Visual Differences in U.S.

and Chinese Television Commercials Author(s): Shuhua Zhou, Peiqin Zhou, Fei Xue Source: Journal of Advertising, Vol. 34, No. 1, International Advertising (Spring, 2005), pp. 111-119 Published by: M.E. Sharpe, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4189290 . Accessed: 10/09/2011 03:58
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VISUAL DIFFERENCES IN U.S. AND CHINESETELEVISIONCOMMERCIALS

Shuhua Zhou, Peiqin Zhou, and Fei Xue ABSTRACT: Televisioncommercials conveymuch of their powerthroughvisuals.Yet little has been done to research the visualsof U.S. and visualcharacteristics in televisioncommercials in different culturalcontexts.This studycompared within the framework of high-contextversuslow-contextculturesand individualistic Chinesetelevisioncommercials designed versuscollectivisticsocieties.The authors examinedhow visualsmanifested themselvesin two sets of variables as well as cultureindicators. Resultsshowedthat traditional especiallyfor this study:storytellingand cinematography, and identification arebettervehiclesforculturalmanifestations storytellingtechniques suchas storyline andcomparison thancinematographic variables directaddress, andpacing.Resultson cultural indicators were suchas subjective camera, mixed, however, indicatingthat valuesmanifested in visualsmight not be as simpleas first believed.

Advertisers and researchershave long been fascinated by the peculiaritiesand commonalities in advertisingappealsbetween Westem and Eastern societies. Within this interest area, one stream of researchfocuses on the cultural values conveyed in advertisements, while another concentrates on the narrative styles effective in the contexts of different societies (Cheng 1994; Cheng and Schweitzer 1996; Hong, Muderrisoglu, and Zinkhan 1987). Among these comparative studies, however, few have attended to the visual appeals embedded in commercials created in occidental and oriental markets. In fact, within the advertising and marketing literature, no research to our knowledge has investigated prevalent visual characteristics in television commercials such as visual storytelling and cinematography. This exploratory study takes an initial step in that direction. Such research is significant in that it will inform us of any visual discrepancies in different cultures, revealdiverse means of visual manipulations, and, on the practical side, enlighten international marketers who conduct culturally based advertising campaigns, which have been proven to be more effective than "generalized" advertising campaigns (Mueller 1994; Taylor,Miracle, and Wilson 1997). The paucity of research on visual characteristics is unfortunate, given that visuals in television commercials play a

Shuhua Zhou (Ph.D., IndianaUniversity)is an assistant professor in the Department of Telecommunication andFilm,Collegeof Communicationand Information Sciences,Universityof Alabama. Peiqin Zhou (Ph.D., Universityof Alabama) is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology,Nanjing University, Nanjing, People'sRepublicof China. Fei Xue (Ph.D., Universityof Alabama) is an assistant in professor the Schoolof MassCommunication andJournalism, Universityof SouthemMississippi.

crucial role in determiningeffectiveness.Many researchers believe that the powerof advertisingis conveyedin visuals, whicharemoreconciseandmoreeasilyandquicklyprocessed thanverbal language (Berger1998;Lester 2000). Barry (1997) thatimageadvertising argues touchesthe humanprimalsense of being becauseall imagesare by naturegestalts that have the potentialto imply morethan the sum of their parts.Indeed,visualsin today's advertising areubiquitous.In 30 secthe onds,adsstriveto offerus a compellingreason to consider product,typicallyby tappingviewers'aestheticsensibilities andcultura affinity.Necessarily, they call for effectivestorytelling, creativemeans to reachconsumers'hearts,and insightfiil abstractions to conveymeaningslargerthan the ads themselves. Of the research conductedon the visual content of comone focusis on imagesthat could help to sell prodmercials, ucts and their social influences(Harrison 2000; Kelly et al. 2000; Reichert2003). Anotherline of research is generlly qualitative,examiningvisualsas rhetorical devicesin adverand Hsu 2003). In additising (Scott 1994; Stafford, Spears, tion, most of thesestudiesusedmagazine adsas theirunits of In the studiesthatexamined analysis. televisioncommercials, the researchers mainlyfocusedon the effectsof visualcontent with verbal andits interaction information andKnupfer (Pryor 1997; Slateret al. 2002). Specificstorytellingand cinematographictechniqueswerenot explored.
It is equally important, however, to consider the "execution" of ads, that is, how messages are communicated to the

audience, especially through visualproduction techniques (Cho

et al. 1999). This lack of knowledge compels us to examine the application of variousvisualnaratives in televisioncom-

mercials.As technologyevolves,visual communicators have increasingmeansof manipulation to persuade consumers to buy products(Barry1997).
J wJ ofAwti& i vol. 34, no. 1 (Spring2005), pp. 111 19. 0 2005 Amerin Academy of Adveiaing. All rights reserved. ISSN0091-3367 / 2005 $9.50 + 0.00.

