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Deviant Behavior
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flesh journeys: neo primitives and the contemporary rediscovery of radical body modification
Michael Atkinson, Kevin Young
a

University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada

b

Loughborough University, Loughborough, Leicestershire, UK Version of record first published: 29 Oct 2010.

To cite this article: Michael Atkinson, Kevin Young (2001): flesh journeys: neo primitives and the contemporary rediscovery of radical body modification, Deviant Behavior, 22:2, 117-146 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/016396201750065018

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Deviant Behavior: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 22:117146, 2001 Copyright 2001 Taylor & Francis 0163-9625/01 $12.00 1 .00

esh journeys: neo primitives and the contemporary rediscovery of radical body modi cation
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Michael Atkinson University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada Kevin Young Loughborough University, Loughborough, Leicestershire, UK. Email: K.M.Young@lboro.ac.uk
Viewing the body as both an evocative social text and a vehicle of social resistance, this article explores recent developments within the Neo Primitive (NP) movement. As a segmented branch of the larger body modi cation cultural scene, Neo Primitives have created individuals have created a renaissance of deeply amboyant and often radical body marking practices. Members stress the spiritual, emotional, and practical rewards of body modi cation for those entrenched within (and ultimately oppressed by) hegemonic boundaries of physical expression in the modern metropolis, especially as those boundaries relate to codes of beauty, gender, sexuality, spirituality, and personal creativity. Building on qualitative data gathered in two Canadian cities, and viewing members of this subculture as active agents of counter-expression and dissent, this article explores the ideologies,
Received 10 February 2000; accepted 14 June 2000. This study was funded in part by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Paci c Sociological Association, San Francisco, California, April 15 19, 1998. Address correspondence to Michael Atkinson, Department of Sociology, The University of Calgary, 2500 University Drive N.W., Calgary, Alberta, Canada T2N 1N4. E-mail: mfatkins@ucalgary.ca

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practices, and lived experiences of NPs attempting to recreate, reclaim, and revolutionize the esh.

CONTEMPORARY CONTEXT OF BODY MODIFICATION It is generally agreed that the art of body decoration assumes three main forms: body painting, body ornamentation, and body modi cation (Camphausen 1997; Myers 1997; Rowanchilde 1995; Vale and Juno 1989). The focus of this article is on the third of these forms body modi cation, or permanent modes of body decoration. 1 Although there are endless ways to consider how a body might be modi ed as part of a esh journey the process of intentionally reconstructing the corporeal in order to symbolically represent and physically chronicle changes in ones identity, relationships, thoughts, or emotions over time we are speci cally interested in the more radical modern varieties of tattooing, piercing, branding, and scari cation practices, or what Myers (1997) refers to as nonmainstream forms of body modi cation. Although no of cial statistic s exist to document the pervasiveness of tattooing or other forms of radical body modi cation today, reports by Atkinson and Young (1998), Camphausen (1997), and Sanders (1988, 1989) suggest that anywhere from 10 20% of North Americans have engaged in the practices. It is also clear from the information available to date that the practices cut across demographic categories of age, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, and economic status (Steward 1990; Mif in 1997; Vale and Juno 1989). Quite simply, the Canadian milieu of radical body modi cation appears to be in ux. Once associated exclusively with the social underbelly (gangs, sailors, prisoners, outlaws), a late twentieth century renaissance of radical body modi cation has ushered in a new era of cultural expression and ideological representatio n through body manipulation. While the long-standing argument that in Canada and other Western societies radical body modi cations, deviant images, and social stigma tend to go hand-in-hand maintains credibility (Gray 1994), this categorizatio n often limits the analysis of the practices in Western culture as legitimate and
We use the word permanent cautiously here. Where tattooing is concerned, for example, there have been medical and technical means of removing tattoos from the esh for some time, including skin grafts and, more recently, laser surgery. However, by permanent modes of body modi cation we imply practices such as tattooing that are intentionally designed to alter ones esh and physical appearance in a lasting way.
1

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respectable forms of art or personal expression (Demello 1993, 1995; Friedman 1996; Gallick 1996; Vail 1999). In this article, we draw upon several literaturesspeci cally those examining the body, deviance, and social control to explore the practices of a group of Canadian body modi cation practitioners who are at the forefront of the move toward incorporating radical body modi cation into everyday life; namely, the Neo Primitives (NPs).2 NPs are a growing strand within the body modi cation scene (Irwin 1977) in Canada, and represent one of the most outspoken groups of radical body modi cation enthusiasts in the new era. In particular, they have challenged the deviant stereotypes associated with tattooed, pierced, branded, or scarred bodies, and have encouraged Canadians to rediscover the cultural meanings of radical body modi cation. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to explore what Elias (1987) and gurational sociologists might call the ongoing sociogenesis of the NP group in Canada by investigatin g the contemporary meanings and uses NPs ascribe to radical body modi cation. The structure of our discussion is broken down into four main segments. Following an overview of the relevant literatures and research methods employed in the study, we brie y introduce the genesis of the NP movement in North America. Leaning on terms and categories adopted by participants themselves, we then discuss six main rationales NPs promulgate for radical body modi cation, and examine how NPs understandings of their body modi cations are intersubjectivel y shared within the group. CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS The Culturally Inscribed Body As sociologists, we are interested in how and why culture may be inscribed upon the physical body. In a number of different ways, it has been shown that the physical body is an evocative text, rich in social, cultural, political, and religious signi cance (Frank 1991a, b; Turner 1984). By inferring the physical body, our focus is less on the body that emerges biologically (such as the body experiencin g cancer, AIDS, or other illnesses) than on the socially constructed body the body that is voluntarily sought out and manufactured as a site of social and cultural meaning.
2 Though widely known as Neo Primitives, this group is also alternatively known as Modern Primitives, Urban Aboriginals, and Urban Primitives.

