 Enoch, where the colour white is constantly used in the zoomorphic stories to designate the just, and is particularly applied to Noah, a white bull which adopts a human shape to build the ark (I End 89,l.Y). Column ii does not contain any complete line. But the scattered words that have been preserved perfectly fit the Noachic story: 751, which is reminiscent of the fall of the Watchers, the Nephilim of the biblical text; the allusion to the fact that the awaters will cease*.

This title is very common in the Parables of Enoch, see; 39,6.7; 48.1;

58 1 2.; 70.3.

' "'see L.GINZBERG,The Legends offheJews. Vol. I, and the book of J.P. Lnvrs, A Study of rhe Infetpretafionof Noah and the Flood in Jewish and Christian Lilemhrnt

(Leiden 1968).

rHCnoch el ses kritures*, 496.



which are, perhaps, the waters of the deluge, the reference to asin and guilt*, conjuring up the state of the overall corruption which prevails, the double mention of ~lfl,*to destroyn, which makes one think of punishment and of a devastated earth, etc. As it is the case with column i, none of these elements offers a find proof. But the accumulation of all of them makes the Noachic interpretation appear not only the most probable one, but the only one which can integrate all the preserved elements. Would it be possible to be more accurate and place this fragment within a specific literary work ? I guess it is. In my opinion, 4QMes.s Ar has preserved a part of the lost Book of Noah. In order to justify this assertion, it is necessary briefly to present the scattered materials of this lost work.


Opinions about the Book of Noah are far from being uniform:

some4' think that it can be recovered thanks to the traces it left in other later works, while others4* are hesitant and even sceptical about its very existence. The fact is that this lost book emerges through the ages as a literary river whose original source eludes us. The first fact worth mentioning is that the book is not found in any of the old catalogues of the Apocryphal books43. Nevertheless, its existence is attested by two explicit allusions in Jubilees:

And Noah wrote everything in a book just as we taught him according to every kind of healing (Jub 10,13).

Because thus I have found written in the books of my forefathers and in thc words of Enoch and in the words of Noah (Jub 21,10).

'' E.g. M~UK~EcritsprkssCniens*, 94-95.

42 E.g. LEWIS,A Study of the Interprrtntiion of Nooh, 14-l5: *Without an a priori judgement that a Noah book lay back of Enoch, it is diieult to see how more than

folklore is needed to explain the source of these fragments

yet we do not haw the book of Noah and actually beyond conjecture, we know wry little about it nor are we at all certain that such a book ever existed*. 43 See the lists in A.-M. Dms, Introduction mu Pseudcpigmphes grim d'Ancicn

We must conclude that as

Testument (SW 1) (Leiden 1970). XIV-XV.



A reference, perhaps even older, is found in a Greek rns. of Mount

~thos~~which includes two long additions to the Test. Levi 11.3 and XVII,2, parallel to the Aramaic Levi of urnr ran^^ and the Geniza of

Cairo: uThat is what my father Abraham ordered me, because that is what he found written in the book of Noah on the blood*. The last reference, Abydeno's, apparently more uncertain (wc +=OW), is found in the Chronography of ~~ncellus~~,which reports on the partition of the earth among Noah's sons: aUpon making these partitions and his will once engraved, as they say, he handed his sealed testament to them*. The rest of the later allusions, collected in the inexhaustible source

of information on Apocryphal writings which is the work of FABRI-

CIUS~~,discloses no data of interest for the knowledge of the book,

either because they are merely hints at its existence (~u~ustinus~),

or because they are purely a product of imagination (Pseudo-Berosius, Annius of ~iterbo~~).Others, such as G. Pastellus and Th. Bangius,

Ms. Athos Koutloumous 39, ms. e in the critical edition of M. DE JONGE, The Tesiameni ofihe Twelve Pam'mhs (Leiden 1978). " Preliminary publication by J.T. MILIK, -Lc Testament de Uvi en aramCen. Fragment de la gottc 4 de QumrBn*, RB 62 (1955), 398-406. For the Aramaic text from the Genizah, see J.C. GREENFIELD - M. STONE, -Remarks on the Aramaic Testament of Len from the Geniza~,RB 86 (1979), 214-230. For a study of the

relationships bctwecn the Qumran text and the Aramaic text of the Geniza, see M.

in F. GARCIAh"LnrRnNm -

DE JONGE, -The Testament of Levi and 'Aramaic Lev?*,

E. Pumi (eds.), Mkrnoriol Jean Cormignac (Paris 1988). 367-385. The Greek text was

edited, together with the Aramaic text from the Geniza, by R.H. CHAR= in the Appendix 111 of his The Greek Version of the Tesiamenfs of ;he Twelw Pafnmhs, 245-

256,and again by DE JONGE,77ie

46 AA. MOSSIiAMMER (ed.), Geatgius Syncellus. EcIogo Chronqpcphica (Biblio-

theca Scriptorum Graewrum et Romanorum Teubneriana) (Lcipzig lW), 47.

Pseudepipphus Veferis Tesiamenfi. Vol. I (17U). 245-

Testaments of the Twlw Pambnhs, 47.


wripta (of Noah and Enah) ut et apud judaeas et npud nos in

audoritate non assent, nimia fecit antiquitas, propterquam vidcbantur habenda cssc

suspceta, ne proferantur falsa pro verism, L)e Civiiaie Dei XVIII, 38 (CSEL XL, 328).