112 The Jo#rnalof Advertising

we chosethe United Statesand purposes, Forcomparative

China to represent two types of cultures that were of theoretical import to this study, that is, low-context versus high-

versuscollectivisticcultures.The contextand individualistic and selectionprocessalso took into accountthe phonological logographicnatureof the English and Chinese languages,
because people of the latter are believed to rely more on visu-

andLee2003). In addition,the (Tavassoli als for information

two countries represented two extremes in terms of advertis-

spendIn 2003, the totalamountof advertising ing maturity. $148 billion,whichcomprised reached ing in the UnitedStates (Zenith Media Publica45% of total world ad expenditure spending in China, totaladvertising tions 2003). In contrast, Assoin 2002 wasa meager$11.3 billion(ChinaAdvertising ciation 2002). HIGH-CONTEXT VERSUS LOW-CONTEXTCULTURES It is assumedthat people in differentsocietiesboth perceive to the normsandvaland utilize visualimagesin accordance visualimagesareboth ues of theirown culture.Theoretically, withina society(Newof humanbehaviors agentsandartifacts as a theoretiton 2001). This study used culturaldifferences the visualcategories. cal startingpoint to rationalize is a constructoften used to describeglobal Contextuality and (HC)cultures Therearehigh-context cultural differences. low-context (LC)cultures,between which exist significant content,in in how people relateto informational differences that is implicit or explicit. In LCculinformation particular is vestedwithin explicit codes,such tures,most information as posandthoroughly that things arespelledout as concisely sible (Hall and Hall 1987). For example,messagesare exon whatis actually dependence plicit, andthereis considerable said or written. In contrast,high-contextculture is one in assumea great amountof shared which the communicators In is necessary. knowledgeandviews,so that less explanation socialhierarchy, HC cultures,intimatehumanrelationships, rather and socialnormsall influencehumancommunication, a belongto highthanthe messagealone.Chineseconsumers by the useof symcontextcultural groupthat is characterized whereas verbal andindirect expressions, bolismandnonverbal countriesare the United Statesand most westernEuropean to explicit information LC countriesaccustomed considered (Hall and Hall 1987; and directspeechthat is less reflective Chang,and Catalano1992). Zandpour, by the culturein contentis heavilyinfluenced Advertising the researchers high/lowconusing Some which it is created. have confirmedthat context can be a pretext demarcation dictor of advertisingcontent (Cho et al. 1999; Lin 2001). Miracleand his colleagues,for example,foundthat advertisusedaffective elefrequently ing in a high-contextculture

ments to establish context, whereas advertising in a lowcontext culture often used direct or even confrontationalstatements to differentiate products (Miracle, Chang, and Taylor have 1992; Miracle,Taylor,and Chang 1992). Other researchers of highnature and reflective instinctive to the also pointed context culture, and found that its advertising regularly employed indirect messages, used more visual cues, and stressed depth rather than breath, whereas advertising in low-context cultureswas more likely to use unequivocalmessagesand stress breadthratherthan depth as it aimed for explicit communication (Lin 1993; Roth 1992; Tai and Pae 2002). INDIVIDUALISM VERSUS COLECITIVISM

