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Anul VI, nr.

2/2009

REVISTA UNIVERSITARA DE SOCIOLOGIE REVUE UNIVERSITAIRE DE SOCIOLOGIE UNIVERSITARY JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Anul VI - nr. 2(12)/2009

Editura Universitaria

Editura Beladi

Craiova, 2009

Colegiul de onoare:
Ctlin Zamfir - Universitatea din Bucureti, membru corespondent al Academiei Romne Ion Dogaru - Universitatea din Craiova, membru corespondent al Academiei Romne Maria Sampelayo Universidad Camilo Jose Cela de Madrid, Espana Ugo de Ambrogio Insitutul Social Milano, Italia Gilles Frigoli, Universit de Nice Sophia Antipolis, Frana Marie-Carmen Garcia, Universit Lumire- Lyon 2, Frana Bernard Lahire, Ecole Normale Suprieure Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Frana Efstratios Papanis, University of the Aegean, Grecia Philippe Joron, Universit Montpellier III, Frana Michel Crespy, Universit Montpellier III, Frana

Comitetul de redacie:
Ilie Bdescu, Septimiu Chelcea, Maria Voinea, Marian Preda, Lazr Vlsceanu, Dumitru Sandu, Ioan Mrginean, Radu Baltasiu, Zoltan Rostas (Universitatea din Bucureti), Constantin Schifirne (SNSPA), Vasile Miftode, Ion Ionescu, Nicu Gavrilu (Universitatea A.I. Cuza Iai), Traian Rotariu, Petru Ilu (Universitatea din Cluj-Napoca), Ion Vladimirescu, Cristina Otovescu-Frsie (Universitatea din Craiova), tefan Buzrnescu, Romulus Dabu (Universitatea de Vest din Timioara), Floare Chipea, Adrian Hatos (Universitatea din Oradea), Dumitru Batr (Universitatea "Lucian Blaga" - Sibiu), Mihai Pascaru (Universitatea 1 Decembrie 1918 Alba Iulia), Maria Constantinescu (Universitatea din Piteti), Dorel Abraham (CURS Bucureti)

Anul VI, nr. 2/2009

Numere aprute: 12

REVISTA UNIVERSITAR DE SOCIOLOGIE


Apare semestrial, n format tiprit i electronic (http ://cis01.central.ucv.ro/revistadesociologie/)

Colegiul de redacie Nicolae Panea, Radu Constantinescu, Cristiana Teodorescu, Marin Beteliu, Miron Roman, Constantin Crioiu, Adrian Otovescu, Liviu Belulescu

Secretariat de redacie Eugenia Udangiu, Ion Munteanu, Florin Pstoiu, Radu Petcu, Gabriel Pricin, Maria Pescaru, Veronica Ion

Director, Dumitru Otovescu

Redactor-ef, Gabriela Motoi

Publicaie semestrial Apare sub egida Institutului Social Oltenia i a Catedrei de Sociologie Universitatea din Craiova

Adresa redaciei : Universitatea din Craiova, str. A.I.Cuza, Nr.13, c. 167B Tel/Fax.: 0251/418.515; 0723/408.386; 0748/085.231 E-mail : iso@central.ucv.ro

Revista Universitar de Sociologie


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CUPRINS CONTENTS TABLE DE MATIERES


Pascal LAFONT, Marcel PARIAT (Universit Paris Est Val de Marne) La Validation des Acquis de lExprience. Interdpendance des orientations politiques et stratgiques des acteurs institutionnels et individuals /7 David LE BRETON (Universit Marc Bloch de Strasbourg) Devenir ingnieur de soi : corps et mondes contemporains /16 Jean LAGANE (Universit de Provence) Les leons de la contamination industrielle de Minamata. Analyse de la mobilisation de lopinion japonaise et de lmergence dune conscience coresponsable / 28 Yvonne GUICHARD-CLAUDIC (Universit de Bretagne Occidentale Brest) Le maintien domicile ou lentre en institution des personnes ges : une affaire de genre ? / 39 Dumitru OTOVESCU, Adrian OTOVESCU (University of Craiova) Istoricul i tipologia crizelor / 50 The history and typology of crisis / 60 Maria PESCARU (University of Piteti) Factori sociali determinani ai alcoolismului i efectele consumului de alcool asupra vieii sociale / 70 Social factors determinants of alcoholism and effects of alcohol on social life / 85 Andreea NI (University of Craiova) Evoluia intercomunalitii n Romnia / 99 The evolution of intercommunality in Romania / 106 Gabriela MOTOI, Cristina OTOVESCU-FRSIE (Universit de Craiova) Implementarea reglementrilor Bologna n statele Europei / 113 Limplmentation des rglementations de Bologne en Europe / 118 Liliana POPESCU (University of Craiova) Dispariti privind utilizarea forei de munc n regiunea de dezvoltare Sud-Vest Oltenia n perioada 1991-2007 / 125 Disparities in using the labour force within Oltenia South-Western development region during the 1991-2007 period / 132 Constantin CRIOIU, Veronica ION (University of Craiova) Raportul dintre cultur i structura social. Culturalism vs. Structuralism / 140 The relationship between culture and social structure. Culturalism vs. structuralism / 147 5

Ion MUNTEANU (University of Craiova) Pentru o sociologie i o filosofie a valorilor / 154 Pour une sociologie et une philosohpie des valeurs / 163 Anca Parmena OLIMID (University of Craiova) Libertatea religioas i regimul juridic al cultelor. ansele i limitele unei dezbateri social-teologice n Romnia la nceputul secolului al XX-lea / 172 The religious liberty and the legal status of the cults. The opportunities and the limits of a social-theological debate in Romania in the beginning of the XXth century / 180 Gabriel PRICIN (University of Craiova) Mediul rural romnesc spaiu de coabitare a dou sisteme de producie / 188 Romanian rural environment- space of cohabitation of two production systems/ 198 tefan Viorel GHENEA (University of Craiova) Percepia social sntii. O abordare din perspectiva imaginarului social / 207 La perception sociale de la sant. Une aproche de la perspective dimaginaire social / 215 Bledar ILIA (University of Craiova) Albanezii: puterea de a-i alege propriul mod de via / 223 The Albanians: the power of choosing their own way of living / 229 Adina DASCLU (University of Craiova) Provorcri n domeniul concurenei n contextul integrrii europene / 234 Challenges in the field of competition in the context of European integration/ 242 Simona MIHAIU (University of Bucharest) Deficienele sistemului de nvmnt din mediul rural romnesc n comparaie cu cele din mediul urban / 254 Deficiencies of the educational system in the rural environment as compared to the urban one / 262 Cristina ILIE (University of Craiova) Aspecte ale migraiei romneti n Marea Britanie / 271 Aspects of the Romanian migration to the United Kindom / 276 Mdlina STRECHIE (Universit de Craiova) Reforma social a regelui Romei antice, Servius Tullius / 281 La rforme sociale du roi de Rome antique, Servius Tullius / 287

Nouti editoriale / 293


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La Validation des Acquis de lExprience. Interdpendance des orientations politiques et stratgiques des acteurs institutionnels et individuels
Pascal LAFONT, Marcel PARIAT Universit Paris Est Val de Marne (France)
pariat@univ-paris12.fr

Resum : Notre approche vise identifier les dispositifs et les pratiques de Reconnaissance et de Validation des Acquis de lExprience (RVAE) mis en uvre par des organisations publiques, prives, et associatives, afin dapprhender comment et dans quelle mesure ils questionnent les modalits de lorientation et de lvolution professionnelle. Mots-cl :

Dans la plupart des organisations de travail, la mise en oeuvre de la RVAE renvoie des dmarches la fois volontaristes et conditionnes qui sinscrivent dans une optique de dveloppement durable, de cohsion sociale et de comptitivit, et couvrent leurs activits sociales, environnementales et conomiques. Face une offre de travail de plus en plus flexible, la responsabilisation des individus en nombre croissant sest accrue, tents ou contraints de penser une volution de leur vie professionnelle et sociale en fonction des ncessits dun march du travail qui impose un renouvellement de leurs comptences. Les intentions des employeurs quant la mise en uvre de la RVAE comme moyen de gagner en comptitivit sont explicitement 7

identifies, mais le sont-elles au dtriment de toute forme dorientation politique socialement responsable des entreprises, et rciproquement ? Le processus de RVAE ne peut-il induire un usage slectif intervenant dans lorientation politique de recrutement ou dans la promotion sociale du personnel des entreprises, ou encore des partenaires ? Lhypothse est de dmontrer que si linterdpendance entre les acteurs du dispositif de VAE inflchissent les orientations, cest par ce quil sen nourrit. Ds lors, en quoi lorientation stratgique des acteurs construit-elle celle des institutions et rciproquement, pour enfin mettre au jour une orientation du dispositif de VAE ? Dans le cadre dun travail de recherche sur la RVAE de salaris dentreprises et dorganisations de type associatif caractre non lucratif, telles respectivement La Poste, Adecco France, et la Confdration des Maisons de Jeunes et de la Culture, nous avons recueilli et exploit des donnes issues dentretiens semi-directifs : 6 reprsentants dorganisations employeurs et dorganismes de formation, et 18 candidats, ayant pris part la mise en uvre de la RVAE.

1. Reconnaissance et Validation des Acquis de lExprience dans des contextes dinterdpendance de ses acteurs : La rfrence la RVAE comme instrument de gestion des ressources humaines est explicite dans les entreprises du secteur marchand. Quil sagisse dentreprises publiques ou prives, un service spcifique formation existe La Poste comme chez Adecco France ; la RVAE y est intgre. En revanche, dans le secteur associatif non marchand, si la VAE est dabord envisage comme un outil de promotion sociale, de dveloppement personnel, elle est pour autant mobilise afin daccompagner les transformations inhrentes aux volutions dun secteur dactivit. Si La Poste est favorable Lengagement rsolu des postiers pour le dveloppement durable, moteur de confiance dans lavenir cest en raison dun objectif dinternationalisation et de diversification des activits induites par le processus de transformation dune entreprise publique en groupe multinational, ce qui rvle une vritable transformation du travail pour mieux rpondre aux ncessaires volutions et adaptations exiges par un nouvel environnement, ainsi quun conflit de lgitimit et didentit. Entre bnfices raliser et intrt gnral prserver, limportance du renouveau des comptences au nom duquel la direction gnrale pourrait adopter un comportement dentreprise, sans contraintes tatiques, qui lui permette de sinscrire dans une logique de

march 1 est manifeste. Cela soustend un changement des mentalits et des reprsentations rsultant dun renouvellement des gnrations au sein de lentreprise auquel pourrait contribuer la VAE2.
Teissier C. (1997), La Poste : Logique commerciale/Logique de service public la greffe culturelle, Coll. Logiques Sociales, LHarmattan, p 296 2 La Poste et les organisations syndicales signataires raffirment limportance de la validation de lexprience professionnelle acquise, notamment en situation de travail, et soulignent son intrt dans la construction et la ralisation de projets ou parcours professionnels, en particulier dans le cadre de priodes et parcours de professionnalisation (accord de branche : art. 6.2). La Poste sengage dvelopper linformation sur le dispositif de VAE et faciliter laccs des personnels, qui en feraient la demande, auprs des institutions ou organismes en charge du conseil, de laccompagnement et du financement de la VAE. Les personnels non diplms ou ayant un niveau de diplme non corrl la fonction occupe et les populations pour lesquelles la dure de la formation vise constitue un obstacle (notamment dans certaines situations de parentalit) constituent des bnficiaires potentiels de cette dmarche. Les signataires du prsent accord considrent que tout postier, compter de 45 ans ou comptant 25 ans d'activit professionnelle, est prioritaire pour l'accs la VAE. Concernant les salaris, cette priorit sera communique au FONGECIF. Des dispositifs spcifiques daccompagnement de la dmarche de VAE et de mise en oeuvre seront mis en place selon des modalits dfinies dans le cadre des accords des Directions de Mtier et dActivits. Trois sources principales dinformation sont identifies travers lesquelles la direction nationale et les directions dcentralises au niveau des dpartements, dont la
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Lorientation politique du groupe Adecco France, se distingue travers ses actions socialement responsables en faveur de la prvention scurit au travail, de l'insertion des personnes handicapes, de la lutte contre les exclusions et les discriminations, dclarant vouloir constituer une rfrence pour l'intgration des hommes et l'accompagnement des mutations sur le march de l'emploi. Outre la loi de modernisation sociale de 2002, la loi de cohsion sociale (2005) a ouvert la voie de nouvelles activits de placement, entendu au sens de recrutement et accompagnement des demandeurs demploi dans des structures spcifiques, faisant de ce secteur dactivit un secteur tremplin (vers lemploi) pour les jeunes donc un nouveau march, de nouvelles activits, de nouveaux mtiers . Ainsi sont devenues prioritaires, la scurisation des parcours et la prvention des effets de la prcarit professionnelle et socio-conomique.

La formation est alors prsente comme un moyen mis au service de la prvention des formes de prcarit professionnelle. La Confdration des Maisons de Jeunes et de la Culture de France (CMJCF), soutient le dveloppement de la reconnaissance des apprentissages3 par lexprience professionnelle et sociale, au sens le plus large, qui permettent lacquisition, voire le renforcement dun savoir, dun savoir-faire, dune manire dtre, dhabitudes. Elle est confronte la ncessit denvisager le renouvellement de ses personnels danimation et de coordination, dont la dure moyenne demploi est trs faible, tout comme celle de ses cadres, qui nest gure meilleure. 2. Enjeux et stratgies des acteurs de la Reconnaissance et de la Validation des Acquis de lExprience La rforme postale et le changement dorientation stratgique permettent une formalisation plus rigoureuse des rfrentiels existants et la cration de nouveaux : cest une relle opportunit daller plus loin et de renouveler son ingnierie de formation en intgrant les nouvelles dispositions 4 ; un changement de positionnement de lencadrement dans la mise en uvre de ces actions se serait produit, dans la mesure o les responsables de formation
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vocation est de communiquer les informations quelles jugent ncessaire de publier ou de diffuser : les ressources lectroniques labores partir des sites internet et intranet, un journal bimensuel Forum dont la porte est nationale, une revue mensuelle Jourpost Ile-de-France dans laquelle figurent des informations locales. Laccord national du 21.02.2005 (sign par la CGT, FO, CFDT, CFTC, CFE-CGC, lexception de Sud-PTT) sur la formation professionnelle, le dveloppement et la valorisation des comptences et des qualifications des postiers, fait suite laccord national interprofessionnel du 20.09.2003 sur laccs des salaris la formation tout au long de la vie professionnelle.

Dubar C. (2000) met en exergue lapprentissage exprientiel comme une contre cole o les preuves dabord, les leons ensuite , dans la crise des identits professionnelles, PUF 4 Conformment laccord national de branche

affirment que : la hirarchie sest dj engage pour soutenir les candidats la VAE en leur offrant la possibilit de les suivre dans leurs dmarches et de financer les cots relatifs un parcours de validation . Cependant, les managers estiment ne pas tre forms au suivi des candidats, ou ne pas aspirent pas le devenir; Cela nous renvoie llargissement de nos fonctions, un champ de comptences pour lequel nous navons pas t rellement forms5. La VAE sapparente un continuum dans lequel chacun entend trouver un intrt en sollicitant des actions de formation ou un parcours de validation des acquis. Il sagit tout autant pour les personnels de maintenir et de dvelopper leurs comptences un niveau satisfaisant demployabilit au regard des exigences du march du travail, que de poser la question de la reconnaissance des efforts accomplis au cours du parcours de validation des acquis. A lissue des tmoignages des candidats parus dans des publications, journaux internes, un formatage lidologie de march 6 apparat fond sur une logique de satisfaction des besoins de la clientle7, en corrlation avec des
Manager ayant la particularit doccuper un poste dinspecteur, hirarchiquement plus lev que son niveau, en raison de labsence daffectation depuis plus dune dizaine de mois. 6 Balastre G. (2002), A La Poste, les agents doivent penser en termes de march, Le Monde Diplomatique, Octobre, pp. 20/21 7 Lazuly P., Lidologie du client, Le Monde Diplomatique, Dcembre 1998. La notion de client a fait son apparition
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comptences professionnelles en constante volution, configures dans des dynamiques et processus de professionnalisation. Chez Adecco France, lefficacit semble due au lien entre le social et lconomique en essayant progressivement dinfluencer le comportement des clients pour quils puissent nous accompagner dans cette rflexion 8. Des actions ont t ralises avec des partenaires convaincus de lintrt dallier le recours lintrim avec des formations dans le but que les uns et les autres en tirent profit. Lenjeu est de permettre aux parties prenantes de mettre en uvre une dmarche responsable garante de limage de lentreprise, tout en permettant de capitaliser des acquis et des comptences susceptibles dtre dsormais valids. Ainsi, au bout du compte, la RVAE se situe au cur des orientations stratgiques de lentreprise, et tente de mettre en lumire des potentialits inexplores ou invisibles, c'est--dire de les matrialiser pour agir 9 ; et elle apparat comme un outil favorisant des rencontres entre des acteurs qui nen taient pas coutumiers, fournissant alors lopportunit dchanges porteurs de questions transversales non dites auparavant. Lengagement dans la dmarche de VAE de la Confdration (CMJCF), vise renouveler ses cadres en les fidlisant
au milieu des annes 90 en effaant celle dusager, mot qui est dornavant interdit de prononcer dans le moindre tablissement 8 Responsable RSE Adecco 9 Idem

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et en assurant leur promotion, lobjectif tant de renforcer son image positive et sa qualit, grce une meilleure qualification de ses personnels, et den faire un argument de promotion et dattractivit. En outre, la prise en compte de lexprience10, et le dialogue social sont envisags comme les leviers dune stratgie dorientation politique de gestion prvisionnelle des emplois. Aussi, apparat-il une volont vidente dutiliser le processus de formation et de VAE comme levier daccompagnement des transformations de lorganisation de travail. La VAE rvle toute lambivalence de son usage : la fois sauveur de lorganisation de travail, et promotion , voire mobilit ascensionnelle des salaris. 3. Reprsentations et positionnements des acteurs dans la mise en uvre de la VAE 3.1. Sens et Valeurs Lorientation politique poursuivie La Poste est double : dgager un bnfice pour financer la modernisation et pouvoir assumer les missions dvolues, tout en promouvant des valeurs de cohsion sociale et de proximit fondatrices de sa spcificit. Le projet du groupe sappuie sur le dveloppement de la VAE, dans une perspective dentreprise socialement responsable, capable de rpondre aux exigences des segments de march, dcoulant de
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la diversification de ses activits, et aux attentes inhrentes au passage de la polyvalence administrative la polyactivit postale 11. Au niveau dAdecco, il semble difficile pour un travailleur intrimaire dentrer dans une dmarche de VAE, car celui-ci subit lintrim, puisque du fait de sa situation de prcarit professionnelle, sa priorit est la recherche dun emploi au jour le jour 12. Nanmoins, dans un cadre partenarial europen entre Adecco, lAFPA, et lANPE, lexprimentation dune forme de validation des acquis est engage et semble plus axe sur des actions de formation de type adaptation lemploi pour ses personnels permanents, que sur des actions de formation de type promotion. La volont politique, de la CFMJC fait tat : dune volont daccueillir en formation non seulement les salaris de chaque fdration, mais aussi ceux des associations adhrentes, ainsi que les lus bnvoles13. Le maillage du territoire, et la dispersion ont eu pour consquence la recherche dune mthodologie daccompagnement professionnel individualis, plutt que le dveloppement dactions de formation intgrant la prise en compte de lexprience.

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Accord de 2004 ; la convention collective nationale prvoit un net cloisonnement entre le groupe 6 (agent de matrise) et le groupe 7 (cadre)

Delfau G. (1999), La Poste : un service public en danger. Constat et propositions, LHarmattan, p13 12 Responsable RSE Adecco 13 DRH FRMJCF Champagne-Ardennes, et Midi-Pyrnes

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3.2. Efficacit et qualit Pour les candidats postiers, la mobilisation en matire de RVAE est centre sur lindividu, au sens de la transmission des savoirs et des comptences considres comme ncessaires pour exercer un mtier. Aussi, participe-t-elle la construction dune identit professionnelle, ce qui devrait les conduire agir davantage comme des " professionnels ", capables de rigueur dans lexcution des tches qui leur sont confies, et de mobiliser des capacits dadaptation aux diverses situations rencontres pour mieux matriser les contours et les limites de leurs interventions. La formation professionnelle et la VAE apparaissent comme des outils majeurs de la construction de leur professionnalit, car la professionnalisation met en scne des acquis personnels ou collectifs, tels les savoirs, les connaissances, les capacits et les comptences14. Pour les candidats, si la VAE a pour cible les mtiers, elle peut aussi sapparenter une construction sociale et impliquer tout la fois le reprage des emplois et du champ professionnel (mtierisation postale) et linstitutionnalisation des modes de reconnaissance des qualifications et des comptences (rfrentiels revisits des mtiers, diversification daccs lemploi, contenu et validation des actions de formation, modifications des grilles dvaluation des comptences), vecteur de lgitimation. Il sagit bien de former

des professionnels cratifs15, impliqus, ractifs, capables de rpondre positivement des situations toujours singulires et non de simples excutants adapts au poste de travail qui appliquent des recettes dpasses au moment mme o elles sont promulgues. Chez Adecco France, la dmarche RVAE sinscrit dans une perspective socialement responsable dassurance qualit qui peut tre donne auprs des entreprises clientes, notamment, en apportant la garantie de qualification des personnels intrimaires . En effet, compte tenu dun fort taux de rotation, les intrimaires cumulent peu danciennet, ce qui justifie le faible nombre de RVAE envisages, les formations proposes tant plutt de lordre de ladaptation au poste de travail. Les fdrations rgionales des Maisons des Jeunes et de la Culture de France, comme la Confdration16, apparaissent plus aujourdhui comme des organisation qui contractualisent avec des collectivits territoriales, des associations, donc plutt comme des prestataires de services, que comme un mouvement dducation populaire mettant en uvre des actions ducatives. Elles doivent ds lors affronter des difficults de gestion de personnels qui, dans les organisations au sein desquelles ils exercent, sont conduits travailler avec des salaris qui relvent demployeurs diffrents du leur, ce qui impose : la
Durance P., Les entretiens de la mmoire de la prospective : Jean-Paul Bailly, Lipsor, CNAM, 2005 16 DRH FRMJCF Champagne-Ardennes, et Midi-Pyrnes
15

14

Wittorski R. (2005), Formation, travail et professionnalisation, Coll. Action & Savoir, LHarmattan, Paris, pp. 27-28

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reconnaissance dune garantie de savoir-faire et de qualit . Aussi, lobjectif de professionnalisation estil troitement li celui de la qualit des prestations fournies, tout en privilgiant la qualification des personnels recruts, et en y associant le projet dlvation du niveau de qualification des personnels au moyen de la mise en uvre de la VAE. Conclusion : Au terme de ces investigations, si des dissemblances, comme des ressemblances peuvent tre dgages quant aux orientations politiques et stratgiques des diffrents acteurs. Divergences dans les orientations politiques et stratgiques des acteurs La RVAE est aborde de faon explicite dans les entreprises publiques et prives qui relvent du secteur marchand, mais elle nest pas mentionne dans les mmes termes par les organisations de travail du secteur non marchand. Tout se passe comme si depuis de longues annes, les associations voluaient dans un secteur o les finalits affiches telles lducation pour tous, et lducation populaire faisaient partie des attributs de la dmarche de RVAE, alors que pour les entreprises publiques ou prives du secteur marchand la mise en uvre de la RVAE dcoule en partie de la forte incitation librale du march et de lUnion europenne qui mettent au cur de leurs proccupations le dveloppement des qualifications et des comptences des salaris. Lorientation de la VAE semble tre traite diffremment non seulement par rapport la distinction

inhrente aux secteurs marchand et non marchand, mais elle parat aussi ltre en fonction du contexte sociologique organisationnel de chacune des entreprises ou associations tudies. En effet, si les valeurs sont voques chez Adecco France, cest essentiellement en rfrence aux situations particulires des travailleurs handicaps, et secondairement par rapport aux travailleurs en situation prcaire, mme si la fonction tremplin de lemploi intrimaire est effective pour les jeunes. En revanche, pour le secteur associatif, malgr des contextes trs diffrents quant ltat des ressources humaines (pyramide des ges, niveaux de formation), ce qui est mis en exergue ce sont des valeurs dengagement, dducation populaire, dducation pour tous, qui ont trait lengagement civique et la citoyennet. La mission de service public oblige La Poste garantir lgalit de traitement des usagers, et offrir les mmes possibilits de formation et de validation des acquis tous ses salaris, quelles que soient leur situation statutaire et leur implantation territoriale. Les organisations du secteur non marchand paraissent exprimer la volont de privilgier la formation comme instrument de dveloppement personnel, afin de maintenir leur niveau de performance dans un univers concurrentiel, gage de professionnalisme ; cest ce qui semble les diffrencier des entreprises du secteur marchand pour lesquelles limage positive sapparente le plus souvent des oprations de communication, voire de marketing, plutt qu de vritables actions de qualification des personnels.

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Convergences dans les orientations politiques et stratgiques des acteurs Lanalyse des discours et des postures des sujets interviews fait apparatre une constante de recherche de qualit des prestations fournies aux clients, usagers, ou adhrents , quil sagisse dorganisations relevant du secteur marchand ou non marchand ; cependant, seules celles du secteur non marchand privilgient systmatiquement un lien entre cet objectif et la finalit de promotion des individus, conformment aux valeurs auxquelles elles souscrivent. Toutes les organisations de travail font tat de leur conception de la RVAE comme levier daccompagnement des volutions et des transformations, et seules les associations du secteur non marchand mentionnent explicitement le recours la VAE comme un des piliers dorientation stratgique de sa politique de gestion des ressources humaines. Lorientation de la VAE pourrait se rvler comme un vecteur de linvestissement des diffrents acteurs afin de transformer et de moderniser les organisations de travail, pour quelles soient en mesure de mieux rpondre aux dfis quimposent le renouvellement des salaris inhrent la pyramide des ges, ainsi que lincontournable lvation du niveau des comptences au service de lamlioration de la qualit et des performances dans un univers concurrentiel mondialis. Enfin, si les acteurs pressentent la ncessit de dvelopper une professionnalit tout au long de leur carrire, face aux dfis rsultant de llargissement des tches et des

comptences qui simposent de plus en plus eux, tout comme celle dune adaptation permanente des situations nouvelles et complexes, ils semblent avoir pris conscience de la ncessit dinventer des solutions nouvelles et dapprendre partir de leur pratique comment armer le regard et la rflexion sur la ralit 17. Et, lusage de la RVAE des fins damlioration de la production apparat prdominant, compte tenu des aspects dorientations stratgiques et politiques que ceux-ci revtent, mme sils sont prsents sous les traits dun rapport gagnant/gagnant , o le droit individuel la RVAE peut apparatre comme un atout collectif. Bibliographie: 1. Balastre G. (2002), A La Poste, les agents doivent penser en termes de march, Le Monde Diplomatique, Octobre, pp. 20/21. 2. Commission des Communauts Europennes (2000), Mmorandum sur lducation et la formation tout au long de la vie. Document de travail de la Commission. Bruxelles, Communauts Europennes. 3. Delfau G. (1999), La Poste : un service public en danger. Constat et propositions, LHarmattan. 4. Dubar C. (2000), La crise des identits professionnelles, PUF. 5. Durance P.(2005), Les entretiens de la mmoire de la prospective : Jean-Paul Bailly, Lipsor, CNAM
17

Perrenoud Ph. (2001), Mettre la pratique rflexive au centre du projet de formation, Cahiers pdagogiques n390

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6. Besson (2008), Valoriser lacquis de lexprience : une valuation du dispositif de VAE, Secrtariat dtat charg de la prospective, de lvaluation des politiques publiques et du dveloppement de lconomie numrique. 7. HCEEE (2004), VAE : construire une professionnalisation durable, Paris,La documentation franaise. 8. Kogut-Kubiat F., Morin C., Personnaz E., Quintero N. et Schaud F. (2006), Logiques daccs la VAE et parcours de validation, Relief, n 12, Rapports du CEREQ. 9. Lazuly P. (1998), Lidologie du client, Le Monde Diplomatique, Dcembre. 10. Presse MC. (2004), Entre intention et ralit : les obstacles la validation dacquis, Education permanente, 158. 11. Teissier C. (1997), La Poste : Logique commerciale/Logique de service public la greffe culturelle, Coll. Logiques Sociales, LHarmattan. 12. Wittorski R. (2005), Formation, travail et professionnalisation, Coll. Action & Savoir, LHarmattan.

15

Devenir ingnieur de soi : corps et mondes contemporains


David LE BRETON Universit Marc Bloch de Strasbourg
david.le.breton@umb.u-strasbg.fr

Abstract : Nous sommes dsormais immergs dans une socit dindividus. Avec une marge de manuvre plus ou moins grande, chaque acteur rige de manire mouvante et dlibre ses propres frontires, la trame de sens qui oriente son chemin. Le corps devient un matriau, on le faonne dans la mesure du possible. Il ny a plus dassignation biologique au sexe ou au genre. Audel encore certains adeptes du posthumain rvent le tlchargement de lesprit sur le Net ou la cyborgisation. Les reprsentations du corps sont aujourdhui multiples.