49 eLibros plenissime illis wnscriptos relinquit*, and earlier, *Tux senissimus

omnium patcr Noa, iam antea cdodos thedogiam ct sacros ritos, coepir etiam eos erudire humanam sapicntiam. Et quidem mulla naturalium rerum secreta mandavit litteris auae solis saccrdotibus Sfythac Armenii commendant*. An Italian translation, done by'p. Lawo Modonese, and published in Venicc in 1550, 276, gives the same text with small variants.





who talk about an Ethiopic Noah in their Coelum 0rientisS0, seem to mix it up with I Enoch. The first references, however, not only attest to the existence of the work, but also describe its most important features:

- according to Jub 10,12, it would contain a medicinal treatise, and more precisely, according to the preceding verse, a herbarium: *And the healing of all their illnesses together with their seductions we told Noah so that he might heal by means of herbs of the earth,,. - according to Jub 21.10 it would equally contain a series of Halakhic prescriptions, particularly on the drinking of blood, as shown in Jub 21,6-7: <<Anddo not eat any blood of beast or cattle or any bird which flies in the heaven. And if you slaughter a sacrifice as an acceptable burnt offering of peace, slaughter it, but pour out its blood on the altar*.

- this would be one of the main aspects, according to the Test. hi, which summarised it in the title.

- it would also contain a testament, according to Syncellus, that would justify the partition of the earth among Noah's sons. If our knowledge of the lost work were restricted to these refer- ences, we would be bound to assert that it was a complex work, including different elements, but all efforts to recover it would be seemingly doomed to failure. Fortunately, most of the researchers agree that some pans of the lost book have been incorporated into I Enoch and Jub, and that some mss. of Qumran preserve some traces of it.

A. Noachic materials in I Enoch

If we tabulate the results of a survey of the most representative authors that have dealt with the Noachic elements incorporated in 1 Enmh, we obtain the following listS1:

50 *Bangius (Caelum Orientis) mentionne un volume de N& en tthiopien. 11 cst possible en effct quc parrni les hits apourphes pcu connus encore qui circulent en Abyssinie, il en est qui portent le nom de ec patriarehe*, MICm Dictionnaire des Apoc hes, Vol. Il, col. 640. '%e prescnt the final opinion of DILLWNWand CHARLES. Both have frequently changcd their views as to the extent and localition of the Noachic interpolations in I Enoch.



As this list clearly shows, these Noachic insertions in I Enoch are of three types:


those made in the Book of Watchers:6,3-8; 8,l-3; 9,7; 10,l-3; 17-



those made in the Parables of Enoch: 39,1-2; 54,7-55,2; 60; 65-


c) chs. 106-107.

We will deal separately with the three sections.

a) Chs. 106-107

These chapters are clearly an insertion. They have no connection with the previous section (I Enoch 91-105) and obviously represent a later addition. They are already included in the third copy of I Enoch found at Qumran, 4QEnC 5 i, and in the Greek translation which served as model for the copy found in the Chester-Beatty papyrus57. An independent Latin version has also been preserved".

'* A. DILIUW, Dm Buch Henoch Obmcm und erklarl (Leipzig 1853). XXXVI-


53 H. EWALD,Abhandlturg Ober des llthiopischcn Buches Hmokh Entstehung. Sinn und Zusammensekung (Giirtingen lW),56-61.

sfR.H. CHARLES,The Book of Enoch (Oxford 1912), XLVI-XLVII. '' F. MARTIN, Le tiwe d~noch(Paris 1906), UUUIVIII.

56 J.T.MIUK,he Books of Enoch (Oxford 1976). 55. '' C. BONN£% - H.C. YOWE, The Last Chapters of Enoch in Greek (London


Published by M.R. JAMES, Apocrypha Anccdoca. Tutr end Studies, Vol. 11/3

(Cambridge 1893), 136-150,and reedited by CHARLES,he Book of

Enoch, W268.



The chapters in question give a somewhat detailed account of Noah's marvellous birth: Lamech's doubts as to Noah's origins, his consultation of Methuselah, and the latter's trip to the limits of the earth to ask Enoch. Enoch's response evokes the fall of the watched9 and the deluge, its consequences and punishment; he then reassures Methuselah as to the paternity of the child, and tells him that he should give him the name of Noah, the one who will be saved from destruction and will give comfort to the earth. Methuselah returns to disclose the news to Lamech and impose the name upon the child. We have here, in an apparently summarised and abridged form, the beginning of the Book of Noah, from his birth until the imposition of his name. It is evident that this is the beginning of the book not only because the main character is just born and the actors are his ancestors, but also because the allusions refer to other things which will happen during Noah's adult life. In my opinion, the redactor who has incorporated this summary at the end of the Epicrle of Enoch added 106,19-107,1~~in order to present the future history in which evil would reappear once the

deluge had come to an end and would grow until cca generation of righteous ones shall arise, wickedness shall perish, sin shall disappear from upon the earth, and every good thing shall come upon hem. This insertion is demarcated by the classical procedure of repeating at the end the verse which precedes the interpolated material: 106.18 and


It seems also evident that this narrative is nothing but a summary. This is shown by the more developed form in which it appears in IQ- apCn and by a comparison of the Latin and the Ethiopic versions. But there is an important detail worth to be emphasised: in the description of the evil which precedes the deluge and which is a result of the watchers' fall, no allusion is made to the latter's revelation of

the secrets to men, but only to their union with the daughters of men and the birth of the giants, so that the narrative materially corre- sponds with the biblical data.

59 This element is absent from the Latin version, which adds several chronological details: age of Lamech, the time when the deluge will occur, etc These verses can help us to establish the date and the reasons for the addition of thcst chapters to the Enochic Pentateuch.


b) Book of Watchers

The assumption that 1 Enoch 6,3-8 and 9.3 are insertions into the Book of Watchers is based on the fact that they introduce Semihaza as chief of the Watchers. 8.1-3 transforms the fallen angels into instruc- tors who teach mankind, in conformity with the function assigned to them in