Sociologists also use the concepts of individualism and collectivism to differentiate cultures (Hofstede 1980). In individualist cultures, uniqueness and self-determination are valued. People who show initiative or work well independently are admired. Collectivism, on the other hand, is marked by closely linked individuals who see themselves belonging to one or more collectives and are inclined to give priority to the goals of the groups before their own. Collectivist societies expect individuals to identify with and work well in groups; the group offers protection in exchange for loyalty and compliance (Earley and Gibson 1998; Triandis 1995). Research has shown, for example, that a difference on the individualism-collectivism dimension representsa primary distinction between Chinese and American cultures (Chan 1986; Ho 1979). Historically, as a collectivistic culture, China has emphasized the importance of family, social interests, and collective actions, while de-emphasizing personal goals and accomplishments (Li 1978; Oh 1976). The United States, on the other hand, is known for its rugged individualism, and the belief that each person is an entity separate from others and the group (Spence 1985). Previous research has demonstrated that this individualism and collectivism framework has important implications for the content of advertisements. Content analyses of magazine advertisements, for example, suggest that Korean ads tend to use more collectivistic appeals, whereasU.S. ads tend to use more individualistic appeals (Han and Shavitt 1994). Similar results were found in JapaneseversusU.S. ads (Javalgi, Cutler, and Malhotra 1995). HYPOTHESES Two sets of hypothesesareproposedin this investigation. First, the concept of cultural context is used to examine visual characteristics variables. These include visual story line, visual comparison, visual identification, pacing, subjective camera (in which the camera assumes the perspective of the viewer), and direct address (where a characterspeaks directly tO the

Spring 2005 camera). These variables have been used to study television news dramatization, a concept akin to creating a television commercial within a limited time (Grabe and Zhou 2003; Grabe, Zhou, and Barnett 2001). Second, the concept of individualism-collectivism is used to test the second set of variables that are related to the manifestation of cultures, with a comparison of such factors as emphasis on history and tradition, as well as group consensus. Storytelling As previously discussed, emphasis in a low-context culture is on what is explicitly expressed and presented. Communication is considered optimum if ideas are clearly and thoroughly stated, whereas in a high-context culture, expressions can be more ambiguous. To measure the completeness of information, we designed a variable to see whether the visuals of a commercial present a complete story line with a beginning, a middle, and an end. Obviously, the shortest way to a direct story in a commercial is to juxtapose a series of shots such that the story is self-evident. A visual story line is defined as a complete shot sequence, which shows a problem solved without the aid of audio information. For example, a beer commercial would be considered to have a complete visual story when a man is shown in a grocery store checkout without enough money to pay for his two selected items and finally decides to buy the beer instead of the toilet paper.We expect commercials in a low-context culture to utilize more visually direct stories. Hence: HIa: U.S. ads featuremorecomplete visual storylines than

113

know what products are being advertised. Past researchalso indicated that Japanese commercials were more likely than U.S. commercials to acknowledge brand names (Miracle, Taylor, and Chang 1992). We therefore hypothesize: H1c: U.S. ads visually identifybrandnamesearlierin the commercial than do Chinese ads. To include as much information as possible in a commercial, producers must also use as many shots as possible in a given time span. This means that in a low-context culture, pacing, as measured by the average duration of a shot, may be faster than in a high-context culture. Previous empirical studies also indicate that pacing in U.S. programming is faster, and that such pacing is often used to maintain viewers' attention (Lang et al.1999; Lang et al. 2000). On the other hand, consumers in high-context countries are apt to derive additional meanings from the embedded cues within a commercial; shot durations therefore need to be longer in order for consumers to process all of the cues in each shot, which means slower pacing. For example, in his 1987 study, Miracle found that Japanese ads spent considerable time establishing context, a finding confirmed by a later study (Miracle, Taylor, and Chang 1992). Thus: Hi d: Pacing is faster in U.S. ads than in Chinese ads. An interesting technique in television is the subjective shot, in which the camera simulates the perspective of the viewer. Normally, the cameraassumes the perspective of an objective observer by showing viewers the objects and activities in the visual field. With the subjective camera, however, viewers' involvement becomes mandatory because they are no longer just observersof the event. In television advertising, the subjective camera is often used to "lead"viewers to a presentation of the explicit virtues of an advertised product, a typical practice in a low-context culture, where messages are clearly articulated (Wells 1987). A high-context culture, however, does not lend itself well to this exploratorytechnique, as much is assumed in the context, inviting less need for an explicit enumeration through the subjective camera lens. Thus: Hl e: U.S. ads use moresubjective cameraimages than do ads. Chinese Another camera technique is the direct address, in which the actor or endorser speaks directly to the viewer (the camera). Messaris (1994) described this form of camera work as a a resemblance to real-world experipart of "paraproximics," ence through the skillful use of production means. With direct address, real-world physical closeness and psychological intimacy give the audience a sense of intimacy with an onscreen character.This can be a means to cultivate dependency, a characteristicof collectivistic cultures, where individualism is viewed relatively negatively. The direct address is an effiort

doChinese ads.
Another approach to present explicit and direct information is to use direct product comparisons, so that the strength and weakness of the product and its competition are clearly spelled out. Cheng (1994) indicates that Western advertising emphasizes the specific merits of a product, whereas advertising in high-context cultures is less likely to do so. Highcontext cultures also encourage the avoidance of direct comparisons to maintain consensus and harmony (Miracle, Taylor, and Chang 1992). For example, Steward and Furse (1986) found that U.S. ads often used direct statements and sometimes used confrontational comparisons to differentiate brands. It is therefore hypothesized:

HI b: U.S. ads usemore direct,visual productcomparisons thandoChinese ads.