Mots-cls : corps, soi, cyborgisation, monde, anthropologie 1. Le corps nomade Nous sommes dsormais immergs dans une socit dindividus. Avec une marge de manuvre plus ou moins grande, chaque acteur rige de manire mouvante et dlibre ses propres frontires, la trame de sens qui oriente son chemin. Certes, la dcision personnelle est borne par les pesanteurs sociologiques, lambiance du temps, la condition sociale, lhistoire propre... Lautonomie de lacteur parait tre tendue, mais elle est pour lessentiel une libert de se mouvoir parmi les alles des hypermarchs pour choisir le produit 16

qui participe du style dont il se sent le plus proche. Libert formate o il importe de se personnaliser en ayant la main heureuse dans ses choix, plutt que de faire uvre de son existence. La marchandise et la marque prennent le relais des anciennes adhsions collectives, mais elles aboutissent immanquablement la normalisation, mme si celle-ci se fait sur mesure. A dfaut de grands rcits pour sorienter dans lexistence, les marques ou les produits suggrent finalement les petits rcits pour exister malgr tout. Lexprimentation prend la place des anciennes identits fondes sur lhabitus et lidentification. Le sentiment de soi est alors inlassablement travaill par un acteur dont le corps est la matire premire de laffirmation propre selon lambiance du moment1. Le dsinvestissement des systmes sociaux de sens et la ncessit de se frayer son propre chemin pour exister amne une centration accrue sur soi. Le repli sur le corps et lapparence est un moyen
1

D. Le Breton, Ladieu au corps, Paris, Mtaili, 1999 ; Signes didentit. Tatouages, piercings et autres marques corporelles, Paris, Mtaili, 2002 ; Anthropologie du corps et modernit, Paris, PUF, 2008.

de rduire lincertitude en cherchant des limites symboliques au plus proche. Face la prcarit de tout ce qui lentoure : son travail, sa situation matrimoniale ou affective. Il reste le corps auquel lindividu puisse croire et se rattacher. La transformation de son statut accompagne le mouvement de marchandisation du monde. Lobsolescence de la marchandise est devenue aussi celle du corps. La dliaison sociale rend lindividu non seulement libre de ses attaches avec les autres, mais libres galement de ses attaches identitaires, de ses assises corporelles ou de genre. Socit et humanit liquides, pour reprendre la formule de Z. Bauman (2006), prives de profondeur et de denracinement. Cette phase de lindividualisme aboutit lindividualisation du sens, et au-del, lindividualisation du corps. Il importe alors davoir un corps soi, un corps pour soi. Le rve est dinventer sa singularit personnelle. Le corps ne dtermine plus lidentit, il est son service. Lindividualisme dmocratique pousse son point culminant la volont dauto-filiation, dautoengendrement, mais le fait de se penser le matre de soi se heurte lirrductibilit du corps comme hritage dune histoire imprgne des autres, commencer par les gniteurs. Les technologies contemporaines donnent le sentiment dun pouvoir daction symbolique sur son corps et ses origines. Elles autorisent la rvocation des anciennes gnalogies perues comme facultatives. Lindividu refuse de voir son corps comme une racine identitaire ou un destin , il entend le prendre en main pour lui donner une forme qui nappartienne qu lui. Rpondant

un entretien, la cinaste Marina de Van crit ce propos : Quand je me regarde dans une glace, il faut que je ressemble ce que jai moi-mme cr. Je ne supporte pas lide que mon unit physique soit une donne que je nai pas faonne moi-mme . Commentant une performance mmorable Orlan dit : Il sagissait dutiliser la chirurgie pour la dtourner de ses habitudes damlioration et de rajeunissement. Le changement le plus visible ce sont ces implants qui servent habituellement rehausser les pommettes, que jai fait poser de chaque ct du front, ce qui fait deux bosses. Javais travaill avec la chirurgienne en posant la question : que peut-on faire qui na t ni fait ni demand, et qui est rput plutt laid ou monstrueux ? Mon ide tait de montrer que la beaut peut prendre des apparences qui ne sont pas rputes belles. Si on me dcrit comme une femme qui a deux bosses sur les tempes, on peut considrer que je suis laide, et, en me voyant cela peut tre diffrent 2. Pour Lukas Zpira, lun des protagonistes les plus engags sur la scne des modifications corporelles : Mon identit biologique nest quune pice du puzzle. A la naissance le corps nest pas parfait, nous devons apprendre de nombreuses choses, comme lire et crire. Pourquoi ne pas apprendre se construire physiquement et moralement ? Nous navons pas tre prisonniers de notre animalit, de notre instinct, de notre corps. Mon processus corporel est aussi une forme damlioration 3.
2 3

Dossier Le monde.fr, 2004 Idem

17

Parfois le recours un modle simpose pour accder soi. La qute de singularit corporelle seffectue alors travers la transsubstantiation avec une icne. Ainsi ces Amricaines qui se construisent chirurgicalement en clone de la poupe Barbie. Ou ces hommes qui souhaitent possder au plus proche le visage et le look dElvis Presley ou dautres stars. On pense aussi Michal Jackson dont le visage trouble par son aspect de Peter Pan, ni adolescent ni adulte, ni blanc ni noir, ni vieux ni jeune, indcis, informulable, excentrique. Dans ses clips comme dans son existence, il est vou la mtamorphose, lindcidable, toujours dans la liminarit, lentre-deux. Ni le corps, ni le genre, ni lorientation sexuelle ne sont des essences mais des constructions sociales certes, personnalises, et donc rvocables. Ils sont le fait dune dcision propre et dune pratique cosmtique adapte. Les reprsentations et les valeurs affectant le corps visent reproduire un code en insistant sur des diffrences, notamment masculin-fminin, afin de les naturaliser et de lgitimer les modalits du lien social. Aujourdhui, lindividualisation du sens, et donc la liquidit du sentiment de soi, amne un bouleversement des anciens cadres de pense ce propos. Le queer est une tentative de dnaturalisation, et surtout de dculturation du genre. Fminit et masculinit deviennent lobjet dune production permanente par un usage appropri des signes. Conformment au design corporel des strotypes de genre ou en rupture, ils dessinent un vaste champ

dexprimentation4. Entre le sexe anatomique et le genre une subversion personnelle sopre qui inscrit lidentit dans la seule performance de soi5. Cest un dispositif symbolique, la fois technique, visuel, stylistique, pour produire lvidence dtre homme ou femme ou en subvertir les catgories. Et en effet, dans un contexte dobsolescence de la forme du corps, il ny a plus aucun autre repre possible, mme si la performativit implique le jeu, cest--dire la simulation. Le genre est peru comme une formation discursive, instable, continuellement en transformation. Il nest plus pos en dualit mais comme une accumulation de possibilits dpendantes du discours que lindividu tient sur lui-mme. La culture queer est une volont de se dmarquer des critres dapparence rgis par les normes sociales, volont de dissidence travers larbitraire personnel de la forme corporelle et des manires de se mettre en scne. Le terme queer, autrefois synonyme dinsulte et de mpris est aujourdhui brandi comme une bannire identitaire. Chaque individu est le matre duvre de sa sexuation, de lapparence de sa prsence au monde comme de sa sexualit. Si le genre est dfini en toute indiffrence aux catgories biologiques, homme et masculin pourraient tout aussi bien dsigner un corps fminin quun corps masculin, et femme et fminin un corps masculin ou fminin 6.
D. Le Breton, op.cit., 1999, 2008 J. Butler, Gender trouble, New York, Routledge, 1990 6 J. Butler, Troubles dans le genre. Le fminisme et la subversion de lidentit,
5 4

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Masculin et fminin nincarnent plus une vrit ontologique, fonde sur une anatomie intangible, ni mme une polarit ncessaire. L o la fabrique corporelle de soi ne cesse dlargir son champ dintervention possible, lassignation un genre devient surtout une histoire que lon se raconte et que lon accrdite aux autres travers une stylisation de son rapport au monde. Certains rebelles se revendiquent gender queers et refusent toute assignation en termes de masculin ou fminin7, ils entendent subvertir radicalement ces catgories devenues obsoltes leurs yeux. Dautres revendiquent une position de Gender Outlaw. Pour K. Bornstein, il y a en effet les hommes, les femmes, elle ne se reconnait pas dans ces catgories, et les autres, inclassables, dans lesquels elle se compte8. Des transgenres revendiquent un troisime genre, dautres affirment la singularit des cas et soutiennent lide dune multiplicit des genres. Pat Califia se demande si finalement le genre est si important, et elle imagine un monde o il glisserait dans linsignifiance ou deviendrait provisoire : A quoi cela ressemblerait-il de vivre dans une socit o on pourrait prendre des vacances de son genre ? Ou (encore plus important) du genre des autres ? Imaginez la cration de Gender Free Zones . Le genre nest plus pos en dualit mais comme une accumulation de possibilits

Paris, La Dcouverte, 2006, p. 68 7 B. Preciado, Testo junkie. Sexe, drogue et biopolitique, Paris, Grasset, 2008, p. 100 8 K Bornstein., Gender outlaw. On men, women and the rest of us, New YorkLondon, Routledge, 1994

dpendantes du discours que lindividu tient sur lui-mme. Lidentit de genre comme lidentit personnelle est aujourdhui mallable. Le corps nest que lhabitacle provisoire dune identit qui refuse toute fixation et choisit une forme de nomadisme de sa prsence au monde. Il est loutil pour se crer des personnages, une ressource et non le lieu o lon est soi puisque soi dsormais est multiple9. Le corps du transsexuel est un artefact technologique, une construction chirurgicale et hormonale, un faonnement plastique. Son sexe dlection est le fait de sa dcision propre et non dun destin anatomique, il vit travers une volont dlibre de provocation ou de jeu. Le transsexuel supprime les aspects trop significatifs de son ancienne corporit pour aborder les signes sans quivoque de sa nouvelle apparence. Volont de conjurer la sparation, de ne plus faire du sexe (du latin secare : couper) ni un corps ni un destin mais une dcision, et surtout de sen affranchir pour sinventer et se mettre soi-mme au monde. Le transsexuel est un symbole du sentiment que le corps est une forme transformer. Voyageur de son propre corps, il en change sa guise la forme et le genre, poussant son terme le statut dobjet de circonstance dun corps devenu modulable et assignable non plus au sujet mais au moment. Ainsi galement de la dmarche de Beatriz Preciado qui refuse lanatomie comme destin et fabrique son corps comme un lieu de dsir. Je ne prends pas la
9

D. Le Breton, op.cit., 2008

19

testostrone pour me transformer en homme, ni pour transexualiser mon corps, mais pour trahir ce que la socit a voulu faire de moi, pour crire, pour baiser, pour ressentir une forme de plaisir post-pornographique, pour ajouter une prothse molculaire mon identit low-tech, faite de godes, de textes et dimages en mouvement 10. En assimilant chaque jour par une prise volontaire 50 mg de testostrone, une hormone de masculinisation, B. Preciado entend exprimenter son corps en produisant des effets sur sa prsence au monde, ses motions, ses dsirs. Elle souhaite accroitre sa potentia gaudi, sa puissance de jouissance. La molcule fait de moi en un instant quelque chose de radicalement diffrent dune biofemme. Mme quand les changements gnrs par la molcule sont socialement imperceptibles. Je suis lautocobaye dune exprimentation des effets de laugmentation intentionnelle du taux de testostrone dans un corps de biofemme () Je suis la fois le terminal dun des appareils de contrle du pouvoir tatique et un point de fuite par lequel schappe la volont de contrle du systme () je suis le rsidu dune opration chimique et la matire premire partir de laquelle slabore une nouvelle espce dans la ligne, toujours alatoire, de lvolution de la vie (126-127). Pour B. Preciado, lusage de la testostrone relve dune pure invention de soi, hors de toute volont dune assignation sexuelle fixe une fois pour toute. Le corps se construit partir
10

dune anatomie furtive et dun nomadisme aujourdhui encore insolite. Il devient un fait personnel. Certes, toute invention de soi est mesure socialement par les propositions offertes sur le march de la cosmtique en gnral, et des pressions sociales, et par la manire dont lacteur essaie de tirer son pingle du jeu, mais il nest pas seul dans son corps, une foule laccompagne comme disait Artaud. Le corps nest plus le support irrductible dune identit substantielle, mais le prtexte dune identit purement relationnelle. Tant lidentit que le corps sont aujourdhui marqus du sceau de lobsolescence. Dans ce contexte dun corps en kit qui nest quun jeu de signes toujours en voie de reconfiguration, les seins, par exemple, se convertissent en centre somatique de production du genre , et ils sont avant tout une prothse. Autrement dit tout biosein existe en relation avec sa propre prothse synthtique 11. De mme le pnis, le vagin, la forme du corps, la pilosit, la barbe, la voix, etc. deviennent potentiellement les ingrdients dune production technologique du genre et alimentent une dfinition volontaire de soi. La permutabilit des fragments corporels se traduit mme par le fait que pour la construction dun pnis chez un trans, une opration courante, consiste utiliser la peau et le muscle de lavant-bras, et une veine de la jambe () Il y a un pnis dans chaque bras ; dans chaque jambe il y a une veine qui pourrait devenir rectile 12. Les techniques de
11

B. Preciado, op.cit., p.16

12

Ibidem, p.164 Ibidem, p.361

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chirurgie esthtique, ou mme rparatrice, utilisent de la graisse venue dune partie du corps pour remodeler une autre partie comme un transfert de qualit. Une liposuccion du ventre ou des cuisses par exemple permet un refaonnement des traits du visage ou des seins. Corps nomade dont les diffrentes composantes ne sont que provisoirement en place en attendant dtre affectes ailleurs ou supprimes, ou remodeles, ou remplaces par des prothses qui en amplifient encore la forme et la puissance. Le sujet postmoderne est fragmentaire, saisi dans le flux de la consommation et des signes quil laisse percevoir de lui, tout en extriorit, il est sans intriorit. Toute revendication dune identit organique ou naturelle, immuable, relve de lanachronisme. La circulation incessante des informations dans un monde rduit linformation alimente cette volont de participer soi-mme activement au flux des changes et refuser un sentiment de soi stable et bien enracin. A lre de linformation lidentit nest quune somme provisoire dinformations ladresse des autres dans le souci de se sentir au mieux dans leur dfinition. Comme le corps, lidentit devient un travail, un permanent work in process. Je ne dsire pas une identit dfinie et dfinitive dit Orlan , je suis pour les identits nomades, multiples, mouvantes (Orlan, 1997). Le corps est une proposition reprendre pour soutenir une identit remaniable, rvocable que lindividu dfini et redfini selon sa volont propre. Il devient un prt jeter limage des autres produits ambiants.

Le corps se transforme en rcit personnel et en programme ajust, matire premire retravailler ou entretenir pour bien correspondre aux pisodes aux personnages dclin par lindividu. Il sagit de construire par la mise en scne de lapparence et ventuellement de son for intrieur des oprations de visibilit qui attestent dune dfinition provisoire de soi. Lidentit narrative qui est devenue notre lot, et les jeux de transformations corporelles, dclinent dsormais lidentit en un permanent commentaire sur soi. 2. Corps postmodernes Mais les imaginaires sociaux affectant le corps sont aujourdhui multiples. Nos socits connaissent aussi un fort courant de dnigrement du corps. Le sentiment que le corps est insuffisant, imparfait, voire mme mprisable ou surnumraire, fossile dune humanit promise une disparition prochaine13 sous lgide notamment des sciences de linformation, dont on sait aujourdhui la puissance14. Les frontires entre les lments du monde, vivants ou inertes, ne sont plus ontologiques, ce sont celles de linformation. Toute forme vivante tend dsormais tre perue dans lunivers de la techno-science comme un agrgat dinformations. Le monde anim se mue en message dj dchiffr ou en attente de ltre. Lhumain nest quune information parmi les autres. Linfinie complexit du monde est ainsi rduite un
13 14

D. Le Breton, op.cit, 2008 C. Lafontaine, Lempire cyberntique. Des machines penser la pense machine, Paris, Seuil, 2004

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modle unique de comparaison qui met sur le mme plan des ralits diffrentes, elle vide les vivants ou les objets de leur substance propre, de leur valeur et de leur sens. La personne se voit rduite une somme dinformations, elle se mue en une sorte de fantme hantant les logiciels qui la composent. Ce qui en elle nest pas computable devient un reste sans intrt. Dans ce contexte, si le cerveau est conu limage dun logiciel de traitement de linformation, il est logique de le dissocier dun corps transform en simple support, et donc accessoire. La seule lgitimit rside dans l esprit , comme support essentiel des informations constituant lindividu, le corps est une sorte de vhicule de la personne, lenclos matriel de son intriorit, la relique indigne dune vieille humanit dpasse. Dans le manifeste de lAssociation transhumaniste mondiale (WTA), dit sur le Net, James Hugues promet une prochaine liquidation des corps au profit dune immortalit et dune intelligence infinie : Futurs hommes OGM et cyborgs ! Nayez rien craindre, vous navez perdre que vos corps humains mais vous avez gagner des vies plus longues et des cerveaux plus gros . Seul importe aujourdhui un esprit vou la toute puissance et dbarrass du mprisable fardeau du corps. Rsurgence no-gnostique dans un monde lacis o le corps est peru comme le lieu de la chute, dune ensomatose, comme disent les thologiens15. Lincarnation serait une faute des origines. Face aux
15

progrs de la technique, le corps est dsormais peru limage dun obstacle lpanouissement, un frein lvolution. Ironie du corps, dans un monde promis lternit et la toute puissance dans un paradis informationnel grce au net et aux technologies de linformation. Certains adeptes convaincus de toucher de prs au paradis ragent contre un corps qui les rive encore la temporalit et une condition de mortels quils refusent. Sans corps il ny aurait plus de principe de ralit mais la toute puissance de la pense. Le corps est un poids mort, une menace qui risque dempcher le triomphe des technologies de linformation. Ce soupon lencontre du corps connait une sorte de crescendo jusquau fantasme de son hybridation travers le cyborg ou sa liquidation dans le downloading de lesprit sur le net ou lordinateur16. 3. Cyborgisation De rcentes exprimentations ont mis en lien le cerveau humain avec des structures informatiques. Des personnes paralyses ont pel des mots et dplac un curseur sur un ordinateur grce un implant informatique dans leur cerveau. Des prothses vise thrapeutique, restaurant un organe ou une fonction ne soulvent gure dobjections, elles sintgrent dans un long processus de rparation et dingniosit de la mdecine. Certaines personnes ges, malades ou handicapes sont leur insu des pionniers. Des units hospitalires sont dsormais occupes par des patients appareills de toute part. Anticipation de lavenir ce sont
16

D.Le Breton, op.cit. 2008

Idem

22

dj des cyborgs intgrs au sein de subtiles procdures informatiques de contrle qui les privent de tous mouvements non programms et relaient lensemble de leurs fonctions organiques en limitant leur libert. Ils gisent dans un corps inutile car subsum par linformatique. Ces technologies voues lorigine suppler ou soutenir des fonctions organiques dfaillantes deviennent dans les imaginaires (et bientt dans le rel) des techniques intgres au corps non plus pour le soigner mais pour amliorer ses performances. Mme si une telle vise est encore balbutiante elle est au cur de laffirmation transhumaniste. Un corps plus la hauteur des dfis contemporains ne peut tre quune structure bionique indiffrente aux anciennes formes humaines. La technique devient une religiosit, un techno-prophtisme, une voie de salut pour dlivrer lhomme de ses anciennes limites poses dsormais comme pesanteurs. Rien de mauvais ne saurait en maner. Do le rejet du principe de prcaution, par exemple, et la revendication dune libert dinnover que le leader extropien Max More nomme la proaction. Il importe dapprendre en agissant et non de sinterdire des possibles au nom dventuels dangers. Les technologies de linformation aboutissent finalement linvention dune humanit modifie. La frontire sefface entre le sujet et lobjet, lhumain et la machine, le vivant et linerte, le naturel et lartificiel, le biologique et le prothtique. Dans le sillage de la cyberntique, maints auteurs reconnaissent aujourdhui sans tat dme une continuit ontologique

entre les technologies de linformation et lhumain. Avec le triomphe du paradigme informationnel17, le monde nest plus quun message que lordinateur retranscrit ou projette lextrieur. Les ambiguts du sens sont seulement en attente dun logiciel efficace pour les rduire, elles ne soulvent plus de problmes, ou bien elles sont cartes. Pour Hugues, la citoyennet nest plus le privilge de lhumain, dsormais elle doit se partager avec le citizen cyborg18, devenu notre prochain. Pour K. Warwick, la technologie risque de se retourner contre nous, sauf si nous fusionnons avec elle. Ceux qui dciderons de rester humains et refuseront de samliorer auront un srieux handicap. Ils constitueront une sous-espce et formeront les chimpanzs du futur 19. Les technologies de linformation et de la communication se mlent au corps, redfinissent finalement une condition humaine devenue prime, et dont il faut dsormais tlcharger la dernire version pour rester dans la course. Elles alimentent la liquidit de lindividu postmoderne.
N.K. Hayles., How we became posthuman. Virtual bodies in cybernetics, literature and informatics, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1999; D. Le Breton, Anthropologie du corps et modernit, Paris, PUF, 2008; C. Lafontaine, Lempire cyberntique. Des machines penser la pense machine, Paris, Seuil, 2004 18 J. Hugues, Citizen cyborg. Why democratic societies must respond to the redesigned human of the future, New York, Basic Books, 2004 19 Libration, 12-05-2002
17

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4. Tlchargement de lesprit La cyberculture dlivre lindividu de linjonction identitaire, elle le dlivre davoir rendre des comptes, elle suspend lidentification ontologique son corps. Lindividu joue avec ses identits virtuelles, sans trouble de conscience, avec mme jubilation. Le corps nest plus le site irrductible du sentiment didentit, il est lun dentre eux, et sans doute le plus encombrant par les limites quil rappelle toujours au dernier moment, l o linternaute croyait sen dlivrer. Face un cran qui donne le sentiment que le monde est soi et convocable tout instant, le corps est souvent peru comme une chaine qui rive linternaute un intolrable principe de ralit. Il est la limite extrme qui empche le franchissement de lcran comme de modernes Alice au pays des merveilles de la communication et de linformation, lobstacle anachronique qui prive les changes dinformations de leur fulgurance ou de leur immdiatet. Impossible de se dissoudre dans linformation pure sans disparaitre soi-mme travers la dissolution de son identit et de son corps. La communication sans corps et sans visage du rseau offre pour le mme individu la possibilit dinnombrables autres corps virtuels, fantasmatiquement librs des contraintes didentit accroches au corps rel afin dendosser des identits infinies selon ses jeux vidos, ses participations des univers virtuels, son engagement dans les forums, des chats, etc. pour lesquels il assume chaque fois un nom diffrent, voire mme un ge, un sexe, une profession choisis selon les

circonstances. Le corps devient une donne facultative. Au regard de ses multiples identits virtuels, il nest quun port dattache, une ncessit anthropologique dont il se passerait volontiers. Le corps virtuel atteint ses yeux la perfection, loin de la maladie, de la mort, du handicap, libr de la gravit. Il ralise le paradis sur terre dun monde sans paisseur de chair, virevoltant dans lespace et le temps de manire anglique sans que la pesanteur de la matire entrave son avance. 5. Transhumanisme Issu dune concrtion des mots transition et humain , le transhumanisme revendique une recherche illimite (et une application immdiate lhumain) sur les thrapies et les modifications gntiques, le clonage, la transgense, les nanotechnologies, le couplage du cerveau et de linformatique, etc. Ce courant idologique pousse son terme une utopie de la post-modernit qui prend le relais des anciens grands rcits pour promettre des lendemains enchants, et mme limmortalit. Les technologies de linformation et de la communication sont riges en acclrateurs de lvolution et en libratrices de toutes les anciennes pesanteurs lies lhumanit Ce discours est profondment religieux son insu, mais le salut ne vient plus de Dieu ou du communisme mais de la technique, du moins pour ceux qui auront les moyens de profiter de celles mises leur disposition. Forme dintgrisme technologique, il voue au mpris tout ce qui ne peut se rsorber dans sa vise. Le transhumanisme est une apologie du post-humain tel que le dfinit N.

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Katherine Hayles : le privilge accord au schma informationnel lencontre de ses supports matriels, de telle sorte que lincarnation dans un substrat corporel est vu comme un accident de lhistoire bien davantage quune ncessit de la vie. Deuximement la vise post-humaine considre la conscience, pense comme le sige de lidentit humaine dans les traditions occidentales () comme un piphnomne de lvolution rclamant tout les avantages alors quelle nest aujourdhui quune ombre au tableau. Troisimement la vise post-humaine voit le corps comme une prothse originale que nous allons apprendre manipuler en le remplaant ou en llargissant par dautres prothses afin de poursuivre un processus commenc bien avant notre naissance. Quatrimement, et le plus important, la vise post-humaine configure ltre humain de sorte de larticuler aisment avec des machines intelligentes. Dans le post-humain, il ny a plus de diffrences ou de dmarcations absolues entre existence corporelle et simulation informatique, mcanisme cyberntique et organisme biologique, tlologie robotique et vises humaines 20. Le courant transhumaniste systmatise ces vises sous une forme trs organise. Le rgne biologique serait donc bientt surann et en voie de liquidation par les machines qui dsormais limprgnent ou le programment tout en commandant son environnement. Natasha Vita
20

More explique quelle aimerait que son corps sadapte aux circonstances : Jaimerais renforcer la puissance de mes jambes pour marcher dans la montagne, possder un voile pidermique protecteur qui me protgerait des dangers particuliers cet environnement, pouvoir rafrachir ma temprature interne et bnficier dune oue et dune vision amplifies, ainsi que dun rseau de senseurs capables de rcuprer des donnes et de les reprsenter graphiquement. Egalement des relais mentaux vers des robots de reconnaissance visuelle et une interface avec un rseau global de satellites dots dimportantes capacits de zoom 21. Natascha Vita More est par ailleurs convaincue que linversion du processus du vieillissement est notre porte, et que bientt le corps tout entier sera disponible par pices prothtiques. Le Manifeste des extropiens, lune des expressions fortes du transhumanisme, dcrit la posthumanit venir comme le fait persons of unprecedented physical, intellectual, and psychological ability, self-programming and self defining, potentially immortal, unlimited individuals () Extropians suggest that evolution through science and technology will be a matter of individual choice and individual planning. Evolution, in other words, will be personnaly customized22. La
21

Hayles N. K., How we became posthuman. Virtual bodies in cybernetics, literature and informatics, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1999, p. 2-3

Coureau L., Mutations pop et crash culture. Une anthologie de la spirale,org, Rodez, Le Rouergue-Chambon, 2004, p. 287 22 Pitts V., In the flesh. The cultural politics of body modification, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, 157

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mouvance transhumaniste sinscrit dans le droit fil de la cyberntique et du paradigme informationnel, elle dissout toute morale en liquidant bien sr le visage23, transformant lhumain en une somme de donnes manipulables, elle mne la dsutude des notions comme celles dgalit ou de dignit. Ce nest plus lordinateur qui est un outil mais lhomme qui devient son appendice drisoire et en freine les performances. Les transhumanistes veulent prolonger linfini leur existence grce au perfectionnement des techniques24. Pour lutter contre le vieillissement ou la mort il faut travailler lhomme au corps et en dloger la fragilit. Sils meurent malgr leurs efforts dimmortalit leurs dpouilles sont places en hibernation en attendant que lon dcouvre une manire de soigner leurs maux et de les ramener la vie. Ils travaillent la possibilit de transfrer leurs esprits dans lordinateur ou le rseau afin de saffranchir dfinitivement du corps et de mener une vie virtuelle et ternelle. Seul lordinateur est un lieu infiniment propice pour abriter lesprit, lhomme est une crature physiquement trop imparfaite. Il ne sagit jamais damliorer le got de vivre, mais toujours de largument dautorit de la pauvret de lenracinement corporel dans un monde nolibral de rendement,
23

defficacit, de comptition, de vitesse, de communication qui est aujourdhui largement le notre. Dans loubli, bien entendu, des quatre cinquime de lhumanit dont la survie ne soulve pas une once dinterrogation, dfinitivement hors jeu, ignorant mme lexistence du net. La technique devient une voie de salut pour dlivrer lhomme de ses anciennes limites poses dsormais comme des pesanteurs. 25 Exigence dune libert que plus rien ne borne sinon le dsir, et surtout pas la responsabilit. Les technologies ne sont plus uniquement perues comme extrieures au corps, mais comme venant sy substituer, le transformer en instrument plus efficace, liminer des fonctions inutiles, y suppler dfinitivement celles qui sont indispensables, etc. Le transhumanisme poursuit le rve dun homme non souffrant, non altr par les motions, matre de lui-mme et immortel. Dernire version tlcharger dune vieille histoire.

Bibliographie selective: 1. Bauman Z., La vie liquide, Paris, Jacqueline Chambon, 2006 2. Bornstein K., Gender outlaw. On men, women and the rest of us, New York-London, Routledge, 1994 3. Butler J., Troubles dans le genre. Le fminisme et la subversion de lidentit, Paris, La Dcouverte, 2006 4. Butler J., Gender trouble, New York, Routledge, 1990 5. Califia P., Le mouvement transgenre. Changer de sexe, Paris,
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Le Breton D., Des visages. Essai danthropologie, Paris, Mtaili, 2003 24 Lafontaine C., Lempire cyberntique. Des machines penser la pense machine, Paris, Seuil, 2004

Le Breton D., Anthropologie du corps et modernit, Paris, PUF, 2008

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Epel, 2003 6. Coureau L., Mutations pop et crash culture. Une anthologie de la spirale.org, Rodez, Le RouergueChambon, 2004 7. Haraway D., Manifeste cyborg et autres essais, Paris, Exils, 2007 8. Hayles N. K., How we became posthuman. Virtual bodies in cybernetics, literature and informatics, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1999 9. Hugues J., Citizen cyborg. Why democratic societies must respond to the redesigned human of the future, New York, Basic Books, 2004 10. Lafontaine C., Lempire cyberntique. Des machines penser la pense machine, Paris, Seuil, 2004

11. Le Breton D., Anthropologie du corps et modernit, Paris, PUF, 2008. 12. Le Breton D., Des visages. Essai danthropologie, Paris, Mtaili, 2003 13. Le Breton D., Signes didentit. Tatouages, piercings et autres marques corporelles, Paris, Mtaili, 2002 14. Le Breton D., Ladieu au corps, Paris, Mtaili, 1999 15. Pitts V., In the flesh. The cultural politics of body modification, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003 16. Preciado B., Testo junkie. Sexe, drogue et biopolitique, Paris, Grasset, 2008

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Les leons de la contamination industrielle de Minamata. Analyse de la mobilisation de lopinion japonaise et de lmergence dune conscience coresponsable Jean LAGANE Universit de Provence (France)
jean.lagane@univ-provence.fr

Rsume : Ltude de la faon dont la socit nipponne se pense, se reprsente et se donne voir en matire de politique de prservation de lenvironnement suite aux catastrophes industrielles qui ont marqu son histoire rcente mincite me pencher sur lmergence dune conscience environnementale nationale, voire dun courant de communication environnementale spcifique. Mots-cls: catastrophes industrielles, environnement, socit nipponne

Dans le contexte de la mondialisation conomique, territoires et socits sont confronts lurgence de la question du respect de lenvironnement et du vivre ensemble diffrentes chelles spatiales et entre de multiples acteurs. Lengagement des socits civiles dans le respect des territoires et de leurs ressources sinscrit dans une approche cocitoyenne et dans la responsabilisation des populations actuelles vis--vis de celles de demain. Ltude de la faon dont la socit nipponne se pense, se reprsente et se donne voir en matire de politique de prservation de lenvironnement suite aux catastrophes industrielles qui ont marqu son histoire rcente mincite me pencher sur lmergence dune conscience environnementale

nationale, voire dun courant de communication environnementale spcifique. Jentends, cette fin, interroger les liens qui unissent action et publicisation travers lanalyse des formes de mdiatisation lies la catastrophe de Minamata. Au-del dune simple dnonciation de la folle course vers le profit de ltre humain et des consquences nfastes qui accompagnent son sillage, je souhaite comprendre et analyser travers ses formes de publicisation lexemple de la tristement clbre maladie de Minamata . Cette tragdie est aujourdhui reconnue de faon unanime comme lpiphnomne des rejets de mercure de lusine lectrochimique Nihon Chisso Hiry entre 1932 et 1966 dans la mer intrieure de Shiranui aux abords de la petite ville de pcheurs de Minamata situe dans la prfecture de Kumamoto dans lle de Kysh au sud-ouest du Japon1. Cette catastrophe due la bioaccumulation de mercure dans la chane alimentaire et ses consquences dsastreuses malformations congnitales, les

1 F.,Gigon, Le 400me Chat ou les Pollus de Minamata, R. Laffont, Paris, 1975.

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experts parlent de tratognicit 2, troubles du comportement et cancers frappa durement les riverains et les familles de pcheurs. Depuis son apparition en 1956 , commente le sociologue P. Jobin, prs de 2300 personnes ont t officiellement reconnues atteintes de la maladie de Minamata, plus de mille sont dj mortes et plus de 17 000 personnes ont demand tre reconnues comme malades. 3. Labsence de dnonciation et linertie des autorits japonaises face lampleur de la tragdie ont scandalis la communaut internationale aux yeux de laquelle la maladie de Minamata gale en nuisance dautres catastrophes industrielles comme celle de Bhopal et de Seveso4. Au-del de la simple analyse historique du contexte de dveloppement de la tragdie de Minamata, je mettrai en regard certains strotypes comportementaux japonais qui orientent et caractrisent, comme cela a t annonc plus haut, labsence de dnonciation directe des
2 La tratognicit se traduit par des malformations qui atteignent le ftus. 3 P. Jobin, Notes de lecture , in Le mouvement social 200/1, N210, Ed. de lAtelier, p. 167 4 La plus grande catastrophe industrielle fut celle de Bhopal suite lexplosion le 3 dcembre 1984 en Inde de lusine de pesticide de lUnion Carbide Corporation qui fit entre 16 000 et 30 000 victimes dont 8 000 la premire nuit. Celle de Seveso, en Italie, le 10 juillet 1976, avait dj alert la communaut internationale lors de la contamination de quatre communes lombardes dont Seveso par un nuage de dioxine suite la surchauffe dun racteur de lusine chimique Icmesa.

faits. Tout en vitant de sombrer dans la catgorisation culturelle, il est communment admis que les notions de face, dempathie et de retenue (Nakane, 1978 ; no 1989 ; Lagane 2002, 2005a et 2008) caractrisent la communication interpersonnelle en vigueur dans la majorit des lieux de sociabilit nippons. Ces mmes notions sont troitement lies au corporatisme paternaliste et au degr de conformisme qui rgnaient au sein de lArchipel lors de la priode de la Haute Croissance entre 1955 et 1973 Leffervescence intellectuelle et scientifique qui caractrise le courant dtude sur la maladie de Minamata (minamata-gaku) a fait faire natre dans la sphre asiatique une thique industrielle posttraumatique. La comprhension du fonctionnement des syndicats et lanalyse de leur volution mettent des signaux forts, tmoins dune plus grande expressivit de lopinion civile. Marche par marche, les processus de mobilisation de lopinion nipponne face aux risques de contamination industrielle ont laiss apparatre de nouvelles dynamiques de communication et de mdiation environnementales. Ces dynamiques, comme cela sera dtaill plus loin, ont trouv un terrain dexpression propice lors de lExposition Internationale 2005 Aichi travers la proposition dune heuristique de lamnagement des territoires fonde sur la rconciliation entre lHomme et la Nature un demi sicle aprs le drame5.
5 S. Houdart, Un chaos savamment ordonn. Llaboration conceptuelle de lExposition internationale japonaise dAichi 2005

