Youth and Cultural Practice Author(s): Mary Bucholtz Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 31 (2002), pp.

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Annu. Rev. Anthropol.2002. 31:525-52 doi: 10.1146/annurev.anthro.31.040402.085443 Copyright@ 2002 by AnnualReviews. All rightsreserved Firstpublishedonline as a Review in Advance on June 14, 2002

YOUTHAND CULTURAL PRACTICE

MaryBucholtz

Departmentof Linguistics,3607 SouthHall, Universityof California,Santa Barbara, California93106; email: bucholtz@linguistics.ucsb.edu

Key Words adolescence, agency,identity,modernity, youthcultures in the first m Abstract The studyof youthplayed a centralrole in anthropology half of the twentiethcentury,giving rise to a still-thriving cross-cultural approach to adolescenceas a life stage. Yet the emphasison adolescenceas a stagingground for integration into the adultcommunity often obscuresyoungpeople'sown cultural to adultconcerns. agencyor framesit solely in relation By contrast, sociologyhaslong considered cultures as central of whether as deviant subcultures youth objects study, or as class-basedsites of resistance. Morerecently,a thirdapproach-an anthropology of youth-has begun to take shape, sparkedby the stimuli of modernityand and the ambivalent of youthin local contexts.This broad globalization engagement andinterdisciplinary revisitsquestionsfirstraisedin earliersociologicaland approach whileintroducing newissuesthatariseunder current ecoframeworks, anthropological conditions.The anthropology of youthis characterized nomic,political,andcultural to the agencyof youngpeople,its concernto document notjusthighly by its attention visibleyouthcultures butthe entirety of youthcultural andits interest in how practice, identities formations thatcreatively combineelementsof global emergein newcultural andlocal culture. transnationalism, capitalism,

INTRODUCTION
on youth culturesspanningmanydecades anddisciplines, Despite a vast literature surprisinglylittle of this researchwas informed by anthropologyuntil recently. To be sure, foundationalethnographiesby Mead (1928) and Malinowski ([1929] inves1987) establishedadolescenceearly on as a crucialtopic of anthropological tigation, and as a result, issues closely associated with this life stage-initiation ceremonies, sexual practices, courtship and marital customs, intergenerational relations-have long been a focus of anthropologicalinquiry.But such research has usually approached adolescencefrom the perspectiveof adulthood,downplayinteraction and culturalproductionin favorof an emphasison ing youth-centered the transitionto adulthood.Thus anthropology concerneditself not primarilywith youthas a culturalcategory,butwith adolescenceas a biological andpsychological stage of humandevelopment.Now, however, shifts both in the discipline and in the world's cultureshave expandedthe range of anthropological inquiry,and as a resultthe field has seen much moreinvestigationof youth culturalpractices.From
0084-6570/02/1021-0525$ 14.00 525

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BUCHOLTZ this small but growing body of work, it is clear that anthropologyis particularly well situatedto offer an accountof how young people aroundthe world produce and negotiateculturalforms. The anthropologyof youth has been overshadowedby the much larger and more visible projectof the sociology of youth. It is here that youth culturesand practices are most widely studied, albeit only within late modem Westernsocieties, particularlyBritainand the United States. These countries are associated with two differentbut relatedsociological approachesto the study of youth: The Americantraditionexaminesthe concept of deviance and its social consequences in young people's culturalpractices, and the British traditionexamines highly visible forms of working-classyouth identities using Marxisttheories of culture semiotic analysis. The latterapproach--whichprovidedthe and poststructuralist foundationfor the field of culturalstudies--has had the most profoundinfluence on how youth cultureshave been studied. But if adolescence as the centralconresearchon young people is at once too broad (because cept for anthropological too narrow and (because psychologized), then youth cultureis too universalized) theoreticalpositions.The anthropology historical ties to its burdened particular by of youth now emerging concerns itself not with the restrictivenotion of culture thatdominatedearly workin culturalstudiesbut with the practicesthroughwhich includespracticesassociatedwith age-based cultureis produced.This formulation locate those that cultures,but also young people as otherkinds of culturalagents.1

DEFINING YOUTH
It is a commonplaceof much researchon youth cultures and identities that the youth category lacks clear definition and in some situations may be based on one's social circumstancesratherthanchronologicalage or culturalposition. In a given culture,preadolescentindividualsmay count as youth, while those in their 30s or 40s may also be included in this category.And youth as a culturalstage often marksthe beginningof a long-term,even lifelong, engagementin particular culturalpractices, whetherits practitionerscontinue to be included in the youth categoryornot.Relatedcategorieslike adolescent,teenager,oryoung adultprovide a greaterdegreeof specificityconcerningage, butthey also varyin theirapplication across contexts. Moreover,potentiallycontrastingcategoriessuch as child, adult, of thevast a comprehensive doesnotattempt thisarticle to spacelimitations, survey 1Due I havefocusedmoreon In general, on youthandadolescence. literature interdisciplinary fieldsthatis in other aswellasresearch work donewithin recent andonwork anthropology, to issues to central relevant however, Inevitably, youth. anthropological pertaining directly thosethat forreasons of space; havebeenomitted meetthesecriteria that evensomestudies on youthbutserve research of current thebestexamples arenotnecessarily areincluded of research onmanyaspects Because of specific as usefulillustrations ethnographic points. tononethnographic I haveattimes is oftensurprisingly cultural scarce, practice turned youth of particular workin my discussion topics.

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or elder may shift to incorporate membersof the youth category,and conversely. Thus in Soviet Russia, the categoryof teenagerwas collapsed into thatof child in official discourse,and adolescents'dependentstatuswas symbolicallyenforcedin a varietyof ways (Markowitz2000). Historicalchanges such as populationshifts that increaseor decreasethe numberof adolescents,and economic circumstances that preventyoung adultsfrom assuminga new statusas wage earners,may lead to redefinitionsof the categoryas well (see also Neyzi 2001). Such classifications, of course, are often strategicand contested. Labels like child soldier, teenage mother,andyouth violence are socially meaningful,authoof biological chronology in social terms that may shift rizing the interpretation thus preadolescentchildrenaccused of accordingto sociopoliticalcircumstances; violent crimes be classified as adultsin the U.S. legal system;by committing may the same token, young people in their 20s have been labeled childrenin discussions of child labor (Gailey 1999). Likewise, the classification of young people as "youngsters" in Englandhas shapedthe way thatyouth sexualityis understood and addressedby sex educators and healthcareproviders (West 1999). Hall & Montgomery(2000) arguethatthe division between childrenand youth in Britain is associatedwith severalotherdivisions: sympatheticversus unsympathetic public perception,attentionwithin anthropologyversus sociology, and emphasis on young people overseas versus "at home." It is likely that the division between youth and adultis organizedin similarfashion. Youthor adolescence is not a highly salient life stage in all cultures,although this is changing in many societies. Condon (1990) documentsthe emergence of adolescence as a social category and the adolescentpeer group as a social structure among CanadianInuits as a result of rapid economic and culturalshifts. In many countries, a new category of adolescence as a relatively recent and ongoing media constructcreates teenagers as a self-aware age grouping and targets them as potentialconsumers(Liechty 1995, White 1995). But a well-definedcategory for young people is not necessarilythe result of modernity;the Marquesan frombothchildyouthcategorytaure'are'a,for example,is carefullydistinguished hood and adulthoodon the basis of establishedculturalprinciplesand ideologies 1987, Martini1996). Moreover,even teenagersin late industrialso(Kirkpatrick cieties may not experience adolescence as a distinctivelife stage (especially one characterized by carefreeindulgence,as is often popularlybelieved), due to economic andotherconstraints thatmove themquicklyinto adultresponsibilities,and also in some cases because of a lack of sharpage and role differentiation between young parentsandtheirchildren(Burton1997). Aristocraticgirls in modem Japan were forced to forgo adolescencebecause at an early age they were committedby theirparentsto arranged marriagesintendedto strengthen family alliances.Unlike the young adultsBurtonstudied,suchelite Japanesewomendid not experiencethis lack as a deprivation untilpostwarculturalchangesled to the end of the aristocracy (Lebra 1995). Given these difficulties in defining youth in any general way, Durham(2000) proposes applying the linguistic concept of a shifter (Jakobson [1957] 1971,