Because LC cultures typically offer more explicit information to convey thoughts and actions more concretely (Hall and Hall 1987), it stands to reason that to avoid confusion, such information should be stated as soon as possible by quickly acknowledging the brand names so the audience will

114 TheJournal of Advertising

andthe addressees betweenthe addresser to establishrapport (Grabe,Zhou, and Barnett 2001), and to foster trust and knowledge that each party should depend on each other in an individualistic such country (Miracle1987). In contrast, arerelaas the United States,effortsto craftsuchdependency
tively unimportant. Hence:

thandoChinese images diret-address Hlf: U.S.adsusefewer ads. Culture Manifestations (i.e., orientingto one direction Examiningmonochronicism in termsof time) and culture,Pan and his colleagues(1994) foundthat peoplein the United StatesareorientedmoretoChinesecultureis more traditional wardthe future,whereas Pastwherehighcontextis derived. toward tradition, receptive orientedsocietiesare concemedwith traditionalvaluesand in manwaysof doing things. They tend to be conservative agementandslow to changewhenthingsaretied to the past. we hypothesize: Followingthis rationale, than of history/tradition H2a: U.S. adsshow lesstvneration doChinese ads.
Evidence suggests that ads in individualistic cultures place

a high premiumon being unique, independent,successful,

and self-fulfilling, whereas their counterpartsin collectivistic

family integrity, and cultures emphasizeinterdependence, group well-being (Belk and Bryce 1986; Han and Shavitt and Chang 1992; Mueller1987). We 1994; Miracle,Taylor, culturewill therefore expectthat visualsin an individualistic displaymoreindividualsand fewergroupimages. thandoChinese ads. H2b:U.S. adsshow images group fewer METHOD Sampling Threenationaltelevisionchannelsfrom the influentialChinese CentralTelevisionStation (CCTV),the only national networkin China,were selectedfor this study.These three channelswere CCTV1, CCTV2, and CCTV5. CCTV1 is a CCTV2 with newsandentertainment, channel comprehensive is is an economicand lifestylechannel,and CCTV5 a sports in the UnitedStates-CBS, networks channel.Threenational similariA&E,and ESPN-were chosenfor their respective
ties to the three Chinese channels. CBS was selected randomly

grams from these Chinese and U.S. stations, with the first week beginning May 20, 2001, and ending on July 7, 2001. Programs were recorded every other week. The time blocks for the sampleswere from 8:00 P.M. tO 10:00 P.M. on every recording day. Rotation principle was used to maximize the representation of commercials aired by these three channels (Katz and Lee 1992). For example, on May 20, CCTV1 was recordedfrom 8:00 P.M. to 9:00 P.M., and CCTV2 was recorded from 9:00 P.M. tO 10:00 P.M. On the next day, CCTV5 was from8:00 P.M. to 9:00 P.M., andCCTV1wasrecorded recorded from9:00 P.M. tO 10:00 P.M. Duringthe two-monthsampling period, 56 hours of programs were recorded.The same procedure was followed when recording U.S. programs. Overall, 400 randomly selected ads from these programs were used. Repeated ads were deleted from the sample to maximize diversity and to increase external validity. Within the sample, frequently advertised products were auto and auto parts (15.5% in the United States versus 6.5% in China); food and drink (14.5% in the United States versus 19.0% in China); medicine (6.0% in the United States versus 18.5% in China);and beauty and personalcare (1 1.5% in the United States versus 8.0% in China). U.S. ads featured considerably more services and retailers (30% versus 4.5% of Chinese ads). In contrast, household appliance ads occupied one-fourth of the sampled Chinese ads, but only 2.0% of U.S. ads. These differences were likely a function of the different stages of economic development and income levels of the two countries. We were mindful of these differences and their possible implications for external validity. However, the categories we examined were general production techniques, which were equally applicable to all kinds of ads. Coding Instrument A visual story line was conceptually defined as a sequence of shots that told a complete story. In the actual coding process, coders purposely turned off the audio track to examine the shots in a commercial. If the visual story showed a beginning, a middle, and an end, or if the visuals showed a problem or conflict resolved, the commercial was coded as a complete visual story. If one of these components was missing, it was coded otherwise. Codersdecided that a visual comparisonwas present if two competing products and their features were either displayed through split screen or juxtaposed alternatively or in subsequent shots. The main point is that there were at least two products,or two versionsof the same product, displayed in the visuals for the purpose of clarifying strengths and weaknesses. In terms of product acknowledgement, coders evenly divided a commercial into three parts based on time, and coded whether the brand name appearedin the first, second, or last third of the commercial.