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1. Le contexte historicoindustriel de la contamination Afin de cerner de faon holiste les consquences des dynamiques de communication environnementale et lmergence de territoires de mobilisation, un clairage sur le contexte historico-industriel li la contamination de Minamata constitue une tape ncessaire. Le Japon a connu un ensemble de catastrophes lies limplantation et lutilisation dindustries polluantes dans des zones fortement anthropises. A. Berque cite parmi les facteurs spcifiques qui ont contribu lapparition de ces nuisances (kgai), les modalits de lindustrialisation nipponne. Ces dernires accentuaient le dveloppement dindustries lourdes pendant ladite priode de la Haute Croissance de lArchipel (1955-1973) ainsi que lconomie dchelle, usines normes et vastes complexes industriels intgrs situs proximit des grandes villes et sur la ligne du rivage pour viter les transbordements. Cette priode de Haute croissance est associe la mtaphore des annes de plomb pour lenvironnement nippon 6. Une urbanisation mal contrle matrialise par un talement urbain littoral dsordonn le quatrime plan national damnagement du territoire qui a consacr lhypermgalopolisation du Japon (Pelletier, 1995) est de manire concomitante venue grossir ce phnomne ainsi que la priorit
6 Berque A., Sauzet M., Le sens de lespace au Japon, vivre, penser, btir, Arguments, Paris, 2004

accorde aux quipements de production. Par voie de consquence, la question de la qualit de vie a t relgue au second plan. Daucuns reconnaissent que le prix de la puissance7 et lenvers du miracle, le passif du long boom, ont t levs. R. Guillain (1986) constate que la vieille rigueur de la socit japonaise qui fonde la puissance de la communaut sur le sacrifice de lindividu est largement reste la rgle . Or, la socit civile japonaise nest pas demeure sourde face ces modes sauvages damnagement du territoire et aux consquences nfastes que prsentait pour les populations une industrialisation effrne. Des mouvements de protestation et de rsistance ont vu le jour au cours de la seconde moiti des annes soixante sous la forme desdits mouvement-habitants (jmin und) augurant les mouvements alternatifs de dsobissance civile caractristiques des socits occidentales de la fin du XXme sicle. Mouvements particularistes, ces jmin und lis la dfense dintrts concrets locaux ont prolifr face laggravation des nuisances jusqu atteindre prs de dix mille mouvements citoyens en 1975. Peu peu, ils murent travers des mouvements de vigilance et de cogestion en mouvement-citoyens (shimin und). Le gographe P. Pelletier synthtise cette situation en attirant lattention sur les tentatives de rcupration politique de ces mouvements sur fond de discours
7 Sautter C. Japon, le prix de la puissance, Seuil, Paris, 1973

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conationaliste , de mythification des rites ancestraux des Japonais vis-vis de la nature travers les rites shint qui firent le jeu du systme imprial et htrent leur dissolution (Pelletier, 1995). Les annes soixante-dix permirent cependant une prise de conscience nationale avec lmergence des Quatre Grands Procs de Nuisance - les affaires des cas de pollution industrielle de Yokkaichi (asthme), ceux de Minamata et Niigata (bioaccumulation de mercure) ainsi que celui de la maladie de itai-itai (littralement jai mal ! ) de Toyama par empoisonnement d au cadmium. La victoire des plaignants fit symboliquement basculer ces mouvements citoyens vers la lgitimit. La reconnaissance de la responsabilit de lusine Nihon Chisso Hiry (dcrte en 1988) dans la pollution au mercure de la baie de Minamata suite au dversement de produits mercuriels dans la mer de Shiranui8, puis la responsabilit des pouvoirs publics dans la mme affaire en 1993, furent par la suite dboutes en 1994. Simultanment, la crise du ptrole mit un terme la politique de promotion de la Haute Croissance. Dlaissant les clichs de cobaye de la pollution ou danimal conomique de la plante , le Japon chercha se refaonner une image mliorative. Il accueillit dans la foule un ensemble de mesures politiques
8 La maladie de Minamata avait lors dune estimation de 1993 caus la mort de 1 116 personnes.

relatives la Loi-cadre des mesures antipollution ds 1972 (kgai taisaku kihonp) favorables la prservation de lenvironnement. Cette loi introduisait une rglementation automobile prcoce sur lmission de gaz dchappement, labandon des projets de mgalo-combinats industriels prvus au Nord et au Sud de lArchipel (en rponse la lgifration aprs la mare noire de Mizushima) et la valorisation du patrimoine historique et paysager, un axe de requalification laiss de ct lors de la priode de haute croissance (ibid.). Malgr cette combinatoire de mesures en faveur de lenvironnement, les nuisances en milieu urbain restent prsentes comme en tmoigne plusieurs reprises P. Pelletier qui dresse un constat assez morose sur les phnomnes de pollution atmosphrique et acoustique des zones fortement anthropiques. En outre, les industries lectroniques rejettent chaque jour davantage de polluants et lutilisation intensive dengrais pour lagriculture et pour lentretien de plusieurs milliers de golfs implants dans les zones rurbaines atteint peu peu les nappes phratiques. Les gographes attribuent parfois au Japon le qualificatif de civilisation de lphmre du bois (Pelletier, 1995) en regard des fondements de lhabitat et des habitudes de destruction et de reconstruction systmatique des btiments (Berque, Sauzet, 2004). Tout voyageur empruntant le shinkansen (quivalent du TGV) pour se rendre de Tky Osaka sera surpris par linterminable dploiement

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rurbain et la btonisation massive et systmatique de la faade littorale pacifique japonaise. Lespace public de lArchipel se fait lcho de dbats vifs entre politiques, architectes, urbanistes et mouvements citoyens en vue dapporter des solutions pour contrer ltalement rurbain. Parmi les propositions envisages, deux dentre elles semblent faire lunanimit, le fait de relancer la compacit de lurbanisme en vue de reconstituer des espaces verts ou zone tampon et lambition de rduire lempreinte cologique en agissant sur les comportements de consommation dnergie et doccupation des terrains des industriels, des promoteurs et des particuliers. 2. Lemploy japonais au travail, entre loyaut et dpendance Daucuns sinterrogent sur le mutisme persistant de la direction de la firme Chisso, caractristique des premires annes de la contamination industrielle de Minamata, et attribuent cela au devoir dallgeance auquel cette entreprise soummettait son personnel. Abbeglen (1958) cite lors de travaux dobservation conduits in situ au sein de plusieurs entreprises japonaises un ensemble de tendances fortes concernant le fonctionnement lors de la priode de Haute Croissance . Je citerai parmi ces caractristiques les plus emblmatiques du fonctionnement de lentreprise japonaise et des obligations mutuelles qui lient employ et entreprise : lemploi vie ; la promotion salariale et hirarchique en fonction du nombre dannes de service ; lextension des droits et devoirs de lemployeur et de lemploy aux membres de la famille

et la prise en compte des ncessits de base de lemploy par lentreprise logement, cantine, soins mdicaux, facilits ducatives et rcrative. Ces tendances semblent concider avec une chelle de conformisme trs leve et avec des notions de fidlit et de loyaut totale envers son groupe dappartenance lentreprise-mre, valeurs qui taient prgnantes lors de la Haute Croissance. En outre, cette poque lexistence dengagements long terme entre employeur et salari constituait souvent une convention implicite et non un accord formalis, soit un nouvel cho de lallgeance de lindividu envers la collectivit. Ces engagements se traduisaient au sein de lentreprise par la prise en charge dune partie des besoins de la mainduvre comme lhbergement des jeunes salaris, lattribution dallocations diverses pour le mariage ou le dcs dun membre de la famille, le versement dune indemnit en fin de carrire (capitalisation), etc. Lensemble de ces avantages annexes contribue favoriser un esprit maison au point que les individus se dfinissaient plus couramment en mentionnant le nom de leur firme que la fonction quils y occupent. Ce constat reflte la tendance de lemploy japonais dont la qute didentit est fixe sur lappartenance et non la dmonstration de la valeur professionnelle. Si lappartenance un groupe particulier revt une importance capitale pour lindividu, cest ce niveau que la concurrence est la plus vive pour les candidats son accession. Aussi, lanalyse succincte du cadre des conditions dexercice de lemploy japonais lors de la Haute

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Croissance, au del du mcanisme de schmatisation quelle peut induire, nous permet de mieux apprhender comment loyaut et dpendance peuvent entraner le personnel dune usine dans une spirale du silence et limiter ses capacits dnoncer la gravit de certains dysfonctionnement organisationnels. Il semble ainsi possible de rsumer lensemble de ces considrations sur les relations interpersonnelles au Japon travers lexpression dune norme culturelle comportementale de communication interpersonnelle centre sur la retenue et le respect de la face dautrui. Ces tendances perdurent dans les moindres dtails lors de tout change de cadeau, formes ritualises de don et contre-don dont les nuances symboliques affectent maintes transactions de la vie quotidienne nipponne9. 3. Syndicat et renouveau post-traumatique, la leon des minamata gaku La communication sur les maladies industrielles qui affectent le personnel et les populations vivant proximit des usines - qui plus est des conglomrats industriels comme cest le cas au Japon, voire de sites polluants qui accueillent des installations minires, fait rarement lobjet dune problmatisation environnementale, celui de Comme le constate P. Jobin dans son ouvrage consacr aux maladies industrielles et au renouveau
9 J. Lagane, Le langage des cadeaux au Japon, une mdiation symbolique, in Communication et langages, N146, pp 115-128, dcembre 2005

syndical au Japon10, les consquences pidmiologiques des pollutions touchant les milieux naturels sont le plus souvent cartes ou minimises plutt que vrifies. Ds lors quune inquitude partage au sein de la population dbouche sur une amorce de questionnement, la plupart des industriels adoptent une position de dni ou de minimisation des risques. Le maintien de lemploi et la comptitivit des entreprises deviennent des arguments de poids pour rduire au silence les revendications visant enrayer ou prvenir une pollution industrielle . En cherchant savoir sil existe des ouvriers japonais cologistes qui prennent en compte la menace que fait peser sur lenvironnement leur usine, le sociologue aborde des points de tension organisationnels avec une acuit grave et inquitante. Il dcrit notamment les efforts entrepris par les directions du personnel pour minimiser la prvention des risques industriels en exerant sournoisement et sans relche un chantage lemploi ainsi que sa rcupration, voire son touffement par les intrts politiciens. Mettant ainsi en regard la lutte contre les maladies professionnelles au Japon avec lvolution et le mouvement de libralisation des syndicats, les investigations du chercheur franais attestent de la dimension syndicale de la tragdie et des rebondissements des conflits entre les associations de malades, la firme Chisso et ltat concernant les controverses mdicoscientifiques et administratives sur la
10 P. Jobin, Les maladies industrielles et le renouveau syndical au Japon, Ed. EHESS, Paris, 2006

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dfinition du mal et ses critres de reconnaissance. Un tel processus est hautement significatif de la complexit des rapports entre pollueurs et pollus dans nos socits fortement industrialises. 4. Les formes de publicisation de la tragdie, entre morcellement et multiplication Le dveloppement et les rpercussions socitales de la maladie de Minamata prs dun demi sicle aprs la dclaration de lendmie ont donn lieu un morcellement et une multiplication des lieux de publicisation sur la contamination industrielle. Daucuns parlent dune vaste production littraire, universitaire et artistique (photographies sur la violence photognique du syndrome, films, peintures...) qui a laiss une empreinte ineffaable dans la mmoire collective. Lanalyse des territoires de mobilisation ncessite de prendre en compte lespace public en tant quespace de dlibration, soit un espace o circulent des valeurs et o se construisent des normes via les mdias et nouveaux mdias . Lensemble des productions mdiatiques sur Minamata a largement dpass le cadre local de la catastrophe pour embraser les lieux de dbats et de contestation de lopinion internationale. La presse, la radio puis plus tardivement la tlvision sest fait lcho de la tragdie de faon sensationnaliste. P. Jobin11 cite le

journaliste E. Smith12, qui diffusa dans le Times en 1972 les premires photographies des victimes de la maladie de Minamata qui eurent un retentissement international. Une autre forme de mdiatisation correspond la masse darticles et dessais journalistiques produits sur la question qui associent faits et commentaires. Je citerai la narration trs circonstancie et maille dun ensemble de photographies choquantes en noir et blanc du journaliste indpendant, Mishima A. (1992) sur la lutte dune femme courageuse, Shirashi M., qui sut trs tt prendre la dfense des victimes les plus dmunies. Shirashi M., auteure dun retentissant essai Paradis dune Mer damertume , (kgai jod), contribua durablement la reconnaissance nationale et internationale de la notion de victime de la contamination industrielle de Minamata . Soustitr Notre maladie de Minamata , (Our Minamata disease), son essai attira lattention de lopinion civile sur les squelles insoutenables de la contamination, interrogeant par l mme les origines de la catastrophe hrites de la recherche inconsidre de profit et de productivit du Japon industrialis. Shirashi M. fut galement instigatrice dun ensemble dactions destines exiger des poursuites judiciaires et des dbrayages du personnel en qute dindemnisation des victimes13.
12 E Smith, A., Minamata : Words and photographs, New-York, Henry Holt & Company, 1975 13 Y. Matsui, Protest and the Japanese Woman, Japan Quarterly, 22(1), 1975, p. 31-32

11

P. Jobin, Notes de lecture, in Le mouvement social 200/1, N210, Ed. de lAtelier, 2005, p. 167

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Les tmoignages et ouvrages des propres victimes de la contamination ont galement donn lieu des formes de publicisation. Parfois, oeuvre de reconstitution sociologique du dveloppement de la tragdie ou de ses controverses, ces narrations prennent aussi la forme de prises de distance critique qui conduisent une conscience aigu de lintime intrication de la Nature et de lHomme. Lanthropologue Keibo O. (2001) retrace ainsi la narration dune victime, Ogata M., dont la trajectoire personnelle transite dune recherche de compensation socitale une qute spirituelle. Ainsi, cette mme personne dcrite comme ayant referm le cercle , se retrouve au bord de leau, dont mane toute vie. Cet endroit prcis, poursuit Ogata, situe le dpart de toute chose (tokoyo) navire de lternit qui mle pass, prsent, futur et participe dune prise de conscience que nous ne sommes pas uniquement responsables de nos propres actions mais de celles de notre socit et de notre espce. En dautres termes, de tels recueils de rcits renvoient aux principaux questionnements que nous devons considrer en tant que bnficiaires des technologies et industries modernes. P. Pons (2005) estime que les Japonais conjuguent au ct de la prvention des catastrophes naturelles, une nouvelle conscience cologique qui tente de renouer avec la conception originelle du rapport de lHomme la Nature. Or, poursuit le sociologue, la gravit de la destruction de lenvironnement qui atteint au Japon de telles cadences entre 1960 et 1970 fut telle quelle

engendra une vritable crise didentit dans le pays. Au regard des agressions violentes de son patrimoine cologique, daucuns parlrent dun miracle conomique qui tournait au cauchemar cologique, les ractions des habitants allaient contraindre lEtat ragir . 5. De la contamination au modle du satoyama, lexemplarit pan-asiatique Une analyste du processus de dveloppement de la maladie de Minamata, Ishimure M., parle quant elle de deux mondes qui se sont heurts : celui de pcheurs vivant en symbiose avec la nature et qui ont longtemps refus de croire que la mer pouvait tre porteuse de mort, et dun autre, pour lequel la nature ntait quun objet asservir 14. La tendance actuelle des Japonais anticiper les catastrophes industrielles peut tre associe leurs capacits de rsilience qui se traduisent aujourdhui par la mise en place des normes environnementales parmi les plus svres du monde. En outre, le Japon est lavantgarde de la recherche et de lutilisation des nergies alternatives (solaire et olienne) et a hberg deux sommets mondiaux autour des problmatiques de dveloppement durable et dcoresponsabilit. En tmoigne lorganisation de la 3me Confrence des Nations unies sur les changements climatiques Kyt en 1997, qui a laiss son nom au clbre protocole concernant le calendrier de prconisation de rduction de gaz
14

M. Ishimure, L. Monnet, Paradise in the Sea of Sorrow, our Minamata Disease, Tky,Yamaguchi, 1990

35

effet de serre, ainsi que la conception et laccueil Aichi, dans la priphrie de Nagoya, de lExposition Internationale 2005. Lanthropologue franaise S. Houdart a analys les nouveaux modes dinstitutionnalisation de la nature au Japon et de renaturalisation luvre lors du processus dlaboration de lexposition Aichi suite une approche dinvestigation auprs des concepteurs et quipes designers ayant pris part au projet de lExposition Internationale japonaise15. Conue pour rpondre aux interrogations nes dun dveloppement technologique dont les socits modernes auraient perdu largement le contrle, lExposition Internationale 2005 a t intitule Au-del du dveloppement : la redcouverte de la sagesse de la Nature ". En tentant de reconsidrer les rapports de l'Homme la Nature en cette priode o les problmes lis l'environnement (pollution, renouvellement des nergies, etc.) deviennent symptomatiques d'une modernit mal gre ou dpasse, le concept de dpart de lExposition tait le satoyama, type paysager japonais que les organisateurs souhaitaient promouvoir et rendre universel pour ses proprits de sagesse. Le Japon a ainsi puis dans son hritage culturel pour forger ce nouveau concept damnagement harmonieux du territoire qui sinspire dun environnement de village de moyenne montagne dfini comme un espace bois o Nature et
15 S. Houdart, Un chaos savamment ordonn, Llaboration conceptuelle de lExposition internationale japonaise dAichi 2005

Homme coexistent harmonieusement. Au del de lacceptation officielle du projet dexposition autour du satoyama, S. Houdart a enqut sur les tapes de son dfrichage politique et conceptuel plutt queffectif. Le suivi, pas pas, de la prparation du projet dExposition, ainsi que lanalyse corollaire des mouvements de protestation qui ont constitu le satoyama en patrimoine culturel, ont fait apparatre les processus htrognes de sa mise en visibilit politique. Mdiatis Aichi, le satoyama est rapidement devenu le symbole de lveil dune conscience cologique qui cherche renouer avec le pass. LExposition 2005 Aichi nous a ainsi lgu une grille dintelligibilit pour mieux apprhender les faons dont la socit japonaise se donne penser et lire en matire davance environnementale. Ce projet politique, fond sur une conception de lespace naturel associant tradition et modernit, prfigure un mode de dveloppement raisonn au sein des socits industrielles tant sur le plan de son rayonnement dans la sphre asiatique que sur le plan international. Pour conclure, jajouterai que la violence avec laquelle la socit nippone a t confronte aux consquences de la Haute Croissance a contribu faonner de manire durable les bases dune cocitoyennet nationale. Ce processus, tay par le dveloppement de formes de publicisation riches et htrognes sur la tragdie de Minamata et sur la dynamique de renouveau syndical et de responsabilisation socitale quil a fait natre au sein des organisations,

36

sinscrit dans un cours daction daffirmation et de mise en visibilit nationale et internationale des problmatiques environnementales caractristiques des socits industrialises et des nations en voie de dveloppement. La solution rside peut-tre, linstar du modle paysager du satoyama prsent Aichi et au-del de lveil international une conscience cologique, dans une reconfiguration des relations de lHomme son environnement pour le sicle venir. Bibliographie slective : 1. Abbeglen J. C., The Japanese Factory, The Free Press, Glencoe, 1958 2. Abbeglen, J.C & Stalk, G.K. The Japanese corporation, Basic Books, New York, 1985 3. Bernard F., Organiser la communication daction et dutilit socitales. Le paradigme de la communication engageante, Communication & Organisation, GREC/O, N29, Universit Michel de Montaigne, Bordeaux, 2006 4. Berque A., Sauzet M., Le sens de lespace au Japon, vivre, penser, btir, Arguments, Paris, 2004 5. Berque A., Le Sauvage et lArtifice, Gallimard, Paris 6. Bouvier N., Chronique japonaise, Petite Bibliothque Payot/ Voyageurs, 1989 p. 175-183 7. Gigon F. Le 400me Chat ou les Pollus de Minamata, R. Laffont, Paris, 1975 8. Guillain R., Orient Extrme, une vie en Asie, Point, Actuels, p. 444-445, Paris, 1986

9. Houdart S., Le "satoyama" comme arne politique au moment de la prparation de l'exposition internationale japonaise, Aichi 2005 in Japon Pluriel. Picquier, 2004. Vol. 5, p. 259-269, Paris 10. Houdart S., Un chaos savamment ordonn.Llaboration conceptuelle de lExposition internationale japonaise dAichi 2005 11. Ishimure M., Monnet L, Paradise in the Sea of Sorrow, our Minamata Disease, Tky,Yamaguchi, 1990 12. Jobin P., Notes de lecture, in Le mouvement social 200/1, N210, Ed. de lAtelier, 2005 13. Jobin P., Les maladies industrielles et le renouveau syndical au Japon, Ed. EHESS, Paris, 2006 14. Keibo O., Ogata M., ColliganTaylor K, Rowing the Eternal Sea: The Story of a Minamata Fisherman, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2001 15. Kerlinger F., Decision-making in Japan in Social Forces, 30, 1950 16. Lagane J., Omoiyari, vers une comprhension du concept dempathie au Japon, in Journal des anthropologues, N 114-115 novembre 2008, 2008 17. Lagane J., Le langage des cadeaux au Japon, une mdiation symbolique, in Communication et langages, N146, pp 115-128, dcembre 2005 18. Lagane J., Elments de recherche sur les Sciences de lInformation et de la Communication au Japon in Questions de communication, N7, Publications de lUniversit de Nancy

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19. Lagane J., Le Japon au-del des paradoxes, entre gestion et communication, in Communication et organisation, GREC/O, Bordeaux, pp.194-212, 2me semestre 2002. 20. Lebra T.S & Lebra W.P, Japanese Culture and Behavior : Selected Readings, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, Hawaii, 1974 21. Matsui, Y., Protest and the Japanese Woman , Japan Quarterly, 22(1), 1975 22. Mishima A., Bitter Sea : The Human Cost of Minamata Disease, Kosei, 1992 23. Merton T. , Mystics and Zen masters, Farrar, Straus & Giroux Inc, New-York, 1961 24. Nakane C., Tate-shakai no rikigaku (The dynamics of a vertical society). Tky, 1978 25. no T., L'Esprit Toyota. Masson, Paris, 1989

26. Pons P., A la recherche de la sagesse nippone oublie, in Le monde, Dossier dveloppement durable, p. 2, 26 mai 2005, Paris 27. Sautter C., Japon, le prix de la puissance, Seuil, Paris, 1973 28. Sauzet M., Berque A. & Ferrier J.P., Entre Japon et mditerrane, architecture et prsence au monde, Massin, Paris, 1999 29. Smith E. & A., Minamata : Words and photographs, NewYork, Henry Holt & Company, 1975 30. Suzuki D.T., The Zen doctrine of No-Mind, the Significance of the Sutra of Hui-Neng, Chistmas Humphreys, New-York, 1991 31. Schwab L., Guide Bleu, Hachette, Paris, 1989 32. Sugiyama-Lebra T., Japanese Patterns of Behavior, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 1976

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Le maintien domicile ou lentre en institution des personnes ges : une affaire de genre ?
Yvonne GUICHARD-CLAUDIC Matre de confrence Universit de Bretagne Occidentale - Brest (France)
Yvonne.Guichard-Claudic@univ-brest.fr

Rsum : Dans le cadre de cet article, nous nous intresserons la situation des personnes ges que lon pourrait qualifier comme risque dinstitutionnalisation ou se situant des moments-cls de leur parcours pouvant ncessiter, selon les professionnels du secteur mdical et/ou social, une transformation de leur mode de vie, dont ventuellement lentre dans une structure dhbergement collectif.

Mots-cls : g, genre, traitement, institution, domicile Entrer en institution constitue une transition biographique1, souvent considre comme difficile par les personnes ges car perue comme un aller sans retour, ltape ultime avant la mort en quelque sorte. Nous nous intresserons plus particulirement linfluence du genre sur lvaluation du risque, risque dont il est dit quil devient trop important au point quil justifierait plus ou moins brve chance le placement de la personne ge en institution. On se demandera par exemple dans quelle mesure les hommes sont plus menacs que les
V. Caradec, Les transitions biographiques, tapes du vieillissement, in Prvenir, Formes et sens du vieillir, 1998, 35, p. 131-137
1

femmes du risque dinstitutionnalisation malgr eux , parce que considrs comme moins capables de se dbrouiller seuls. Evaluation du risque mais aussi traitement de ce risque au regard du genre. Quen est-il par exemple de limportance du genre dans le maintien ou non domicile du couple g ou de lun des ses membres, ds lors quun des conjoints se sent fragilis ou commence tre dsign comme fragile ? Lenqute sur laquelle se fondera notre analyse est une tude qualitative multisites centre sur lanalyse des conditions de ngociation du devenir rsidentiel des personnes ges. Un chantillon de situations-type a t construit, qualifiant des conditions de vie domicile et de passage en institution. Sur les diffrents sites de recherche (Toulouse, LArige, le Prigord, la rgion parisienne, le Finistre) a t ralises 50 monographies, dont 8 confies lARS-UBO2. Chaque monographie comprenait un entretien recueilli auprs de la personne ge demeure domicile mais en situation limite ou rcemment
LAtelier de Recherche Sociologique (ARS) de lUniversit de Bretagne Occidentale (UBO/Brest) dont lauteure de larticle est membre.
2

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entre en institution et deux entretiens plus brefs recueillis auprs dun aidant informel et auprs dun intervenant professionnel. Le choix de la diversit de lchantillonnage des situations tudier a conduit mobiliser diffrents mdiateurs (services daides domicile, professionnels des EPHAD3 et autres institutions), auxquels nous avons demand de dfinir eux-mmes les cas qui leur apparaissaient significatifs et de jouer le rle dintermdiaire en mme temps que dinformateur. Si lchantillon nest pas reprsentatif au sens statistique, il rend bien compte des situations et parcours ayant fait lobjet dun suivi partag, de dlibrations, dune ngociation. Aprs avoir pos le cadre conceptuel et contextuel de notre questionnement, nous prsenterons les enseignements de lenqute concernant lvaluation et le traitement gnr des situations limites , en envisageant successivement le cas des couples, celui des hommes seuls plus ou moins dpendants et celui des femmes seules plus ou moins dpendantes. 1. Le cadre questionnement gnral du

Le processus qui conduit une personne ge entrer en institution ou rester au domicile met en jeu diffrentes dimensions : ltat de sant, certes, mais aussi les ressources mobilisables, lexistence ou non de supports relationnels, lintrt et les

limites des solutions dj mises en uvre. Diffrents acteurs sont impliqus dans ce processus : les personnes ges elles-mmes mais aussi les aidants dits informels (membres de la famille, amis, voisinage) et des professionnels du secteur mdical, mdico-social ou social susceptibles dintervenir dans le cadre des dispositifs existants. Evoquer les limites du maintien domicile, solution officiellement privilgie par tous les acteurs, cest mobiliser des systmes de reprsentations normatives, qui dfinissent ce quil est possible de faire et partir de quand une limite est atteinte ou dpasse. Ces reprsentations supposent donc des jugements dun ou plusieurs acteurs concernant le risque de mise en cause de la continuit dhabitat de la vieille personne selon diffrents critres : quels sont les risques considrs comme plus ou moins acceptables, par ou pour la personne ge, par ou pour les aidants informels, par ou pour les autres intervenants ? Quels sont les critres, les normes, les logiques et modles mobiliss pour dfinir quel est le plus gros risque, du maintien domicile ou de lentre en institution ? Ltude sur laquelle se fonde la communication vise comprendre quelles sont ces limites et comment elles sont construites, sur la base de quels systmes de normes et de valeurs, en se rfrant quels modles, en fonction des situations informelles et des configurations doffre.

Etablissement dhbergement personnes ges dpendantes.

pour

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La dimension du genre au sein de ce questionnement Les conditions du vieillissement des femmes et des hommes ne sont pas les mmes. Chacun connat par exemple le diffrentiel desprance de vie entre femmes et hommes. Il ne faut pas voir l la rsultante unique des caractristiques biologiques diffrentes selon les sexe, tant les comportements, les conditions de vie et de travail de lun et lautre sexe jouent un rle majeur dans lexistence dune surmorbidit et/ou dune surmortalit masculines ou fminines selon les poques4. Il est donc intressant de mobiliser ici la notion de genre pour reprer dventuelles diffrences entre hommes et femmes face cette question de lentre ou non en institution au grand ge et les reprsentations et pratiques qui soustendent ces diffrences. On dfinira ici le genre comme le processus de construction sociale de la diffrence des sexes, en tant quil est producteur la fois de catgorisation et de hirarchisation sociales. Si le terme sexe diffrencie les hommes et les femmes partir de leurs caractristiques biologiques, le terme genre, les distingue partir de leurs caractristiques socioculturelles. Le concept de genre dconstruit le sexe comme unique fondement, biologique, de la diffrence entre le
P. Aach,, Femmes et hommes face la mort et la maladie, des diffrences paradoxales in Femmes et hommes dans le champ de la sant. Approches sociologiques, in Aach P., D Cebe, G. Cresson, C. Philippe (dir), Editions de lEcole Nationale de la Sant Publique, Rennes, 2001
4

masculin et le fminin et permet danalyser comment le social produit et reproduit les catgories de sexe comme lments structurants et hirarchiss des socits humaines5. La diffrence des trajectoires de vieillissement selon le sexe sinscrit dans la continuit des diffrences sexues qui ont marqu les tapes antrieures du parcours de vie des hommes et des femmes. Rcapitulons brivement, avec Nancy Guberman (2002) les diffrences aux ges avancs qui vont avoir un impact sur la question de lentre ou non en institution. Les femmes vivent en moyenne plus longtemps que les hommes et sont souvent plus jeunes que leur conjoint ; elles sont donc beaucoup plus souvent seules aprs 65 ans, et sont aussi plus souvent que les hommes en situation daidantes de leur conjoint g. Elles souffrent galement davantage de pathologies chroniques (arthrose, ostoporose) gnrant des incapacits fonctionnelles. La conjonction de ces deux facteurs laisse prsager pour de nombreuses femmes des annes de veuvage o la solitude se double dincapacits de diverses natures. Par ailleurs, si leur trajectoire de sant antrieure (contraception, maternit, mnopause) familiarise les femmes plus que les hommes au recours aux services mdicaux et sociaux, elles ont par contre t moins frquemment en position de ngocier ou revendiquer auprs dexperts. Leurs trajectoires demploi se traduit le plus souvent par des retraites moins leves, or le niveau de revenus a un impact sur le vcu de la maladie et du
5

N.-C., Mathieu., Lanatomie politique, ditions Ct-femmes, Paris, 1991

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handicap, ne serait-ce que parce quil influence la capacit des personnes se procurer des services et quipements permettant de compenser les incapacits. Il faut aussi tenir compte des dimensions qui tiennent plus aux reprsentations et aux identits de genre. Ainsi les attentes lgard des femmes et des hommes peuvent tre marques par les strotypes de sexe. On attendra alors des femmes, mme ges et ayant des incapacits, plus de comptences en matire domestique (mnage, prparation des repas). De mme la manire de faire face aux limites peut diffrer suivant le sexe. Pourvoyeuses daide, les femmes en sont aussi les principales bnficiaires 6. Il semble que les femmes fassent preuve dune plus grande aptitude bnficier du support de membres de leur famille ou de leur entourage, ce qui facilite leur adaptation aux incapacits dont elles souffrent ou au veuvage. Il semble que le sentiment de bien-tre des hommes soit davantage affect que celui des femmes par la dpendance lgard de personnes ou dappareils pour compenser ces limites, tandis que les femmes sont affectes quand laide se limite la dimension technique7. Lefficacit des interventions peut donc varier suivant le sexe des personnes ges,

conduisant une apprciation diffrente du risque encouru par elles. 2. Femmes et hommes en couple face la question de lentre ou non en institution Sur les 50 monographies, 14 concernaient des couples, dont 9 vivaient domicile, un en foyer logement et 4 en EPHAD. Force est dabord de constater que la vie du couple g semble sinscrire dans la continuit de lhistoire conjugale antrieure. Alors que lpaisseur du temps partag peut venir renforcer la proximit des partenaires conjugaux ( ma femme et moi, ctait la chair et longle dclare un enqut) et protger du risque dinstitutionnalisation, ce rle protecteur du couple tend diminuer en cas de conflits antrieurs, de divergence des aspirations. Dans les couples rencontrs, mme si les deux partenaires taient trs gs, cest gnralement un des deux conjoints qui tait en situation qualifie de limite par les aidants familiaux ou professionnels. Note-ton des diffrences suivant que cest lhomme ou la femme qui est en situation de plus grande dpendance ? Compte tenu du diffrentiel dge et desprance de vie entre conjoints, les femmes sont plus frquemment en situation daidante de leur conjoint, mais notre corpus nous donne voir plusieurs situations o cest le mari qui est laidant principal de sa conjointe, atteinte de pathologies motrices et/ou cognitives. Certains chercheurs ont avanc lhypothse dune plus grande indiffrenciation des sexes la vieillesse. Les situations rencontres

C. Attias-Donfut, Sexe et vieillissement, in T.Bloss (dir), La dialectique des rapports hommes-femmes, PUF, Paris, 2001, p. 211 7 M.G.Penning, L.A. Strain, Gender differences in disability, assistance and subjective well-being in later life, dans Journal of Gerontology, Social Sciences, 1994, 49, 4: S 202-S 208