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BUCHOLTZ Silverstein 1976) to the categoryof youth. A shifteris a word thatis tied directly to the context of speakingand hence takes much of its meaningfrom situateduse, such as the deictics I, here, and now. Likewise, the referentialfunction of youth cannot be determinedin advance of its use in a particularculturalcontext, and its use indexes the natureof the context in which it is invoked.As a shifter,then, sign whereby social relations youth is a context-renewingand a context-creating are both (and often simultaneously)reproduced and contested.

THEANTHROPOLOGY OF ADOLESCENCE
Where youth is a flexible and contestable social category, it has been argued on both biological and social grounds that adolescence is a cultural universal. As Schlegel (1995a) notes, sociologists have incorrectlymaintainedthat the cultural category of adolescence is symptomaticof modernity,an assumptionthat overlooks the existence of similar categories in a wide variety of cultures,from From this comparative nonindustrial to postindustrial. perspective,the anthropois search for cross-cultural andvariof adolescence a generalizations logical study of this universal ations in the biological, psychological, and social characteristics category.

Adolescenceas a LifeStage
for adolescence primarilyas preparation Westernpsychologists, who understand adulthood,theorizethis period as a time of potentialcrisis broughton by the uncertaintiesof the physical and social transitionsbetween life stages. A similarly physiological and psychological model of adolescence was a powerful influence on anthropological researchon young people for most of the second half of the twentieth century (e.g., Fuchs 1976, Worthman1987). Following Westernpsychological theories of youth, researcherspropose general processes thought to be sharedby individuals at this life stage regardlessof culture, although these may be affected by specific culturalcircumstances.Robinson (1997), for example, describes adolescence in general as a period of individuationand crisis, but one that--due to culturalshifts-presents special difficultiesfor Tiwi youth. And many scholarsemphasize gender differences in the adolescent stage, in keeping with the perceptionthat such patternsoccur generally across cultures(Anderson & Anderson 1986, Condon& Stern 1993, Schlegel 1995b). Given the influenceof Westernpsychology,it is not uncommonto find explicit comparisonsof adolescence in Westernand other cultures.Such an overtly comestablishedby Mead, who subtitled parativestanceis in keepingwith the tradition her enormouslyinfluential 1928 book Coming of Age in Samoa "A Psychological Study of PrimitiveYouthfor WesternCivilisation."However, cross-cultural researchdoes not currentlyrely on comparisonswith an undifferentiated concept of "the West."Schlegel & Barry's(1991) extensive statisticalanalysis of the socioculturaldimensions of adolescence in nearly 200 societies aroundthe world

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representsthe most comprehensivesynthesis of what is known about the adolescent life stage across cultures.The most ambitiousethnographicundertaking within the cross-culturalframeworkis the HarvardAdolescence Project, which involves multidisciplinary investigationsof the physiological and socioculturaldimensions of adolescence in seven differentsocieties; four monographsreporting the resultsof the projecthave been published(Burbank1988, Condon 1987, Davis & Davis 1989, Hollos & Leis 1989). The emphasis on adolescence as a universalstage in the biological and psychological developmentof the individualusefully highlightsselfhood as a process ratherthana state,butit also inevitablyframesyoung people primarilyas not-yetstudiedadolescence finishedhumanbeings.Indeed,formanyyearsanthropologists almost exclusively as a liminal position between childhood and adulthoodthat is markedin many (butnot most) culturesthroughsome type of initiationceremony (Schlegel & Barry 1979). Such ceremonies are means of socially managing,and indeed defining,this life stage in adultterms.While some coming-of-age rituals, like the Mexican Americanquinceafiera (Watters1988) and the U.S. high school are in prom (Best 2000), shaped partby youth themselves, most rites of passage that have been studied by anthropologistsare in the hands of adult members of the community.The role of adults in the process of socialization is unquestionof youth, yet the study of how adults ably a centralelement in the understanding adolescents into full cultural guide membershipobscuresthe more informalways in which young people socialize themselves and one anotheras they enteradolescence (e.g., Merten 1999).

DevelopmentalCrises:Youthand Modernity
If many anthropologists of adolescence in previousdecades concentrated on how adolescents aroundthe world assumed new, culturallyrecognized roles through ritual activities that dramatizedthe liminality of youth (Turner1969), the disappearanceor alterationof these and other age-gradedpractices in the face of culturalpressuresfrom without has raised a new question:What are the consethat disproportionately quences of large-scale social and culturaltransformations affect the lives of young people?This questioncontinuesto drawon the psychological foundationlaid by earlierresearchers,while emphasizingthat culturalshifts are drasticallyrevising the meaningof youth in many societies. on youth The impactof modernityandeconomic restructuring ("development") in societies previously organized in other ways is often thought to give rise to psychological stressof a kindnot unlikethatassociatedwith youthin industrialized societies, who are claimed to undergo "identitycrises" as they resolve psychic conflicts with their adult roles (Erikson 1968). The difficulties believed to be endemic to this stage of life, however, may appear to be compounded among adolescents in societies undergoingrapid cultural change because such young people also face tensions between traditionand innovation.This issue has been discussed most extensively with respectto suicidalacts amongyouth,the etiology