(ABC,CBS,NBC, andFox),whileA&E amongfournetworks and ESPN were chosen becauseCCTV2 and CCTV5 were modeledafterthem. recordedfour weeks of prime-timeproThe researchers

2005 Sprixg

115

TABLE I Estimate of Reliability(Perrault and Leigh's1,) U.S.sample

Visual story lines Product comparison Brand identification Pacing camera Subjective Directaddress Veneration of history/tradition GroupImages .89 .99 .95 .92 .91 .95 .93 .99

Chinesesample
.94 .9 .98 .97 .9 .97 .99 .9

Pacingwas measured as the average durationof shots (in

seconds) by counting the total number of shots and dividing

them againstthe total durationof all ads.A shot wasdefined as the durationbetweenthe onset and ending of camerarecording.Usually therewere transitionsbetweenshots, such
as simple cuts, wipes, and dissolves. However, a shot that was

from .89 to .99, again with visual story line the lowest (see Table 1). Casesof disagreement were noted and recodedby one of the authors.Foranalysisof those cases,data wereenteredbasedon the codingdecisions of the majority. RESULTS Our first hypothesispredictedthat U.S. ads containedmore completevisualstorylines thanChineseads.Overall,46.5% of all U.S. ads (93 out of 200) had visualsthat could stand aloneas a completestory,whereas 32%of all Chineseads(64 out of 200) demonstrated a visualstory.The difference in this category wassignificant,2(1) = 8.82,p < .00 1, thussupporting Hia. Hlb was also confirmed-U.S. ads did use more direct productcomparisons thanChinese commercials-but the frequencieswere small. For example,only 4 Chineseads used comparison appeals,whereas14 U.S. ads used this strategy, = X2(1) 6.87, p < .05 (see Table2). It should be pointed out that among the four Chineseads using the comparison appeal, none of them named their competitors.Two of them usedself-comparisons, highlightingthe improvements of the newversionoverthe old. The othertwo compared themselves with anonymous products.Severa U.S. ads, however, openly disparaged their competitors. Hlc proposedthat brandacknowledgement in U.S. ads would appear earlierin the commercial than in Chineseads. The resultssupported this prediction, X2(2)= 25.84, p < .01 (see Figure 1). Overall,48.5% of U.S. ads presentedbrandnameimagesor symbolsin the first thirdof the commercial, 25.2% in the secondthird, and 26.3% in the last third. For Chineseads, 33.5% appeared in the firstthird, 15.5%in the secondthird,and 51.0% in the last third. As Figure1 demonstrates,U.S. advertisers were inclined to introducetheir brandsas earlyas possible. Hld stated that the pacing of U.S. ads would be faster than that in Chinese ads. This differencewas statistically significant,t(1, 397) = -2.79,p < .01. Calculatingthe averagedurationfor eachshot appearing on screen,resultsrevealedthat the shots in U.S. ads lasted longer than shots in

continuous froma wide angleto a narrow angle,forexample, was countedas one shot. Subjectivecamerashots were countedwhen the perspective of the viewerwas assumedby the camera lens. A typical examplewasa shot in whichthe camera followedthe product
spokesperson to verify the product, as in police shows where

the camera followslaw enforcement officersto a crimescene throughthe shakycameraso that viewersfeel as if they are alsoon the chase.On the otherhand,directaddress wascoded whena personin the commercial lookedat andspokedirectly to the camera,ratherthan interactingand speakingto other people in the commercial. Veneration of historyand traditionwas coded as present when a shot showed historicalevents, sites, and people, or when a shot used traditional culturalsymbols.In China,for instance, cultural symbols included dragons, a religious temple,or festivalritesthat wereusedto projectthe product. A shot that showedat least three people was coded as a groupimage.A groupimagewascountedonlywhenthe group wasconsistently in the shot forat leasttwo-thirds of the time. Reliability To ensurereliability, two Chinese graduate studentscodedthe
entire Chinese sample and two American undergraduatese-