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permettent de conforter au moins partiellement cette hypothse, certains hommes assumant des tches domestiques et des soins profanes de sant strotypiquement catgoriss comme fminins. Ainsi par exemple Mr Camlia, g de 76 ans, prend-il en charge sa femme atteinte de la maladie de Parkinson et la sur de celle-ci, qui a fait lobjet dun diagnostic de maladie dAlzheimer et souffre dun dbut dincontinence, au grand dam des professionnels, qui jugent la situation bizarre , dcrivent Mr Camlia comme mystique de la souffrance , en position dhumilit et de servitude . De fait, il est aid, mais il fait la toilette de son pouse, assume seul les courses, les repas, la lessive et le repassage et gre le budget et les papiers. Dautres hommes assument ces tches de moins bonne grce. Ainsi Mr Amaryllis, 74 ans, est laidant principal de sa femme de 73 ans, atteinte dune maladie neurodgnrative. Ce nest pas de gaiet de cur, il na pas, dit-il, le temprament se dvouer, comme certaines femmes , mais cest ma femme, cest mon devoir . Il ajoute quil a 4 fils, mais que sil avait eu une fille, sans doute serait-elle intervenue davantage auprs de sa mre. De mme certaines pouses se plaignent de lpuisement ressenti prendre en charge un conjoint atteint de pathologies lourdes, ncessitant une prsence quasi-permanente. Ici, la diffrence rside moins dans les pratiques (encore que les hommes concerns, il convient de le rpter, sont moins nombreux que les femmes dans la mme situation) que dans les reprsentations : tandis que

les hommes prsentent ce travail conjugal comme relevant de la protection de leur conjointe, ractivant ainsi le strotype de lhomme protecteur, les femmes sont places dans une position maternante lgard de leur conjoint, comme le sont les filles et belles-filles lgard de leurs ascendants ou de ceux de leurs conjoints. Dans cette configuration, les hommes comme les femmes retardent au maximum lentre en institution de leur conjoint/e, mais quand celle-ci a lieu, la culpabilisation semble plus forte chez les conjointes valides, tandis que certains hommes moins centrs sur leur couple se rsolvent plus facilement un placement. Cette dmarche est parfois facilite par les incitations dculpabilisantes des professionnels8. Quand les deux membres du couple sont trs gs, et que le plus valide ne lest pas suffisamment pour continuer assumer laide son/sa partenaire conjointement avec les services daide domicile, se pose la question de lentre conjointe en institution. La transition est facilite par le fait que le choix est pos par le couple : ainsi de Mr et Mme Blanc entrs volontairement en foyerlogement. Mais la dcision relve plus frquemment dune alliance famille-professionnels, face au risque dpuisement du conjoint aidant et/ou la lourdeur et au cot des solutions
8

L. Riot, Entrer en maison de retraite, in N.Jaujou,, E. Minnart, L. Riot (dir), LEHPAD: Pour finir de vieillir. Ethnologie compare de la vie quotidienne en institution griatrique, Etude ralise pour le Centre dAnalyse Stratgique par la Fondation Maison des Sciences de lHomme, juin 2006, p 27-83

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mettre en place pour permettre le maintien domicile. Dans ces cas de figure, mme si les enfants se sentent scuriss par lentre en institution de leurs parents gs, lalignement des conditions dhbergement du ou de la plus valide sur celles du partenaire qui lest moins peut conduire une dtrioration de la sant du plus valide : ainsi de ce couple dont la femme souffre dune pathologie type Alzheimer sans agitation et qui est assign rsidence dans un service ferm, avec impossibilit de sortir sans accompagnement, y compris pour le conjoint valide. 3. Quand la dpendance est le fait dhommes seuls Les hommes seuls reprsentent 11 des 50 monographies recueillies. Si les femmes sont plus souvent veuves que les hommes, ceux-ci semblent supporter plus difficilement cette situation. Ainsi en va-t-il de quelques-uns des hommes rencontrs, pour lesquels le dcs de leur conjointe a provoqu une rupture dans leur parcours de vie, au risque de hter une entre non voulue en institution. La question est de savoir si, face aux strotypes de sexe qui conduisent souvent les aidants, professionnels ou familiaux, considrer les hommes seuls comme moins capables que les femmes dassumer leur quotidien, ceux-ci dveloppent-ils une bonne capacit faire valoir leur volont auprs de leur rseau familial et daide. Il ny a bien sr pas de rponse simple tant les facteurs en jeu sont multiples. Prenons le cas de Mr Daniel, ancien agriculteur. Aprs la mort de sa femme, au souvenir de laquelle il

tmoigne dun fort attachement, il a vcu seul dans une maison isole et sans confort, aid par ses trois filles, consacrant son temps au jardinage et lexcution de menus travaux. Quand survient de petits incidents de sant, le mdecin juge la situation risque , dautant plus quil refuse toute modernisation de son logement et incite la fille ane laccueillir. La difficile cohabitation dbouche sur un placement non voulu en EHPAD (la seule solution ), acclrant un processus de dprise et de repli sur lui-mme. Mr Calonec a eu plus de succs dans sa volont dviter de rentrer en maison de retraite. Il est pourtant gravement handicap par une maladie de Parkinson ; les chutes et les troubles affrents la maladie lont conduit plusieurs reprises lhpital. Trs entour par les services daide et de soins domicile, cet ancien ouvrier domicili en Bretagne, incapable de se dplacer et mme de parler distinctement, a russi loigner le spectre de lentre en institution, brandi au plus fort de la crise par ses deux fils qui vivent dans le sud de la France ; un certain retour la normale permet Mr Calonec de faire nouveau prvaloir sa volont. Sa maison, construite de ses mains, reprsente le symbole de la continuit identitaire et il continue, son rythme trs lent, dy bricoler de menus objets. Pour Mr Houx, clibataire de 91 ans, cas emblmatique de lhomme isol, dpourvu de liens amicaux et familiaux, il a fallu lentremise de la gardienne de son immeuble, pour que des incidents de sant ne se traduisent pas par un placement dfinitif en maison de retraite. Cette femme sest engage continuer lui apporter son

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aide et organiser le suivi des aidants professionnels qui interviennent au domicile de Mr Houx. Dans tous ces cas, on voit que la capacit faire entendre sa volont ne dpend pas seulement de la personne. Le cas de Mr Calonec relve du soutien familial ngoci 9 : lentre en institution est lobjet de ngociations familiales mettant en regard les contingences du soutien domicile et les valeurs auxquelles les membres se rfrent. La vieille personne prend part la ngociation sans y tenir le rle principal. Les enfants sont plus gestionnaires de laide que pourvoyeurs directs. Le souci de respecter la volont du parent g nlimine pas pour lentourage la conscience du risque encouru, surtout en prsence dune maladie neurologique dgnrative, mais la limite du maintien domicile nest pas atteinte ds lors que les membres de la famille considrent que le fait de quitter le domicile serait plus nfaste que le risque dune chute ou dun accident domestique. Le cas de Mr Daniel relve davantage de lentre en maison de retraite lgitime 10: la dcision est prise par lentourage, qui considre que la vieille personne nest plus apte dfinir ce qui est le mieux pour elle et que lon est parvenu la limite du possible en matire de maintien domicile. Quant au cas de Mr Houx, il se serait traduit par un placement impos par les
J.Mantovani, C. Rolland, S. Andrieu (dir) et alii, Etude sociologique sur les conditions dentre en institution des personnes ges et les limites du maintien domicile, Rapport pour la DREES, 2007 10 Idem
9

professionnels soucieux de dgager leur responsabilit, si lentremise de la gardienne navait conduit les professionnels oprer une seconde lecture, plus centre sur la personne et les besoins quelle exprime. Quand le parcours antrieur a t chaotique, la fin de vie est souvent marque par la solitude et la prcarit. Ainsi en va-t-il de Mrs Coquelicot, Afid et Bordas, qui se sont maris et spars plusieurs reprises, sur fond de violences conjugales et dalcool, et qui se sont dsintresss des enfants de leurs premiers lits. Difficile dans ce cas dattendre un contre-don filial. Cest pourtant ce dont bnficie Mr Bordas, aid toutes les semaines par sa fille dun premier lit. Son intervention a permis de rorganiser son quotidien sur de nouvelles bases et dviter pour le moment lentre en institution. Le cas dEmile, ancien locataire dun CHRS11 en Bretagne, est tout aussi problmatique : aprs avoir fait 13 ans de prison pour meurtre et avoir connu des annes derrance et dalcoolisation massive, il se stabilise quand il bnficie dun encadrement adapt. Le logement quil occupe actuellement est en fin de bail. Pour les ducateurs, Emile constitue un cas emblmatique de personne vieillissante en grande prcarit pour lequel un hbergement en maison-relais pourrait constituer une solution satisfaisante. Pour ces hommes au final, cest aussi bien le maintien domicile (quel domicile ? quel type daide ?...) que lentre en institution (cot, discipline, enfermement) qui posent problme
11

Centre dhbergement et de rinsertion sociale

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et laccroissement de la dpendance risque de se traduire pour eux par la mise en place dune solution dcide par les professionnels . Si nous avons rencontr des femmes seules de situation trs modeste, dans de petits logements en quartier dhabitat social, nous navons pas rencontr chez les femmes semblables isolement et quotidien dstructur. 4. Quand la situation limite est le fait de femmes seules Les femmes seules constituent la plus grande partie de notre corpus, ce qui nest pas une surprise, compte tenu du sexe/ratio aux ges avancs. Les expriences rencontres sont trs diversifies et ici aussi, le maintien domicile ou lentre en institution sinscrivent dans une trajectoire antrieure et mettent en jeu de multiples facteurs : ltat de sant bien sr, mais il faut aussi compter avec le milieu social et ressources associes (ressources financires, rseau relationnel, capacit ngocier avec les professionnels), la prsence ou non dune famille, proche ou distance Si nous examinons ces expriences du point de vue du processus dcisionnel, nous pouvons dgager diffrents profils de ngociation : La premire configuration concerne des personnes qui affirment une capacit dauto-dtermination, qui ne leur est pas dispute par lentourage, quand celui-ci existe. Il sagit de femmes qui expriment une autonomie qui sinscrit dans la continuit de leur parcours de vie. Ces femmes se montrent souvent soucieuses de ne pas peser sur la vie de leur enfants, dont elle ont

encourag la russite professionnelle. Il sagit souvent de femmes issues dun milieu ais, qui bnficient de ressources importantes, ressources sociales, cognitives et parfois financires. Elles ont souvent connu la mobilit gographique et se caractrisent par un sentiment de matrise sur leur trajectoire, quand bien mme elles souffrent de handicaps lourds. Ainsi Mme Laouenan, 85 ans, est en fauteuil depuis une dizaine dannes et vit-elle recluse dans un appartement un troisime tage sans ascenseur. Recluse mais pas isole, elle bnficie de nombreux services domicile et des visites de ses enfants. Il nest pas question que les enfants se substituent leur mre concernant la dcision dune ventuelle institutionnalisation. Son fils Antoine, 55 ans, confirme cette lecture. Ah oui, cest elle qui gre. Je ne sais pas, vous avez du vous en rendre compte, cest une femme de tte quoi, cest vrai. () Au point de vue jambes, elle peut pas marcher et tout a, mais au point de vue tte, ya aucun problme, quoi, donc cest elle qui dcide. a a toujours t comme a, de toute faon, elle a toujours fait ce quelle a voulu. Au point quils ne lont pas inscrite sur une liste dattente dans les institutions de la rgion. Initialement aise, Mme Laouenan na plus aujourdhui de gros moyens, ce qui nest pas le cas de Mme Mathieu, 88 ans, galement en fauteuil, qui emploie deux auxiliaires de vie et deux gardes de nuit, afin dassurer auprs delle une prsence permanente. Les conditions semblent runies pour quelle puisse continuer vivre chez elle dans de bonnes conditions, au point quelle se

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projette sereinement dans lavenir : Jespre pouvoir finir ma vie tranquillement ici. Dans dautres cas, laffirmation de lautonomie se traduit par une entre en institution librement choisie. La survenue de handicaps limite la mobilit de ces femmes et restreint leurs possibilits de sociabilit, branlant leur identit de personne autonome et active. La dcision dentrer en institution constitue une faon de se prendre en main, de ngocier un tournant de sa trajectoire qui constitue une forme de dprise stratgique 12. Ainsi Mme Loiret, institutrice en retraite, ne souhaite pas tre un fardeau pour son fils unique et considre linstitution comme un moyen de prserver son autonomie, tout en tant entoure. Ltablissement choisi est souvent de type intermdiaire : foyer-logement ou tablissement priv avec services. Lespace de ngociation est souvent beaucoup plus rduit et lentre en institution relve bien souvent dune ngociation sous contrainte. La personne nest pas absente de la dcision, mais on a affaire un compromis dont les termes sont lacceptation de lentre en institution moyennant la prservation du lien familial. Si les proches expriment le souci des de respecter le dsir de la parente ge, ils souhaitent viter les risques encourus et se posent en gestionnaires de laide, sans envisager un accueil de la personne leur domicile. Ainsi le fils de Mme Le Doar, qui souffre de vertiges rptition, sinquite-t-il de linadaptation du logement de sa
12

J. Mantovani C. Rolland, S. Andrieu (dir) et alii, op.cit., 2007

mre, une grande maison toute en hauteur, de son tat de sant et du repli sur soi quelle manifeste depuis le dcs de son pre. Il ngocie avec elle un essai en foyer-logement et cette priode transitoire dbouche sur une entre durable dans linstitution. Ladaptation russie cette entre en institution a t favorise par le maintien de formes de continuit avec sa vie antrieure : elle a gard sa maison, dans laquelle elle se rend rgulirement en bus, elle continue frquenter le foyer de personnes ges de son ancien quartier, elle a renou au foyer logement avec danciennes relations, son nouveau cadre de vie intgre des meubles, objets, photos tmoins de son pass et de sa vie prsente. Son nergie retrouve lui permet dapprcier la poursuite de relations rgulires, dsormais, apaises avec son fils et sa belle-fille. Pour les femmes comme pour les hommes, lespace de ngociation peut tre beaucoup plus limit, notamment quand la dgradation de ltat de sant de la femme ge se heurte lpuisement des aidants, souvent une ou des filles ou une bellefille, qui altre les relations familiales. Dans ce cas de figure, les professionnels lgitiment lentre en institution, et allgent la culpabilit souvent ressentie par les aidants, et notamment les aidantes, dont le rle est souvent naturalis. Largument de la scurit est souvent mis en avant : lentre en institution est perue comme la seule solution qui permette dassurer la scurit du parent g, qui bnficie ainsi dun entourage permanent ; elle scurise galement les enfants, ce qui contribue lacceptation du placement par la vieille personne.

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Quand ce consentement est totalement absent, que le placement a t ralis contre la volont de la personne et sinscrit par exemple en rupture avec un modle familial daide aux anciens, on entre dans une phase de dprise ultime, la personne ayant le sentiment de navoir plus sa place ; cest alors la rsignation, le repli voire le sentiment de la mort qui domine dans les propos recueillis. Au total, les conclusions de cet article ne peuvent qutre modestes : le genre apparat comme une des dimensions, ni la seule ni la plus importante, mais une dimension trop souvent oublie de lexprience que font les hommes et les femmes du grand ge. Le corpus tudi ne nous permet pas daffirmer que les hommes sont, plus que les femmes, menacs du risque dinstitutionnalisation malgr eux, mme si lon ne peut douter que les reprsentations que se font les aidants, familiaux et professionnels, des capacits et incapacits dun homme et dune femme participent la dcision de faon implicite, comme un allant de soi . Les strotypes de sexe ont la vie dure, mme si la ralit des pratiques, beaucoup plus complexe, dborde de toutes parts les reprsentations et identits sexues traditionnelles, comme en tmoignent les pratiques parfois atypiques au regard du genre que nous avons rencontr. Les femmes et les hommes ne sont pas toujours l o on les attend. Par contre, une des dimensions que nous navons pas aborde, mais qui affleure tout au long du corpus est celle du genre des pratiques et reprsentations des aidant, profanes ou professionnel. On note par

exemple frquemment une division sexuelle du travail daide profane entre frre et sur, la sur se chargeant des soins de proximit, de lentretien du linge, des services impliquant une proximit corporelle avec la personne ge, surtout sil sagit de la mre, tandis que le frre gre la dimension administrative ou financire de la prise en charge. Lemprise des reprsentations gnres est galement dcelable dans la tolrance diffrencie que manifestent aidant profanes et professionnelles lgard des exigences des personnes ges dpendantes. Dans le corpus, il est fait tat dhommes au caractre peru comme difficile, du fait de leur tendance au mutisme ou du caractre inflexible de leur refus de cder aux injonctions de lentourage ; du ct des femmes, ce sont les exigences des femmes de caractre , ges, physiquement dpendantes mais encore en mesure de grer les diffrentes formes daide auxquelles elles recourent, de prciser la nature de leurs besoins, qui sont souvent juges puisantes. Il est vrai quici la problmatique de classe peut venir se surajouter la question du genre, ces femmes exigeantes tant aussi souvent des femmes aises qui font valoir leur position demployeuse dans un rapport hirarchique avec les professionnel qui fournissent le service. Les exigences de ces femmes vues comme vindicatives sont gnralement mal supportes par les aidant. En tout tat de cause, il est souhaitable de dbusquer ces effets de genre qui contribuent apprhender et traiter diffremment le risque selon que lon a affaire un homme

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ou une femme. Il y va de la qualit de laide apporte, qui est dautant plus efficace que les besoins et attentes des diffrentes catgories dacteurs sociaux en prsence sont apprhends finement, en tenant compte du genre

Bibliographie slective : 1. Aach P., Femmes et hommes face la mort et la maladie, des diffrences paradoxales in Femmes et hommes dans le champ de la sant. Approches sociologiques, in Aach P., Cebe D., Cresson G., Philippe C. (dir), 2001, Rennes, Editions de lEcole Nationale de la Sant Publique. 2. Attias-Donfut C., Sexe et vieillissement , in Bloss T. (dir), La dialectique des rapports hommes-femmes, PUF, Paris 2001, p. 211. 3. Caradec V., Les transitions biographiques, tapes du vieillissement, in Prvenir, Formes et sens du vieillir, 1998, 35, p. 131-137. 4. Guberman N., Lanalyse diffrencie selon les sexes et les politiques qubecoises pour les personnes ges en perte dautonomie, Lien social et politique, RIAC, 47, 2002, p. 155169. 5. Mantovani J., Rolland C., Andrieu S. (dir) et alii, Etude sociologique sur les conditions dentre en institution des personnes ges et les limites du maintien domicile, Rapport pour la DREES, 2007.

6. Mathieu N.-C., Lanatomie politique, 1991, Paris, ditions Ct-femmes. 7. Penning M.J. et Strain L.A., Gender differences in disability, assistance and subjective wellbeing in later life, Journal of Gerontology, Social Sciences, 1994, 49, 4: S 202-S 208. 8. Riot L. (2006), Entrer en maison de retraite, in Jaujou N., Minnart E., Riot L. (dir), LEHPAD : Pour finir de vieillir. Ethnologie compare de la vie quotidienne en institution griatrique, Etude ralise pour le Centre dAnalyse Stratgique par la Fondation Maison des Sciences de lHomme, juin 2006, p 27-83.

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Istoricul i tipologia crizelor


Prof.univ.dr. Dumitru OTOVESCU, Lect.univ.dr. Adrian OTOVESCU Universitatea din Craiova
d_otovescu@yahoo, co.uk; adiotovescu@yahoo.com

Rezumat: Criza poate fi definit ca fiind o situaie caracterizat de instabilitate i incertitudine pronunat, ce implic schimbri importante n viaa social, politic sau economic. Din perspectiv sociologic, putem analiza criza fie ca un fapt social, fie ca un fenomen social, fie ca un proces care se desfoar n cuprinsul unei societi ori al unor societi umane la un moment dat. Totui, indiferent de natura i aria lor de manifestare, ea constituie un factor de tulburare a ordinii i stabilitii sociale. n acest studiu, ne-am axat pe definirea termenul de criz, avnd n vedere identificarea trsturilor generale i definitorii ale acestuia. De asemenea, am prezentat situaiile de criz economic din toate epocile de dezvoltare a societii, precum i o tipologizare a acestora. Cuvinte cheie: criz, dezvoltare, disfuncionalitate, depresiune, colaps

1. Noiunea de criz trsturi generale i definitorii

Noiunea de criz prezint o relevan cognitiv special pentru tiinele despre om i societate. Spre deosebire de fenomenele i procesele din natur, care se produc independent de voina i contiina oamenilor (cum ar fi cele fizice, chimice, biologice), fenomenele i

procesele caracteristice lumii social-umane influeneaz n mod direct viaa oamenilor i, ca atare, se impun cu prioritate n registrul de cunoatere al tiinelor sociale. Deoarece universul social-uman cuprinde o mare varietate de fenomene i procese, atunci i aplicarea noiunii de criz nregistreaz o mare varietate de atribute. Din perspectiv sociologic, putem s tratm criza fie ca un fapt social, fie ca un fenomen social, fie ca un proces care se desfoar n cuprinsul unei societi ori al unor societi umane la un moment dat. Ca i alte fenomene sociale explozive cum ar fi rzboaiele, revoluiile ori revoltele colective spontane crizele devin probleme prioritare de reflecie i aciune atunci cnd manifestrile lor afecteaz ordinea social, viaa unor mari comuniti de oameni, iar efectele sau consecinele lor multiple nu mai pot fi controlate. Crizele, indiferent de natura i aria lor de manifestare (general sau particular), constituie un factor de tulburare a ordinii i stabilitii sociale. Dac inem cont de efectele lor nocive asupra majoritii oamenilor, atunci acestea putem spune c aparin patologiei sociale i, ca atare, ele sunt indezirabile pentru orice putere guvernamental i pentru orice colectivitate uman. Sub aspect istoric, crizele au aprut din cele mai vechi timpuri, 50

nsoind ntreaga evoluie a umanitii. Pentru a descifra cauzele unei crize este necesar, mai nti, s delimitm coninutul acesteia (economic, politic, social, cultural etc.), i, mai apoi, s stabilim aportul factorilor umani implicai: n cazul unei crize financiar-bancare, de exemplu, de la responsabilii oficiali (conductori politici i de stat, bancheri, directori de instituii financiare i internaionale .a.) i pn la cetenii de rnd (care, de pild, i asum mprumuturi i cheltuieli mai mari dect veniturile i posibilitile efective de returnare a creditelor bneti). De asemenea, este important s cunoatem faptul dac o criz a fost n mod deliberat provocat (urmrindu-se un anumit scop) sau a aprut ca rezultat al unui concurs de mprejurri. Prin urmare, aceasta se poate datora unor abuzuri, erori, slbiciuni, neglijene, deficiene omeneti sau, dimpotriv, este produsul unui calcul premeditat, anticipndu-se anumite beneficii. De pild, absena unui medicament ori cantitatea redus a acestuia pe pia, genereaz o stare de criz n tratarea celor bolnavi, iar n condiiile promovrii ideii c o boal amenin omenirea, vor fi favorizai productorii acelui medicament necesar tratamentului. Factorul subiectiv joac un rol foarte important n declanarea crizelor. Bncile, de exemplu, pentru a-i maximiza profitul, i conving pe oameni s fac tot felul de mprumuturi, crendu-le iluzia consumului nelimitat i a faptului c este asigurat de ctre acestea. Atunci cnd unele uniti bancare intr n criz de lichiditi apare psihoza deponenilor, care, din dorina de a 51

nu-i pierde economiile, recurg la retrageri masive de bani, genernd o stare emoional colectiv de fric i, implicit, o falimentare a instituiilor bancare. n sens larg, prin criz se nelege starea de disfuncionalitate i depresiune, de paralizie, blocaj ori de regres n care ajunge o anumit structur ori activitate din cuprinsul unei societi. Deficiena, lipsa, potenialul evoluionar sczut sunt atribute caracteristice strii de criz. Orice manifestare de criz, ntr-o activitate socialmente util, debuteaz printr-o ncetare (lent sau brusc) a ritmului anterior i instalarea elementelor de dezorganizare sau dezordine, se continu cu reducerea i epuizarea resurselor (materiale, financiare, umane, manageriale etc.), mergnd pn la blocarea, ntreruperea respectivei activiti, pe o durat temporar ori definitiv. n anumite circumstane, criza conduce la dispariia unei anumite activiti (organizat i ntreinut de o anumit structur instituional), n alte mprejurri aceasta poate fi depit prin efortul de reorganizare, refinanare i adecvare la noile solicitri ale practicii sociale. Faptul c orice societate naional i comunitate continental funcioneaz ca un tot unitar (sistem) ne oblig s recunoatem c o criz parial se poate nlnui cu alte crize sectoriale i c, fie separat, fie mpreun pot avea influene asupra comportamentului ntregului sistem economic i social, afectndu-l n msuri variabile. Cercetarea tiinific deliberat a cauzelor i consecinelor diferitelor crize s-a impus n a doua jumtate a

secolului al XIX-lea,1 ca urmare a degradrii ori a stagnrii cursului evoluiei diverselor fenomene socialeconomice i politice (la scar naional, regional i continental). Actualmente nu beneficiem de un studiu exhaustiv, care s examineze criza n multitudinea determinrilor sale, ca stare i ca proces, ca fenomen social-istoric i prin prisma numeroaselor consecine generate, pe multiple planuri (economic, politic, social, instituional .a.). Stabilirea diagnosticului de criz pentru o anumit activitate social se bazeaz pe constatarea unor situaii specifice, evaluate n diferite chipuri: dezordine, deficit, stagnare, regres, evoluie contradictorie, incoeren funcional, epuizare a potenialului evolutiv, incertitudine etc. Adesea sunt utilizate expresiile de recesiune, depresiune ori colaps (termen mprumutat din medicin pentru a desemna stoparea unei activiti). Atunci cnd criza este i recunoscut de ctre specialiti, de instituiile i autoritile publice, aceasta devine i o problem oficial, o chestiune social de interes major i

n publicistica din Romnia, putem semnala apariia, la Bucureti, n anul 1870, a studiului La crize, semnat de Mihai Anagnosti. Pe aceeai linie teoretic, general de abordare n epoc, se nscrie i lucrarea lui I.G.Bibicescu, intitulat Cercetri asupra crizei i cauzelor ei (1885). La nceputul veaculului al XIX-lea, Masim Ion Leu se va ocupa de Criza agricol i mijloacele de a o ndrepta (1901); Spiru Haret a fost interesat de Criza bisericeasc (1912), n timp ce Vintil I. Brtianu s-a axat pe descifrarea unor Crize de stat, 19011907-1913 ( lucrare publicat n 1913)

un subiect prioritar de dezbatere n mass-media. Din punct de vedere sociologic, definirea unei situaii ca fiind de criz presupune luare n considerare a unor indicatori, pe baza crora se poate realiza o analiz cantitativ, calitativ i comparativ. n acest scop se alege o anumit perspectiv teoreticosociologic de studiu - cel mai adesea se utilizeaz concepia sistemic, datorit caracterului ei foarte general i operaional, n acelai timp. Cercetarea efectiv ne oblig s adoptm i o orientare metodologic adecvat obiectului de studiu. Metoda anchetei de opinie, bunoar, poate fi folosit cu succes pentru a cunoate percepia subiectiv a oamenilor despre criz, aa cum o triesc ei, felul n care i afecteaz i n ce msur. Analiza statisticilor privind evoluia veniturilor sau a omajului ne poate dezvlui forma obiectiv a manifestrii crizei. Pentru economiti, examinarea crizei se poate face pe baza unor indicatori sintetici, cum ar fi, la nivel naional, Produsul Intern Brut i indicele produciei industriale. Dinamica venitului mediu, rata omajului, cursul bursier i cel al monedei naionale, evoluia numrului de uniti economice aflate n faliment, indicele preurilor sunt, de asemenea, repere semnificative pentru a judeca virulena i profunzimea unei crize economice. ntr-o accepie lrgit, criza economic privete ntreaga economie a unei ri, regiuni etc., iar ntr-o accepie restrns se refer la criza unor ramuri i domenii economice (agricultura, transporturile, reeaua bancar .a.)

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n dinamica ei, criza economic evolueaz de la starea latent la cea manifest i, de aici, la starea agresiv de desfurare. Atunci cnd impactul acesteia dobndete accente dramatice n raport cu destinul a numeroase colectiviti de oameni, devine obiect de studiu i dezbateri controversate nu numai pentru specialiti (economiti, sociologi, politologi, diveri ali oameni de tiin)2, dar i pentru cei care activeaz pe scena vieii publice (politicieni, jurnaliti, lideri de opinie .a.). Interesul special artat fenomenului de criz economic se explic prin faptul c afecteaz nu doar n mod negativ i vizibil existena oamenilor, ci i cu costuri apreciabile, n special atunci cnd urmrile sale se extind n toate domeniile componente ale unei societi. 2. Istoricul i tipologia crizelor La originea crizelor sociale n general s-au aflat, de-a lungul timpului, n special crizele economice. Istoria universal consemneaz situaii de criz economic n toate epocile devenirii umanitii, ncepnd cu Antichitatea i continund cu perioada Evului Mediu, iar, mai apoi, cu aceea a Renaterii. n urmtoarele peste cinci secole de dezvoltare a societii i economiei capitaliste (sec. XVI -XX i n primul deceniu al veacului al XXI-lea), momentele de criz au
Dintre cele mai recente apariii editoriale, n Romnia, consacrate analizei tiinifice a problematicii crizei actuale, semnalm lucrarea prof. univ. dr. Ilie Bdescu, Despre criz n lumina teoriei succesiunii coexistente, Editura Mica Valahie, Bucureti, 2009
2

devenit nu doar mai frecvente, ci i mai ample din punct de vedere al manifestrii consecinelor lor sociale. Rspndirea pe glob a modului capitalist de via social a nsemnat, practic, i mondializarea fenomenelor de criz. Anumii cercettori a istoriei Europei moderne, precum Franois Simiand, afirm c debutul capitalismului n secolul al XVI-lea a nsemnat o perioad de prosperitate, pe cnd veacul al XVII-lea a fost calificat drept o perioad de regres, depresiune sau << criz >> [...]3. Deci, istoria, n general, i capitalismul, n particular, ne-ar aprea din optica gnditorului francez ca o alternan a epocilor de strlucire i progres i a celor de disoluie i regres. Franois Simiand este promotorul teoriei ciclurilor economice seculare n explicarea istoriei Europei moderne, autorul considernd c perioadele de afirmare a curentelor ascendente (faza A) sunt urmate de epocile manifestrii curentelor descendente (faza B). Teoria dezvoltrii ciclice a societii i economiei capitaliste presupune, aadar, la scara istoriei Europei, c perioadele de progres sunt nsoite, n mod automat, de perioade de criz, care i sunt inerente. Filosoful i sociologul american Immanuel Wallerstein s-a ocupat ndeaproape de problema crizei capitalismului din veacul al XVII-lea i a remarcat tonul dramatic al descrierii lui Roland Mousnier, care, n 1953, preciza urmtoarele: Secolul al XVII-lea este epoca unei
3

Cf. Immanuel Wallerstein, Sistemul mondial modern,vol. III, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1993, p. 7

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crize care a afectat omul n totalitate, n toate activitile sale economice, sociale, politice, religioase, tiinifice, artistice i n toat fiina sa, la nivelul cel mai profund al puterilor sale vitale, al sentimentelor i voinei sale. Se poate spune c aceast criz a fost continu, dar cu oscilaii violente.4 Deducem c, n aceast perioad din istoria modern a Europei, criza a fost nu numai general i profund, dar i de durat. Termenul de criz atrgea atenia, n acest context al analizei, Immanuel Wallerstein - nu trebuie transformat ntr-un simplu sinonim pentru schimbarea ciclic. El trebuie pstrat pentru perioadele de tensiune dramatic, ce reprezint mai mult dect o conjunctur i care indic un moment de cotitur n structurile de longue dure.5 ntre 1907 i 2009, omenirea sa confruntat cu un numr de cel puin 11 crize majore, dintre care dou Marea Depresiune Interbelic (19291933) i actuala Criz Economic Mondial (2007-2010) se caracterizeaz printr-un impact violent, general i de durat asupra economiei lumii, acestea aducnd o stare de paralizie i recesiune la nivel global. De reinut c ambele crize economice au nceput din SUA i s-au propagat ulterior, n valuri treptate, n toat lumea. Publicistul american Ross Bonander a studiat crizele economice din veacul al XX-lea, oprindu-se asupra unui numr de zece, i a alctuit un top al acestora, n urmtoarea formulare i succesiune: - Panica din 1907 (SUA) - Criza din Mexic, 1994
4 5

- Criza economic din Argentina, 1999-2002 - Hiperinflaia din Germania post WW1, 1918-1924 - Souk Al-Manakh Kuwait, 1982 - Lunea neagr, 19 octombrie 1987 - Criza financiar din Rusia, 1998 - Criza asiatica din 1997-1999 - Marea Depresiune Interbelic, 1929-1933 - Criza petrolului din 1973 6 n continuare, vom prezenta diferitele crize economico-financiare din clasamentul celor 10 elaborat de autorul american, opernd unele modificri de denumire i innd cont, n primul rnd, de criteriul ce vizeaz ordinea cronologic a producerii acestora. Principalele date caracteristice despre acestea au fost preluate de pe site-ul menionat n subsol7, pe care le-am completat cu alte informaii. 1. Criza sistemului bancar al SUA (1907) Dup o perioad de confruntare cu recesiunea economic n cretere, cu falimente rsuntoare, cu retrageri masive de bani i cu sporirea nencrederii populaiei n sistemul bancar american, acesta a intrat n colaps. Din cauza faptului c populaia SUA avea din ce n ce mai puin ncredere n sistemul bancar american, cu deosebire n anul 1907, aceast criz este cunoscut i sub numele The 1907 Bankers Panic
Cf. www.hotnews.ro A se vedea, pe larg, site-ul citat, care ne prezint traducerea articolului original, inclusiv unele adugiri la textul publicat de R. Bonander, ce aparin lui Cristian Orgonas.
7 6

Idem Ibidem, p.11

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De menionat c n acel timp nu exista nici o instituie care s garanteze depozitele ori s injecteze lichiditi n economie. Prbuirea repetat a indicelui bursier (n martie i n octombrie 1907) a prilejuit intervenia ferm a trezoreriei SUA care, mpreun cu banca JP Morgan au asigurat lichiditile necesare sistemului bancar, ceea ce a condus la restabilirea ncrederii n sistemul bancar american (ncepnd cu luna februarie a anului 1908) i, implicit, la ncetarea crizei. 2. Hiperinflaia din Germania (1918-1924) Dac n anul 1914, rata de schimb ntre marc i dolar era de 4 la 1, n mai puin de un deceniu aceasta a ajuns, n anul 1923, de 1 miliard la 1. ntruct Germania (i, odat cu ea, Austro-Ungaria) i-a recunoscut vina, prin semnarea Tratatului de la Versailles (1919), de a fi declanat Primului Rzboi Mondial, s-a angajat, totodat, s plteasc Aliailor despgubiri de rzboi n valoare de 226 miliarde mrci (ulterior, aceast sum a fost redus la 132 miliarde). De notat c o astfel de datorie era deosebit de mpovrtoare, ea depind totalul aurului sau al devizelor pe care le deinea aceast ar. De altfel, cnd Hitler a ajuns la putere, a suspendat plata, ceea ce a favorizat ascensiunea dictatorului nazist. Pentru a calma hiperinflaia i a face suportabil rata anual ce trebuia pltit ca despgubiri de rzboi (n sum de 2 miliarde de mrci, plus 26% din valoarea exporturilor), guvernul german a introdus reforma monetar la sfritul anului 1923.