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Chris Shilling (1993) refers to body modi cation as an intentionally designed body project, and argues that such projects help symbolically construct an individuals self and social identity. For Shilling, the body is always in a process of becoming, as its size, shape, appearance, and contents are subject to reconstruction on an ongoing basis, often in socially deviant ways. An assortment of body projects, or esh journeys, have been topics of investigation for sociologists. These include the hyper-muscular body (Bordo 1993; Klein 1993; Miller and Penz 1991; White, Young, and Gillett 1995), the emaciated body (Ellman 1993; Lupton 1996; Seid 1989), the trans-gendered body (Butler 1989; Segal 1994), the cosmetically altered body (Balsamo 1996; Davis 1994), and the cybernetic body (Balsamo 1995; Haraway 1991). As radical and nonradical body work (Miller and Penz 1991) has blossomed as a form of popular self-expressio n in North America, we have seen a proliferatio n of research on body work in sociology and academia in general. While at rst glance seemingly dissonant, what uni es these and other forms of cultural expression is the conscious attempt to alter the bodys natural parameters in some way; to inscribe upon the body a set of symbols that instantly distinguish it from the mainstream and connect it af liatively or disaf liatively with the other marked up bodies and groups. Of course, altering the body voluntarily as a form of style represents only one aspect of a complex social process that must also include audience response. As ideas about what constitutes deviance (i.e., in relation to the body) are socially constructed and consciously resisted by social groups, we must consider how actors anticipate social reaction to their deviant bodily styles or conduct. In presenting radical and confrontational style (such as nonmainstream forms of body modi cation), individuals are often seeking to elicit a negative response from others. Deviance, then, may be instrumental for those interested in resisting social norms and conventions (Clarke 1975; Hall and Jefferson 1975). The deliberate presentatio n of a profane or marked body is, as Hebdige (1979) writes, given to be deconstructed in a negative way. As has been noted in the sociological literature on another hugely popular culture practice sport (Bourdieu 1978; Eichberg 1998; Gruneau 1983; White, Young and Gillett 1995) the body is contested terrain. Research has shown that just as the meanings of sport in our society are disputed, the experience of the body in sport is subject to context-speci c de nition and interpretation . From this

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starting point, we argue that one of the fundamental sociological issues taking place in both the adoption of and response to radical body modi cation is cultural struggle over legitimate ways of using the body (Bourdieu 1978; Shilling 1993). Body Modi cation and the Social Sciences With the exception of Clinton Sanders work on tattooing, sociologists have been somewhat inattentive to the study of nonmainstream body-modi cation. Aside from a series of scattered ethnographies (i.e., Myers 1997; Pitts 1998; St. Clair and Govenar 1981; Vail 1999) and some historical accounts (i.e., McCabe 1997; Rosenblatt 1997; Steward 1990), sociological inquiry into the practices is minimal, especially in the Canadian context. Arguably, Sanders work on tattooing represents the most comprehensive existing analysis of radical body modi cation in the West. In our view, his text Customizing the Body: The Art and Culture of Tattooing (1989), should be a starting point for anyone interested in the eld. Exploring the tattoo as both a voluntary and involuntary mark of stigma, Sanders effectivel y reintroduced the topic to sociologists. Writing at the onset of the body modication renaissance in North America, he alludes to its changing signi cance in our culture. Recognizing a return to alternative styles, a reinvigorated youth movement, and a boom in the tattooing of females, Sanders (1989, 1991) provides important suggestions for structuring subsequent research on radical body modi cation. Research on radical body modi cation arising out of other academic disciplines is insightful, but may not re ect the contemporary cultural uses of body modi cation in Canada (including the NP practices). For example, cultural anthropology provides some interesting case studies on either the tribal uses of body modi cation (Camphausen 1997; Ebin 1979; Gell 1993; Rubin 1988) or tattooing in other urban cultures (Martischnig 1987; Richie and Buruma 1980). However, given the complexities of Canadian cultural history, parallels between the case studies are insuf cient to serve as a framework for a contemporary sociological analysis of the practices in the late 1990s. Unfortunately, the work of some psychologists has severely limited a broader understanding of radical body modi cation (i.e., Grumet 1983; Houghton et al. 1996; Howell, Payne, and Roe 1971; McKerracher and Watson 1969; Newman 1982; Verberne

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1969). Theorizing that tattoos are physical indicators of individual pathology, psychologists have often attempted to correlate tattooing homosexuality as well as criminal attitudes, low self control or other behavioral disorders: Many Westerners do not belong to particular groups where tattooing is expected, yet they resort to this primitive method of emotional expression. Many of these individuals congregate in institutions that cater for disordered social behavior. This suggests that in our culture there may be a greater likelihood of tattooed persons having an abnormal personality than persons who are not tattooed. Emotional immaturity is the personality factor nominated as the primary trait associated with the urge to mutilate the body with tattoos (McKerracher and Watson 1969:167 168). Such perceptions have done little to produce an accurate picture of the cultural meanings associated with body modi cation and do not allow participants to speak for themselves using their own terms and categories. Therefore, while the existing literature on radical body modi cation has introduced the subject to sociologists, a portrait of the contemporary uses and interpretations of radical body modi cation (such as in the NP group) is only beginning to develop. RESEARCH APPROACH Four conventional qualitative research strategies participant observation, semi-structured open-ended interviews, observation, and content analysis were employed in this research. Data were collected from body modi cation artists (using interviews, observations, and content analysis), and from those who engage in NP body modi cation (using participant observation, interviews, observation, and content analysis) in two major metropolitan areas in Canada (Toronto, Ontario and Calgary, Alberta). Field relations were facilitate d by personal involvement in the radical body modi cation scene in Canada.3 Emphasis throughout
3 While both authors share a sociological interest in the subject at hand, the rst author, whose own esh journeys include tattoos and piercings, has been directly involved in the body modi cation movement for several years. All of the direct eldwork (interviews and participant observation) has been conducted by him.