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BUCHOLTZ of which has been arguedto be culturalratherthanbased in individualor family pathology.2While such phenomenaare often at least partly ascribedto cultural of traditionsthatmay indirectlyreinforcesuicidalbehavior,such as subordination Minore of overt taboos to elders and expressions anger(Brown1986, against youth et al. 1991), the emphasis of most studies is on the role of culturalcontact and conflictin adolescentsuicide.Thusthe alarmingly high ratesof suicide andsuicide Hezel Pacific 1984, 1987; Macpherson (Booth 1999; attemptsby youth in some & Macpherson1987; Reser 1990; Robinson 1990; Rubinstein 1983) and Native American societies (Johnson & Tomren 1999, Novins et al. 1999), as well as to cultural in parts of Sri Lanka (Kearney& Miller 1985), have been attributed socialroles andsocializationprocesses.Despitethis traditional changesthatdisrupt sharedemphasis,specificpatternsof suicide in each contextarewidely varied,and proposedexplanationsare likewise diverse:Among the suggested causes are the loss of traditional pathwaysof adolescentsocialization,changesin familyroles, and increasedeconomic expectationscoupledwith decreasedeconomic opportunities, or some combinationof these (see Rubinstein1992 for a criticaloverview of such explanationsfor the Pacific findings). Otherforms of psychological distresshave been linked to the implementation of new educationalstructuresamong youth in changing societies. The stress of competition for educationalaccess and the social mobility it promises has been healthproblemsamong of witchcraft-induced cited as the sourcebothof outbreaks studentsin Botswana(Burke2000) andof disorderedandviolent behaviorcaused by spirit possession among schoolgirls in Madagascar(Sharp 1990). However, such stress is also evident in more industrializedsocieties. In modem Japan, the diagnosis of "school refusal syndrome"medicalizes students' expressions of protest against perceptionsof their inadequacyand morally frames this phenomenonwithinConfucianandcapitalistideologies of individualandfamily (Lock 1986). These explanationsfor adolescent social crises have the merit of locating the cause of psychological or physical disturbancein specific social and economic processes. As O'Neil (1986) points out, social change in itself is an inadequate for adolescentstress,whichin turnis usuallyinvokedto accountfor beexplanation haviorperceivedas problematic.But rapidsocial change need not be experienced as dramaticor unsettlingby the young people living throughit, as demonstrated by Markowitz's(2000) study of Russianteenagersduringthe period of the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Moreover,it is importantto bear in mind that youth are as often the agents as the experiencersof culturalchange. Burbank(1988), for example, shows how adolescent girls, taking advantageof the opening provided the traditional marriagesystem in Aborigby othersocial shifts, are transforming inal Australiaby choosing premarital pregnancies.Thus althoughyoung people's societieslags farbehind suicidein industrialized the studyof adolescent 2In thisregard, on psychosocial instead research on youthin other (Gaines cultures, dysfunction focusing and withethnography of its lackof engagement Because 1990is oneimportant exception). here. thislargebodyof scholarship I do nottreat culture,

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experiences of potentially socially threateningphenomenaare thoughtto be the result of dramaticculturalchanges thatcreateunprecedented psychological pressure, there is another,creative dimension to these responses to new culturalcircumstances.It is in this sense that youths' socially transgressiveactions may be manifestationsof psychological distress understoodnot simply as culture-specific but more importantlyas critical culturalpractices throughwhich young people display agency. In accounts of such phenomena,a numberof researchersin fact power foregroundthe tension between young people's agency and the structural of social institutions,therebycomplicatingthe view of stressas an individualpsychological state to which the young, with their age-based psychic fragility, are unusuallysusceptible. The understanding of adolescentsas the age groupmost vulnerableto the radical shifts of modernizationalso raises questions about relations between youth and elders. From one perspective, intergenerational conflict, like psychological stress, is exacerbatedby the internal conflicts that young people experience in the process of culturalchange. The tension between the tantalizingpromises of adultsmay be thoughtto cremodernityand the expectationsof tradition-minded ate resentmentamong the young people caught in the middle. Yet this too-easy research. explanationhas frequentlybeen called into question in anthropological to adult are but the documented, Admittedly,youthfulchallenges authority widely connected is neither so rebellious nor so wholeheartedly intimately phenomenon to modernityas this imagined scenariosuggests. Researchersin a varietyof cultural settings have found that the divisions between youth and elder, modem and thanclearly conflictualandconsensualareblurryandambiguousrather traditional, differentiated Rasmussen Rea 2000, 1998, Sharp 1995). (Gable 2000, Moreover,as with psychological stress,it is unlikelythatrapidsocial change in itself triggersdisagreementsbetween youngerand olderpeople. Althoughmodertensions nity has deservedlyreceived a great deal of blame for intergenerational of other Leis Hollos well as for the rash & (as problemsplaguingmany societies), such as also affect how that cultural factors, (1995) argue may kinship structure, is In in a number of sobetween smoothly change negotiated generations. fact, tensions are rare (Condon 1987, cieties undergoingrapid shift, intergenerational Davis & Davis 1989). The anthropologyof adolescence thus considers developmentand change at two levels: individualand cultural.These levels interactanalyticallyin the social culturalcontexts in which the universaldevelstagingof adolescencein particular arc of adolescence is opmental shapedby historicallyspecific processes of social, as well as by existing culturalpractices. and economic transformation, political, researchers are careful not to Although imply thatculturalchangehas a teleology, they areless carefulaboutthis point in discussions of the changes thatyoung people experience (and bring about) in the adolescent period. In fact, it is precisely the teleology of the developmentalprocess from adolescentto adultthatmotivates this research tradition.The issues addressed in such studies are certainly part of the study of youth, but they paint an incomplete picture.The lived experience of young people is not limited to the uneasy occupationof a developmentalway

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BUCHOLTZ stationen route to full-fledged culturalstanding.It also involves its own distinctive identitiesandpractices,which areneitherrehearsalsfor the adult"realthing" nor even necessarilyorientedto adultsat all. These practicesandidentities,which thansimplyof adolescence,promight be classifiedas the concernsof youthrather vide a firmerculturalgroundon which to conductresearchthanthe definitionally unstableterrainof adolescence alone.

FROMADOLESCENCE TO YOUTH
In urginga scholarlyshift from adolescence to youth, I am not simply calling for researchers to expandtheirscope fromthe teen years,puberty,or otherchronologthe full rangeof ical or biological measuresof adolescencein orderto incorporate that scholars arealready be defined Indeed, ways socioculturally. youthmay many I want in their as this broader work. Just however, importantly, taking perspective to interrogatethe concept of adolescence itself, which contrastsand connectsAdultumis the past participle etymologically as well as socially-with adulthood. of the Latin verb adolescere "to grow (up)." The senses of growth, transition, and incompletenessarethereforehistoricallyembeddedin adolescent, while adult indicatesboth completionand completeness(cf. Herdt& Leavitt 1998). This etymology is also reflectedin the way in which the term adolescencehas been put to use in the social sciences. This is not to say thatthe mere use of one term over the other determinesanalyticoutcomes; as the discussion below demonstrates,work on young people's agency and creativitymay go underthe label of adolescence, and researchwithin the developmentalframeworkmay advertiseitself as a study of youth. My concernis thereforeprimarilyconceptual,not terminological,but it is important to note thatthe selection of eithertermis itself a theoreticalchoice. Youth foregroundsage not as trajectory, but as identity,where identityis intended to invoke neither the familiarpsychological formulationof adolescence as a prolonged"searchfor identity,"nor the rigid and essentialized concept that has been the targetof a great deal of recent critique.Rather,identityis agentive, flexible, and ever-changing-but no more for youth than for people of any age. Where the study of adolescence generallyconcentrateson how bodies and minds are shapedfor adultfutures,the study of youth emphasizesinsteadthe here-andnow of young people's experience,the social andculturalpracticesthroughwhich they shapetheirworlds (see also Wulff 1995a). And where adolescenceis usually placed in relationto adulthood,an equally salient group for youth may be other youth-that is, the peer group-and relevantage contrastsmay includechildhood, old age, and otherculturallyspecific stages, in additionto adulthood. The difference between researchon adolescence and researchon youth may be illustratedby surveyingstudies of two widely problematizedand highly sensationalizedtopics within scholarshipon young people: violence and sexuality. These two issues are often approached from an adult-centered perspectiveas social problems;whether young people are understoodas victims or perpetrators within this general approach,they are positioned as respondingto, not shaping,