De precizat faptul c plile statului german ctre Aliai au fost reluate dup ncheierea celui de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, apoi au fost suspendate din nou n anul 1953 (n ateptarea reunificrii germane) i reluate n 1990, dup cderea Zidului Berlinului. Deci, dup 90 de ani, Germania mai pltete i acum despgubiri pentru Primul Rzboi Mondial. 3. Marea Depresiune Interbelic (1929-1933) Aceast criz economic s-a instalat n august 1929, aprnd dup un deceniu de optimism n privina dezvoltrii economiei americane i de consum nemsurat al cetenilor. SUA au cunoscut o veritabil psihoz a consumului, n sensul c se achiziiona aproape orice, mentalitatea consumatorist fiind promovat i la nivel oficial. Bunoar, la alegerea sa, n 1928, preedintele J. Edgar Hoover credea c America se afla mai aproape de triumful bogiei asupra srciei dect a fost n toat istoria sa. Criza a debutat la burs, care sa prbuit cu 40%, n intervalul 29 octombrie 13 noiembrie 1929, pierzndu-se 30 de miliarde dolari (suma aproape egal cu totalul cheltuielilor statului american n Primul Rzboi Mondial). Indicele Dow Jones a pierdut 89% din valoare i i-a trebuit 26 de ani pentru a-i depi maximul dinaintea crizei. n anul 1933, circa un sfert dintre americanii api de munc erau omeri (15 milioane persoane), rata omajului crescnd de la 3% la 25 %, iar nivelul mediu al celor care lucrau a sczut cu 43%. La fel, producia industrial s-a redus cu 52%, iar 55

preurile au sczut cu 33%. n anii premergtori crizei se nfiinau cte 45 bnci pe zi, iar n timpul crizei au falimentat, n medie, cte 2 bnci pe zi. O treime dintre bnci au falimentat sau au fost preluate. n SUA, criza economic a fost o criz de supraproducie, durnd oficial pn n martie 1933, i a avut o mare influen asupra celorlalte economii dezvoltate ale lumii. Abia n anul 1940 se putea afirma c economia Americii i-a revenit complet dup criz. Una dintre concluziile rezultate n acel timp a fost c economia capitalist i-a demonstrat, cu prilejul crizei, propriile limite i c pentru a produce n noile condiii istorice, este nevoie i de alte reguli de business. 4. Criza petrolului din 1973 A izbucnit n ziua de 15 octombrie, datorit rilor arabe membre ale O.P.E.C. (plus Egipt i Siria) care au hotrt s nu mai livreze petrol Statelor Unite ale Americii i altor ri dezvoltate (n special Olandei), ntruct acestea au sprijinit aciunile politico-militare ale Israelului. rile importatoare au fost puternic afectate de embargo, preul petrolului crescnd spectaculos, cu 300% (de la 3 dolari la 12 dolari pe baril). Pentru prima dat o resurs natural a fost folosit ca instrument de reglare a raporturilor n politica internaional, iar, din acest moment, a aprut o nou perspectiv de gndire asupra consumului de energie, bazat pe reducerea acestuia.

5. Criza bursei Souk AlManakh din Kuwait (1982) Aceast burs funciona n paralel cu cea oficial i a cunoscut o cretere accentuat a indicilor bursieri, dup explozia preului petrolului din 1973. Numeroi arabi sau mbogit n urma tranzaciilor financiare efectuate la aceast burs, uneori n condiii de risc foarte ridicat. n anul 1977, bursa oficial din Kuwait a clacat, oblignd Guvernul s adopte reguli de tranzacionare destul de rigide. Aceast situaie i-a mpins pe juctori spre bursa neoficial Souk AlManakh, care se situa pe locul 3 n lume, n privina capitalizrii, oferind, deci, suficiente motive de ncredere. Crahul acestei burse a avut ca efect, cu excepia unei singure bnci comerciale, falimentul sau naionalizarea tuturor celorlalte bnci din Kuwait. 6. Criza bursei americane (1987) Dei n cursului anului 1986, economia american ddea semne de oboseal, totui indicele Dow Jones a ajuns la un nivel maxim de cotaie (n august 1997), care era de 2722 de puncte, nregistrnd o cretere cu 44% mai mare, fa de ct avea la sfritul anului 1986. Cu toate acestea, n ziua de 19 octombrie 1987 (cunoscut i sub denumirea de lunea neagr), s-a produs cea mai spectaculoas prbuire a burselor din istoria SUA, companiile economice suportnd o devalorizare a capitalului propriu estimat la circa 500 de miliarde de dolari.

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7. Criza economiei mexicane (1994) Dup o perioad de nflorire, nregistrat nainte de 1994 i n condiiile meninerii unui control strict asupra cursului valutar, economia Mexicului a nceput s acumuleze numeroase dezechilibre, unele dintre acestea fiind provocate de raiuni de origine politic. De exemplu, administraia preedintelui Mexicului, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, a decis nainte de alegeri s investeasc foarte muli bani n economie, n creterea salariilor i a pensiilor, ceea ce a condus la creterea deficitului bugetar pn la un nivel imposibil de susinut. Fostul preedinte a pierdut, ns, alegerile, iar noul preedinte al rii, Ernesto Zedillo, a renunat la controlul cursului valutar, lsnd moneda naional (peso) s fluctueze liber. n decurs de o sptmn, peso s-a devalorizat cu 80% fa de dolar (de la 4 la 7,2 peso pe dolar), ceea ce a atras intervenia ferm a autoritilor americane, care au cumprat peso direct din pia i au garantat Mexicului un mprumut de 50 de miliarde de dolari. Datorit implicrii SUA, situaia economiei mexicane a revenit la normal dup 3 sptmni, iar moneda naional s-a stabilizat la un nivel de ase peso pe dolar. 8. Criza asiatic (1997-1999) Aceasta s-a declanat n luna iulie 1997 n Thailanda, ca urmare a unei decizii guvernamentale de liberalizare a cursului de schimb al monedei naionale (bath-ul, moned legat pn aici de evoluia dolarului). n scurt timp s-a produs o devalorizare masiv a bath-ului, iar Thailanda, care avea deja o datorie 57

extern uria, aproape c a intrat n faliment. Criza thailandez s-a rspndit rapid n celelalte ri din jur, inclusiv n Japonia, cuprinznd toat regiunea Asiei de Sud-Est. rile cele mai afectate de criz, n afar de Thailanda, au fost Coreea de Sud i Indonezia. Acestea au fost sprijinite de Fondul Monetar Internaional (FMI), care le-a acordat un mprumut de 40 miliarde de dolari (folosit ndeosebi pentru stabilirea cursurilor valutare). Criza asiatic a durat 2 ani, dup care economiile naionale din zon au nceput s-i revin. 9. Criza financiar din Rusia (1998) A aprut n contextul crizei asiatice i ntr-o legtur cauzal cu aceasta din urm. Astfel, criza asiatic a generat scderea preului la materiile prime de baz (petrol, gaz metan, diferite metale), pe care Rusia le desfcea pe piaa rilor asiatice i care reprezentau circa 80% din exporturile acesteea. Diminuarea veniturilor obinute din export (pe de o parte, datorit reducerii consumului de materii prime pe piaa asiatic, iar, pe de alt parte, datorit scderii preurilor acestora i, implicit, a veniturilor obinute), de care Rusia era dependent, a condus la situaia n care aceasta nu i-a mai putut onora datoriile externe, intrnd, prin urmare, n incapacitate de pli. Guvernul Federaiei Ruse a emis bonduri, nainte de 1998, pentru a-i acoperi deficitele, ns dobnda pe care a ajuns s o plteasc la respectivele bonduri s-a ridicat, n final, la 150% pe an. n data de 13 august 1998, bursa i cursul valutar s-au prbuit, declannd o criz financiar sever.

Mai trziu, n anii 1999 i 2000, a avut loc procesul de recuperare financiar i implicit, de revitalizare a economiei. 10. Criza economic din Argentina (1999-2002) S-a declanat la captul unei perioade n care ara a fost guvernat de o dictatur militar i a trecut printr-un rzboi cu Anglia, pentru cucerirea dominaiei asupra Insulelor Falklands, pe care le-a pierdut. n acelai timp, economia a fost serios afectat de o inflaie galopant, care ajunsese la un nivel de 200% pe lun. La cele zece crize menionate o putem aduga pe cea actual, a crei poziie ntr-o clasificare ierarhic i istoric este dificil de stabilit acum, deoarece este nc n derulare (pe o coordonat temporal legat de secolul al XXI-lea), ns cu siguran va ocupa un loc de frunte, dac inem cont de sumele uriae cheltuite de toate guvernele lumii pentru a contracara efectele malefice ale acesteia. Desigur, topul alctuit de Ross Bonander nu reine toate crizele nregistrate n ultimul secol (bunoar nu este luat n consideraie criza alimentar i cea economic de dup cel de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial), ns ne ofer o imagine de ansamblu asupra epocilor de criz, care, n medie, se succed, de regul, la un interval de 10 ani. Astfel, dup o perioad de stabilitate i prosperitate economic, care dureaz circa un deceniu, apare i un moment de manifestare a crizei. Aa cum am artat mai sus, ntr-o ordine cronologic i istoric, anii principalelor crize economice i financiare petrecute n lume, ncepnd 58

din 1900 i pn n prezent, au fost urmtorii: 1907, 1918-1924, 19291933, 1973, 1982, 1987, 1994, 19971999, 1998, 1999-2002, 2007 i n continuare. Se observ c, n decurs de 100 de ani, cele mai influente crize economice i-au avut epicentrul pe continentele american, european i asiatic. De asemenea, constatm c cea mai dezvoltat economie a lumii (cea american) se afl direct sau indirect legat de majoritatea crizelor economice derulate n tot cursul veacului al XX-lea. Citim sau auzim adesea despre: criza economic, criza bancar, criza financiar, criza valorilor, criza familiei, criza moral, criza politic, criza culturii, criza statal, criza instituiilor (publice), criza structural, criza conjunctural, criz de sistem, criza ciclic, criza tiinei, criza spiritual, criza bisericii, criza din agricultur, criza alimentar, criza de ap, criza de medicamente, criza educaiei, criza petrolului, criza gazelor naturale, criza salariilor, criza imobiliar, criza locuinelor, criza de autoritate, criza puterii, criza guvernamental, criza parlamentar .a.m.d. Multitudinea de forme de manifestare ale crizei a fcut necesar, n sociologie, clasificarea ori tipologizarea acestora. Un demers semnificativ n acest sens aparine sociologului american Immanuel Wallerstein, care s-a ocupat pe larg de tranziia mondial-istoric, de la feudalism la capitalism i de cercetarea capitalismului ca sistem social, ca mod de producie i ntradevr ca o civilizaie8. Astfel, autorul a deosebit criza structural
8

Immanuel Wallerstein, op.cit., p.11

(care afecteaz esena unui sistem i duce la schimbarea fundamentelor unei activiti i societi) de criza conjunctural (care este trectoare, surmontabil, putnd fi provocat de situaii sociale explozive, de neajunsuri majore ori de catastrofe naturale i istorice). De asemenea, n funcie de aria de rspndire, crizele pot fi generale i sectoriale sau particulare. Un criteriu operaional de examinare a crizelor dintr-o societate l reprezint domeniul de manifestare al acestora: politic, economic, administrativ, educaional, medical, moral, instituional, al valorilor spirituale, al culturii naionale, al sistemelor tehnice i tehnologice, al codurilor juridice etc. Criza dintr-un domeniu poate s influeneze negativ funcionarea altor domenii ale vieii sociale, iar n anumite contexte se produce i o nlnuire a crizelor, fapt care are consecine deosebit de grave asupra funcionrii unei societi umane. Criza politic i criza economic - n formele lor explozive, paroxistice - au cel mai puternic impact social, fiind generatoare de situaii insurmontabile pentru ceteni, datorit consecinelor directe ale acestora asupra celorlalte domenii de activitate social. Situaiile de criz prelungit la nivel politic, economic, societal, n sens larg - reclam fie anumite msuri urgente de reform, fie pot conduce la schimbarea ordinii politice i economice existente, adic la restructurarea i reconfigurarea sistemului social.

Bibilografie selectiva: 1. Bari, Ioan, Probleme globale contemporane, Editura Economic, Bucureti, 2003 2. Bdescu, I., Despre criz n lumina teoriei succesiunii coexistente, Editura Academiei, Bucureti, 2008 3. Brown, L., Probleme globale ale omenirii. Starea lumii, Editura Tehnic, Bucureti, 1992 4. Buneci, P; Masu, St.; Gheorghe V., Criza, anticriza i noua ordine mondial, Editura Solaris Print, Bucureti, 2009 5. Isrescu, M., Criza financiar internaional i provocri pentru politica monetar din Romnia, Cluj, 26 februarie 2009 6. Isrescu, M., Criza financiarbancar i economic: strategii, programe i msuri anticriz. Implicaiile i perspectivele unei agende naionale, Braov, 6 martie 2009 7. Norris, F., Financial crises spread in Europe, International Herlad Tribune, October 6, 2008 8. Wallerstein, I., Declinul puterii americane, Editura Incitatus, Bucureti, 2005 9. *** Economic Crisis in Europe: Causes, Consequences and Responses, European Commission, Brussels, 2009 10. *** The Global Economic Crisis: Systemic Failures and Multilateral Remedies, UNCTAD, Geneve, 2009Wallerstein, Immanuel, Sistemul mondial modern,vol. III, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1993

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History and typology of crises


Ph.D Professor Dumitru OTOVESCU, Ph.D Lecturer Adrian OTOVESCU University of Craiova
d_otovescu@yahoo, co.uk; adiotovescu@yahoo.com

Abstract: The crisis can be defined as a situation characterized by pronounced instability and uncertainty, involving important changes in the social, political or economic life. From a sociological perspective, we could analyze the crisis either as a social fact, or as a social phenomenon, or as a process that takes place inside a company or of human societies at a time. However, regardless of their nature and scope of expression, it represents a factor of disturbance of public order and social stability. In this study, we focused on the definition of crisis, in view of identifying and defining its general features. We also present the economical crisis from every age of society development and a typology of them Key words: crisis, development, failure, depression, collapse

The concept of crisis is of special relevance for cognitive sciences and society. Unlike the phenomena and processes in nature, which occurs independent of human will and consciousness (such as physical, chemical, biological) phenomena and the processes characteristic of human social world directly affects people's lives and, as such, is a required priority in the register of social sciences knowledge.

Because human social world includes a wide variety of phenomena and processes, then the application of the concept of crisis entered a variety of attributes. From a sociological perspective, we want to tackle the crisis either as a social fact, or as a social phenomenon, or as a process that takes place inside a company or of human societies at a time. Like other social explosive phenomena - such as wars, revolutions or spontaneous collective uprisings - crises are priority issues for reflection and action when their events affecting social order, the life of large communities of people and their multiple effects and consequences cannot be controlled. Crises, whatever their nature and scope (general or specific), is one factor disturbing the social order and stability. If we take account of their harmful effects on most people, we can say they belong to social pathology and, as such, they are undesirable for any governmental power and for any human community. Historically, crises have occurred in ancient times, accompanying the entire evolution of humanity. To decipher the causes of a crisis is necessary, first, to delimit its content (economic, political, social, cultural, etc..), and, later, to determine the contribution of human factors involved: in financial and banking

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crisis, for example from responsible officials (and state political leaders, bankers, executives of international financial institutions and others) and by ordinary citizens (which, for instance, take loans and have higher expenses than their income and effective opportunity return of money loans). It is also important to know whether a crisis was deliberately provoked (aiming at a specific purpose) or occurred as a result of competitive circumstances. Therefore, this may be due to abuse, error, weakness, negligence, human weaknesses or, conversely, is the product of deliberate calculation is anticipated to certain benefits. For example, the absence of drug or amount of its reduced market, creates a state of crisis in the treatment of the sick and the conditions promoting the idea that the disease threatens humanity, will be favored that product manufacturers need treatment. Subjective factor plays a major role in triggering the crisis. Banks, for example, to maximize profits, convince people to do all sorts of loans, creating illusion to unlimited consumption and also of credit insurance. When some units within the banking liquidity crisis is fueled by depositors, which, in an effort to not lose their savings, use massive withdrawals of money, generating a collective emotional state of fear and, implicitly, a failing banking institution. More broadly, the crisis means the state of failure and depression, paralysis, blockage or regression in reaching a certain structure or activity across a company. Deficiency, lack, low evolutionary potential are typical

state attributes of crisis. Any manifestation of crisis in a socially useful activity, begins with a stop (slow or sudden) above the rate and installing items disruption or disorder, continue with the reduction and depletion of resources (material, financial, human, managerial, etc.), down to the blockage, on a temporary or permanent duration. In certain circumstances, the crisis leads to the disappearance of certain activities (organized and maintained by a particular institutional structure), in other circumstances it may be overcome through the efforts of reorganization, refinancing and suitability to the new demands of social practice. The fact that any national society and community as a whole continental works (system) require us to recognize that a crisis can concatenate partial seizures with other sector and that, either separately or together may affect the entire economic system and social behavior, affecting it in varying degrees. Scientific research of the causes and consequences of various deliberate crises prevails in the second half of the nineteenth century1
In the literature from Romania, we can point out the appearance, in Bucharest, in 1870, of the study La crize by Michael Anagnosti. On the same approch it is known the work off I.G.Bibicescu Cercetri asupra crizei i cauzelor ei (1885). At the beginning of the XX century, Masim Ion Leu will deal with Criza agricol i mijloacele de a o ndrepta (1901), Spiru Haret was interested by teh Criza bisericeasc (1912), while Vintil I. Brtianu concentrated on the decodification of some Crize de stat, 1901-1907-1913 (work published in 1913 )
1

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as a result of degradation and rate of development of various socioeconomic and political phenomena (on a national, regional and continental). We do not currently benefit from an exhaustive study to examine the crisis and many of its determinations, the state and the process, the socio-historical phenomenon and by numerous generated consequences, in many spheres (economic, political, social, institutional, etc. ). Setting "diagnosis" of crisis for some social activity is based on the finding of specific situations, assessed in different ways: disorder, deficit, stagnation, regression, progression contradictory functional inconsistency, depletion of evolutionary potential, uncertainty, etc.. The terms "recession", "depression" or "collapse" (term borrowed from medicine to refer to stop an activity) are often used. When the crisis is recognized by scholars, institutions and public authorities, it becomes an official issue, a social issue of concern and a priority topic of debate in the media. The sociological definition of a situation as a crisis requires taking into account the indicators, from which we can make a quantitative qualitative and comparative analysis. For this purpose, we choose a particular theoretical perspective of sociological study - often used systemic conception, because of its very general and operational at the same time. Actual research is forcing us to adopt an appropriate method to the object of study. Opinion survey

method, for example, can be successfully used in order to determine the subjective perception of people about the crisis as they live it, how they are affected and to what extent. Analysis of statistics on the evolution of income or unemployment can reveal objective manifestation of the crisis. For economists, the examination the crisis can be based on synthetic indicators, such as national GDP and industrial production index. Dynamics of average income, unemployment, the scholar and the national currency, changes in the number of economic units in bankruptcy, the price index are also significant benchmarks to judge the virulence and depth of an economic crisis. In an enlarged acceptation, the economic crisis regards the entire economy of a country, region etc. and a narrow definition refers to the crisis of industry and economic areas (agriculture, transport, banking network, etc.) When the crisis impact becomes dramatic in relation to the fate of many local people, it becomes the object of study and debate controversial not only for specialists (economists, sociologists, political scientists, various other scientists)2 , but also for public individuals (politicians, journalists, opinion leaders etc.). The special interest phenomenon shown is explained by the economic crisis that affects not
From the most recent editorial apparitions from Romania, we can mention Ilie Bdescu, Despre criz n lumina teoriei succesiunii coexistente, Editura Mica Valahie, Bucureti, 2009
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only the negative and visible human existence, but has also considerable costs, especially when its consequences extend to all areas of the society. 2. History and typology of crises Economic crises have been, over time, the origin of social crises. World History record economic crises in all ages of humanity since antiquity and continuing through the Middle Ages, and later, with that of the Renaissance. In the following five centuries of development of society and capitalist economy (XVI-XX century and first decade of the century XXI), moments of crisis have become not only more frequent but more extensive in terms of manifestation of their social consequences. The dispersion in the world of the capitalist mode of social life meant, practically, also the globalization of the crisis phenomena. Some researchers of modern European history, like Franois Simiand, claims that the onset of capitalism in the XVI century marked a period of prosperity, while the eighteenth century was described as "a period of regression, depression or crisis[...]"3. Therefore, history in general and capitalism in particular, would appear in the optical of the French sociologist as an alternation of epochs of brightness and progress and those of dissolution and decline. Franois Simiand is the promoter of the secular theory of business cycles
Immanuel Wallerstein, Sistemul mondial modern,vol. III, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1993, p. 7
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in explaining the history of modern Europe, the author considering that periods of upward currents (phase A) are followed by ages event downward trends (phase B). Cyclical theory of development of capitalist society and economy requires, therefore, at the scale of the history of Europe, that the periods of progress are automatically accompanied by periods of crisis which are inherent. American philosopher and sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein has closely dealt with the issue of the crisis of capitalism in the eighteenth century. He pointed out the tone of Roland Mousnier dramatic description, which, in 1953, stated that: "the XVII century is the age of crisis which affected mankind totally, in all its economic activities, social, political, religious, scientific, and artistic and all his being, at the deepest level of its vital powers, his feelings and will. It can be said that the crisis was continuing, but with violent oscillations4. We deduce that in this period in modern European history, the crisis was not only general and profound, but was also consequent. "The period of crisis - drew attention in this context of analysis, Immanuel Wallerstein - should not be turned into a mere synonym for cyclical change. The term should be kept for periods of dramatic tension, which represents more than a concourse and which indicates a turning point in the Longue Dure structures5.

4 5

Idem Ibidem, p.11

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Between 1907 and 2009, humanity has faced a number of at least 11 major crises, of which two the interwar Great Depression (19291933) and current World Economic Crisis (2007-2010) - is characterized by a violent, general, and lasting impact on world economy, bringing a state of paralysis and a global recession. We should note that both economic crises began in U.S. and were subsequently propagated in waves gradually worldwide. U.S. journalist Ross Bonander studied the economic crises of the twentieth century. He made a top ten of those crises in the following form and sequence: - Panic of 1907 (USA) - The crisis in Mexico, 1994 - The economic crisis in Argentina, 1999-2002 - Hyperinflation in Germany post WW1, 1918-1924 - Souk Al-Kuwait Manakh, 1982 - Black Monday, October 19, 1987 - The financial crisis in Russia in 1998 - Asian crisis of 1997-1999 - Interwar Great Depression, 19291933 - The oil crisis of 19736. Next, we present various financial and economic crisis in the ranking of the 10 developed by the American author. We changed some names and made allowance for the criteria that concern there chronological order of proceedings7.

1. U.S. banking crisis (1907) After a period of growing confrontation with economic recession, with stunning bankruptcies, with massive withdrawals of money and increasing public distrust, the American banking system collapsed. Because the U.S. population was becoming less confident in the American banking system, especially in 1907, the crisis is known as "The 1907 Bankers 'Panic'. We mentioned there was no institution that guaranteed deposits or injected liquidities into the economy. The repeated collapse of the stocks exchange index (in March and October 1907) occasioned the intervention of strong U.S. treasury, together with the bank JP Morgan have provided the necessary liquidity for the banking system, leading to restore American confidence in the banking system (beginning with February 1908) and to the end of the crisis. 2. Hyperinflation in Germany (1918-1924) If in 1914, the exchange rate between the mark and the dollar was 4 to 1, in less than a decade it reached in 1923 of 1 billion to 1. Since Germany (and with it, AustriaHungary) admitted guilt to triggered World War I by signing the Treaty of Versailles (1919), engaged also to pay the Allies for war damages the amount of 226 billion marks (later, this amount was reduced to 132 billion). Note that such a debt was particularly burdensome; it exceeds
published by Ronan Bondander, that are of Cristian Orgonas.

See www.hotnews.ro See the site where is presented the translation of the original article, including some annotations at the text
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the total of gold or currency, which that country held. Hitler suspended this payment when came to power. This favored the rise of the Nazi dictator. To relieve hyperinflation and make bearable the annual rate to be paid as compensation for war (in EUR 2 billion mark, plus 26% of exports), the German government introduced currency reform in late 1923. The German state resumed the payments to the Allies after the end of World War II, then the payments were suspended again in 1953 (German reunification pending) and repeated in 1990, after the fall of the Berlin Wall. So, after 90 years, Germany still pays compensations for First World War. 3. Interwar Great Depression (1929-1933) This economic crisis was installed in August 1929, occurring after a decade of optimism on U.S. economic development and citizens' insatiable consumption. United States experienced a veritable psychosis of consumption, meaning that almost anything was purchased, the mentality of the consumers being promoted at the official level. For instance, at his election in 1928, President J. Edgar Hoover believed that America was "closer to the triumph of wealth over poverty than it was throughout history. The crisis started in stock, which fell by 40%, between October 29 - November 13, 1929, losing 30 billion dollars (an amount almost equal to the total expense of U.S. during World War I). The Dow Jones index lost 89% of value and it had to last 26 years to overcome the peak

before the crisis. In 1933, about one quarter of Americans who can work were unemployed (15 million people), unemployment rate increased from 3% to 25%, and the average working decreased by 43%. Similarly, industrial production fell by 52% and prices fell by 33%. 4-5 banks were established daily, in the years preceding the crisis, and during the crisis have failed, on average, 2 banks each day. A third of banks failed or was taken over. The U.S. economic crisis was a crisis of overproduction, officially lasted until March 1933, and had a great influence on other developed economies of the world. Only in 1940, the American economy has fully recovered after the crisis. One of the conclusions reached at that time was that the capitalist economy demonstrated its limits during the crisis and in order to produce, in the new historical conditions, other business rules were required. 4. The oil crisis of 1973 It burst in October 15, because the Arab countries members of OPEC (plus Egypt and Syria) decided not to deliver oil to the U.S. and other developed countries (especially Holland), since they supported Israel's political and military actions. Importing countries were heavily affected by the embargo, oil prices increased dramatically, with 300% (from $ 3 to $ 12 per barrel). For the first time, a natural resource was used as a tool to adjust relations in international politics and, from this moment, there was a new perspective for thinking about energy consumption, based on its reduction.

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5. Souk Al-Manakh exchange crisis in Kuwait (1982) This stock market coexisted with the official one and experienced a sharp rise in stock market indices after the burst of oil price in 1973. Many Arabs got rich from financial transactions made on this stock market, sometimes in conditions of very high risk. In 1977, the official Kuwait Stock Exchange cracked, forcing the Government to adopt rigid trading rules. This situation forced the stockbrokers towards the unofficial stock Souk al-Manakh, which was ranked, 3rd in the world, in terms of capitalization, providing, thus, sufficient grounds for confidence. The financial collapse of this stock exchange had as an effect, except for one commercial bank, bankruptcy, or nationalization of all other banks in Kuwait. 6. American stock market crisis (1987) Although the year 1986, the U.S. economy showed signs of fatigue, however, the Dow Jones index reached a maximum level of quotation (in August 1997), which was 2722 points, registering a growth of 44% higher compared with the result of the year 1986. However, on the October 19, 1987 (also known as "Black Monday"), the most spectacular collapse in the history of U.S. stock exchanges occurred, economical companies put up with a devaluation of capital estimated at about 500 billion dollars .

7. Mexican economic crisis (1994) After a period of economic growth, recorded before 1994 and while maintaining a strict control over currency, the Mexican economy began to accumulate numerous imbalances, some of which were caused by reasons of political origin. For example, the Government of the president of Mexico, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, decided before the election to invest a lot of money in the economy, in rise of wages and pensions, which has increased the budget deficit to an untenable level. The former president has lost the elections and the country's new president, Ernesto Zedillo, gave up currency control, leaving the domestic currency (peso) to fluctuate freely. Within a week the peso was devalued by 80% against the dollar (from 4 to 7.2 peso per U.S. dollar), which drew strong intervention of U.S. authorities, who bought peso directly from the market and guaranteed Mexico a loan of 50 billion dollars. Because U.S. involvement, the Mexican economic situation returned to normal after 3 weeks, and the national currency stabilized at a level of six peso per dollar. 8. Asian crisis (1997-1999) It began in July 1997 in Thailand, following a government decision to liberalize the exchange rate of national currency (bath, currency linked to the dollar development). Soon there was a massive devaluation of Bath's, and Thailand, which was already in a huge foreign debt, almost went bankrupt.

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This crisis quickly spread to other surrounding countries, including Japan, including the entire Southeast Asian region. The countries most affected by the crisis than Thailand, were South Korea and Indonesia. They were supported by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which granted those countries a loan of 40 billion dollars (used mainly for setting exchange rates). Asian crisis lasted 2 years, after which the national economies of the region began to recover. 9. The financial crisis in Russia (1998) The Russian crisis occurred in the context of Asian crisis and in a causal relation with the latter. Thus, the Asian crisis led to lower prices of basic raw materials (oil, gas and various metals), that Russia provided on the Asian market and which represented 80% of its exports. The decrease of revenues from exports (on the one hand, by reducing consumption of raw materials on the Asian market and, secondly, due to their low prices and hence of revenues), of which Russia was dependent, leading Russia to not be able to honor the foreign debt, entering therefore in default. Russian Federation Government issued bonds before 1998 to cover deficits, but the interest that came to pay on those bonds amounted finally to 150% per year. On August 13, 1998, stock and exchange rate collapsed, triggering a severe financial crisis. Later, in 1999 and 2000, the financial recovery process took place and consequently, o improvement of the economy.