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the course of the research was on body modi cation artists who participate in the NP movement. This has been a tactical and practical sampling approach as these artists are at the forefront of the body modi cation scene in Canada, and hence have a great deal of knowledge about the practices, ideologies, and individuals involved. Having rst developed acquaintances with tattoo and piercing artists at several studios where NP members gather, contacts were subsequently established with clients. Thus, the sampling strategy was a combination of purposive and snowball sampling. Artists routinely provided the names of other artists, and acted as invaluable sponsors in the sampling process. Clients were generally met at the studios, and asked if they would provide names of friends, family, or acquaintances also involved in body modi cation practices. The principle methods of data collection have been participant observation and semi-structured interviews with body modi cation artists (n H 20) and their clients (n H 35). The interview data are supplemented with observations made at various body modication studios (n H 25), observation at rituals of the esh and group body modi cation events or ceremonies (n H 6), and observation of artists and their clients at body modi cation conventions (n H 4). For purposes of con dentiality and to preserve anonymity, the names used in this paper are pseudonyms and bear no resemblance to respondents actual names. Interview schedules with NPs were relatively exible, focusing on questions that attempted to probe the meanings involved in doing body modi cation. The interviews themselves ranged in length (from 30 minutes to, in some cases, 5 hours) and 11 (55%) of the 20 artists interviewed (and 13 of the 35 clients37.14%) were interviewed more than once. Of the artists interviewed , 15 (75%) were male and 5 (25%) female, with a group age range of 19 37 years. The majority of artists interviewed were White (90%), with only two exceptions (both of these individuals were AsianCanadians). Of the clients interviewed, 21 (60%) were male and 14 (40%) were female, with an age range of 18 43. The sample of clients was somewhat more racially diverse, including 21 (60%) White interviewees , 9 (26%) Asian-Canadian interviewees , and 5 (14%) African-Canadian interviewees. It is important to note that while many other artists and their clients were interviewed as part of a larger and ongoing research project, the focus in this particular study was on the self-described members of the body modi cation scene involved in the Canadian NP movement estimated by

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some NP artists to account for 5 8% of all body modi cation enthusiasts in Canada. The faction of the NPs in Toronto is perhaps the nexus of the scene in Canada, and therefore served as the ideal launching point for the research. With a culturally diverse population of over 3 million and a continually expanding metropolitan base, the area acts as the broadcast beacon of radical body modi cation styles in Canada. Many of the NP body modi cation styles that become popular in other major metropolitan areas around the world (San Francisco, New York, Los Angeles, London, Berlin) are ltered to body modi cation studios in Canada through the artwork emanating from Torontos studios. Most recently, the research has shifted to Calgary (population of approximately 850,000). Located in an af uent province of Canada, the city has an alreadyestablished body modi cation scene. However, just ten years ago there existed only one tattoo studio in Calgary. In 1999, there were 17, with numerous independent artists operating out of their homes or other quarters. Along with the majority of studios in Canada, many of them branched out into other forms of radical body modi cation, normally by hiring other artists who specialize in a particular practice (most commonly, particular styles of piercing, branding, or scari cation). In addition, studios now employ artists who specialize in piercing, branding, or scari cation only. However, the NP movement remains youthful in this burgeoning metropolitan area. Given the nature of the sampling procedure, there are obvious questions as to the generalizabilit y of our data. While examinations of various factions of the larger body modi cation scene have been conducted throughout the research process, we are focusing here on the NP movement in Canada, with occasional references to its American counterpart. As Canadian body modi cation closely parallels the movement in the United States, it is useful to draw comparisons between the practices in both countries. For reasons already described, the cities chosen in Canada re ect the movements origins. Quite simply, research has been conducted where the body modi cation scene is vibrant. Artists and their clients in these cities are the target populations from which we have sampled, as they compromise a large portion of the population of NPs in Canada. Even though several conceptual and theoretical themes relevant to the study of NPs cut across the study of other groups which practice mainstream and radical forms of body modi cation, the interpretatio n provided in this article is re ective

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of Canadian NPs only; the article is not intended as an account of all body modi cation practices or groups in Canada. THE SOCIOGENESIS OF THE NEO PRIMITIVE MOVEMENT While primitive forms of body modi cation have never stopped being adopted as bridges to the past in some cultures (the use of tattooing in Maori societies of New Zealand is an obvious example), the Western subcultural adoption of so-called primitive styles is a recent phenomenon (Rosenblatt 1997). Essentially, NP body modi cation re ects diverse rituals of the esh. Of the radical forms of body modi cation practiced, four are most prevalent: 1) tattooing characteristicall y done in black and red ink with (large, often full body) designs resonating with tribal lines and shapes that follow the bodys natural contours; 2) piercing often complementing the primary activity of tattooing. Locations vary according to personal signi cance including, it seems, most areas of the skin; 3) branding or burning the most simple of all body modi cation practices but involving the most sensory and ritualistic methods of application; and, 4) scari cation an historically meaningful cultural expression that has been traditionally shunned by Western culture and is hence prime for reinsertion into contemporary expressive practice. The genesis of the NP movement in North America can be traced back to an interest in tribal lifestyles and artwork that developed in the late 1970s in major urban centers such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, New York, and Toronto (Camphausen 1997; Gray 1994; Lautman 1994; Robinson 1998; Rosenblatt 1997; Rowanchilde 1995; Vale and Juno 1989). Promoting the practice of radical body art as a method of self-expressio n and aesthetic experimentation , North American practitioners soon found that perceptions of body modi cation were changing; speci cally, a new level of social acceptability and appreciation seemed to be emerging.4 This was the stage for what might be described as the primitive revolution in North American body modi cation, articulated by various tribal tattoo styles (the Maori of New Zealand, the Dayak of Borneo, and the Haida of North America), a resurgence in primitive body modi cation practices more generally (i.e., piercing,
4 There is insuf cient space here to precisely detail the history of NP body modi cation. For in-depth overviews of this history, see Camphausen (1997), Rosenblatt (1997), Rowanchilde (1995), or Vale and Juno (1989).