niorscoded the entireU.S. sample.Their respective cultual andknowledge backgrounds contributed arguably to moreinformed coding decisions. Reliability was measuredusing Perreault andLeigh's (1989) estimateof reliability, whichwas moreaccurate thanCohen's K(RustandCooil 1994).Reliability was satisfactorywith respect to all categories. For the Chinese sample, reliability estimates ranged from .94 to .99, with

visualstoryline registering the lowest(I. = .94). Estimates of reliabilityfor the U.S. samplewere slightly lower, ranging

116

TheJournal of Advertising

TABLE 2 Chi-square Statistics

U.S. percentage Visualstory lines Product comparison Brandacknowledgment (Firstone-third) (Second two-thirds) (Last one-third) Subjectivecamera Direct address Venerationof history/tradition Group images
** p < .05.
** p < .01.

Chinese percentage 32.0 (n = 64) 2.0 (n = 4) 33.5 (n = 67) 15.5 (n = 31) 51.0 (n = 102) 11.0 (n = 22) 23.5 (n = 47) 18.5 (n = 37) 46.5 (n = 93)

x2

df 1 1 2

p value .003** .03* .006**

46.5 (n = 93) 7.0 (n = 14) 48.5 (n = 96) 25.2 (n = 50) 26.3 (n = 52) 16.0 (n = 32) 17.5 (n = 35) 1.0 (n = 2) 65.5 (n = 131)

8.82 6.87 25.84

2.14 2.21 34.62 14.67

1 1 1 2

.14 .14 .00** .001**

p < .01 (opposite of hypothesized direction).

FIGURE 1 Timing of Brand Acknowledgment

60 50-303 O' 20_ First 1/3 Second 1/3 Time Last 1/3 03United States

'

*China

ployed history or tradition as appeals, whereas 18.5% of Chinese ads used this approach,X2(1) = 34.62, p < .001. Last, H2b predicted that U.S. ads would contain fewer group images than Chinese ads. This hypothesis was not supported. In fact, the results were opposite of the prediction. Overall, 65.5% of U.S. ads contained group images, 15.5% contained individual images, and 19% did not use any human images. The percentages from Chinese ads in this category were 46.5%, 23.5%, and 30%, respectively. The differences in this category were statistically significant, X2 (2) = 14.67, p < .01, albeit opposite of the prediction pattern.

Chinese ads (United States, M = 2.66 seconds, SD = 2.88; Chinese, M = 2.05, SD = 1.67). This means that the pacing of U.S. ads was actually slower than Chinese ads, contrary to our hypothesis. Hle predicted that U.S. ads used more subjective camera shots than Chinese ads. Results (see Table 2) showed that although more U.S. ads (16%) employed subjective shots than did Chinese ads (11%), the difference was not statistically significant, X2(1) = 2.14,p > .05. This hypothesis was therefore not supported. Hlf stated that U.S. ads would employ fewer directaddress shots than Chinese ads. This prediction was not supported either. Within the sample, 23.5% of Chinese ads had charactersdirectly addressing the viewer, whereas 17.59%of U.S. ads used this approach. The difference was not significant, however (see Table 2). H2a stated that U.S. ads would be less likely than Chinese ads to appeal to tradition and history as selling points. This hypothesis was supported. Indeed, only 19% of U.S. ads em-

CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSION In response to the paucity of researchin this area, the primary purpose of this study was to examine visual characteristics and visual values manifested in television commercials in different cultures. The categories designed for this study tapped into major sets of visual appeals embedded in commercials created in high- versus low-context cultures and in individualistic versus collectivistic societies. Results showed that discrepancies existed in both areas. In terms of storytelling techniques, we hypothesized that in a low-context culture, commercials would be more likely to contain complete information, presented as early and as unequivocally as possible. The results appeared to confirm the validity of these claims to a certain extent. U.S. ads did present more complete visual stories, identified their brand names earlier, and used more, direct product comparisons than did Chinese ads. Regarding pacing, subjective camera shots, and direct address, however, such claims were not sub-