10. The economic crisis in Argentina (1999-2002) It started at the end of a period when the country was governed by a military dictatorship and went through a war with England to win dominance over the Falklands Islands, which they lost. Meanwhile, the economy was seriously affected by galloping inflation, which reached a level of 200% per month. Apart from these 10 crises mentioned, we can add the current one. Its position in a hierarchical and historical classification is difficult to determine now, as it is still in progress (on a related temporal coordinate linked to the XXI century), but certainly will occupy a prominent place, if we consider the huge amounts spent by all world governments to counter the evil effects of it. Certainly, the ranking compiled by Ross Bonander does not contain all crises recorded in the last century (for instance is not taken into consideration food and economic crisis after the Second World War), but provides an overview of the epochs of crisis, that, on average, succeed, usually at an interval of 10 years. Thus, after a period of stability and economic prosperity, lasting about a decade, a moment of crisis appears. As noted above, in a chronological and historical order the main economic and financial crisis occurred in the world since 1900 and until now, have been the following: 1907, 1918-1924, 1929-1933, 1973, 1982 , 1987, 1994, 1997-1999, 1998, 1999-2002, 2007 and beyond. It is noted that within 100 years, the most influential economic

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crises had their epicenter in America, Europe, and Asia. In addition, we note that the most developed economy in the world (the U.S.) is directly or indirectly linked to most of the economic crisis throughout the world carried during the twentieth century. We often read or hear about: the economic crisis, banking crisis, financial crisis, the crisis of values, family crisis, moral crisis, political crisis, the crisis of culture, state crisis, the crisis of institutions (public), the structural crisis, the crisis circumstances, a system crisis, the cyclical crisis of science, spiritual crisis, the church crisis, crisis in agriculture, food crisis, water crisis, the crisis of medicine, education crisis, oil crisis, gas crisis, the crisis of salaries, real estate crisis, the crisis of authority, crisis power, government crisis, the parliamentary crisis and so on. The many manifestations of the crisis made it necessary, in sociology, their classification, or typology. A significant step in this regard belong to the American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein, who dealt extensively with "world-historical transition from feudalism to capitalism," and research of capitalism as a social system, manner of production and indeed as a civilization ". The author made a difference between structural crisis (affecting the essence of a system and leading to change the fundamentals of an activity and society) and circumstantial crisis (which is temporary, surmountable, which could be caused by explosive social situation, by major shortcomings or by historical and natural disasters). In addition, depending on the range, the

crisis could be general, particular, or belonging to a certain sector. An operational criterion for examining crisis in a society is represented by their domain of manifestation: political, economic, administrative, educational, medical, moral, institutional, of the spiritual values, of national culture, of technical and technological systems, the legal codes etc... The crisis in one area may adversely affect the operation of other domains of social life, and in some contexts a linking of crisis could be noticed, fact that has very serious consequences for the functioning of human society. Political crisis and economic crisis in their extreme explosive forms have the greatest social impact, generating insurmountable situations for citizens, due to their direct impact on other areas of social activity. The extended crises at political, economical, social level, broadly, either reclaims some urgent action to reform, or could change the existing political and economic order, therefore it could lead to the reorganization and reconfiguration of the social system.

References: 1. Bari, Ioan, Probleme globale contemporane, Editura Economic, Bucureti, 2003 2. Bdescu, I., Despre criz n lumina teoriei succesiunii coexistente, Editura Academiei, Bucureti, 2008 3. Brown, L., Probleme globale ale omenirii. Starea lumii, Editura Tehnic, Bucureti, 1992 4. Buneci, P; Masu, St.; Gheorghe V., Criza, anticriza i noua ordine

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mondial, Editura Solaris Print, Bucureti, 2009 5. Isrescu, M., Criza financiar internaional i provocri pentru politica monetar din Romnia, Cluj, 26 februarie 2009 6. Isrescu, M., Criza financiarbancar i economic: strategii, programe i msuri anticriz. Implicaiile i perspectivele unei agende naionale, Braov, 6 martie 2009 7. Norris, F., Financial crises spread in Europe, International Herlad Tribune, October 6, 2008 8. Wallerstein, I., Declinul puterii americane, Editura Incitatus, Bucureti, 2005 9. Wallerstein,I., Sistemul mondial modern,vol. III, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1993 10. *** Economic Crisis in Europe: Causes, Consequences and Responses, European Commission, Brussels, 2009 11. *** The Global Economic Crisis: Systemic Failures and Multilateral Remedies, UNCTAD, Geneve, 2009Wallerstein, Immanuel, Sistemul mondial modern,vol. III, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1993

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Factori sociali determinani ai alcoolismului i efectele consumului de alcool asupra vieii sociale
Lect. dr. Maria PESCARU Universitatea din Piteti
mariapescaru@yahoo.com

Rezumat: n aceast lucrare voi ncerca s subliniez efectele dependenei de alcool i s demonstrez impactul negativ pe care acesta l are n planul moral i social .Studiile sociologice realizate n ara noastr dup 1989 evideniaz faptul c din ce n ce mai muli romni consum buturi alcoolice. Alcoolicii triesc anumite drame care se rsfrng i asupra celor din jur. Prezena factorilor sociali n alcoolism este demonstrat de variaia proporiilor alcoolicilor n grupurile profesionale, sociale, n civilizaii, precum i n funcie de sexul persoanelor consumatoare de alcool. Implicaiile alcoolismului n Romnia nu sunt pe deplin contientizate, existnd aspecte ale alcoolismului ce nu sunt percepute de majoritatea populaiei. Cu toate acestea n Romnia, alcoolismul nu este privit ca o boal, cel puin nu de masele largi ale populaiei. Dei n S.U.A. sau n vestul Europei exist o adevrat cultur, un ntreg arsenal de metode de remediere a acestei tulburri, n Romnia se face o promovare mai puin accentuat la nivel naional a metodei de prevenire i combatere a abuzului de alcool. Centrele de dezintoxicare sunt foarte puin mediatizate, iar unele sunt incluse n cadrul seciilor de psihiatrie ale spitalelor, ceea ce reprezint o piedic n recunoaterea acestei tulburri. Abuzul de alcool este ntlnit la toate nivelurile sociale.

Cuvinte cheie: viaa social, alcool, motivaie, religie, criminalitate

1. Evoluia alcoolismul n lume Considerat ca a IV-a problem de sntate public, dup bolile cardio-vasculare, mentale i cancer, afectnd indirect prin perturbarea relaiilor sociale i interpersonale un numr de persoane de 6-7 ori mai mare dect cel al bolnavilor, cu implicaii i consecine personale i sociale incalculabile, alcoolomania se impune astzi studiului sub aspect tridimensional: medical, psihologic, sociologic. Aplicarea metodelor din domeniul antropologiei i arheologiei, care sunt din ce n ce mai perfecionate, a condus la strngerea unor informaii care dateaz de acum trei milioane de ani, date nespecifice, de altfel ntregii suprafee a globului. Omul paleolitic sau omul peterilor care tria numai din vntoare sau pescuit, a nceput s construiasc adposturi i s lucreze lutul pentru ai face vase. Este probabil ca el s fi cunoscut n acelai timp alcoolul i beia, din ntmplare, bnd suc de fructe pe care l-a lsat pentru mai mult timp ntr-un vas. Omul preistoric va deveni cu timpul pstor, agricultor, va descoperi astfel i smna i fermentaia. n neolitic va consuma

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buturi alcoolice fabricate din buturi, din cereale fermentate. Numeroase documente arheologice atest cunoaterea i folosirea acestor buturi. Astfel, n Danemarca, la Skydtsrup, au fost descoperite dou vase de but din corn de animale, unul coninnd bere, iar cellalt o butur din ap i miere. n Antalia, a fost descoperit un recipient folosit la fabricarea berii. Din ntmplare bnd suc fermentat, omul s-a mbtat i apoi a avut o revelaie divin: Noe a plantat vi de vie i a cunoscut beia (Geneza IX 20). Pentru oamenii primitivi, calitile buturii nu puteau fi dect de origine divin i civa dintre productorii buturii au fost transformai n diviniti autohtone. Nectarul, ambrozia, vinul produc beia sacr care permite intrarea n contact cu divinitatea oferindu-le celor care le consum, nemurirea. Consumul habitual a cunoscut o decdere rapid, dar pentru puin timp, ca apoi s fie rezervat preoilor, efilor i folosit pentru ritualurile religioase. Oamenii ncep s foloseasc butura pentru nevoile lor psihice, fiind ntlnit sub denumirea de poiunea magic a preoilor. Acest obicei este cunoscut i astzi n triburile primitive ca pigmeii, triburile Transkei din Africa de Sud, unde n timpul srbtorii Lunii Noi, butura magic din banane este rezervat femeilor. n toate civilizaiile, n textele sacre se distinge importana acordat viei de vie i n special a vinului. De asemenea, tot din texte, se observ preocuparea de a se demonstra primordialitatea n cultivarea viei de

vie i producerea vinului n fiecare cultur. n Egipt, vinul era fabricat pentru anumite ritualuri speciale i consumat de prima dinastie (3.400 . e. n.) n special de clasele sociale nstrite. Era folosit n ritualurile funerare i la festiviti. Osiris este considerat un Bachus, un Dumnezeu al vinului, fiind primul care a sdit via de vie. Grecia Antic dezvolt cultura i arta viei de vie. Platon afirma n cartea Legi: Grecii au avut via de vie, deci nu au adus-o de la fenicieni. Ali scriitori fac referire n scrierile lor la existena, folosirea i binefacerile vinului. Demostene spune: spunei-mi alte efecte mai minunate dect cele ale vinului. Un om but este mai bogat, totul i reuete. n Grecia Antic, Dionisie era zeul vinului i i se aduceau ofrande n cadrul mai multor srbtori. Din studierea culturii italiene reiese universalitatea buturilor alcoolizate, considerate o nevoie fundamental. Consumul alcoolului era rezervat preoilor pentru a le permite s comunice cu Cel de Sus. Se bea, de asemenea, la srbtorile religioase, la ntlnirile importante unde se mai practicau i jocuri i concursuri cu scopul de a fi dovedite fora i virilitatea. Spre sfritul secolului V .Hr. grecii aduc la Marsilia prima plantaie viticol. Cultura se va dezvolta i va cpta repede o importan considerabil, astfel c, n primul secol era noastr, devin celebre vinurile din Allobroges, de pe Rhone i cel din Bordeaux. nc din secolul I era noastr, Frana ncepe s exporte vinurile sale n Italia i n Olanda. 71

Francezii foloseau vinul n ocazii speciale ca: funeralii, cstorii, srbtorile culesului, dar tot att de bine l foloseau ca leac. Parcurgnd aceste civilizaii nu putem dect s recunoatem universalitatea consumului de buturi alcoolice i miturile legate de ele. Prejudecile legate de vin sunt puternic nrdcinate n mentalitatea noastr. Dac vinul a pierdut din valoarea sa sacr, s-a conservat din plin valoarea social i nu i-a pierdut simbolul. Toate actele sociale sunt marcate de festin i de ciocnirea unei cupe. De la nceputul erei noastre, vinul a devenit o cerere comercial, o surs de profit, datorit extinderii cretinismului. n acelai timp, efectele negative nu s-au lsat ateptate, consumarea buturilor alcoolice a cptat o semnificaie individual, artitii gsind n buturile alcoolice o surs de inspiraie, dar riturile sociale sunt conservate. Progresul societii umane nseamn i industrializarea domeniilor de activitate printre care i a produciei viticole, pomicole i agricole precum i a prelucrrii acestora, toate acestea avnd ca rezultat creterea cantitilor buturilor precum i diversificarea lor, fapt ce are ca urmare creterea progresiv a consumului de alcool. n 1984 O.M.S. ddea exemplu producia Europei ntre 1950 1972 care a crescut cu 9,6% la vin, 66% la bere, iar la spirtoase cu 97,4%. n prezent, ca ntlnirea dintre alcool i persoan s aib loc nu este necesar dect dorina i un venit minim. Creterea produciei de alcool atrage dup sine creterea numrului persoanelor consumatoare de buturi 72

alcoolice. n anul 1985 n S.U.A. 10 milioane de aduli i 3 milioane de minori erau consumatori n mod abuziv de alcool. n ultimele decenii ale mileniului doi consumul de alcool a crescut alarmant, Romnia aflndu-se pe locurile fruntae din Europa. Aceast situaie alarmant a impus efectuarea a numeroase studii i demararea programelor specifice de evitare a nocivitii consumului cu participarea factorilor de decizie, societii civile precum i a specialitilor n mod deosebit a psihiatrilor, psihologilor i sociologilor. Romancierii secolului al XIXlea i nceputul secolului XX au fcut legtura dintre alcool i scandaluri, drame care conduceau la spitalizare i nchisoare. Folosirea drogurilor i n special a alcoolului este un fenomen foarte complex, punnd n joc mai muli factori att din plan personal, ct i din plan social. n antichitate, consumul ndelungat de alcool era denunat. Hipocrate descrie nenelegerile provocate de alcool. De-a lungul anilor au fost date mai multe definiii alcoolismului i alcoolicului. Benjamin Rush, care a semnat Declaraia de Independen a Statelor Unite ale Americii n 1812 considera consumul abuziv de buturi alcoolice ca fiind precursorul conceptului medical al nebuniei: Consumarea necontrolat a buturilor alcoolice este o boal a voinei i revine corpului medical s se ocupe de ea. Dup el, toate remediile religioase, morale i psihice trebuie s acioneze n acelai timp

pentru vindecarea complet i radical a acestei boli. Alcoolismul, ca boal, a fost recunoscut n 1933 de Asociaia Medical American i de Asociaia Psihiatric American fiind ulterior recunoscut de O.M.S. i trecut n clasificarea standard a bolilor. Alcoolismul, iniial a fost considerat o boal psihiatric caracterizat prin perturbare a modelului relaional i afiliat nevrozei. Un anumit numr de definiii de acest gen rmn restrictive i limitate la anumite aspecte psihopatologice ale alcoolismului. O.M.S. n 1952, caracteriza conceptul de alcoolism prin cuprinderea a numai o parte dintre consumatorii excesivi i anume pe aceia care prezint manifestri care afecteaz sntatea lor fizic i mintal, relaiile lor cu alte persoane i comportamentul lor social i economic. Tot O.M.S. definete alcoolismul ca starea prezentat de un subiect care consum alcool n detrimentul sntii sau activitii sociale pe timpul unei perioade determinate. Astfel, alcoolismul, n sens larg, corespunde ansamblului de dezechilibrri cauzate de consumul alcoolului, att pe plan social, economic ct i pe plan personal. Alcoolismul poate fi privit i ca un rspuns individual/general la un comportament social al alcoolizrii pentru c existe diferene ale modelelor culturale, situaiilor personale sau familiale, ale mediului, ale personalitii, ale organismelor, toate acestea reprezentnd factori care intervin n geneza alcoolismului. Studiile pe populaiile izolate din ultimul deceniu al mileniului trecut au 73

constatat o puternic corelare, la aceste populaii, a consumului de alcool cu suicidul i cu comportamentul antisocial i heteroagresiv. Din punctul de vedere al Dicionarului de Psihologie, alcoolismul reprezint ansamblul de tulburri fizice i mentale cauzate de consumul de buturi alcoolice. (Larouse, Dicionar de Psihologie, 1996) Alcoolic este persoana care datorit abuzului de buturi alcoolice i face ru siei i persoanelor din jurul lui. Alcoolismul este definit ca o stare de dependen psihologic sau corporal, somatic fa de buturile alcoolice i se deosebete de consumul de alcool, unde subiectul nu sufer dac ntrerupe. Din cele prezentate mai sus se poate face diferena ntre beii i alcoolism, beiile nu sunt legate automat de alcoolismul cronic, dar pot ine de el n sensul c se difereniaz starea de sevraj al alcoolicului sau tulburarea organic a alcoolicului de beia respectivului alcoolic precum i starea de beie la persoana nealcoolic. 2. Factori determinani ai alcoolismului Vorbind despre ritualurile sociale, ne putem referi la un ansamblu de reguli i ceremonii legate de folosirea buturilor alcoolice, descrierea tradiiilor societii noastre fa de alcool. Alcoolismul, att ca boal, ct i ca fenomen psihosocial este multifactorial, n sensul c att la determinarea ct i la consecinele generale, intervin o multitudine de factori. Distingem factorii interni care in de vulnerabilitatea individului i

factorii externi care sunt multiplii i variaz constituind n acelai timp risc pentru vulnerabilizarea individului. Factorii externi difer n funcie de apartenena la o epoc sau alta, la o societate sau alta i chiar de la o clas social sau alta. Factorii interni i externi acioneaz mpreun favorizndu-se reciproc. Vulnerabilitatea reprezint ansamblul de elemente care fac ca n faa posibilitii de a consuma alcool un individ s fie mai mult sau mai puin tentat. Vulnerabilitatea este de natur biologic, psihologic i sociospiritual, urmnd modelul antropologic de formare a personalitii. Factori psiho-sociali n stadiul actual al obiceiurilor noastre, este incontestabil c a bea mpreun creeaz o solidaritate ntre oameni i nu este exagerat s spunem c nu exist festivitate fr s fie nsoit de buturi alcoolice. Alcoolul reprezint medicamentul magic al slbiciunii care confer putere i virilitate. Vinul i alcoolul sunt cele care renvioreaz, te nal, sunt indispensabile pentru muncile care necesit for. Alcoolul este cel care stimuleaz spiritele i dezleag limbile. Astfel, i n ara noastr este imposibil ca alcoolul s nu joace un rol important tocmai prin ambundena buturilor alcoolice pe pia, publicitii i preului redus al acestora. Inventarul acestor factori psihosociali trebuie s cuprind i presiunile sociale care sunt exercitate asupra individului i care-l mping spre butur, pentru a nu fi 74

excomunicat" de grup. Aceast alcoolizare contient are cu att mai multe anse de succes, cu ct individul este mai sugestibil i mai pasiv. Alcoolismul a mai fost pus i pe seama lipsei totale a motivaiei sau a motivaiei confuze aceasta predominnd n debutul experienei repetitive ajungnd s fie de tip distructiv. Prin urmare consumul de alcool e considerat a fi un veritabil sindrom amotivaional, avnd origine social, i avoliional. Motivaia existenial a alcoolicului este reprezentat de motivaia hedonic aceasta fiind specific unei personalitii imature. Imaturitatea alcoolicului este reflectat de dependen i autodistrugere, de lipsa abilitiilor decizionale i prin faptul c el i asum numai roluri fantasmagonice. Teoria motivaional a alcoolicului cu comportament deviant vizeaz diferenierea dintre motivaie, motiv i mobil n sensul c motivaia trebuie cutat la alcoolic i nu la fapta propriu-zis. Condiiile motivaiei depind de formarea atitudinii i a preferinei, atitudinea fiind definit ca mod de a reaciona favorabil sau nefavroabil fa de un obiect sau eveniment, exprimnd un comportament ales. Raionamentul individual evalueaz astfel atributele specifice ale evenimentului conform experienei proprii. Modelele de evaluare sunt de tip compensatoriu i necompensatoriu. Se pare c modelul compensatoriu este mai frecvent la alcoolici, n sensul c atributele mai puin satisfctoare ale evenimentului se compenseaz prin exacerbarea altor atribute, aparent satisfctoare. n condiii i circumstane date,

atitudinea fa de un eveniment sau altul se poate modifica i din jocul rezultat se poate ajunge la alcoolism, la criminalitate sau la ceea ce este mai grav din punct de vedere social, criminalitatea alcoolicului. Factori socio-culturali Toate influenele socioculturale care nu se gsesc n concordan cu psihologia comunitii au ca rezultat tulburrile de personalitate. Pe lng bazele biologice ale omului care condiioneaz alcoolismul se mai adaug i dimensiunea socio-cultural a individului. S-a observat c nu toi oamenii care locuiesc ntr-o zon geografic sunt predispui alcoolismului. Cei cu o astfel de predispoziie sunt cei cu un anumit specific cultural. Influenele pe care mediul le exercit asupra personalitii se mpart n dou categorii: - cele datorate mpririi aceluiai mediu (copiii unei familii triesc n aceeai cas, beneficiaz de aceeai ngrijire i afeciune din partea prinilor i de multe alte aspecte ale ambientului). Acest tip de influen se manifest ntre variabilele ambientale familiale; - cele datorate unor evenimente aprute n viaa copiilor din cadrul aceleiai familii, care au determinat anumite modificri de personalitate (un copil a avut un profesor bun, cellalt un profesor slab, un copil contacteaz o boal, cellalt nu etc.). Prezena factorilor sociali n alcoolism este demonstrat de variaia proporiilor alcoolicilor n grupurile profesionale, sociale, n civilizaii, precum i la sexe. n grupurile sociale este uor s distingem muncile care 75

predispun individul la alcoolism, iar acestea sunt: muncile care necesit for; muncile agricole; activitile politice; muncile legate de producia i distribuirea buturilor alcoolice; muncile care implic o deplasare periodic (marinari, ageni comerciali, oferi etc. Anumite profesii ce implic responsabilitate n relaiile interpersonale. Astfel, alcoolismul apare puternic corelat cu anumite specialiti medicale, printre care medicina legal, anatomia patologic, terapia intensiv. i psihiatria. Dar potenialul alcoolic este o preferin pentru aceste ultime profesiuni care-i permit satisfacerea schimbrii, refugiul de realitatea monoton. Legat de acest aspect, la pediatrii, toxicomania n general, inclusiv alcoolismul, ca i depresia i suicidul se ntlnesc att de rar nct sunt nesemnificative. Aspectul este foarte important n cercetarea raporturilor dintre persoan i profesie, n sensul c dac persoana i alege o profesie compatibil cu structura sa, profesia i marcheaz comportamentul i devenirea spiritual. Un rol important l au i standardele culturale" care se axeaz pe modul de a bea i de atitudinea social n ceea ce privete butorii i n special statutul de beie. Beia poate reprezenta obiectul unei tolerane variabile, cteodat depind limita, altdat fiind dezaprobat riguros. Studierea grupurilor de alcoolici a artat pe de alt parte importana primordial i determinant a presiunilor exercitate de grup (modelul familial, prietenii etc.).

Alte condiii favorizante ale alcoolismului sunt reprezentate de gradul de permisivitate social a consumului, opiniile formate n cadrul unor grupri de populaie similar i proasta informare a publicului cu privire la efectele negative pe care alcoolul le poate avea asupra individului. Cunoaterea efectelor are ca rezultat un numr redus de cazuri de alcoolism. De exemplu, n Islanda problema alcoolismului se reduce la beiile acute ntmpltoare, toate acestea fiind posibile datorit informrii corecte despre efectele negative ale alcoolului. Sancionarea de ctre opinia public a consumului mpreun cu o informare judicioas asupra efectelor alcoolului au ca rezultat diminuarea numrului de cazuri de alcoolism de exemplu n Spania exist puine cazuri de alcoolism, iar acestea sunt moderate. Rolul grupului este foarte important putnd influena pozitiv sau negativ viaa individului. Un alcoolic nverunat care ajunge n rndul unor sectani devine abstinent i n acelai timp un lupttor nfocat mpotriva alcoolului. Acest lucru este posibil prin faptul c grupul de sectani reuete s-i schimbe motivaia pentru via pentru nelegere i ntrajutorare. . Un astfel de grup funcioneaz pe baza principiului: Ei m ajut pe mine, eu i ajut pe ei. , conferindu-i alcoolicului o poziie egal cu cei din jurul lui. Pentru alcoolic este un grup protectiv, un grup care-i preia problema, o dizolv, i dizolv pn i responsabilitatea, acest grup funcionnd ca o unitate i nu ca o asociaie formal. 76

Este uor de evideniat caracterul ambivalent al dependenei n cadrul asociailor de alcoolici, ajutorul i nevoia de comunicare i studierea raporturilor ntre rolul asumat de alcoolici n grupul de alcoolici i rolul jucat n familie. Grupurile din bar permit mai uor s punem n eviden dinamica relaional asupra creia intervin forele atraciei i respingerii, cutarea de situaii afective, cutarea securitii, rolului, a afirmrii de sine i sensului de apartenen la grup al alcoolicului. Barurile, crciumile ndeplinesc rolul de la sine" de centru de securitate, ritmului i orarului de plecri i ieiri la cafea, primirii clientului de patron sau angajat; prezint structura unui grup lipsit de obligaii i restriciile unei adaptri, un substituit al atmosferei familiale i o comunitate care nu este perceput a fi ostil. Este adevrat c alcoolismul considerat la nceput ca scandal, pcat, viciu, defect s-a transformat n conceptul de boal. Dar este la fel de adevrat c alcoolici consum aceleai buturi alcoolice i au aceleai gesturi pe care le au i ceilali consumatori care nu sunt alcoolici. Alcoolul este personificat nu numai cultural i gustativ, ci i pentru proprietile lui psihoactive, dnd la o parte pe cele toxice. Un posibil factor implicat n alcoolismul la muncitorii care profeseaz munci brute este dat de corelarea dintre munc grea timp liber de recreere minim imposibilitatea de sublimare a tririlor legate de meseria brut n timpul liber pe care l are la o modalitate care s elimine comportamentul social al consumului de alcool.

Putem afirma c alcoolismul este o conduit universal, iar alcoolicul este o existen care sufer fizic, psihic i spiritual. Alcoolul i religia n contextul socio-cultural, alcoolul ocup un loc aparte pentru c face parte din tradiia religioas direct (Biblia i Evanghelia) i indirect prin legturile cu cultura religioas. n Grecia, izvorul civilizaiei, Dionisie era venerat la fel ca ceilali zei. Srbtorile prin care era venerat, celebrau via de vie i vinul sub forma sa de euforie mistic i delirium sexual. Femeile deczute se dedau n timpul srbtorilor la aciuni interzise n zilele obinuite. Ele mergeau prin ar, mulgeau vacile, i maltratau copiii, participau la orgiile sexuale. Se tie c aceste procesiuni n onoarea lui Dionisie sunt primele reprezentaii teatrale. Dumnezeu a fost cunoscut prin intermediul vinului ca stpnul inspiraiei, al fertilitii, al nebuniei i al delirului. Din aceast ndeprtat origine se transmite n cultura noastr ideea mai mult sau mai puin contient a legturii dintre vin, delir i sex. n Biblie, referirile la vin sunt frecvente. Este euforiant, consolator, ceva ce nu trebuie s lipseasc brbailor plecai n armat. Vechiul Testament, ca i tradiia dionisiac, transmite ambivalena omului n faa viei de vie i a vinului, fericirea pe de o parte, furia i agresiunea pe de alt parte. n Noul Testament transformarea este mai mult simbolic. Primul miracol al lui Iisus a fost transformarea apei n vin. Se observ parabola transformrii sufletului care este impur ca apa n 77

pur ca vinul. S nu uitm c n rile semideertice apa este deseori poluat, purttoare de bacterii i microbi, n timp ce vinul, butura fermentat, este mult mai sntos. De aici rezult ideea c apa este pentru exteriorul corpului, iar vinul trebuie ncorporat, unit cu interiorul organismului. Cina cea de tain sau instituia mprtaniei ofer continuu simbolul acestei tradiii. Prin miracolul transformrii, sufletul lui Iisus trece n snge i acesta din urm se transform n vin printr-un simbolism simplu. Tradiia greac i cretin susineau ideea c cel care particip la srbtori i la ntlniri iese n eviden. Alcoolismul solitar este marcat de tristee, de ruine, precum i de culpabilitate. Consumarea n grup a alcoolului este o bucurie, o eliberare, plasat sub sigiliu convieuirii. Prezena mai multor persoane face ca alcoolul consumat s fie din ce n ce mai mult. Acest lucru se ntmpl n afara reuniunilor familiale sau amicale unde nu exist provocare. Datorit alcoolului, cei timizi se elibereaz de rezervele lor, inhibiiile dispar, iar muii devin limbui. Toate acestea se ntmpl ntr-un climat de permisivitate motenit. Alcoolul dezvolt curajul, fora i virilitatea. Alcoolul este un aliment al puterii i al gloriei, este rezervat lupttorilor i oamenilor care tiu s nfrunte pericolul rzboaielor. Aceast opinie condamn nc de la nceput alcoolismul feminin. Vinul este legat de modul limitat al muncii i al obligaiilor. Este o compensaie a frustrrilor provocate de munc, un fel de recompens a efortului depus. Omul

care are o munc, care presupune for trebuie s bea pentru curaj. Sau poate bea doar pentru a marca apartenena la acea bran, subliniind astfel c nu e adeptul sedentarismului. Ce este alcoolismul? Alcoolismul este manifestarea constient sau nu, prin care individul caut satisfacerea nevoii de a consuma alcool indiferent de mijloace sau consecine, pentru evitarea sevrajului sau a strilor psihice neplcute. Consumul este determinat de dependena fizic i dependena psihic. Alcoolismul este o boal primar, cronic, influenat n dezvoltarea i manifestrile ei de factori genetici, psiho-sociali i de mediu. Boala este deseori progresiv i fatal. Se caracterizeaz prin pierderea controlului asupra consumului de alcool, constant sau periodic, preocuparea faa de alcool, consumul de alcool n ciuda consecinelor nefaste i dereglri ale gndirii, cea mai important fiind negarea. Boala nseamna un dezechilibru involuntar. Reprezint suma fenomenelor anormale manifestate de un grup de indivizi. Aceste fenomene sunt asociate cu un set comun specific de caracteristici prin care acesti indivizi difer de normal i care i pune n dezavantaj. Deseori progresiv i fatal nseamn c aceast boal persist n timp i c schimbrile fizice, emoionale i sociale sunt deseori cumulative i pot progresa pe msur ce consumul continu. Pierderea controlului nseamna incapacitate de limitare a consumului de alcool sau de limitare a duratei consumului de alcool cu 78

orice ocazie, a cantitii consumate i/sau a altor consecine ale alcoolului privind comportamentul. Preocuparea asociat cu consumul de alcool indic o atenie excesiv, concentrat pe alcool/drog, efectele i/sau consumul acestuia. Valoarea relativ atribuit astfel de ctre individ alcoolului, duce deseori la o direcionare a energiei departe de problemele importante ale vieii. 3.Efectele alcoolului asupra vieii sociale Alcoolul i viaa de familie Familia alcoolicului dezvolt reacii emoionale i comportamentale specifice. Astfel, emoional apar sentimente de vinovie pentru situaia dependentului, dar i depresia, datorat pierderii de prestigiu, de demnitate familial i personal, de prieteni, de sigurana (inclusiv sigurana financiar). Sentimentul de depresie este agravat i de faptul c este trit n singurtate. Apar, de asemenea, sentimente de revolt. ns, dac iniial codependentul se supar pe dependent, n scurt timp, senzaia de neputin, datorat amplorii problemelor face ca revolta s se ndrepte i asupra celor apropiai (i nevinovai) i chiar asupra propriei persoane, iar n ultima instan asupra lumii ntregi. Dac brbatul beat i strig suprarea n toiul nopii, soia i-o exprim a doua zi dimineaa, dar cei doi nu comunic i astfel situaia se agraveaz. Pe de alt parte, revolta neexprimat produce sentimente de frustrare, jignire, umilin, datorate faptului c persoana dependent i blameaz pe ceilali pentru propria sa vinovie. Iniial, membrilor de

familie le este ruine de lume pentru comportamentul alcoolicului, dar, n timp, sentimentul se extinde i ajunge s le fie ruine de ei nii, de propriile performane. Ruinea scade stima de sine, iar n cazul copiilor asta duce la diminuarea drastic a performanelor i a nivelului de realizare n via, ei restrngndu-i ambiiile i obiectivele datorit nencrederii n sine. Apare teama de viitor, teama pentru propria via de familie, teama de srcie, de relaiile cu alte persoane, de certuri, de caracterul iremediabil al situaiei - teama se extinde la orice. Ea conduce la izolare, genernd un sentiment acut de nsingurare. Din punct de vedere comportamental, familia fie neag problema integral (i scuz individul), fie o recunoate, dar o limiteaz la individ. Ea are tendina de a-l proteja pe alcoolic. ntre altele, ncearc s in sub control dependena, nsoindu-l pe acesta n locurile n care ar putea s bea, ascunznd sau aruncnd butura i favoriznd butul la domiciliu (considerat ca fiind de preferat butului la crcium, pentru c incumb mai puine riscuri pentru alcoolic). De multe ori, scderea stimei de sine se proiecteaz n mod incontient asupra celorlali sub form de team sau furie, traduse prin agresiuni verbale, sarcasm sau ameninri. Codependenii pot ajunge depresivi, cu accese de plns n singurtate, sau au izbucniri violente, care se declaneaz din cauze nesemnificative, ceea ce i face s se considere bolnavi de nervi. Membrii familiei unui alcoolic dezvolt tipare comportamentale specifice, defensive. Primul dintre ele este cel numit suspect de bun". 79

Codependentul se apr, fcnd eforturi disperate de a compensa situaia familial, ncercnd s creeze impresia c problema nu exist. De exemplu, soia i ndeplinete exemplar ndatoririle sale i preia din cele ale soului alcoolic i ale familiei, cutnd recunoatere n cadrul acesteia (de fapt, acest comportament se explic i prin vina, asumat de soie, mai ales fa de copii, de a nu fi n stare s se desprind de situaie, printr-un divor). Dar prin aceast atitudine ea se face indispensabil i ca urmare soul va atepta din ce n ce mai mult de la ea i pn la urm tot va gsi motive de nemulumire. n plus, astfel, alcoolicul nu ia contact cu consecinele comportamentului su, ceea ce ncurajeaz consumul de alcool. Un alt tip de comportament este cel rebel", n cadrul cruia membrul de familie distrage atenia de la problema real, abtnd-o asupra comportamentului propriu (dispare de acas, se poart urt, creeaz probleme, este implicat poliia). n comportamentul apatic", individul se apr de suferin, anulndu-i orice rspuns emoional. El evit situaiile stresante i afieaz o atitudine de nepsare, dar n sinea sa nu reuete s scape de anxietate. Se separ de ceilali, respingnd familia n mod pasiv i retrgndu-se n reverie. ns, prin atitudinea sa, apaticul contribuie la iluzia c totul este bine n familie, ntrziind momentul unei schimbri reale. Se pot observa comportamente i sentimente corespondente, n oglind", la alcoolic i la membrii familiei acestuia, n baza unei afectri paralele. Astfel, dac pacientul