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branding, scari cation, and bone manipulation), and a growth in related print media sources to promote and support an expanding social appetite for information on the movement (i.e., Body Play and Modern Primitives, Piercing Fans International Quarterly, and Tattoo Savage).5 As one of the pioneers of the American Neo Primitive movement, Fakir Musafar has researched, practiced, and promoted radical body modi cation for years (Rosenblatt 1997; Vale and Juno 1989). While Musafar has been criticized by some in the body modi cation community for promoting unsafe practices, he has, along with tattoo artists such as Ed Hardy, Cliff Raven, Jim Ward and Leo Zuluetta, labored to emphasize reveal the historical signi cance of body modi cation. Arguably, Musafar has done more than almost any other person in teaching the cultural meanings and psychoemotional potential of radical body modi cation (cf. Rosenblatt 1997). Also germane in the body modi cation revival in North America, Vale and Junos Modern Primitives (1989) underlined the scope and potential of body modi cation techniques. The practices described in their landmark text include body encumberments (i.e., neck encasements), body compression (i.e., bondage), body burning (i.e., branding), body suspension (i.e., through the use of hooks penetrating the esh), and body penetration (i.e., piercing, tattooing, scarring). Their work stressed the signi cance body art has played in human history (Myers 1997; Rosenblatt 1997). Vale and Juno (1989) argue that North American society is at a crossroads of body modi cation in that there is a desire to return to the primitive meanings behind body modi cation. Part of the NP return to primitive sensibilities about radical body modi cation has included a reconceptualizatio n of how the modi ed body is displayed to others. As such, the outward and often public display of these modi cations is perhaps one of the de ning aspects of the NP approach to body modi cation. NP group members do not hide or pass (Goffman 1963) their physical differences, but rather relish in the exhibition of their modi ed bodies. Tattoos are placed in normally exposed areas such as hands, face, arms, necks, and legs. Piercings, made from stainless steel, niobium, plastic, or bone (in the form of rings,
5 Predictably, a similar boom has also occurred in the growth of websites focusing on radical body modi cation practices. Importantly, NPs widely use the internet to publicize their activities and educate others about the cultural signi cance of radical body modi cation.

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barbells, screws, and plugs) are inserted into various parts of the body. Generally, these include bodily protrusions (such as ears, nose, nipples, or genitalia) or where the skin can be stretched or manipulated to accommodate a piercing (such as eyebrows, lips, cheeks, or the neck). Branding involves burning a forged metal design into the skin, and scari cation involves cutting a pattern or design into the skin with a sharp, normally metal, implement. As the practices can be quite painful, can heal with less than artistically pleasing results, and do not have long-standing traditions in North America, the use of branding and scari cation by NPs can present socially disruptive images of the body. This seems especially true where gender codes are concerned. In a culture still deeply strati ed along gender lines, publicly displayed multiple tattoos and piercings represent a direct affront to traditional notions of femininity (Mif in 1997; Pitts 1998). Another central characteristi c of the NP group is the diversity of its members. NPs come from a cross-sectio n of social backgrounds representing variations in age, ethnic background, occupation, and sexual orientation, but share a common preference for urban life. According to the respondents in the present study, what de nes an individual as an NP is both an identi cation with a set of focal concerns expressed by the group (including the alienatio n and isolation originating out of the experience of urban culture) and the active participation in alternative social activities such as body modi cation. As it is dif cult to speak of the group as a distinct subculture with well-de ned boundaries, it is perhaps more accurate to characterize the NP movement as an urban scene (Irwin 1977). NP practices, promulgated by key gures such as Musafar, Vale, and Juno, support the claim that body modi cation is a viable means of reclaiming signi cant individual expression while developing a symbolic cultural cohesion among the group: Urban Primitives live in cities and modify their bodies in ways that have symbolic and signi cant meaning . . . [They] participate in painful rituals of the esh for reasons of personal growth, self-healing , and transformation (Rowanchilde 1995). As a social movement, then, Neo Primitivism incorporates traditions of body modi cation from various tribal cultures, links these practices and their associated meanings to current social and political concerns, and does this all within the framework of a futuristic vision of popular cultural expression. In the words of one of our

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respondents, we are not interested in the return to the primitive, we are interested in the return of the primitive(Jane 29). NEO PRIMITIVE BODY MODIFICATION: INTERPRETATIONS AND MEANINGS It is clear that the rationale of NPs for participating in what we call esh journeys involves several rich and multi-layered meaning structures. These are grounded in diverse cultural philosophies and ideologies, but are linked in the sense that they attempt to align modern forms of body modi cation with historically meaningful practices. For the most part, NPs would argue that while the technology used for performing body modi cation is markedly different from tools used in the past, the purposes behind doing body modi cation remain strikingly similar; they are thus resonant both culturally and historically . De Certeau (1984) argued that people make cultural statements using what they possess. For NPs, the esh is simultaneously an accessible canvas to be manipulated in a deeply personal, private way, and a billboard to be displayed socially. Our data suggest that these experiences and intended outcomes may be classi ed into six main areas: subcultural membership and resistance; personal status passage; creativity and individuality; physical endurance and pain thresholds; beauty and art; and spirituality. These headings derive not from our manipulations of NPs accounts, but rather from those accounts themselves and from the insider vocabularies that comprise them. Subcultural Membership and Resistance Sociology is replete with research on how individuals sharing social, economic, or political experiences and goals bond in a way largely perceived to be deviant to collectively oppose or transform the hegemonic order. Writing mainly about delinquency, Merton (1938) was one of the rst to describe such opposition as a form of adaptation to a cultural system. Later British subculture theorists (Cohen 1972; Hall and Jefferson 1975; Hebdige 1979; Willis 1978) conceived of deviance as a signifyin g practice that allows members of a community to resist feelings of social disenfranchisement . In this sense, collectivize d body modi cation celebratin g tribal styles may be understood as a group signifyin g practice (Hebdige 1979) that helps members cohere through a sense of problem sharing and solving.