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culturalforces. Such an interpretation is challengedby researchthattakes seriously the fact thatyouth are culturalactorswhose experiencesarebest understoodfrom their own point of view.

Youthand Violence
The framingof adolescence as a psychological stage fraughtwith social problems is a prominent featureof a good deal of the anthropological workon youthviolence. Hence, Sykes (1999) reportsthat youths in PapuaNew Guinea, unable to secure steady work, engage in acts of violence and excessive consumption;she argues thatthese acts producealienationand stripthe young men of identity.In a studyof Chicanostreetgangs,Vigil (1988) takesa somewhatmorepositiveview, suggesting thatdespitetheirviolent activities,gangs providea sense of self-identityand serve as a passage to adulthood.Yet it is clearfromhis discussionthatthis surrogate and is held to be an for cultural illegitimateidentity inadequate replacement legitimate institutionssuch as the family or the school. Otherresearchers, by contrast,set the often sensationalistictopic of youth gangs and violence into broaderperspective. Monsell-Davis (1986), cautioningagainstunremittinglynegative representations of PapuaNew Guineanyouth,pointsto the fact thatmanyyoungpeople participate fully in village life, and some work on American gangs demonstratesthat they arenot simply symbolic substitutesfor culturallyapprovedsocial structures; more function as one of the few avenues for available importantly, they entrepreneurship to groupsbarredby race andclass from otherforms of capitalism(e.g., Jankowski of identity in the problem-centered 1991). Likewise, the understanding approach misses the crucialfact thatthe identitywork of violence is neitheranticultural, as Vigil would have it, nor acultural,as Sykes maintains,but is entirely cultural,if viewed on its own terms.Mendoza-Denton (1996) shows thatfor Latinagang girls, the capacityfor violence, whetherimplied or enacted,is partof the productionof a nonhegemonicfemininity,while Leavitt(1998) arguesthatthe violent practicesof young men in PapuaNew Guineashouldbe seen not as rebellionagainstauthority butas an appropriation of the authority reservedfor politicalleadersthroughwhich a powerfulmasculineidentityis constructed. Finally,Allison (2001) pointsout that some representations of violence in popularentertainment, oftenblamedforviolent acts by youth, are conceptualizedby fans as productiveas well as destructive. These differingperspectiveson youth violence are especially clear in research on youth and war. West (2000) identifies two major strandsin this scholarship. The firstis a Westernpsychological approach thatassertsthatexposureto violence leads to youths' loss of innocence; proponentsargue that such young people go on to perpetuateviolence throughouttheir lives, whether as victims of violence or its (often coerced) perpetrators(e.g., Boothby 1986). The second approach centers on culturalagency and understands youth as able to adapteffectively to violent situationsin culturallyspecific ways (Peters& Richards1998, West 2000). Even when these two perspectivesare combined, the romantic belief in a "lost as the ultimatevictims of wargives way to an analysisthatrecognizes generation"

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BUCHOLTZ both young people's agency in wartime and its very real constraints(Assal & Farrell1992). Thus as producersand recipientsof violence alike, youth maintain their agency as culturaland political actors(Bernat 1999, Diouf 1996).

Youth,Sexuality,and the Body

As with youth and violence, discussions of youth and sexualitywithin anthropology have been largely of two types: one, in the traditionof Mead, that focuses on culturallyspecific sexualpracticesandthe extentto which adolescentandpremarital sexual activityis culturallydiscouraged,tolerated,or encouraged(e.g., Barry& Schlegel 1984, 1986; Hollos & Leis 1986; Lepowsky 1998; Whiting 1986; Whiting et al. 1986); anda second,from a moremedicalperspective,thatexamineshow young people themselvesview sexual activity(Eyreet al. 1998, Lackey& Moberg diseases, especially AIDS (Leclerc-Madlala1997, 1998) and sexually transmitted Obbo 1995, Paiva 1995, Sobo et al. 1997). Althoughthe formertends to be more andqualitative culturallygroundedthanthe latter,the growinguse of ethnographic methods in medical anthropologyand relatedfields has helped to emphasize the culturalagency of youth (see also Schensul et al. 2000 and Way et al. 1994 on drug use by young people). Both anthropologicalapproacheshave great advantages over many traditionalsociological frameworks,which view certain youth hegemonic syspracticesas pathologicalor deviant,especially those thatthreaten offer tems of authorityandeconomy.By contrast,perspectivesfrom anthropology Thus same to account for the culturaland structural Zigman arguments practices. (1999) views teenage sex workersin Philadelphiaas adaptingto complex social and economic forces and thereforerejects argumentsthat locate the cause in the family or the individual.The small but significantbody of anthropologicalwork on youth and same-sex desire (e.g., Herdt 1989, Leap 1999) likewise challenges thathave dominateddiscussionof this topic in other the pathologizingframeworks fields. However, much of the researchon young people's sexuality places it in the context of adult activities and concerns.This is clearly the case in discussions of of teenage pregnancy,so widespread pregnancyand youth. The problematization in Americanpublic discourse (Luker 1996), is not common to all societies and has arrivedonly relativelyrecently in some parts of the United States: Reservation Navajos reportthat teenage pregnancywas once a culturalnorm but that it is now desirablefor young women to delay pregnancy(Dalla & Gamble 2001). Nor is adolescentsexual activitynecessarilydiscouragedeverywhere.Among the Kikuyu,adolescentswere traditionally taughtsexual practicesthatwould not lead have elimito pregnancy,but the effects of modernizationand Christianization of these practicesdepended natedthe age-gradesystem on which the transmission & Whiting 1987). (Whiting 1986, Worthman As Burbank& Chisholm (1998) point out, it is not adolescent pregnancyitself but the community'sresponse to it that creates a social problem. Nader & Gonzilez (2000) documentthe economically motivatedrhetoricalconstructionof