(alcoolicul) este preocupat de urmtoarea administrare de alcool, familia este preocupat de faptele prezente i viitoare ale acestuia. Alcoolicul pierde controlul asupra cantitii bute, a timpului i a locului, n timp ce familia pierde controlul asupra comportamentului prin care rspunde la situaia creat; alcoolicul evit subiectul, iar familia pstreaz secretul viciului. Dependentul gsete justificri pentru consumul de alcool, n timp ce familia justific toate lucrurile negative din cas prin acest viciu. Agresivitate verbal i chiar fizic este caracteristic n ambele cazuri; alcoolicul este grandoman - se laud, druiete i cheltuiete peste msur; n paralel, familia este preocupat excesiv de compensarea imaginii n exterior, dnd dovad de perfecionism exagerat. i alcoolicul i codependenii neag problema sau vina lor n cadrul acesteia. Uneori alcoolicul se nvinovete i promite s se schimbe; la rndul lor, codependenii din familie se nvinovesc c nu sunt n stare s rezolve problema. Ambele pri fac periodic tentative de schimbare sau ameliorare a comportamentului, de cele mai multe ori nereuite. Progresiv, dependentul de alcool sau de drog i familia acestuia se izoleaz de societate, n paralel avnd loc un proces de degradare moral. Astfel, alcoolicul ajunge s nu mai returneze mprumuturile, s cereasc, chiar s fure sau s jefuiasc, n timp ce familia i sustrage bani din buzunare, miznd pe faptul c la beie acesta nu tie niciodat ce sum a cheltuit i ci bani mai are asupra sa. Dac partenerul poate alege s stea sau nu cu persoana alcoolic, 80

copiii nu au aceeai posibilitate. Teoretic, copilria este perioada fr griji a omului. Copilul de alcoolic este aparte el are ntotdeauna griji. Dei are nevoie de comunicare, se izoleaz de ceilali, n special pentru c nu vrea s deranjeze. De multe ori nu primete suficient atenie i este ncurajat doar ocazional. El nva s se poarte precaut, s nu cear, s nu-i doreasc i s nu aib nevoie de nimic; n permanen ncearc s plac celor din jur. Nu are identitate, deoarece nu are ocazia s i-o formeze. Copiii de alcoolici se confrunt cu numeroase probleme psiho-medicale i sociale, necunoscute celorlali copii. Ei sunt afectai de probleme afectiv emoionale, precum anxietatea i depresia, probleme de adaptare i colare, cum ar fi dificultile de concentrare, tulburrile de conduit i absenteismul. Lipsa modelului n formarea propriei personaliti este foarte important, tiindu-se c valorile morale i comportamentul acceptabil social se nva iniial n familie. Rolul imitaiei n modelarea copilului este mare, or copilul de alcoolic vede doar comportamente aberante, vinovie, negare, justificri, frustrare, inconsecven, agresiune i violen. Deseori integritatea i chiar viaa celei mai iubite fiine, mama, este ameninat de beiv. Ca urmare, copilul devine derutat, anxios, nesigur de viitor; cu timpul ajunge pasiv i resemnat. El ncepe s se obinuiasc cu minciuna, care este un mecanism fundamental de adaptare n familia alcoolicului: mama minte pentru a evita violena soului, iar acesta face promisiuni, uneori bine intenionate,

pe care ns nu le poate respecta. Minciunii i se suprapune negarea, care are ca scop salvarea respectului de sine i a imaginii familiei n raport cu lumea exterioar: din ruine, copilul ascunde sau minimalizeaz gravitatea situaiei, lucru nvat chiar de la prini. n ciuda negrii, stima de sine are de suferit - niciodat ceea ce face copilul nu este suficient de bun pentru alcoolic i ca urmare el pierde ncrederea n capacitile sale, simindu-se incapabil i inferior tuturor celor din jur. Consecina fireasc este depresia, datorat i lipsei de comunicare cu printele alcoolic, dar i cu cellalt printe, care, preocupat de partener, nu acord suficient atenie copiilor. Preluarea forat a unor sarcini care n mod normal revin prinilor duce la maturizarea prematur a copilului de alcoolic. Depresia i ntreine sentimentele de neajutorare, izolare i incompeten, mila i ura de sine. Nu n ultimul rnd, acest copil este tarat de numeroase frici: de tatl beat, de mama suprat, de divor, de posibile boli sau accidente ale alcoolicului, de agresiunea acestuia asupra mamei iubite, de situaii exterioare, n care familia, disfuncional, nu l poate ajuta. Alcoolul i criminalitatea Agresivitatea este acea stare particular a individului caracterizat printr-o tensiune acut sau cronic, ce se satisface printr-o reacie violent asupra victimei. Asocierea alcoolismului cu comportamentul sociopat i intercondiionare reciproc au loc datorit scderi inhibiiei i implicit a autocontrolului. Ca urmare, individul pierde aptitudinea de a 81

folosi experiena trecut, ignor consecinele pe care le au actele antisociale comise ncepnd cu ceretoria i vagabondajul i culminnd cu agresiunile sexuale, violena i omuciderea ca form extrem de agresivitate. Dup cum am artat, alcoolul ncepe prin a altera zona superioar, contiente i lucide a psihicului, agravarea intoxicaiei, prin mrirea dozei, sfrind prin tulbularea zonelor automate ale activiti sistemului nervos. Dar aciunea alcoolului nu se exercit numai n momentele relative rar cu caracter episodic, ale beiei. Ea se prelungete asupra gndirii obinuite a butorului, modificnd profund caracterul. Alcoolicul cronic devine o fiin impulsiv, necontrolat. Aflat sub aciune direct a impulsurilor comportamentul alcoolicului va fi antisocial, ajungnd frecvent la contravenien, delict i crime. Este greu de stabilit teoretic o legtur precis ntre anumite cazuri de criminalitate i alcolism. Criminalitatea ca i alte fenomene psihopatologice, cum ar fi sinuciderea sau bolile mintale, recunosc un determinism complex, multiplu, direct sau indirect, mijlocit sau nemijlocit, prin interferena unui mare numr de factori. Reducerea la o cauzalitate unitar reprezint o simplificare de neaceptat. n ansamblu, stastisticele sunt n favoarea unei corelaii pozitive ntre alcoolism i criminalitatea, dar aceste statistici variaz, datorit condiiilor diferite ale factorilor n cauz: formele alcoolismului, tipul delicvenei i criminalitii, ara i regiunea unde aceste abateri de lege au fost comise, clasa social a faptailor etc.

Cercetarile efectuate n ultimii ani n S.U.A.arat c doar 20% dintre agresori nu se aflau sub influena alcoolului n timpul comiterii crimei. n occident cercetrile n acest domeniu sau nmulit considerabil n ultimii ani. Unele au vizat proporia agresorilor i victemelor aflate sub influena alcoolului, altele proporia alcoolicilor printre cei ce au comis diferite delicte sau acte de violen i n sfrit investigaiile psihologice au urmrit efectul diferitelor doze i feluri de buturi alcoolice asupra cumportamentului alcoolicului sau asupra celor neobinuii cu alcoolul. n studiile epidemiologice referitoare la consumul de alcool naintea comiterii delictelor trebuie s se in seama de unele circumstane ca: gradul de cultur, tipul de butur, iar n selecia cazurilor trebuie avute n vedere unele particulariti ce guverneaz comportamentul diferitelor populaii atunci cnd se afl sub influena alcoolului. Este, de asemenea, important s se tie c o serie de date utilizate n aceste studii sunt extrase din anchet, ele depinznd de interpretrile anchetatorului, dar i de interpretrile celui ce le cerceteaz. Indiferent de structura psihic a individului, alcoolul este recunoscut ca factor declanator al comportamentului auto i heterodistructiv, al unor reacii impulsive sau ca dezinhibitor al unor tendine agresive poteniale, fr s se poat susine c relaia dintre alcoolismul acut sau cronic i comportamentul deviant antisocial este linear. Cazurile trebuie deci individualizate n funcie de tipurile de agresiune, iar experimentul trebuie 82

s utilizeze metode adecvate fiecrui tip de agresiune, s diferenieze n primul rnd agresiunea instrumental sau neinstrumental i s fie ct mai apropiat de situaiile reale. Alcoolul i accidentele de munc Toate accidentele de munc, avnd o explicaie psihologic (neatenie, oboseal) cu urmri asupra micrilor i comportamentului lucrtorului, vor avea n stare de relativ alcoolizare, o cauz de agravare. Nu este necesar ca muncitorul s se afle n stare de ebrietate evident pentru a-i mri coeficentul de probabilitate n privina accidentri. Tulburarea ateniei i judectii, mrirea timpului de reacie ntre percepie i micri, vicierea reflexelor, tremurrile, stngciile apar chiar dup consumarea unor cantiti mici de alcool. Este adevrat c cea mai mare parte dintre cei aflai n aceast stare nu au accidente atta vreme ct se afl n condiii de munc de rutin, dar n momentul n care apar mprejurri neprevzute, comportamentul acestor muncitori este deficitar, micrile necesare pentru evitarea accidentului nu se produc i, ceea ce este cel mai grav, cel n cauza rspunde tocmai cu micrile care conduc la producerea accidentului. Orict de important ar fi problema accidentului de munc determinat de alcool att sub raport individual, ct i social, acestea nu exprim n totalitate consecinele care pot decurge din consumul de alcool al salariailor la locul de munc. Accidentul este un fapt relativ rar care nu tulbur procesul muncii

dect intermitent i pe zone limitate. Acestor urmri va trebui s le adaugam i scderea randametului muncitorului i a calitaii produsului acestuia, att prin aciunea imediat a alcoolului consumat ntampltor, naintea lucrului, ct mai ales consumat n mod cronic. Concluzii Existena unor familii de alcoolici aduce n discuie posibila etiologie genetic. Totodat s-a demonstrat i existena unei tolerane nnascute la alcool, iar fenomenul de dependen a putut fi transmis experimental la generaii succesive. S-a pus n discuie ideea existenei unui defect biochimic sau metabolic transmis genetic, precum i a unor modificri de structur ale sistemului nervos central, ce determin un mod particular de funcionare n prezenta alcoolului. n ceea ce privete factorul psihic, teoria reflexelor condiionate, dei explica repetarea consumului dup obinerea satisfaciei, nu lmurete de ce nu oricine dintre cei care consum ocazional alcool pentru reducerea temporar a unei stri tensionale sau conflictuale, devine neaparat alcoolic. Cercetrile au artat ca butorii sunt n majoritatea cazurilor personaliti psihopatice, cu dificulti de adaptare mergnd pn la inadaptabilitate la mediul social sau familial, precum i cu tulburri ale vieii sexuale i ale simului moral, care conduc la un dezechilibru socioafectiv. Cei mai muli dintre alcoolici sunt persoane labile afectiv, lipsite de voin n ceea ce privete ndeplinirea obligaiilor profesionale i sociale i respectarea normelor de convieuire n societate. 83

Factorii sociali reprezint de asemenea o cauz deloc neglijabil: uurina cu care se pot procura buturile alcoolice, obiceiul consumrii buturilor n grup, la diferite ocazii. O legtur ntre nivelul de trai i alcoolism nu trebuie ns absolutizat, alcoolicul nefiind neaprat un individ cu posibiliti financiare reduse. Faptul ca alcoolismul apare n majoritatea cazurilor la oameni de vrsta medie, afectai mai mult de traume psihice i de stri stresante comparativ cu tinerii, este relevant pentru rolul jucat de factorii sociali n geneza alcoolismului. Cu ct individul ncepe s consume alcool mai trziu, cu att se instaleaz mai repede tolerana i dependena, ceea ce pledeaz pentru rezinstena mai mare al organismului tnar fa de alcool. Bibliografie selectiv: 1. Biberi Ion, Alcoolismul, Editura Medical, Bucureti, 1966 2. Chabrol, H., Les toxicomanies de l adolescent, Editura Presse, Paris, 1992 3. Franz Floyd, Manual despre alcoolism , Editura Renaterea, Cluj Napoca, 2004 4. Iovu, M., Droguri legale, Editura Monitorul Oficial, Bucureti, 2003 5. Moeller F.G., Dougherty D.M., Antisocial personality disorder, alcohol and aggression, Alcohol Research and Health, 2001 6. Porot, A., Toxicomaniile, Editura tiinific , Bucureti, 1999 7. Rcanu, R., Alcool i drogurivirtui i capcane pentru tineri, Editura Universitii, Bucureti, 2004

8. Rcanu, R., Psihologia comportamentului deviant, Editura Universitar, Bucureti, 1994 9. Rosenberg Morris, Society and the Adolescent Self-Image, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1965 10. Servais Ernest, Prvention drogues, Editura Labor, Bruxelles, 1990 11. chiopu U., Verza E., Psihologia vrstelor ciclurile vieii, EDP , Bucureti, 1981 12. World Health Organization, Drug Dependence and Alcohol Related Problems; A Manual for Community Health Workers With Guidlunjes for Trainers, Geneva, 1986

84

Social factors determinants of alcoholism and effects of alcohol on social life


Ph.D. Lecturer Maria Pescaru University of Piteti
mariapescaru@yahoo.com

Abstract: In the paper, I will try to underline the effects of alcohol addiction and to demonstrate the negative impact it has upon moral and social life. Sociological studies carried out in our country, after 1989, point out the fact that more and more Romanians drink strong liquors. Alcoholics undergo certain dramatic experiences having repercussions upon people around them. The presence of the social factors in alcoholism is demostrated by the variation of alcoholics proportion in professional and social groups, in different civilizations, by the sex affiliation of the persons consuming alcohol, too. The implications of alcoholism in Romania are not fully realized; there are aspects of alcoholism that are not perceived by the majority of the population. Despite all these, alcoholism is not seen as a disease in Romania, at least not by the largest majority of the population. Although there is a real culture, a whole battery of methods to cure these disturbances in the U.S.A and Western Europe, a less accented promotion of the methods to prevent and control excessive use of alcohol is done in Romania at the national level. Disintoxication centers are not sufficiently popularized, and some of them are included in the psychiatric departments of the hospitals, a situation that represents an obstacle in admiting these disturbances. Excessive use of alcohol is present at all levels of society.

Key words: social life, alcohol, motivation, religion, criminality

1. Evolution of alcohol throughout the world Considered as the "IV public health issue", after cardiovascular diseases, mental and cancer, affecting indirectly through disruption of social and interpersonal relations a number of people 6-7 times higher than that of patients, with implications personal and social consequences incalculable, "alcohol-mania" requires today a part dimensional study: medical, psychological, sociological. Applying the methods in the field of anthropology and archeology, which are becoming more sophisticated, leading to the collection of information dating back three million years ago, not specified data, otherwise the entire surface of the globe. Paleolithic man or cave man who lived by hunting or fishing only, began to build shelters and work clay to make pots. It is likely that he had met drunkenness while drinking alcohol and, by chance, drinking fruit juice that he left for longer in a bowl. Prehistoric man would become in time a shepherd, farmer, would find thus the seed and fermentation. In the Neolithic he would consume alcoholic beverages manufactured from fermented grain. Numerous archaeological evidence knowledge the use of these drinks. Thus, in 85

Denmark, Skydtsrup there have been found two drinking pots of corn for animals, one containing beer and the other a drink of water and honey. In Antalya, it was discovered a container used to manufacture beer. Accidentally drinking fermented juice, the man got drunk and then had a divine revelation: "Noah planted wines and has met drunkenness" (Genesis IX, 20). For primitive people, drink qualities could only be of divine origin and some of the drink manufacturers have been transformed into domestic gods. Nectar, ambrosia, the wine producing sacred rage that allows contact with the divine offering those who use them, immortality. Habitual consumption experienced a fast decline, but for awhile, then be reserved for priests, chiefs and used for religious rituals. People are starting to use the drink for their psychological needs, and it is seen as the magic potion of priests. This custom is also known in the Pygmies tribe today, primitive tribes, the tribes of Transkei in South Africa, where during the new moon feast, the magic drink from banana is reserved for women. In all civilizations, in the sacred texts there is a distinction in the importance attached to the vine and wine in particular. Also, from the texts, we see the concern to demonstrate the primacy of vine cultivation and wine production in each culture. In Egypt, wine was made for certain special rituals and consumed by the first Dynasty (3400 BC) and in particular the richer social classes. It was used in burial rituals and 86

celebrations. Osiris is considered a Bacchus, a god of wine, who first planted vines. Ancient Greece develops culture and art of the vine. Plato says in the book of laws: "The Greeks had wines, so they didnt bring it to the Phoenicians. Other writers refer in their writings to the existence, use and benefits of wine. Demosthenes said: "Tell me the most beautiful effects, other than those of wine. A drunk man is richer, everything is successful for him. In ancient Greece, Dionysus was the god of wine and they brought offerings in several festivals. Study shows the universality of Italian culture alcoholic beverages, considered a basic need. Alcohol consumption was reserved for priests to enable them to communicate with the upper. Drinking was also permitted to religious holidays, important meetings where one could practice games and competitions with the purpose to prove strength and virility. In the late fifth century BC, Greeks get the first vineyard in Marseille. Culture will be developed and will soon get a significant factor, so that was our first century, become famous the wines from Allobroges, on the Rhone and Bordeaux. Since the first century, France begins to export its wines in Italy and the Netherlands. French used wine in special occasions such as: funerals, marriages, harvest festivals, but just as well used it as a cure. Going through these civilizations we can only recognize the universality of alcohol use and myths related to them. Prejudices about wine are strongly rooted in our mentality. If the wine has lost its sacred value, social value has been

preserved in full and has not lost an icon. All social acts are marked by social feast and a cup clash. Since the beginning of our era, the wine has become a commercial application, a source of profit, due to the expansion of Christianity. At the same time, negative effects have not left expected, consumption of alcoholic beverages has gained an individual significance, artists finding in alcoholic beverages a source of inspiration, but social rites are preserved. The progress of human society also means industrialization of the areas of activity including the production of wine, fruit and agricultural products and their processing, all resulting in increased amounts of beverages and their diversification, which therefore leads to progressively increasing alcohol consumption. In 1984 O.M.S. Europe gave as example the production between 1950 and 1972 which increased by 9.6% on wine, 66% on beer and for the spirits at 97.4%. At present, for the meeting between alcohol and person to take place, it is required only desire and a minimum income. Increased production of alcohol leads to increased number of people consuming alcoholic beverages. In 1985, in the USA 10 million of adults and 3 million of children were consumers of alcohol. In the last decades of the second millennium, alcohol consumption has increased alarmingly, Romania being on the "leading sites" in Europe. This alarming situation forced many studies and start conducting specific 87

programs to prevent harm consumption involving policy makers, civil society and specialists, particularly the psychiatrists, psychologists and sociologists. Novelists of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century have made the link between alcohol and scandals, drama leading to hospitalization and jail. Using drugs and alcohol in particular is a very complex phenomenon, with many factors in play both on a personal and a social plan. In ancient times, long alcohol consumption was terminated. Hippocrates described the misunderstandings caused by alcohol. Over the years there were given several definitions of alcoholism and alcoholic. Benjamin Rush, who signed the Declaration of Independence of the United States in 1812 considered abusive consumption of alcohol as precursor of the medical concept of madness: The uncontrolled consumption of alcoholic beverages is a disease of the will and is for the medical body to deal with it. After him, all remedies: religious, moral and psychological need to work together to complete and radical cure of the disease. Alcoholism as a disease was recognized in 1933 by the American Medical Association and American Psychiatric Association, and was later recognized by O.M.S. and mentioned in the standard classification of diseases. Alcoholism initially was considered a psychiatric illness characterized by disturbance of the relational model and affiliated neurosis. A number of definitions of this kind remain restrictive and

limited to some psychopathological aspects of alcoholism. In 1952 O.M.S. characterized the concept of alcoholism by including only a part of excessive consumers, namely those who "present the events that affect their physical and mental health, their relationships with other people and their social and economic behavior. O.M.S. defines alcoholism as a condition presented by a subject who consumes alcohol detrimental to the health or social activity during a given period. Thus, alcoholism, broadly conceived, meets all of imbalance caused by alcohol consumption, both in the social, economic and personal level. Alcoholism can be seen as an individual / general response to a social behavior of alcoholisation because there are differences in cultural patterns, personal or family situations, environment, personality, bodies, all these being factors involved in the genesis of alcoholism. Studies in isolated populations over the last decade of the past millennium have found a strong correlation in these populations, alcohol consumption with suicide and antisocial behavior and heteroaggressive. In terms of the Dictionary of Psychology, alcoholism is "all the physical and mental disorders caused by drinking. (Larose, Dictionary of Psychology, 1996) An alcoholic is the person who, due to abuse of alcoholic drinks they hurt himself and those around him. Alcoholism is defined as a psychological or body dependence, somatic towards alcoholic beverages and differs from the alcohol 88

consumption, where the subject is not suffering if they pause. From the above one can make the difference between drunkenness and alcoholism, drunkenness is not automatically linked to chronic alcoholism, but can be related to it in the sense that differentiates the alcoholic withdrawal state or an organic disorder of the alcoholic by drunkenness of the respective alcoholic as well as the state for drinking of the person who does not drink. 2. Drivers of alcoholism Speaking of social rituals, we can refer to a set of rules and ceremonies connected with the use of alcoholic beverages, description of traditions of our society, the attitude towards alcohol. Alcoholism, both the disease and as a psychosocial phenomenon is multi-factorial, meaning that both for the determination and the general consequences, many factors are involved. We distinguish internal factors which belong to the vulnerability of the individual and external factors that are multiple and vary at the same time, being at the same time a vulnerability risk to the individual. External factors differ according to whether a period or another, one company or another and even from one social class or another. External factors work together with internal factors, favoring each other. The vulnerability is all the elements that make for the possibility of using alcohol of an individual to be more or less inclined towards it. The vulnerability is biological, psychological and socio-spiritual,

anthropological training along the lines of personality. Psycho-social factors In the present state of our habits, it is indisputable that "drinking together" creates solidarity between people and is not exaggeration to say that there is no celebration without being accompanied by alcoholic drinks. Alcohol is the magic medicine of weakness which gives strength and of virility. Wine and alcohol are those which make you "high up", are indispensable for work that requires strength. Alcohol is one that stimulates minds and un-tie languages. Thus, in our country it is impossible for alcohol to play an important role not just in abundance of alcoholic drinks on the market, advertising and their low price Inventory of these psychosocial factors should include social pressures that are exerted on the individual and who push him to drink, not to be "excommunicated" by the group. This aware alcoholisation has the more chances of success, the more the individual is suggestible and more passive. Alcoholism flame has been ignited as well on the account of total lack of motivation or the confused motivation predominantly in the beginning of the repetitive experience getting to be the destructive type. Therefore, alcohol is considered to be a real syndrome having social origin. Existential motivation of alcoholic motivation is represented by a specific personality, hedonic, and it is specific to an immature personality. Immaturity of alcohol is reflected by alcoholic addiction and self89

destruction, by the lack of decisional abilities and by the fact that they assume visionary parts. Motivational theory of the alcoholic with deviant behavior aims at differentiating between motivation, reason and mobile in the sense that the motivation must be sought at the alcoholic and not at the act itself. Conditions of the motivation depend on the formation of attitude and motivation of preference; attitude is defined as a way to react favorably or un-favorably towards an object or event, expressing a particular behavior. Individual reasoning thus evaluates specific attributes of the event according to their own experience. Pricing models are the compensatory and no-compensatory type. It appears that the compensatory model is more common in alcoholics as less satisfactory as attributes of the event which compensate by the exacerbation of other attributes, apparently satisfactory. Given the conditions and circumstances, attitude towards one event or another can change the game result and can lead to alcoholism, criminality or what is more serious in social terms, crime of the alcoholic. Socio-cultural factors All socio-cultural influences are not in accordance with the psychology of the community that results from personality disorders. Besides the biological basis of the human beings, which determine alcoholism it is also added the sociocultural dimension of the individual. It was noted that not all people who live in a geographic area are prone to alcoholism. Those with such a predisposition are those with a

specific culture. Environmental influences that they exert on the personality are divided into two categories: - Those due to sharing the same environment (the children of families living in the same house, benefit from the same care and affection from parents and many other aspects of the surroundings). Such influence manifests itself between family environmental variables; - Those due to events occurring in children living in the same family, which led to some personality changes (one kid had a good teacher, the other a poor teacher, a child contacted a disease, the other didnt, etc.). The social factors in alcoholism are demonstrated by the variation of proportions of alcoholics in professional and social groups, in civilization, and with the sexes. In social groups it is easy to distinguish work which predisposes individuals to alcoholism, and these are jobs that require strength, agricultural labor, political activities, labor related to production and distribution of alcoholic drinks, work which involves a periodic motion (sailors, traders, drivers, etc.) Certain professions involving responsibility in interpersonal relations. Thus, alcoholism is strongly correlated with certain medical specialties, including forensic medicine, pathological anatomy, and intensive therapy and psychiatry. But the alcoholic potential is a preference for these last jobs to satisfy the change, refugee from monotonous reality. Linked to this issue, with pediatricians, addiction in general, 90

including alcoholism, depression and suicide as well as meet so rarely that are insignificant. Appearance is very important in investigating the relationship between person and occupation, meaning that if a person chooses a profession compatible with their structure, it marks its profession and spiritual behavior becoming. An important role is also played by the "cultural standards" that focus on how to drink and social attitudes regarding drinkers and especially drinking status. Drinking may be subject to a variable tolerance, sometimes exceeding the limit, once strictly disapproved. Study groups of alcoholics showed on the other hand the paramount importance and determinants of pressure group (model family, friends etc.). Other favorable conditions of alcoholism are the degree of social permissiveness of consumption, the opinions formed under similar population groups and poor public information on the negative effects that alcohol can have on individuals. Knowing the effects it produces a small number of cases of alcoholism. For example, in Iceland the problem of alcoholism is reduced to acute accidental drunkenness, all of which are possible by providing accurate negative effects of alcohol. Sanctioning the public about the judicious use together with information on the effects of alcohol result in diminishing the number of cases of alcoholism; for example, in Spain there are few cases of alcoholism, and they are moderate. The role of the group is very important and can positively or negatively influence the individual's

life. A bitter alcoholic who arrives among sectarians becomes abstinent while a passionate fighter against alcohol. This is possible because of the fact that the respective sectarian group manages to change the motivation for life to understanding and friendliness. One such group is based on the principle: "Well, they help me and I help them" giving the alcoholic an equal footing with those around him. To the alcoholic this is a protective group, a group that takes the issue, dissolve it, it dissolves even its responsibility, this group works as a unit and not as a formal association. It is easy to highlight the ambivalent nature of dependence within the association of alcohol and the need and help to study the relationship between communication and the assumed role of alcoholics within the alcoholic group and the role of the family. Groups from the bars make it easier to put in evidence the relational dynamics involved with forces of attraction and rejection, the search for emotional situations, seeking security, role, self-affirmation and sense of belonging to the alcoholic group. Bars, taverns served as "self" security center, pace and schedule of departures and coffee breaks, the customer admission by the employer or employee presents a group structure with no obligations and restrictions of an adaptation, a substitute of the family atmosphere and a community that is perceived to be hostile. It is true that alcoholism, considered in the beginning as a scandal, sin, vice, defect has turned the concept of disease. But it is 91

equally true that alcoholics consume the same alcoholic and have the same gestures that other consumers who are not alcoholics may have. Alcohol is personified not only the cultural and taste way, but also for its psychoactive properties, giving a hand to those toxic. A possible factor involved in alcoholism to workers practicing rough work is given by the correlation between hard works - minimum leisure time - the impossibility of sublimation of feelings related to gross job when at leisure that you have in a way that eliminates social behavior of alcohol. We say that alcoholism is a universal behavior and the existence of an alcoholic is suffering physically, mentally and spiritually. Alcohol and religion Within the socio-cultural context, alcohol occupies a special place that is part of direct religious tradition (the Bible and the Gospel) and indirect links with religious culture. In Greece, the source of civilization, Dionysus was worshiped as the other gods. Holidays, through which he was venerated, celebrated vineyard and wine as his mystical euphoria and sexual delirium. The women, declined, used to give themselves up during holidays to actions prohibited in ordinary days. They would go around the country, milking cows, they maltreated their children, took part in sexual orgies. It is known that the processions in honor of Dionysus are the first theatrical performances. God was known as a master through wine inspiration, fertility, and the delirium

of madness. From this remote origin it is transmitted and inherited in our culture the idea, more or less aware of the connection between wine, madness and sex. In the Bible, references to wine are common. It is euphoric, comforting, something that should not miss the men who are in the army. The Old Testament, as well as the Dionysian tradition, transmits human ambivalence towards vine and wine, happiness on the one hand, anger and aggression on the other. In the New Testament conversion is more than symbolic. The first miracle of Jesus was transforming water into wine. Note the parable of turning the soul, which is impure as water into wine, which is pure, as easily. Let us remember that the water is often polluted in semi-desert countries, carry the bacteria and microbes, while wine, fermented beverages, is much healthier. This result in the idea that water is for the external body and wine needs to be incorporated united inside the body. The Last Supper or the Eucharist institution offers a continuous symbol of this tradition. Through the miracle of transformation, the soul passes into the blood of Jesus and the latter is turned into wine by a simple symbolism. Greek and Christian tradition supported the idea that participating in festivals and meetings stands out. Alcoholism on its own is marked by sadness, shame, and guilt. The consumption of alcohol in the group is a joy, a liberation, placed under the seal of cohabitation. The presence of more people makes that drinking alcohol to be ever increasing in 92

amount. This is happening outside the family or friendly meetings where no challenge exists. Because of alcohol, the shy release from their reserves, their inhibitions disappear and many become talkative. All this happens in a climate of permissiveness which is inherited. Alcohol develops courage, strength and virility. Alcohol is a food of the power and glory is reserved for warriors and people who know how to face the danger of war. This opinion from the start condemns female alcoholism. Wine is related to the limited manner of work and obligations. It is a compensation of the frustration caused by work, a kind of reward to the laid effort. The man who has a job that requires strength should drink for courage. Or can drink just to make membership of that branch, thus emphasizing that to inactivity he is not partisan. What is alcoholism? Alcoholism is the manifestation, conscious or not, by which the individual seeks satisfaction of the need to consume alcohol, regardless of means or consequences, to avoid unpleasant withdrawal or physical state. Consumption is determined by physical dependence and psychological addiction. Alcoholism is a primary disease, chronic influence on the development and manifestations of genetic factors, psycho-social and environmental ones. The disease is often progressive and fatal. It is characterized by loss of control over alcohol, constantly or periodically, the concern over alcohol consumption alcohol, despite adverse consequences and disorders of

thinking, the most important one being the denial. Illness means an involuntary imbalance. It represents the sum of abnormal phenomena displayed by a group of individuals. These phenomena are associated with a particular common set of characteristics by which these individuals differ from normal and put them at a disadvantage. Often progressive and fatal, it means that the disease persists in time and physical changes, emotional and social rights are often cumulative and may progress as the drinking continues. Loss of control means the inability to limit alcohol or limitation of alcohol on any occasion, and the amount consumed and / or other consequences of alcohol on behavior. Concern associated with alcohol use indicates excessive attention, focused on alcohol / drug, effects and / or its consumption. Relative value attributed by the individual to alcohol often leads to a directing energy away from important life issues. 3. The effects of the alcohol on social life Alcohol and family life The family of an alcoholic will develop specific emotional and behavioral reactions. Thus, on an emotional level there may appear feelings of guilt for the situation of the addicted, but also depression due to the loss of prestige and personal dignity, for family, friends, safety (including financial security). The feeling of depression is exacerbated by the fact that it lived in solitude. There also appear the feelings of 93

revolt. But if initially the codependent gets upset on the dependent shortly, the feeling of helplessness, by the scale of the problems, makes the revolt to proceed and head towards on the nearby (and innocent) and even on his person, and ultimately the world. If a man beats his anger cried at night, his wife and is expressing it the next morning, but the two do not communicate and thus the situation gets worse. On the other hand, the speechless revolt causes frustration, insult, humiliation, because the dependents blame others for his guilt. Initially, family members are ashamed of the world for alcoholic behavior, but in time, the feeling expands and they come to be ashamed of themselves for their performance. Shame decreases self-esteem, and in children it leads to drastic reduction in performance and achievement in life, his ambitions and goals because distrust in him. The fear of future appears, fear for their family life, fear of poverty, of relationships with other people, the fights, the irreparable nature of the situation - fear extends to all. It leads to isolation, resulting in an acute sense of loneliness. In terms of behavioral, family either deny the problem entirely (and excuse the individual) or admits it, but limit it to one individual. It tends to protect the alcoholic. Among other things, tries to control the addiction, accompanying him on it in places that he could drink, hiding or throwing drinks and promoting drinking at home (considered as the preferred drinking in taverns, for less risk for incumbent alcoholic). Many times, decreased self-esteem is projected

unconsciously on others in the form of fear or anger, translated by verbal aggression, sarcasm, or threats. Dependents can get depressed, with bouts of tears in solitude, or have violent outbursts, which trigger from significant causes, which make them considered neurotic. Family members of alcoholics develop specific behavioral patterns, defensive. The first one is called "good suspect. Codependents protect themselves, making desperate efforts to compensate the family situation, trying to create the impression that the problem does not exist. For example, the wife to fulfill her duties and take copies of those of an alcoholic husband and family, seeking recognition within it (in fact, this behavior is explained by the fault, assumed by the wife, especially against children, not to be able to leave the situation, including a divorce). But with this attitude it is therefore indispensable and that her husband would ever expect more from it and eventually he will find reason for complaint. In addition, thus, the alcoholic does not make contact with the consequences of alcoholic behavior, which encourages alcohol drinking. Another type of behavior is the "rebel" one in which a member of the family distracts attention from the real problems, pushing it on their behavior (goes away from home, behaves ugly, creates problems, it involves the police). In the behavior called "apathetic" the individual defends from the suffering, and cancels any emotional response. He avoids stressful situations and displays an attitude of indifference, but when 94

alone he may not succeed to escape from anxiety. He becomes separated from the others, rejecting his family in a passive way and retiring from that in dream. But, by his attitude, the apathetic contributes to the illusion that all is well in the family, delaying the time of a real difference. Corresponding observable behaviors and feelings, by the, mirror type; can be seen on alcoholic and his family, on a parallel allocation. Thus, if the patient (alcoholic) is concerned about the next administration of alcohol, the family is concerned by the facts of the present and future. The alcoholic loses control over the amount drunk, the time and place, while the family loses control over behavior that responds to the situation created; alcoholic avoids the topic and the family keep the vice secret. The addict finds excuses for alcohol consumption, while the family justifies all the negative things in the house by this defect. Verbal and even physical aggression is characteristic in both cases, the alcoholic is megalomaniac - boasts, gives and spends beyond measure, in parallel, and the family is concerned about excessive compensation image abroad, giving evidence of excessive perfectionism. Both the codependents and alcoholic deny their problem or fault therein. Sometimes the alcoholic blames and promises to change, in turn, the family codependents blame for not being able to solve the problem. Both sides try periodic attempts to change or improve the behavior, most often unsuccessful. Progressively, the alcoholic or drug addict and his family is isolated from society, a process taking place in

parallel with moral degradation. The alcoholic comes not to return borrowing, begging, stealing or even to rob, while the family takes money from his pockets, relying on the fact that while drinking he never knows what amount spent and how much money has on him. If the partner may choose to stay or not with the person who is an alcoholic, children have the same opportunity. Theoretically, childhood is the period without worries for a person. The child of an alcoholic is special - he is always worried. Although communication is needed, he becomes isolated from others, especially because they do not want to bother. Often do not receive enough attention and is encouraged only occasionally. He learns to act cautiously, not to ask, not to desire and not need anything, constantly tries to please others. There is identity for him, since he has no chance to form it. Children of alcoholics face many medical and psycho-social problems, unknown to other children. They are affected by emotional problems - emotional as well as anxiety and depression, and school adjustment problems such as concentration difficulties, conduct disorders and absenteeism. Lack of training model in their personalities is very important, knowing that moral values and socially acceptable behavior is taught initially in the family. The role of imitation in child modeling is great, or child of an alcoholic sees only the aberrant behavior, guilt, denial, justification, frustration, inconsistency, aggression and violence. Often integrity and even the most beloved living beings, the 95

mother is threatened by a drunk. As a result, the child becomes confused, anxious; uncertain of the future, in time becomes passive and resigned. He begins to get used to lying, which is a fundamental mechanism of adaptation in the alcoholic family: mother lies to avoid violent husband, and he makes no promises, sometimes well-intentioned, but with whom he can not comply. Deceit and denial overlap, which is to save self-esteem and family picture in relation to the outer world: the shame makes the child hide or minimize the seriousness of the situation, a thing learned even from parents. Despite denial, selfesteem has to suffer - never what the child accomplishes is not good enough for an alcoholic and as a result he lost his confidence in his ability, feeling incapable and inferior to all others. Natural consequence is depression, and lack of communication due to an alcoholic father, but also with the other parent, who, concerned of his partner, pays scant attention to children. Forced acquisition of some tasks that normally belong to their parents leads to premature maturation of the child of an alcoholic. Depression maintains his feelings of helplessness, isolation and incompetence, pity and self hatred. Finally, this child is dragged by many fears: the drunken father, angry mother, divorce, of possible diseases or injuries of the alcoholic, the beloved mother under aggression, external situations, the family, dysfunctional, can not help.