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During the interviews, NPs frequently spoke of their personal dissatisfactio n with contemporary Canadian urban life. Their physically marked bodies are literally designed to be socially disruptive markers of discontent. Adopting a largely voluntary social stigma by acquiring and displaying profane body marks, individuals establish bonds with others who are not only irreverent to such social stigma, but relish in the aura of being socially distinct: No matter how much disdain people show me for my tattoos and brandings, I nd solace in the fact that I know so many others who share my perspectives on life; we cling to one another in times [of] doubt and pain. Theres a great sense of community that emanates out of this studio . . . something you dont experience if you go down to Smoky Joes tattoo shop and get Number 23 off the wall and never speak to anyone there ever again. Theres a family of members here that know things about me, and I know intimate personal details about them as well. Thats what these [points to tattoos] stand for (Phil 30). While body modi cation itself is not the only practice or value members collectivel y share, it serves the fundamental purpose of designating membership both to insiders and to nonmembers. The concept of bricolage is central in understanding how the NP members create a common set of symbols that are intersubjectivel y meaningful. Originally attributed to the cultural anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss (1966, 1969), bricolage refers to the process of creating new (and often socially deviant) uses and meanings for cultural objects. Drawing heavily upon the body modi cation imagery and styles of Polynesians, Melanesians, the Dyak of Borneo, North American Native cultures (such as the Haida), the Aztec, and various African tribes, NP body modi cation re ects eclectic in uences. These images and styles have been appropriated by Canadian and American NPs, giving new meanings and rationale for wearing the designs. The use of primitive body modi cation styles and techniques attempts to recapture the collective sense of community and belonging the NPs believe was achieved through tribal uses of body modi cation: In other cultures, getting a tattoo means that youre one of us. Its a mark of pride, a coming of age that no one can take

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away from you after its over. I love that about my tattoos, I feel as if Im a member of a tribe, one of the pack (Renata 25). Signi cantly, many modern subcultures (such as Goths, Skaters, Club Kids, Psychobillies, Ravers, and Skinheads) use radical body modi cation as an integral aspect of group membership and disafliation with other groups (Polhemus 1994). In this sense, body modi cation is clearly not utilized universally or with the same rationale or intent across social groups. Also key here is that group members experience and understand body modi cation in an intersubjectiv e sense. Even though journeys of the esh are deeply personalized and unique, group members explore the expressive capabilities of the modi ed body by sharing their experiences with others similarly committed to body modi cation. Therefore, the meaning behind the modi cation of the body certainly re ects unique personal biographies, but is ultimately crystallize d and understood within a group context. Personal Status Passage Since it is both an individual and collective form, NPs use radical body modi cation for personal catharsis. As Shilling (1993) comments, North Americans body projects are often highly individualized, re ecting an individuals private search for a new self, a new identity. Some members of the NP movement claim that for people who have endured emotional pain (such as illness, sexual or physical abuse, repression), body modi cation rituals help to resolve such experiences and purge the associated trauma. For some female respondents, for example, this involved coming to terms with an experience of sexual assault: I cant believe it, even now when Im sitting here talking to you [about the assault]. I was out of my body for almost two years. I cant really nd any other way of explaining this to you than by saying I felt numb. I tried not to think about my body because I felt dirty, ashamed, and like, you know, I wanted to crawl out of myself . . . Then I met the people at [NP studio]. I went in one day with a friend of mine who was getting a tattoo to commemorate the passing of her dad, and after speaking with a couple of the receptionists and one of the artists, I started thinking about getting a tattoo. . . . I thought a tattoo might help me reclaim my body, bring it back to my control, you know. I lost my body when I was raped,

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I was a stranger in my own skin . . . I cried the whole time I was being tattooed, all of the fear, and hate, and sorrow came to the surface, and every time the needles struck me I relived the pain of the rape. I dont think any amount of talk, with whoever, could have forced me to get back in touch with my body like that. . . . I consider that day my second birthday, the day I really started to move on with my life (Jenny 24). For some gay male respondents, radically modifying the esh along tribal themes served as a marker of their coming out, and as part of the declaratio n of their gay identity: I nally mustered up the courage to come out to my family and friends about three years ago, after almost 15 years of hiding who I am. Id just entered into a serious relationship with a man I met in the U.S., and after several months of enduring a long distance affair, he moved to Canada and in with me. I love C and want to be with him the rest of my life. . . . My tattoo [of a Gay Pride ag/banner] symbolizes the commitment I have made to C and to myself. This is me, this is who I am and I want people to know that Im not living in shadows anymore (Buddy, 31). In these ways, a vital part of the body modi cation process for many members of the NP movement is the ritual cleansing of a previously damaged body and self identity. In brief, NP esh journeys represent personal status passages that involve the ritualistic purging of painful emotional experiences. Marking the skin becomes a text to chronicle the passage from one point in a persons life to the next, a symbolic point of departure from one self to another. Ultimately, how publicly an individual chooses to display the passage is unique in each case. A status passage can be kept private and hidden, being shared with only a few intimates, or may be openly discussed as a means of encouraging others to explore the potential for personal growth associated with the practices. In either situation, body modi cation is both an inward and outward symbol that the person has made a conscious life choice that binds him- or herself to a desire to move beyond a former identity or experience.

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Creativit y and Individualit y For NP members, radically modifying the body often represents a political statement against limitations to personal expression and creativity . Feeling that they are prisoners social to conformity, members claim that many people feel limited in the potential range of personal (bodily) expression available given the mores of Canadian institutions and settings. Ironically, while NPs believe that Canadians are more tolerant than other cultures toward diverse cultural beliefs and expressions, they actually perceive individuality to be in decline in the modern global village as spatial areas and cultural differences are fused. As the sense of community is in decline in the modern urban metropolis and people are being dehumanized through technology and computers (for instance, email addresses, PINs, credit cards, and drivers licenses), NPs claim that they are searching for a method of reinjecting individuality into Canadian culture: See this, all of this, this is about me and nobody else. This is like, like another way to introduce myself, another name I have. No one else will look like this, ever, because the designs I have done are custom, thats what we believe in . . . its like another signature or thumb print, its all about me (Brian 27). For this reason, the standard forms of body modi cation NPs adopt are predominantly custom work. Tattoos, brandings, and piercings are typically designed for (and sometimes by) the individual, taking into consideration the idiosyncratic biography of the person, the contours and shape of his or her body, and artist-clien t negotiated ideas about the aesthetic appearance of the prospective work. Though in uenced by tribal body modi cation styles around the world, most of the body modi cation work done is understood as a one-time design, as noted by a 29-year-old artist: Every person that walks through the door comes in because theyre searching for something. My job is to lead them down the path of discovery. I have to get to know them, to become friends so I can get into their heads and help them become who they want to be. So, I think an artist needs to be a shaman, a healer, and a soothsayer that guides a mystic journey. . . . The mark that remains in the skin is only the end of the process, man, it remains when the journey is over, or to mark