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teen pregnancyas an issue of "adolescenthealth"both locally and nationallyby elements of the U.S. health care industry.This process of redefinitionexcludes from considerationyoung people's (and all nonexperts')views of teen pregnancy and prescribesa single appropriate communityresponse.The operationof power illustratedhere is thereforevital to the analysisof young people's sexual and other culturalpractices. But the operationof individual agency is equally important. Youthfulpregnancyin many contexts is not simply accidental,but a potentially tacticalact of identity.McRobbie(2000) reportsthatteenage mothersin economically depressed South Birminghamview pregnancyboth as a confirmationof womanhoodand as a legitimationof sexual activitybecause it enforces an image of monogamy. Pregnancycan also be a way for Aboriginal adolescent girls in Australiato asserttheir autonomyand reject maritalarrangements made by their parents(Burbank1987, 1988). However,at the same time thatthese young women gain a certaindegree of sexual freedom,safe in the knowledgethattheirchild will be valued by the community,they may also be constrainedin the range of options open to them,whetherthroughideologies of romance,the realityof male violence, or theirown use of substancesthatmay injuretheirfetuses (Burbank1995). It is worth comparing sexuality to a second arena of highly adolescent behavior:eating, dieting, and body size. Unlike pregnancy,this topic is not widely researchedby anthropologists; Nichter's (2000) multi-methodwork standsas the most extensiveethnographic treatment of Americangirls' body image.3The virtue of Nichter's approachover the surveytechniquesthat dominatein adjacentdisciplines is that the latterhave led to reportsof a dieting epidemic among European Americangirls thatin fact vastly overstatethe extentof the problem.Nichterfound thatgirls' culturalpracticeof "fattalk,"in whichthe speaker'sbody is ritualistically for a varietyof interactional problematized purposes,has no necessaryrelationto or to dieting negativebody image, althoughwhite girls did tend to disparagetheir bodies more thangirls of otherethnicities(see also Mendoza-Denton1996, Parker et al. 1995). Such researchdemonstrates once againthatpracticesoften viewed as are better viewed as sites of culturalagency. pathological The problem-basedperspective on youth focuses on young people's actions as social violations ratherthan agentive interventionsinto ongoing sociocultural change.By contrast,the best workon the challengesfacing youthemphasizestheir own acts of culturalcritique and culturalproductionin the face of often untenable situations.This view has also been instrumental in developing alternatives to theories of sociology that define youth practicessolely in termsof theirdeviation from adult social norms. The most importantof these, the extremely influential BirminghamSchool of culturalstudies in England,opened up new directionsfor the investigationof youthcultureswithin sociology. However,this perspectivehas itself come in for a good deal of criticism(see Lave et al. 1992 for a historyof the Birminghamtraditionand a constructivecritiqueof its achievements). 3There is a smallanthropologically oriented literature on otherfacetsof youthandbody 1999)anddisability imagesuchas race(Bloustien (Butler 1998).

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AND STYLE THE BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL: SUBCULTURE

The studyof youthculturebeganin theUnitedStatesin thefirsthalf of the twentieth centuryas an outgrowthof criminologyanddelinquencystudieswithin sociology; the concern was not with youth directly so much as with deviant subcultures. to these The Chicago School of sociology took a stronglyethnographic approach issues, focusing on the ways in which subcultures,especially those created by young people, constitutealternative systems of sharedsymbolic meaningfor their members (Cohen 1955) that take shape precisely by being labeled deviant by membersof the dominantculture(Becker 1963). This perspectivehad a significantimpacton the workthatis often identifiedas the foundationof youth culturestudies-that producedby the Centrefor ContemporaryCulturalStudiesat the Universityof Birmingham(Hall & Jefferson[1976] 1993). Influencedby Marxistculturaltheory,the BirminghamSchool researchers sharedwith the Chicago School a focus on the workingclass but understoodsuch youths' positionas a resultof materialas well as symbolicpositioning.Takingclass as the foundationof youthculture,the newly emergingfield of culturalstudiesfocused primarilyon youth culturalpracticesin late industrialurbanBritishsociety (e.g., Mungham& Pearson1976). However,some membersof CCCSrejectedthe concept of youth culturealtogether,replacingit with subculture,a termthat they felt better emphasizedthe class positioning of such culturalformations(Clarke termof most et al. [1976] 1993). Youth culture,however,is currentlythe preferred in for inclusion of all not least becauseit allows the researchers, youth the study of and his the of Clarke whereas culture, colleagues very deliberatelydoes approach not. Unlike the Chicago School, the BirminghamSchool was not firmlycommitted methods.A favoredtechniquewas textual analysis of the media, to ethnographic which researchers examinedhow "moralpanics"are producedin media through of representations youth (Cohen [1972] 1980). Anotherinfluentialapproachinvolved semiotic analysis of culturalforms (Hebdige 1979). Although theoretical concerns often overshadowedethnographicdetails in such research,it combined a concern with cultural style and attentionto economic consequences, thereby of the culturalbasis of class identity. offering a clearerunderstanding one of the most Nevertheless, widely read studies to emerge from CCCS was Willis's (1977) ethnographyof a group of white working-classboys. Willis detheir class position in the world of work by scribes how these "lads"perpetuated embracingan anti-schoolyouthculture,in contrastto the "ear'oles,"who accepted the authorityof the school and the goals of schooling. This focus on the practices of groupsunderstoodas distinctiveand separatefrom one anothercame to typify ThusHebdige(1979) offers a semioticinterpreworkin the Birmingham tradition. tation of white Britishworking-classstyles, includingthe teddy boy, the mod, the skinhead,and the glam rocker,arguingthat they are differentresponses to black cultureandracialpolitics. Style itself is theorizedby Hebdige,andearlierby Clarke ([1976] 1993), as bricolage, a borrowingfrom IAvi-Strauss(1966) thatis perhaps