Spring 2005 stantiated. No significant differences were detected in subjective camera shots and direct address between the two sets of commercials in the sample, and pacing was actually faster in Chinese ads than in U.S. ads, contrary to the proposed hypothesis. In light of the results, we further scrutinized these storytelling variables. It seemed that the three variablescomplete story line, comparison, and name acknowledgment-were staples of traditional storytelling techniques. In contrast, subjective camera, direct address, and pacing were cinematographic variables-framing a shot, framing a subject, and duration of the shot. In other words, cultural differences appear to manifest themselves more readily and apparently in more traditional approaches, but they might not translate as easily to technical production techniques. For the technical variables such as subjective camera, direct address, and pacing, efforts have to be made to inferthe implications of these variables. The argument here is that cultural differences are not as easily encoded as technical variables, whose implications are more transient. On the other hand, arguments can also be made that advertising in any country contains a significant amount of value paradoxes (deMooij 1997). It is possible that a rapidly evolving Chinese advertising industry may have difficulty reconciling new and traditional values through these technical means (Shao, Raymond, and Taylor 1999). It is also possible that professionalsin China have not yet realized the full capability of storytelling and technology. As expected, tradition and history were used more often in Chinese ads than in U.S. ads. Heritage is certainly a large component of a high-context culture. Centuries of conventions and customs arguably enable the sharing of symbols and codes. Successful communication in these cultures depends on context-the understanding of historical events, traditional mores, and common beliefs shared by the majority of the society. Contraryto our hypothesis, U.S. ads displayed more group images than Chinese ads. Originally, we hypothesized that group consensus is more desirable than individualism in a collectivistic society, and should be representedwith a prevalence of group images, especially in a collectivistic culture such as China's.Three reasonsmay explain our findings. First, we suspect that this might be due to the brevity of a number of Chinese ads. For example, although the shortest U.S. ad was 10 seconds, 31 Chinese ads (15.5%) had a duration of only 5 seconds. In such a limited time, advertisers want to provide as much product informationas possible, which caused the ad to be fast. A high proportion of these short ads featured only one character.The second likely explanation, however, lies in our understanding of individualism versus collectivism. We theorized that the former was driven by personal goals and the latter was group-oriented, which should

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translate into social interactions. The process may not be so simple, however. It is possible, for example, that individualism is best manifested in a group setting. When contrasts and comparisons between individuals are made, the personality of an individual stands out. As in many beer commercials in the United States, a person's choice of beer is often the sexual attractant in a crowded bar, because the individual's choice is different from others. Yet another explanation may be found in the literature of brand-image management. Some researchersargue that some brands have symbolic needs, in addition to functional and experiential ones (Park, Jaworksi, and MacInnis 1986). To project the symbolic value of a brand, advertisers may position an individual with a desired group to highlight a unique image (Roth 1992, 1995). Given its maturity, it's possible that U.S. advertising is particularly competent in this image-management technique, resulting in more group images, even though the message itself is individualistic in nature. Results of this exploratory study showed that the field of visual characteristicsremains a fertile one for research.Comparing different cultures and how cultural values are translated into visual differences is an endeavor that deserves more investigation. This investigation is a first step that examines the overall differences between the ads of two different societies. As such, this project is only an initial attempt to establish the causal connection between culture and visual differences. Future research may achieve more precision by making comparisons within brands. One possibility is to restrict sample commercials to transnational brands and to observedifferenceswithin brandsin different societies to increase robustness of claims about cultural differences. Like all content analyses, the results of this study remain descriptive. In other words, viewers' responses to those visual variables are unknown. Against the background of advertising globalization, it would be especially interesting to examine how viewers in a low-context country respond to the visual images from a high-context country, and vice versa. In this regard, discrepancies discovered in this study could serve as a valuable source of information for those interested in testing effects. At the very least, further empirical researchis needed in this area, which is not only theoretically interesting, but bears many practical implications as well. REFERENCES Barry,Anne Mary S. (1997), VisualIntelligence: Perception, Image and Manipulationin Visual Communication, Albany: State University of New York Press. Belk, Russell W., and WendyJ. Bryce(1986), "Materialism and Individual Determinism in U.S. and Japanese Television Advertising,"in Advances in Consumer Research, vol. 13 (1), RichardJ. Lutz, ed., Provo,UT: Associationfor Consumer Research, 568-572.

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