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that it [the journey] has only begun. Thats why I dont tattoo designs off the wall, and its why we sit down together and draw out something unique for every soul who walks in here (Aaron). Normally, NPs are well acquainted with the artist performing their work, and it is not uncommon for modi cations to take place only after several consultations. Even though the markings are unique to the individual, the general pattern or structure of the NP style is generic enough that members of the group are able to recognize, read, and decode the symbols. This is partly achieved through a collective knowledge of primitive (i.e., tribal) art and the personal relationships fostered between many NPs. Radical body modi cation serves a two-fold task for NPs in this respect. The outwardly expressed physical body transmits a language of common symbols and codes between group members that establishes or represents a group af liation. The modi ed body and its physical markings help represent relationships that are established in response to a collective rejection of social limitations to personal creativity and expression. At the same time, marks of af liation also represent symbols of disaf liation that distinguish group members from nonmembers or, as they see it, those who buy into more conventional forms of body display. Physical Endurance and Pain Thresholds One of the most obvious possibilities open to radical body modi cation practitioners is to allow insiders, such as NPs, to participate in group-based and individual pain rituals (Atkinson and Young 1998; Myers 1997; Robinson 1998; Rosenblatt 1997; Rowanchilde 1995; Vale and Juno 1989). Body modi cation experiences, and again especially the more radical forms (such as tattoos located on tender skin), provide members with contexts to learn how to understand pain as a sensory experience open to social construction and interpretation. As markers of physical toughness and the ability to endure painful ordeals, radical body modi cation carries social messages about the wearers abilities to experience and relish in practices to which many people show a personal and social distaste. For example, rituals of the esh are used to challenge Western notions of the physical capabilities of the female body to endure pain (that is, pain not associated with childbirth); they accent the active desire to experience and embrace physical pain as a means of personal growth. For NPs, the experience of

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physical pain is seen as a vehicle to conjure altered physical and mental states; it is not to be avoided and feared, but rather collectively respected as an austere illustration of personal integrity and growth: We revel in the discussion of emotional pain but treat the topic of physical pain like its fucking deviant, right?. . . . I want everyone I talk to, to understand that when you feel that steel slip through your skin you have to embrace it and understand what you will be after its over changed for life (Sue, 33). The process of accepting and using the pain associated with body modi cation is another facet of the group af liation process. Just as the tattooed image or piece of surgical stainless steel inserted under the skin can be read by audiences, so can the implicit experience of pain behind the marks. Members of the NP movement read, appreciate, and even hierarchize each others experiences, understanding in an instant the kind and level of pain implied by particular markings. Again, these deconstructions are used as an integral part of forming a collectivit y of individuals who coalesce around intersubjectiv e understandings of the body. Research on sports-related pain and injury has uncovered the dimensions of how pain is socially constructed and experienced. For example, this literature has shown how the injured or pained athletic body can be as damaged socially as it is physically. Since athletes identities (and often, with elite performers, their material livelihoods) are closely tied to the ability of their bodies to perform, a disabled body can lead to a discredited self and a spoiled identity (Sabo 1986; Young, White, and McTeer 1994). The view that the self is in some way diminished by a marred or compromised physical body highlights dominant Western beliefs that a perfect (i.e., beautiful, muscled, athletic) body is an outward representatio n of an equally admirable inner self. In their own way, NP members seek to turn this cultural understanding of pain and injury on its head, by participating in painful esh journeys that are widely believed to help individuals actually expand the capabilities of their bodies and selves: Every time Im pierced theres a rush of adrenaline. Im so jacked up because the feel of the cold needle is like a drug, it hurts but its sweet. Some people get on roller coasters and

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some jump out of airplanes to feel it, and thats cool, but you dont have anything more than a memory after you do it. My body is a living testimony to my desire to push the envelope. Ive got seventeen piercings and Ive been tattooed ten times just to feel it. . . . I dont think Im stronger and more con dent as a person, I know it! You know, when I look down at myself and see what I have created, I like it (Jay, 25). Rather than passively accepting dominant social constructions about how bodily pain is to be avoided, hidden, or reluctantly accepted, NP pain rituals are intended to be brought to the fore; they are discussed almost as a black eye or a lacerated face is to be displayed as a badge of honor to some, usually male athletes (Young, White, and McTeer 1994). The pain associated with a piercing or a tattoo is far less an unfortunate consequence of the body modi cation process than one of the core reasons for participation. In one NPs words: I have a T-shirt that simply says Yes, it does hurt. I dont mind if people ask if a tattoo hurts; in fact, I had to get used to it about ve years ago when I rst started [as a tattoo artist] cause its [the question] the rst thing out of most peoples mouths. My perspective is that it sets me apart from people who are afraid, and I suppose if it didnt hurt, everyone would have one, and a tattoo wouldnt mean really as much (Mike, 25). Thus, often shunned as repugnant self-mutilation , painful forms of radical body modi cation are not viewed by NPs as acts that symbolically destroy the self, but rather a means of constructing physically stronger bodies and emotionally empowered social selves. Although other forms of body modi cation intended to empower the individual (such as plastic surgery), may also be physically painful, it tends to be the outcome of that practice the thinner thigh, the enlarged breast that is the catalyst to increase esteem, not the pain process itself. Beauty and Art Perhaps the most cited rationale NP members provide for engaging in forms of body modi cation is their desire to provide alternative de nitions of beauty and art:

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Theres an elegance but [also] a raw, primal lure that invigorates every hormone racing through my body. I think theyre [piercings] more beautiful than anything youll ever see in Vogue. Its exactly what the stale brand of beauty we revere desperately needs . . . a good shaking up (Peter, 25). Collectively rejecting mainstream notions of what is aestheticall y pleasing as banal and uninspired, NP members place importance on considering traditionally deviant forms of body expression and appearance as appealing. Attempting to break free from what they see as repressive Western conceptualization s of beauty and art NPs stress the importance of taking personal control over the body in a culture that certainly tolerates a degree of individual body play, but ultimately seeks to regulate, restrict, and prohibit the completely free pursuit of bodily jouissance: When I was a kid, I always used to draw on my jeans. All the kids did it. Remember that? I bet you did it. But my mom would tear a strip off me when I came home after school and she found pen all over me. She said it made me look like trash or something . . . and when I got to be older I started to wear a pound of make-up everyday, and people had problems with that, calling me a whore or a tramp. . . . All my life Ive wanted to color myself, design my body into artwork, you know? But every time I tried people hassled me saying it wasnt appropriate or it looked tacky. Like people have the right to make me toe the line with what they think is beautiful. So after I had my rst tribal tattoo nished, I said to myself, This is beautiful, this is me, and it aint coming off no matter how much people complain. All of my life Ive wanted this, to be a piece of art, and now I am (Erin, 27). According to Erin and her peers, the body modi cation of NPs consciously symbolizes a form of resistance against puritan ethos of the body that members feel sti es human expression and individuality. In this pursuit, NP members are adamant about how their practices of body modi cation challenge gender codes regarding appropriate femininity(ies ) and masculinity(ies) . As the body is a principal canvas upon which normative cultural expectation s of gender are inscribed, NPs utilize the radical modi cation of the

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esh to undermine constraining codes of bodily idiom and conventional ways about being masculine and feminine. Women in the NP movement are key in this social drama as extravagan t forms of body modi cation explicitly subvert Western conceptualization s of the beautiful feminine body: Im so encouraged that more and more women are turning to body mod as a way of exing their feminine muscles. Theres a new understanding that Canadians have about what a woman can be, and I hope that we [at the studio] are playing a role in educating women that, our bodies our selves is more than a catchy feminist slogan. . . . I think women who are painted [tattooed] are beautiful because the tattoo just exudes con dence. So its beautiful, but not in the traditional way that women were tattooed as biker mauls or circus freaks, and certainly not in any bubble-gum, Betty Boop, Im a helpless bitch way (Renata, 25). Emphasizing tribal traditions behind NP body modi cation (replete with varied notions of femininity and female sexuality) , female members are quick to underscore that cultural expressions of beauty and the female body are historically varied. For example, NPs point out that women have participated equally with men in all forms of body modi cation around the world. In ancient Egypt, men were not allowed to be tattooed; only women engaged in the practice and used the tattoos as emblems of fertility and sexuality (Rowanchilde 1995). In the Mayan culture, women were widespread users of tattooing, piercing, and scari cation to aesthetically enhance the body (Camphausen 1997; Rowanchilde 1995). Women in Borneo tattoo designs on their body as indicators of their social lineage. Nubian women scar themselves to represent their fertility to males (Lautman 1994; Rowanchilde 1995). And, nally, Tiv women endure painful rituals of the esh such as scari cation to proclaim individual qualities such as strength, courage, and fearlessnes s (Rowanchilde 1995).6 In these ways, and as Mif in (1997) and Pitts (1998) have suggested, the contemporary renaissance in tattooing, piercing, and branding practices
6 Mif in (1997), Sanders (1991), and especially Camphausen (1997) provide detailed examinations of the multi-faceted historical roles women have played as practitioners of body modi cation, both voluntarily and involuntarily.

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confront notions of docile femininity by appearing at least playfully theatrical, or perhaps provocatively grotesque (Bhaktin 1984) when compared to traditional gender expectations. Similarly, male NP members stress that body modi cation can be used as a means of exploring a variety of masculine styles and identities. In the sociological literature, queer theory has repositioned the study of the male body by focusing on how hegemonic masculinity (Donaldson 1993) typically marginalizes certain types of male bodies (Connell 1995; Herek 1987; Pronger 1990). Through the use of body modi cation, NP members demonstrate that the male body is a cultural site and that codes of acceptable masculinity are as equally contested as codes of appropriate femininity. Thus, for NPs, modifying the male body can also represent a deliberate attempt to overturn hegemonic notions of power, sexuality, and masculinity: People already think because Im gay, Im less of a man. They think Im not classically macho because Ive chosen a lifestyle that runs contra to what we consider to be manly. But I think I appreciate the male body and being masculine more than others because I truly love the male body in all its forms. Thats why I admire male bodies that are marked [tattooed] in ways that question what we consider to be manly, and point out that gay men possess qualities of strength and courage that straight men egotisticall y claim ownership over. . . . People need to know that gay men are strong [physically, emotionally], but dont have to be overbearing and aggressive to prove it (Cole, 27). While both male and female NPs use body modi cation to contest dominant gender codes the point is perhaps made more obviously by women, whose marked bodies are deconstructed more ambiguously in Western culture. For all NPs, however, body modi cation becomes a conscious attempt to resist oppressive cultural ideology regarding what counts as beautiful and artistic. Spirituality The NP quest for meaning is grounded in an attempt to collectivel y overcome dif culties associated with the fragmentation of life in the late modern urban setting while providing members with a set of practices that promote personal growth. In an increasingly secular society, NP members place kudos in the rediscovery of a

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particular kind of what Gisele (28) called spirituality. One of the rst to attend to the declining signi cance of traditional religions in Canada, Bibby (1987) predicted that Canadians would eventually turn to alternative forms of religious or spiritual expression. In order to reclaim the spiritual purpose of our tribal ancestors, body modi cation is used by NPs to mark the important individual and group events in their lives and symbolically tie the individual to something greater than the present-centered individual self: We connect to each other and to the history of the planet through body marking. The spirits of our ancestors are swirling around us in the breeze and if we ignore them we are ignoring ourselves . . . so we do what they did, explore ourselves by exploring the past and how our ancestors fought to make something uniquely human out of life (Joanna, 21). Again, the importance of using forms of body modi cation as a vehicle for pursuing individual meaning in a group context is evident. As Elias (1987) notes, it is inconceivable to speak of the individual attaining a sense of individuality outside of the group context. Body modi cation practices allow the individual to enhance his or her sense of individuality and spirituality, not by consolidating the here and now, but by anchoring his or her practices in historically grounded behaviour. Meaning is gleaned from the practices by referencing the individuals experience within a broader time-space continuum of other individual experiences. Characteristi c of the late modern era, new forms of spirituality are currently being explored by Canadians. Essentially this has been, once again, a process involving bricolage. NPs draw on a diverse set of religious and philosophical doctrines to create a new age spirituality that re ects contemporary concerns. NP perspectives on the body, culture, and art are developed from a pastiche of historical in uences that imply a postmodern spirituality. However, as critics claim that NPs poach images and ideologies from others, some have stated that the cultural appropriation of tribal symbols and identities (encapsulated in their forms and styles of body modi cation) disrespects the very cultural traditions the NP members venerate. In response, NPs question the authenticity of style, arguing that most forms of cultural style are derivative:

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Ive heard the complaint a million times, and Ive run through an entire gamut of emotions about the accusations. I dont know if its jealousy over the attention people in the community have given us, or whether they just cant understand that we have so much respect for people all over the world. I have a degree in cultural anthropology, so I know that [tribal] designs and customs have evolved over centuries, and I defy anyone to nd a culture that hasnt taken inspiration from others. . . . Ive heard so much about the raping and pillaging of cultures that Neo Primitives do, that it makes me sick to think people have such blatant misconceptions about our admiration of body art. Its particularly disconcerting and professionally de ating when it comes from other body modi cation artists (David, 32). Regardless of criticism, NPs reshape iconography from other cultures in order to signify a new spirituality in the West built on a respect for the past and other cultures. As part of a collective search for identity in an increasingly mass-marketed, commodi ed, and fragmented world, NPs articulate this respect by conducting voyages of spiritual, personal, and social discovery through their body marking. CONCLUSIONS: THE NEO PRIMITIVE SCENE In juxtaposition to other research on radical body modi cation, which highlights American contexts and experiences, this article presents a snapshot of the contemporary modi cation scene in Canada, and speci cally of one rather amboyant branch of that scene known by members as Neo Primitives. The main purpose of the study has been to examine how Canadian NPs socially construct the meanings of their particular styles of radical body modi cation and account for them using insider vocabularies. While much of the extant research has couched particular pockets of tattooing and body alteration in the deviancy literature (i.e., Sanders 1988, 1989; Gray 1994), we have also sought to situate our investigatio n of Canadian NPs in contemporary theoretical debates on the body. In this sense, we are certainly concerned with the ways in which body modi cation in all its varied guises continues to be perceived as deviant and untrustworthy (Gray 1994:15). Of equal sociological importance to us, however, is to conceive of modifying the skin as a body project (Shilling

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1993) and form of identity work (Pitts 1998). In combining both approaches viewing the body both as an evocative social text and a vehicle of social resistance we have traced recent developments in meaning and form within the NP subculture in Canada. As a segmented branch of the larger body modi cation scene, NPs have created a renaissance of innovative and amboyant marking practices. Members stress the spiritual, emotional, and practical rewards of modi cation for those entrenched within and ultimately oppressed by hegemonic boundaries of physical expression in the modern metropolis, especially as those boundaries relate to codes of beauty, gender, sexuality, and personal creativity . The evidence produced by sociologists and anthropologists suggests that these creative esh journeys tend to be met with disdain and distrust. Whether we reduce radical body modi cation practices to naive individualism, the impetuousness and egocentricism of youth, or the passing fancies of hyper-commercialism, Western society seems clearly ambivalent about the meaning and implications of altering the surface of the skin. Given historically conservative codes of body representatio n in Canada, intolerant attitudes to the practices would seem to make sense. However, while exact participatio n rates remain unclear, it is apparent that body modi cation, including its more profane forms is growing in appeal to Canadians. This study points to the changing nature of body modi cation in Canada. At the very least, we can acknowledge that the primitive revival, recognized and researched in the Unites States for some time (Rosenblatt 1997), has reached urban Canada, and interpretations of what primitivism has to offer are being promulgated by groups such as the NPs. In experimenting with tribal expressions, the NPs have clearly expanded the potential uses of the body for those interested in using the skin as a personal and social journey and sign. This research also suggests that body alteration practitioners consciously develop and share understandings about their respective esh journeys. The practices are carefully scripted joint activitie s replete with agreed upon meanings and goals. Radical body modi cation is constructed to express an intersubjectivel y shared social commentary, signi ed by the speci c styles prevalent in the scene. As suggested by the data, this social commentary is grounded in the NP intent to explore the skin as a means of personal growth, and as a political canvas upon which resistance to certain aspects of mainstream culture can be etched.

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Validating Shillings (1993) wider conceptual notion, NP behavior indicates that bodies are always involved in a process of becoming. Using the body as a principal site of identity work, NPs mark signi cant events in their lives by developing the esh. As the individual becomes over the life course, the body is used to chronicle the maturing self and its varied triumphs and tragedies. In this sense, the self and esh that acts as its marker grow conjointly rather than being ritually separated. Similar philosophies toward synchronizing social experience and the esh have of course characterize d other North American groups such as gangs, sailors, and prisoners and such identity work among these groups is already well documented (Demello 1993; Steward 1990). However, as our respondents contend, it may be that their amboyant tribal use of body modi cation is not only more inclusive across a greater diversity of social groups, it is also at least as politically charged and subject to similarly suspicious audience readings. In the years to come, it will be interesting to watch the fate of the NP movement. Critics already claim that the NP movement is dead, suggestin g that it has become a part of mainstream fashion, ideologically diluted by commercial co-option and incorporation. On this matter, NPs acknowledge that in most body modi cation studios around the world, tribal styles are increasingly popular and visible. However, whether or not the styles NPs outwardly present become fully co-opted as a form of popular culture remains to be seen. Even if this were to happen, we suspect that this may be in part precisely what the NPs are seeking. Resistance theorists have often noted that profane styles inevitably become part of popular culture (Hebdige 1979). This suggests that counter-hegemonic scenes must necessarily remain isolated from the mainstream to retain their authenticity. But if the NPs are committed to changing cultural perceptions regarding uses of the esh, and what those uses imply about gender sexuality, beauty, strength, and other issues, a mass turn to body modi cation and to primitive style might be instrumental in realizing the groups goals.

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