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the only significantinfluence of anthropologyon the BirminghamSchool of culand tural studies. On Clarke and Hebdige's reading, the bricoleur appropriates combines existing elements in new ways to createa distinctivestyle. These acts of semiotic resignificationsubvertthe meaningsassignedto the appropriated objects Both withinthe dominantculture,often in ways thatchallengeclass arrangements. Hebdescribed and the Willis the lads investigatedby by working-classyouths dige are thereforeunderstoodas respondingto the class-based subjectpositions assigned to them and as carving out distinctive semiotic spaces for themselves, althoughthis dimensionis much more fully elaboratedin Hebdige's work. the Birminghamtraditionis both The well-developedtheorythatcharacterizes its strengthandits weakness.Its engagementwith a wide rangeof culturaltheories to devianceanddelinquency, fruitfullyrevisedandextendedAmericanapproaches andthose butin privilegingclass in the analysisof youthculture,CCCSresearchers who followed theirexamplefailed to takeinto accountothercrucialdimensionsof young people's identities.For example, althoughHebdige located white workingclass youth cultures in relation to black culture, relatively little work on black of black youth (Hall et al. culturalagency-as opposed to media representations 1978)-was undertakenwithin cultural studies until much later (Gilroy 1991, 1993). An early internalcritique also pointed to the field's exclusive focus on male culturalactors(McRobbie& Garber [1976] 1993). Manyscholarsconsideredyouth cultureto be a male preservealmostby definition,and some even maintainedthat the primarypurpose of such culturesis to work out issues of masculinity (e.g., Brake 1980). The problemis not that female culturalstyles do not exist, but that they were not acknowledgedas legitimateforms of culture.McRobbie & Garber note thatthe female-dominated teenybopperor preadolescentpop fan culturewas and passive, in spite of often trivializedby male scholars as consumption-based its being highly agentive(see Rhein 2000 for a defense of teenybopperfan culture in Germany).Subsequentfeminist researchidentifiedgirls' trajectoryinto dating and marriage,but-like the work on their male counterparts-it did not address the full diversityof girls' culturalor genderstyles (e.g., McRobbie [1977a] 2000). or highly visible subcultural Likewise, scholarly concern with "spectacular" lens of did not completely capturethe as the semiotics, through styles, interpreted and to of orientations ethnicitythatyouth may gender,sexuality,class, race, range This concern with the in their cultural symbolic representation practices. display of identity, manifested in the investigationof music, fashion, and other cultural forms as semiotic markers,also often enforceda view of youth culturesas clearly even as theirsemioticresources,through boundedanddistinctivefromone another, from diverse and were drawn overlappingsources and contexts. bricolage, in the morerecentworkof Stuart limitations have been remedied Some of these CulturalStudies. Hall's Hall, one of the foundersof the Centrefor Contemporary theorizing of "new ethnicities"redresses both the absence of racial and ethnic diversity in the early Birminghamstudies and the rigidity of subculturalidentity categoriesas initially conceptualized.

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NEW ETHNICITIES in the context of film Although the notion of new ethnicities was first articulated studies ratherthan the investigationof youth cultures,it was quickly extendedto this latterdomain. Hall's insight was thatthe strategicinvocationof essentialized concepts of identityby black political activistsin Britainwas being supplanted by and in practice.Following Hall complex culturalblendingboth in representation ([1989] 1996, 1997), a numberof British scholarsembracedthe concept of new ethnicities for the study of youth culture(e.g., Back 1996, Cohen 1999, Rampton 1999). Because such identities are not founded on static and essentialistic ethnic areemergent,hybrid,andlocal, theconceptof new ethnicities categories,butrather can revealnuancedsocial processes thatthe bluntertool of ethnicitycould not exworkalso has ampleroomfor ethnographic methods,since new pose. Suchanalytic: ethnicities are by definitionlocally constructed.Connectionsto anthropologyare concept of being reforgedin otherways as well: Rampton(1999) revisitsTurner's the new as sites of to idea of ethnicities cultural liminality develop crossing,thresholds thatyoung people move across as they carryon with theirculturalbusiness. Although the utility of the concept of new ethnicitiesfor promotingantiessentialist scholarshipis evident,it shouldnot be mistakenfor a theoreticalor political panacea.To begin with, it is not clear to what extentnew ethnicitiesarereally new or distinctiveto late modernityandglobalization,as Hall (1997) suggests. Cultural contact,appropriation, blending,andthe resultingcomplex identitiescan be found to modernity. The notion in anynumberof societies, regardlessof theirrelationship of new ethnicitiesthus seems to be not so much identifyingan innovativecultural practiceas urginga moredelicate scholarlyanalysis.Nor is it clearhow the frameworkwould applyto culturesin which conceptionsof ethnicityhavevery different meanings. Another issue that new ethnicities raise is the extent to which recent ethnic andracialconfigurations transcendhistoricalpatternsof racismratherthan them in less obvious ways. Here too, new ethnicities appear simply reinscribing of race amongBritishandAmericanyouth less thannew: A numberof researchers have noted that racist ideology and practice can exist side by side with cultural borrowingand even friendship(Back 1996, Bucholtz 1999a, Cutler 1999, Hewitt 1986, Schneider1997; butcf. Wulff 1995b), andHall himself is underno illusions that new ethnicities are synonymouswith racialharmony.Finally, it is necessary to keep in mind thatwhile the concept of new ethnicitiesmay accountadmirably for currentculturalpractices in Britain-which has a small minoritypopulation and a relatively recent history of immigration-it takes on very differentresonances in a country like the United States, with its long history of slavery and racismandwith its populationquicklyshifting,in the face government-sanctioned of alarmistrightwingrhetoric,from predominantly white to "majority minority." In fact, bothin raciallyhomogeneousandin raciallyheterogeneousschool settings young EuropeanAmericansmay counterthe constitutionof ethnicities, whether new or old, amongyouthof color by positioningthemselvesas "cultureless" (Perry 2001). Thus the great strengthof the new-ethnicitiesapproach-its emphasis on

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the local-should not be overriddenby a desire to find racial convergencewhere more complex sociopolitical processes are at work. Aside from some of the researchon new ethnicities, much recent scholarship from a culturalstudies perspectivehas lost even the BirminghamSchool's loose Some of the most influentialwork within culmooring of theory to ethnography. tural studies currentlyretains the BirminghamSchool's focus on music-based subculturesin capitalistsocieties, but it is now almost entirely historicaland textual ratherthanethnographic in orientation(e.g., Lipsitz 1994, Rose 1994, Ross & Rose 1994; but see Thornton1995). Thus the participants in these culturesrarely come into view except in highly mediatedways. In many cases, too, culturalstudies as currently practicedis virtuallyidenticalto popularculturalstudies(Redhead 1997). As importantas it is to investigatehow youth cultures engage with both commercialand not-yet-commodifiedforms of popularculture,a full account of the other youth as culturalagents must look beyond these questionsto understand ways in which youth styles emerge, the otherdimensions of youth identities,and the otherculturalpracticesin which youth engage. Most importantly, it must look not only to the United States, Britain, and other postindustrialsocieties for evidence of youth culturalpractices,but also to young people's culturalinnovations in otherlocations aroundthe world.

YOUTHCULTURES OR CULTURAL PRACTICES OF YOUTH?

Although within culturalstudies, youth culturesare understoodas a response to the social class conflicts associatedwith industrialized societies, Lepowsky(1998) notes thatnonindustrial societies may also have recognizableyouth cultures.But even with this inclusion, the study of youth cultures,as productiveas it has been and continuesto be, is too limiting for researchon youth from an anthropological perspective.Also necessary is an anthropologicallybased retheorizingof youth culture, in which static and inflexible culturalboundariesare replaced with the much more fluid and indeterminatecollections of practices and ideologies that constituteculturein anthropology. In this way, social actionthatwould not qualify as partof youth cultureunderthe BirminghamSchool definition-for reasons of class, gender,or otherfactors-may be analyzedas a moredynamicform of youth culture:the culturalpractices of youth. Such a recasting of youth research also serves as a correctiveto some of the politically andethicallyproblematicelements of earlier approaches.Just as anthropologistshave been drawn to the study of sexual practices among youth in non-Westernsocieties, so too have spectacular and sensationalisticaspects of youth cultures preoccupiedmany sociologists of adolescence in industrialsocieties. Both groups have been accused of titillating readers at the expense of exploring other aspects of young people's lives. An emphasis on the ordinary,everyday activities in which youth engage, then, may act as an importantcounterbalance to previouswork.

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BUCHOLTZ Research that contributesto these goals is alreadybeing done in a variety of of traditional culturalstudiesresearchand fields. Both by critiquingthe boundaries in them to new scholars include groups, anthropologyand related by expanding to the breadth of have document youth culturalproductionand begun disciplines practice.

RethinkingResistance
in Britainin the 1970s The economic decline associatedwith deindustrialization and 1980s has often been cited as the reasonfor the emergenceof oppositionaland class-based youth styles. And as global economic restructuring continues, those whose entryinto the workingworldhas been deferredor reroutedhave responded not only throughthe adoption of flamboyantstyles but in other ways as well. McDermott (1985) found that a youth employmentprogramestablished by the British governmentin this period served not to address the structural problems giving rise to high ratesof unemploymentor even to place young people in jobs, but to adapt workersto performnew kinds of work flexibly and without resistance. As Bridgman(2001) notes, even a job trainingprogramthat emphasizes the dignity of teenage workersmay clash with the reality of a work world that often stripsyoung people of their agency. Despite efforts to producea compliant workforce,resistance,or moreproperly,subversion,is widespreadamongyouthin and the lack of possibility the workplace.Underconditionsof underemployment their workers assert American of advancement, autonomythroughfrequent young job changing and rejection of the ideal of work as stimulating.Such solutions, however,are individualcoping tactics ratherthancollective action (Willis 1998), in contrastto young people's challengesto workplaceconditionselsewhere in the world (Mills 1999). Borman(1988, 1991) documentsanothertactic, "playingon the job," thatallows adolescentsto endurethe tediumof routinework tasks. This practicerecallsP.Willis's descriptionof "havinga laff"as a formof youthfulresistance to school. Therearethus manypoints of convergencebetween early cultural studies approachesto youth and employment and those taken more recently by anthropologists.But oppositionalitytakes many forms and may arise for many reasonsin additionto or insteadof class inequities. Some scholars within the United States have suggested, for example, that a race-basedoppositionalityexists among studentswhose "involuntary minority" status (e.g., Ogbu 1988) makes academic achievementdifficult.Fordham(1996) arguesfurtherthathigh achievingAfricanAmericanstudentsmust navigatecarefully in orderto avoidaccusationsof "actingwhite."But a numberof scholarshave challengedthis claim, noting thatmanyAfricanAmericanstudentsarehighly motivatedto succeed in school (e.g., Hemmings 1996, Schultz 1996). If the oppositionalidentitiesof the "lads"andthe "ear'oles"thatWillis documentedin England in U.S. high schools, then, they necessarilydiffer on many key have counterparts points due to differencesin the local context. And the dangerof framingoppositionalityin termsof resistanceis thatidentitiesaretheorizedas more dichotomous

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than is in fact the case. Certainlya wide variety of oppositionalyouth identities have been describedby researchers(e.g., Bucholtz 1999b, Eckert 1989, Leblanc 1999, Lowney 1995, Kinney 1999), but despite the rigidity of these categories in local ideologies, they often prove to be flexible in practice.Hemmings (2000) documentsa U.S. urbanhigh school clique of unusualdiversity,in which socially marginalizedstudentsof differentbackgroundscame together in ways that both allowed for individualityand precludedviolent oppositionwith othergroups. Thus the explanatory powerof resistancebecomes less adequateas youth identities move furtheraway from the class-basedculturalstyles thatthe concept was designed to account for. Where within the BirminghamSchool traditionmusical subcultureswere often explicitly linked to a broaderpolitical and economic subcultures are strikingfor theirfrequent context,many analysesof contemporary assertionsthataestheticsrather thanpolitics dominatescultural practice,especially in culturalstyles associatedwith the middleclass (Diethrich1999/2000, Jerrentrup 2000, Roccor 2000). But as Thornton(1995) argues,such musicalculturesarebetter understoodas founded on a politics of distinction,in which musical taste is tied not only to pleasure or social identity but also to forms of power. This is a very differentkind of oppositionalitythanis implied by the concept of resistance, for it is based not on a rejectionof a powerless structural position but ratheron a of an mainstream culture. Nor have rejection undiscerning youth culturesentirely abandonedovert political action, as shown by the Italian squattingmovement, which has given rise to countercultural social centers that are often politically as well as musically based (Wright2000). But the direct form that resistancetakes here is once again quite differentfrom the symbolic resistancethat culturalstudies scholars have described.Ratherthan readingresistance into these situations, analystswould do well to be attentiveto local meaningsof such practices.

Youthand Media
If youth cultures have generally been the heroes of the resistance movement in culturalstudies, the media have historicallybeen the villains of the piece. Viewed primarilyas a threatto the vitality of youth cultures as forums for authenticity and resistance, the media are targetedfor the ideologies that they promote both about and to young people. While some scholarsfocused on negative and panicof youth-a traditionthatcontinuestoday (Giroux inducingmediarepresentations 1996)-as part of the latter body of work, popularrepresentationsof feminin1990) ity aimed at teenage consumers, such as romancenovels (Christian-Smith and fashion magazines (Finders 1996, McRobbie 1977b [2000], Talbot 1995), have been analyzed for their ideological constructionof a culture of femininity based largely on romance, beauty, and the domestic sphere. Similarly,in Japan, the rise of "cute culture"in the 1980s (Kinsella 1995), associatedprimarilywith fashion, and even young women, usheredin an era of cuteness in advertisements, handwriting.Young women's widely documentedtrend away from highly genderedlanguageuse (e.g., Okamoto 1995) has also been associatedwith cute style

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BUCHOLTZ (Matsumoto1996). In the contextof modernizingsocieties, however,whatis more immediatelyrelevantthan this ideological inculcationis the chasm between the of modernlife presentedby the media and the realitiesof limited representations for most youths (Miles 2000). economic opportunities to popularmediaareoften associatedwith unattainWhile youths'relationships mediarepresentations able images andcapitalisturgingstowardconsumption, may Fisherkeller be a of and also source knowledge (1997) found that young agency. U.S. adolescents:facing peer-grouprejectionoften developed strategiesand skills thancapitulated to hegemonic modeledon television in ways thatnegotiatedrather is not a barrier gender,racial,and social-class ideologies. In fact, commodification to the perceptionof authenticculturalpractice:Despite the extensive commercialization of rave culture (Richard& Kruger 1998), many participantsexperience raves as sites of spiritualrenewal(Hutson2000). And media forms have been embracedby youthseekinglike-mindedothersbeyondthe local community(Leonard 1998, Willard 1998). In any case, the relationshipbetween resistance,authenticcan be extremely complex. In the United States, ity, and culturalappropriation body modification (piercing, tattooing, scarification,and so on) is understood by its practitionersboth as a resistant desire that rejects capitalism-a "modem primitivism"--andas a therapeutic recoveryof the authenticself (Rosenblatt 1997). Yet such practicesalso rely upon an unexaminedconstructionof the exoticized culturalother,the never-to-be-modern primitivewhose imagined existence these acts. authenticates

Styles of Appropriation
By contrast with the cultural appropriationsthat formed the basis of the BirminghamSchool's theoryof style, or with those describedabove, many of the resources of present-daybricoleurs are in a certain sense self-appropriationsto createnew youth of one's own culturalbackground borrowingsand adaptations for of New cultural The "Guido" York, example, is predicatedon style styles. Italian heritage but also involves a highly stylized performanceof a particular commodifiedimage of Italianness(Tricarico1991). Dimitriadis(2001) describes how African Americanteenage boys in the Midwest used Southernrap music to constructa community arounda nostalgic Southerntradition.Likewise, a great deal of culturalproductionamong first-and second-generation immigrantsto the which in elements of the herUnited States involves a kind of neotraditionalism and resignified.In the IndianAmerican itage cultureare selectively appropriated desi music scene in Chicago,diasporicandmodem Indianmusical genres such as areimaginedas traditional filmmusic andhouse bhangra (Diethrich1999/2000;cf. Maira 1999). Such culturalforms lead to new ethnicitiesinsofaras new panethnic identitiesemerge from this syncreticpractice(see also Buff 1998). New ethnicities, or at least new configurationsof race and ethnicity,are also between self and other. Young people produced through acts of appropriation may negotiatein interactionamong a varietyof ethnicized and racializedsubject

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positions, to which they may or may not have a culturallylegitimized claim. In this process, language is often a privileged resource for staking identity claims (e.g., Bailey 2000, Bucholtz 1999a, Cutler 1999, Jacobs-Huey 1997, Lo 1999, Rampton 1995). This is not to say that ethnic reificationdoes not occur or does not affect youth; the multivalentidentities of youth in the Hungarianminorityof Slovakiahave recently become problematized,and young people are now forced to choose a single identity position as ethnic purity becomes a central ideology of the Slovak state (Langman1997). In addition,culturalappropriations depend for theirsuccess on notions of culturalownershipeven as they appearto repudiate them. Such questionsbecome more vexed as culturalresourcesmove globally as well as locally. The global spreadof popularcultureis often viewed as symptomaticof cultural leveling, yet many scholarshave pointedout thathow culturalforms are takenup and assigned meanings far from their places of origin is a process that involves creativityand agency, not unthinkingacceptanceof culturalproducts.The same culturalresourcecan be put to use in radicallydifferentways. Hence rap allows underemployedyouth in Tanzaniato participatepolitically in public discourse (Remes 1999), while in Zimbabwe,it enables privileged urbanyouth to display personalaspirations throughculturalstyle (Neate 1994). Globalblackculturealso providesthe stylistic resourcesfor young SurinameseCreoles in the Netherlands to createa panethnicblack identity(Sansone 1995). Althoughhip hop is currently the culturalformmost widely appropriated into new contextsaroundthe world(see M. H. Morgan,forthcoming),othermusical styles may also be resourcesfor local identitymaking.In West Africa,reggae serves as a mediatinglink betweenAfrica and the Africandiaspora,and reggae forms often become re-Africanizedin local contexts throughthe additionof traditional linguistic and culturalelements (Savishinsky 1994). This racializedcodingof culturalstyles is highly mutable,however. In her studyof a multiracialhigh school in South Africa, Dolby (1999) found that white studentsembracedtechno music as part of a "global whiteness," but that when colored studentsbeganto participate in raveculture,racialdivisions became less rigid as well. Thus culturalresources may be used locally in unpredictable ways.

CONCLUSION: GLOBALIZING YOUTHRESEARCH

Global youth researchis not so much cross-cultural-a paradigmthat is usually quantitativeand comparativeratherthan qualitativeand ethnographic-as it is transcultural or "multi-cultural" in the sense of Amit-Talai(1995). And some of the tools for the kindof workthatis most urgentlyneededcome fromotherdisciplines, especially culturalstudies. For example, the semiotics of fashion can be used to understandyouth identities in the Congo, where the appropriation of European and to the designer clothing is a political response to economic marginalization prolongingof adolescence thatis its consequence (Gondola 1999). Much like the teddy boys of England(Jefferson[1976] 1993), young Congolese sapeurs borrow

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BUCHOLTZ the external trappingsof an unattainableclass status in orderboth to challenge andto claim a new social identity.Likewise, O'Collins inequitablestate structures notes the moralpanics associatedwith the youthful the between (1986) parallels who of Britain and those associatedwith the "rascals" "hooligans" postindustrial New Guinean society. disruptPapua This is not to say thatcross-cultural research research,includingcross-cultural within a single society, does not yield insights of use for the global study of youth cultures;indeed, such scholarshipmay bring to light issues that are addressedin For example, althoughBrake's(1985) ways by otherapproaches. complementary studyof youthculturesof the UnitedStates,Britain,andCanadaoften comparative errs in its details, it provides useful generalizationsthat can be ethnographically tested, as well as offering a reminderthat global culturalforms are taken up in diverse ways in local contexts. The most productiveview of youth culturesand youth identities, then, must admit both the ideological reality of categories and the flexibility of identities; drawsfrom theoriesof practice,activity, recent work, especially in anthropology, andperformance to demonstrate how youthnegotiatecultural identitiesin a variety of contexts, both materialand semiotic, both leisure-basedand at home, school, work, and in the political sphere.Anthropologicalscholarshipin youth cultureis also distinguishedby its geographicrange and its concern with the local, which militates against the broad generalizationsabout youth that have emerged from other approaches.Some of the richestavenuesfor the anthropological exploration of youth culture include the developmentof global youth cultures,the blending of traditionalculturalforms into new youth-basedstyles and practices, and the possibilities for culturalproductionofferedby new technologies.Anthropologists workingin these realmsemphasizethatyouth-basedculturalpracticescontinueto even when theytakeinspiration frommediatedculturalforms. be local phenomena, natureof both "youth" Further, anthropology problematizesthe taken-for-granted and "culture"in much youth culture researchby emphasizing the fundamental instabilityof these shiftersacross culturalsettings. An anthropologyof adolescence, then, is not the same as an anthropologyof of young people's youth. And while both are necessary to a full understanding in task is more and cultures around the the latter world, practices perspectives it is a newer that raises less both because project investigatedquestions pressing, andbecauseyouth culturalpracticesarebecomingincreasinglysalientandcentral to the organizationof all humansocieties.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the Center for HumanitiesResearch at Texas A&M University for providingfinancialsupportto assist in the researchingof this article. For extremely helpful suggestions and comments, I am also grateful to Harry Berger,GiovannaDel Negro, Donna Goldstein,KiraHall, Jen Roth Gordon,and an anonymousreviewer,none of whom are responsiblefor omissions or errors.

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The Annual Reviewof Anthropology is online at http://anthro.annualreviews.org

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