Alcohol and crime Aggressiveness is the particular status of individuals characterized by acute or chronic tension, that meet through a violent reaction to the victim. The association of alcoholism with sociopath behavior and reciprocal interaction occur due to default of inhibition and of course of self-control. As a result, individuals lose the ability to use past experience, ignore the consequences that they have committed as antisocial acts starting with begging and vagrancy, and culminating in sexual aggression, violence and murder as extreme forms of aggression. As noted before, the alcohol begins by altering the top, conscious and lucid part of the mind, intoxication aggravated by increasing the dose, ending by disorder of automatic areas of the nervous system activity. But the action of alcohol is not exercised only in relatively rare character moments episode of drunkenness. It extends over the usual thinking of the drinker, changing profoundly. He becomes a chronic alcoholic being impulsive, uncontrolled. Under the direct action of alcoholic behavior he will be an antisocial, often dealing with crime and murder. It is difficult to establish precise theoretical connection between a crime and some alcohol cases. Crime like other psychopathological phenomena such as suicide or mental illness, recognize a complex determinism, multiple, directly or indirectly, or directly mediated by interference of a large number of factors. Reduction to a unitary causality is a simplification of not acceptance. Overall percent favor a 96

positive correlation between alcoholism and crime, but these statistics vary, due to different conditions of the factors concerned: the types of alcoholism, crime and crime type, country and region where the deviations of law were committed, social class of perpetrators, etc. Research conducted in recent years in the USA shows that only 20% of offenders were not drunk during the crime committed. In Western research in this area they multiplied considerably in recent years. Some proportion of aggressors and the victims were targeted under the influence of alcohol, other proportion of alcoholics among those who have committed other crimes or acts of violence and psychological investigations have finally watched the effect of different doses and types of alcoholic beverages on the alcoholic behavior or those for whom the alcohol is unusual. In epidemiological studies on alcohol before committing the crime must take into account such circumstances as: the level of culture, the type of drink, and in selecting the cases to consider while viewing some features governing the behavior of different populations when they are under the influence of alcohol. It is also important to know that a number of data used in these studies are drawn from the investigation, depending on interpretations of the investigator, but also on the interpretations of the researcher. Whatever the mental structure of the individual, alcohol is known as a trigger motor of auto and hetero destructive behavior, the reactions of some impulsive or potential aggressive tendencies, without being

able to sustain the relationship between acute or chronic alcoholism and the antisocial deviant behavior is linear . Cases should therefore be individualized according to the types of aggression, and the experiment must use appropriate methods of each type of aggression, first of all to differentiate instrumental aggression and be as close to real situations. Alcohol and accidents at work All accidents at work, having a psychological explanation (inattention, fatigue) to track the movements and behavior of the worker will be in a state of relative alcoholisation, a cause of an aggravation. Worker does not need to be drunk in order to increase the high coefficient of probability about the injury. Disorder of attention and of judgement, increasing the reaction time between perception and movement, infection of the reflexes, tremor, and clumsiness occur even after eating small amounts of alcohol. It is true that most of those in this state do not have accidents as long as working conditions are routine, but when unforeseen circumstances arise, the behavior of these workers is lacking, the movements necessary to avoid the accident do not occur and what is worst, the guilty one answers just in case the movements leading to the accident. However important the question would be, work accident resulted from an alcohol both individually and socially, they do not express all the consequences that may result from alcohol consumption of employees at work. 97

The accident is a relatively rare fact which does not disrupt the work process but on intermittent and limited areas. This track will have to add and decrease the capacity of the worker and his product quality, both through immediate action of alcohol consumed by chance, before work, and especially the chronic consumption. Conclusions The existence of families of alcoholics brings into discussion the possible genetic etiology. It has also been demonstrated the existence of innate tolerance to alcohol and the addiction phenomenon could be experimentally transmitted to successive generations. There has been discussed the idea of existence of a biochemical defect or genetically transmitted metabolic, and certain changes of structure of the central nervous system that cause a particular way of functioning in the presence of alcohol. In terms of psychological factors, conditioned reflex theory, although explained repeating consumption after obtaining satisfaction, did not explain why not everyone of those who consume alcohol occasionally for temporary reduction of a state of tension or conflict, is necessarily becoming an alcoholic. Research has shown that drinkers are often psychopathic personalities, with adaptation difficulties ranging up to maladjustment to social and family environment, as well as disorders of sexual life and the moral sense, leading to a socio-emotional imbalance. Most alcoholics are people

affectively labile, with a lack of will in the achievement of professional and social obligations and compliance with norms of society. Social factors are also due to a non-negligible cause: the ease with which you can get alcoholic drinks, beverages drinking habit in groups at different occasions. A link between living standards and alcoholism should not be absolutely, the alcoholic is not necessarily an individual with limited financial possibilities. Bibliography: 1. Biberi Ion, Alcoolismul, Editura Medical, Bucureti, 1966 2. Chabrol, H., Les toxicomanies de l adolescent, Editura Presse, Paris, 1992 3. Franz, Floyd, Manual despre alcoolism, Editura Renaterea, Cluj Napoca, 2004 4. Iovu, M., Droguri legale, Editura Monitorul Oficial, Bucureti, 2003 5. Moeller F.G., Dougherty D.M., Antisocial personality disorder, alcohol and aggression, Alcohol Research and Health, 2001 6. Porot, A., Toxicomaniile, Editura tiintific, Bucureti, 1999 7. Rcanu, R., Alcool i drogurivirtui i capcane pentru tineri, Editura Universitii, Bucureti, 2004 8. Rcanu, R., Psihologia comportamentului deviant, Editura Universitar, Bucureti, 1994 9. Rosenberg Morris, Society and the Adolescent Self-Image, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1965 10. Servais Ernest, Prvention drogues, Editura Labor, Bruxelles, 1990

11. chiopu U., Verza E., Psihologia vrstelor ciclurile vieii, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1981 12. World Health Organization, Drug Dependence and Alcohol Related Problems; A Manual for Community Health Workers with Guidlunjes for Trainers, Geneva, 1986

98

Evoluia intercomunalitii n Romnia


Dr.Andreea NI Universitatea din Craiova,
andreea_nita2005@yahoo.com

Rezumat: Apariia noului concept Intercomunalitatea ca form de organizare administrativ-teritoriala similar asocierii de state la nivel european incita la o analiz comparativ a acestuia in Franta, Italia si Romania. Focalizarea pe ilustrarea particularitilor si evidentierea avantajelor: capacitatea de absorbie a fondurilor comunitare operaionalizat prin valoarea fondurilor externe atrase, elaborarea unei strategii integrate de dezvoltare, elaborarea unor regulamente comune de funcionare a serviciilor publice, dau valoare noului concept. Cuvinte cheie: intecomunalitate, dezvoltare local, infrastructur, administraie public Intercomunalitate provine din limba francez i defineste, n termeni generici, reuniunea instituional aa mai multor comune care coopereaz pentru realizarea unui proiect de dezvoltare, punnd n comun mijloacele i resursele disponibile pentru protejarea eficacittii gestiunii publice. Raporturile dintre stat i regiune i dintre regiune i localiti trebuie s se bazeze pe loialitate, cooperare i solidaritate. Statul i regiunile nu trebuie s prejudicieze sau s limiteze autonomia localitilor, dar nici localitailor nu le este ngduit s tirbeasc autoritatea statului sau ndeplinirea obiectivelor 99

ce revin regiunilor. Exercitarea autonomiei locale nu trebuie s aduc atingere integritii teritoriale i suveranitii statului. n exercitarea competenelor conferite de lege, autoritile administraiei locale trebuie s asigure condiiile pentru o cooperare eficient i reciproc avantajoas cu celelalte nivele de administraie public. Autoritile locale trebuie s fie consultate de ctre celelalte autoriti ori de cte ori, prin msurile luate de ctre acestea din urm, sunt afectate interesele din sfera lor de competen sau interesele individuale. Asemnri i diferene importante au fost relevate ntre intercomunalitatea din Romnia i cea din Italia i Franta, ca i asupra evoluiei conceptului de intercomunalitate, a misiunii sale i a aplicrii sale n teritoriu. Ele confirm, astfel, impactul important al contextelor naionale (istorice i administrative) asupra percepiei rolului structurilor asociative i instituionale, ca i asupra faptului c e greu s vorbeti de un model ideal, cnd, de fapt, n realitate, e vorba, pentru fiecare context naional, de un proces constant de analiz i de perfecionare a cadrului legislativ i de adaptare la nevoile colectivitilor teritoriale. Percepia structurii asociative ca un instrument de dezvoltare indispensabil constituie punctul de

convergen fundamental ntre intercomunalitatea francez i asociaia numit intercomunitar romn. Un numr mare de colectiviti locale romne au constituit n ultimii ani asociaii i sunt n cutarea unui mod de gestiune eficient. Totui, un numr mare de probleme i de diferene, raportndune la intercomunalitatea francez rezist i reclam o atenie particular: este vorba de statutul juridic de drept privat al asociaiilor intercomunitare, de mecanismele de luare de decizie, respectiv de problema reprezentativitii i a legitimitii democratice n organul deliberant, de absena unui transfer real de competene, de imposibilitatea de a gera patrimoniul public al serviciilor n calitate de proprietar de drept i nu n ultimul rnd de mecanismele de finanare al asociaiilor i de sprijinul statului i al departamentelor. Prin descrierea funcionrii intercomunalitii franceze i al asociaiei intercomunitare romneti, concluzia care s-a impus e c suntem n pezena a dou tipuri de structuri asociative: pe de o parte, asociaia intercomunitar este o structur de drept privat, echivalentul unei asociaii 1901 in Frana (OG 26/2000 n Romnia) i, pe de alt parte, intercomunalitatea este o structur de drept public (o structur public de cooperare intercomunal). Cele dou structuri nu sunt modele opuse, ci dou structuri diferite i complementare. O bun parte a dificultilor dialogului franco-romn privind intercomunalitatea i mai ales dificultatea de transpoziie sau de adoptare a modelului francez, rezist 100

in diferena de natur a celor dou structuri asociative. n Frana, reeaua comunal este foarte rspndit, mult mai mult dect n Italia, cu 36.600 de localiti contra circa 8.100 n Italia i 3600 n Romnia. Obiectivele valorizrii democraiei teritoriale reprezentat de aceast reea rspndit de reprezentani ai cetenilor i, n acelai timp, limitarea improductivitii cheltuielilor publice, sunt temperate prin intermediul acelei specii de obligaie de a formula cererea public ntr-o form asociat care aproape dintotdeauna inspir legile de finanare ale autoritilor locale, adic colectivitatea i/sau puterile locale. Repartizarea cheltuielilor publice pentru dezvoltare apare, n plus, pe baz de proiecte cofinanate de ctre aceleai colectiviti locale. Deseori fondurile de dezvoltare sunt de tip rotaie. Accesul la fonduri apare n forma concurenial i dintre criteriile confruntrii, aderena proiectelor la politicile de stat este aproape ntotdeauna cea prioritar. PATI - legea urbanistic regional din Veneto nr. 11/204, care relanseaz intercomunalitatea, cel puin n ceea ce privete planificarea urbanistic comunal i logic guvernului de teritoriu conform Legii constituionale nr. 3/2001 consider parcursul lung. Italia a nceput cu planificri voluntare ale anilor 40 pentru anumite teritorii omogene i puin speciale - planul Valle d-Aosta, experiena Canavese, o lung istorie a planificrii teritoriilor supuse mbuntirilor funciare, care a interesat multe pri ale Italiei, la

nivel teoretic i practic; teritoriile din Piemonte au fost botezate, pentru a omagia coala sociologic de la Chicago, cu adjectivul ecologic, termen care apoi a preluat o mare centralitate, dar fa de ambient. Au existat i tentativele ctorva Comuniti Montane de a forma, n afara planurilor de dezvoltare socioeconomic, i planuri reglementare intercomunale. Experienele cele mai recente snt cele ale anilor 70 de planificare intercomunal, n sensul unui plan reglementar unic pentru teritoriul dintre comune (ex: planul intercomunal Pesaro), conform legii urbanistice nr. 1150 din 1942. n mai 2005 se numrau 278 regiuni. Cu 45% din populaie (dintre care 48% cu dominaie rural, 35% urban, 17% mixt). n ianuarie 2005, 14 erau comuniti urbane (6,2 milioane de locuitori), 162 comuniti de aglomerri (20,4 milioane de locuitori) i 2342 comunitile de localiti (25, 1 milioane de locuitori). Grard Gouzes, Preedintele delegat al ADCF, preedinte al Comunitii comunelor Val de Garonne, primar al oraului Marmande, clasifica la nivel european rile n funcie de gradul de dezvoltare al acestei organizri socioadministrative n 3 grupe : - rile n care reforma comunal s-a fcut prin fuziunea comunelor (Marea Britanie, Danemarca, Suedia): intercomunalitatea fiind puin dezvoltat (datorit unitilor administrativ-teritoriale suficient de mari pentru o bun capacitate administrativ) - rile unde reforma intercomunal a lsat s subziste un numr important de comune (Germania, Belgia, )

- rile n care nu s-a produs nc sau este n mod incipient reforma intercomunal (Romnia, Cehia) Experiena francez n domeniul intercomunalitii poate constitui, pentru Romnia, un exemplu de urmat n acest domeniu. n prezent, aproape 90% din teritoriul francez aparine unei regrupri de comune. Chiar dac n Romnia exist mult mai puine comune dect n Frana (aproximativ 3200, fa de mai mult de 36 000), organizarea teritorial a celor dou ri este asemntoare. Localitile au evoluat i s-au dezvoltat n moduri diferite i n ritmuri diferite. De aceea, n prezent, asistm la un peisaj foarte eterogen al localitilor din punct de vedere al dezvoltrii acestora. Discrepanele existente ntre localiti reprezint o consecin a mai multor cauze: ritmurile diferite de dezvoltare a localitilor n cadrul judeului; ritmurile diferite de dezvoltare a judeelor n cadrul teritoriului naional; distribuia neuniform pe teritoriul judeului i a rii a infrastructurii tehnice i sociale i slaba dezvoltare a acesteia; dezechilibrele demografice; existena unor factori naturali i a unor resurse economice diferite de la o localitate la alta i de la un jude la altul; manifestarea n mod diferit, de la o localitate la alta, a iniiativei locale i a spiritului edilitargospodresc etc. Intercomunalitatea ca form de asociere reprezint un important instrument pentru dezvoltarea localitilor, dar mai ales un important instrument pentru rezolvarea unor 101

probleme cronice care au pus la grea ncercare administraiile localitilor din Romnia. Venind n sprijinul administraiei publice locale, Intercomunalitate i dezvoltarea local poate fi soluia viabil pentru implementarea politicilor regionale i gestionrii fondurilor europene, pornind de la cteva premise: - peisajul instituional romnesc, calificat ca fiind similar celui francez, este poate cel mai fertil asocierii de tip intercomunal; - asocierea de tip intercomunal este preluat de mai toate administraiile europene, ca model de urmat; - n esen, intercomunalitatea ca form de asociere este similar asocierii de state la nivel european, doar c se petrece la nivel de administraii locale. Fapt ce ne plaseaz n postura de a analiza i dezbate acest model ca oportunitate agreat de forurile europene. - posibilitatea de accesare a fondurilor structurale este condiionat de existena unor proiecte la nivel de regiune care s rspund unei necesiti de dezvoltare la nivel local. Asocierea de tip intercomunal vizeaz, diverse domenii, dar indiferent de modelul, scopul sau forma asocierii, aceasta trebuie s respecte cteva principii de baz, principii ce se reflect n valorile Europei moderne, valorile democraiei i legile statului romn: 1. Asocierea trebuie s aib un scop bine definit i s se realizeze n vederea atingerii acelui scop; cu toate acestea, beneficiile asocierii sunt multiple i transced scopul iniial (de exemplu: crearea unei asociaii de tip intercomunal garanteaz apariia unei

strategii de dezvoltare a localitilor care realizeaz asocierea). 2. Scopul, dei bine definit, nu trebuie s se limiteze la o singur aciune sau activitate ci trebuie s aib n vedere un domeniu de activitate. 3. Domeniile prioritare pe care ar trebui s le vizeze asocierea de tip intercomunal sunt infrastructura, serviciile publice de gospodrie comunal, dezvoltarea durabil, urbanism, dar i cultur i petrecerea timpului liber. Prezentarea conceptului de intercomunalitate trebuie s aib n vedere obiectivul fundamental al oricrei administraii: servicii publice ieftine i de calitate oferite cetenilor, aceasta cu att mai mult cu ct n contextul descentralizrii, acest obiectiv fundamental responsabilizeaz i mai mult edilii locali n vederea creterii calitii vieii. n martie 2006, la Braov, s-a organizat o sesiune de promovare a conceptului Intercomunalitii, cu participarea Preedintelui Romniei, Prim-ministrului Guvernului Romniei, efului Delegaiei Comisiei Europene n Romnia, Ministrului Administraiei i Internelor, Ministrului Integrrii Europene, Ministrului Delegat pentru controlul implementrii programelor cu finanare internaional i urmrirea aplicrii acquis-ului comunitar i Ministrului Delegat pentru lucrri publice i amenajarea teritoriului. Elementele cheie dezbtute n cadrul temelor de discuii dedicate Intercomunalitii i opiunii pentru gestiunea eficient a serviciilor publice locale, Intercomunalitii n sprijinul accesrii Fondurilor 102

Structurale, Beneficiilor asocierii de tip intercomunal pentru orae i localitile din mediu rural. Respectarea valorilor i principiilor europene - condiie necesar i obligatorie pentru crearea asocierilor ntre consilii locale i Modelului intercomunal ca variant de creare a zonelor metropolitane au fost: 1. Definirea corect a conceptului de asociere intercomunal 2. Prezentarea asocierii de tip intercomunal ca variant de creare a zonelor metropolitane 3. Prezentarea beneficiilor asocierii de tip intercomunal pentru: ceteni, operatori de servicii publice de gospodrie comunal, ageni economici i bnci, alei locali 4. Dezbaterea cadrului legislativ actual privind asocierile de tip intercomunal Problema de fond a funcionrii eficiente a asociaiilor intercomunitare se refer la rezultatele concrete obinute care pot fi traduse i n indicatori de performan, n funcie de obiectivele stabilite n actele constitutive: capacitatea de absorbie a fondurilor comunitare operaionalizat prin valoarea fondurilor externe atrase, elaborarea unei strategii integrate de dezvoltare, elaborarea unor regulamente comune de funcionare a serviciilor publice. Un numr de 17 comune din sudul judeului Dolj au infiinat asociaia, Intercomunalitatea Sudolt, care a primit o finanare de 22 de milioane de euro pentru derularea a 9 proiecte. Preedintele acestei organizaii i primar al comunei Giurgita, a participat n noiembrie 2007, la evenimentul Le salon des 103

Mairies et des Collectivitees locales organizat la Paris, n cadrul cruia sau pus bazele unei imense comuniti europene: A fost semnat un protocol pentru crearea unui teritoriu european de cooperare i dezvoltare, la care au aderat comuniti din Belgia, Frana, Romnia, Bulgaria, Turcia i Grecia. Din partea Romniei, protocolul a fost semnat de Intercomunalitatea Sudolt, Comunitatea urban Aries, Primria Cmpulung Moldovenesc i Patronatul Serviciilor Publice din Romnia. n urma acestui acord, comunitile romneti vor primi sprijin pentru implementarea a 20 de proiecte, fondurile urmnd a fi accesate prin intermediul Programului de Cooperare Interregional Interreg IV. Nou dintre aceste proiecte se vor derula n judeul Dolj, n cele 17 comune asociate n Intercomunalitatea Sudolt. Primul proiect a inceput sa fie derulat din ianuarie 2008 i a debutat cu o Conferin transfrontalier Romnia - Bulgaria, care a presupus realizarea unui plan strategic al dezvoltrii unei eurozone rurale i unui ghid de cooperare transfrontalier. Proiectul are o valoare de 720.000 de euro i se intinde pe o perioada de trei ani. Comuna care va beneficia cel mai mult de pe urma acestui protocol este Gighera, pe teritoriul creia se vor derula cinci proiecte. Astfel, banii obinui prin programul Interreg vor fi utilizai pentru realizarea unui complex turistic i a unui complex balnear, a unui centru de interpretare a naturii n pdurea Zaval, a unui sat de vacan i a unui port turistic. De asemenea, autoritile din comuna

Brca vor s fac un centru de formare profesional, iar pentru traseul Perior-Bechet exist un proiect de implementare a turismului pescresc. Toate aceste iniiative consolideaz ansele de eligibilitate i prioritate a comunelor i asociaiei comunelor Intercomunalitatea Sudolt de a dezvolta rapid spaiul rural din Sudul Romniei prin intermediul Programului Naional de Dezvoltare Rural 2007-2013. Acesta este conceput conform Politicii de Dezvoltare Rural a Comunitii Europene, fiind centrat pe trei mari axe, furnizoare ale unor oportuniti reale de dezvoltare a satului romnesc, cu condiia participrii active a tuturor membrilor comunitii locale, n frunte cu liderii locali, dar i pe programul Leader: Creterea competitivitii fermelor i silviculturii, Managementul mediului i al pmntului, mbuntirea calitii vieii i diversificarea activitilor rurale Beneficiari i activiti finanate: Beneficiari: membrii gospodriilor rurale Activitile meteugreti i de artizanat; Activitile de comer local, ca de exemplu crearea unui magazin ataat unei ferme, unde pot fi vndute propriile produse. Beneficiari: microntreprinderile din mediul rural cu mai puin de nou angajai i o cifr de afaceri sub 2 milioane de euro. Crearea i dezvoltarea de micro-ntreprinderi (servicii de frizerie, aprovizionare cu unelte agricole etc.). 104

Beneficiari: pensiuni agroturistice (productori agricoli, membrii gospodriei), pensiuni turistice (persoane fizice i juridice care doresc s investeasc n turism rural). Construcia i modernizarea de pensiuni turistice i agro-turistice. Beneficiari: consilii locale, asociaii cu statut juridic ntre consiliile locale din mediul rural i persoane juridice. mbuntirea infrastructurii rurale prin investiii (drumuri locale, alimentri cu ap, canalizare); Amenajarea centrului civic al localitii prin investiii cu caracter public (piee, parcuri, reabilitare, biblioteci). Beneficiari: locuitorii din mediul rural Pregtirea i informarea populaiei rurale pentru activitile de diversificare a economiei locale, asigurarea de servicii etc. Beneficiari: comunitile locale, structurile publice i private locale implicate n dezvoltarea rural local (ONG-uri, fundaii i asociaii, consilii locale, primari, instituii ecumenice, societatea civil local) Formarea de parteneriate locale, public-private reprezentative; Elaborarea de strategii integrate de dezvoltare rural la nivel local; Finanarea cercetrilor sau studiilor teritoriilor (zonelor rurale) i pregtirea aplicaiilor pentru sprijin. Programul LEADER este cea de a patra ax de dezvoltare rural, prin care Romnia beneficiaz de circa 2,5% din fondurile europene de dezvoltare rural. nseamn 180,5 milioane de euro, bani destinai mbuntirii guvernantei locale i mobilizrii tuturor resurselor de

dezvoltare din satul romnesc. Parteneriatul public - privat, aducerea laolalt a sectorului public i a celui privat este una dintre aceste resurse. Administraia public local poate atrage de partea sa iniiativa privat i mpreun, cu ajutorul finanrilor europene destinate dezvoltrii rurale, poate derula proiecte reciproc avantajoase. Noile perspective ale dezvoltrii administraiei publice locale din Romnia ofer ns ansa unei schimbri de substan, dat de promovarea unei dezvoltri regionale echilibrate i implicit, a eliminrii discrepanelor intra i inter judeene. Fructificarea acestei anse, inclusiv prin crearea asociaiilor de dezvoltare (inter) comunitare depinde ns de contientizarea importanei asocierii, dincolo de programele naionale sau internaionale de dezvoltare folosite ca un mijloc de stimulare financiar a cooperrii, dar pstrnd n acelai timp un ritm de adaptare firesc i adecvat actualelor nevoi ale administraiei.

intercomunalitii, Institutul pentru Politici Publice, Bucuresti, 2007 4. Karrer, Francesco, Intercomunalit e Agglomeration, Padova, 2006 5. Legea nr. 215/2001 Legea Administraiei Publice Locale 6. Legea nr. 326/2001 Legea Serviciilor Publice de Gospodrie Comunal 7. Legea dezvoltrii regionale n Romnia 51/1998 8. Legea administratiei publice locale 215/2001 si 286/2008 9. Legea cadru a descentralizrii nr. 195/2006 10. Legea nr. 51/2006 a serviciilor comunitare de utilitti publice

Bibliogarfie selectiv : 1. Cerulli, Irelli, Lintercommunalite dans deux etats europeens: Analyse comparative France Italie, Rome, 1998 2. Ferreol, Gilles (coord.), Dicionarul Uniunii Europene, Editura Polirom, Iai, 2001 3. Iorga, Elena, Marin, Monica; Mizele intercomunalitii n Romnia: Evoluia fenomenului asociativ la nivelul administraiei publice locale din Romnia, Comparaie cu experiena francez a 105

The Evolution of Intercommunality in Romania


Dr. Andreea NI University of Craiova
andreea_nita2005@yahoo.com

Abstract: The emergence of the new concept Intercommunality as a form of administrative structure corresponding to the European level state association whip up at a comparative analysis of the system in France, Italy and Romania. The focusing on showing the characteristics and advantages: the capacity of absorption Community funds put forward through the external funds drawn, the elaboration of common regulations for give value to the new concept. Key words: intercommunality, local development, infrastructure, public administration

Intercommunality comes from French language and definesgenerally speaking-the institutional integration of many villages that cooperate for the carrying out of a developing project, putting together the means and available resources for protecting the efficacy of public management. The proportions between state and region and between region and towns must stand on loyalty, cooperation and solidarity. The state and regions must not harm or limit the autonomy of the towns, neither must the towns hack the authority of the state or the fulfillment of the regions targets. The local autonomy must not prejudice the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the state. For accomplishing the law-given competences, the local administration 106

authorities must provide the conditions for an efficient mutually advantageous cooperation with the other levels of public administration. The local authorities have to be consulted by the other authorities whenever their interests are affected. Important similarities and differences have been disclosed between intercommunality in Romania and that of Italy and France, as well as over the evolution of the concept, mission and its enforcement in territory. Thus, they confirm the important impact of the national (historical and administrative) context on the perception of the associative and institutional role of the structures as well as the fact thet its difficult to speak of an ideal pattern, when we actually speak of an abiding process of analysis, improvement and adapting at the needs of the communities of the laws for each national entity. The perception of the associative structure as a needful developing tool is the main convergence point between the French intercommunality and the Romanian intercommunitary association. Lately, a great number of Romanian local communities have merged to form associations and are looking for an efficient management. Yet, a lot of problems and particularities- as we speak to the French intercommunality-have arisen and need special attention: we talk about the private law statute of

intercommunitary associations, of the taking decisions devices, or the problem of representativity and democratic legitimacy in the deliberately body, the absence of a real competences handover, the impossibility of backing the public patrimony of services as true owner but not the last the financing mechanisms of associations and the support of the state and departments. By describing the function of the French intercommunality and the Romanian intercommunitary association, the conclusion is that we have two types of associative structures: on the one hand, the intercommunitary association is a private law structure, the equivalent of a 1901 association in France (OG 26/2000 in Romania) and, on the other hand, intercommunality is a public law structure (a public intercommunal cooperation structure).The two structures are not contrary patterns, but two complementary and different ones. Many difficulties in the FrenchRomanian dialogue about intercommunality and especially the difficulty in adopting the French model, comes from the type difference of the two associative structures. In France, the communal network is much more spred than in Italy and Romania (the rate is 36.600 towns in France, 8100 in Italy and 3600 in Romania). The targets of valorizing the territorial democracy represented by this large network of citizens spokesmen and, at the same time, the restriction of the bad managing of public expenses, are tempered by the obligation of formulating the public 107

request in an associative form that almost always inspires the financing laws of the local authorities, such as the community and/or the local powers. The distribution of public expenses for development appears through co-financed projects of the same local communities. Most times, the development funds are rotation type. The access to funds appears in a competitional way and through the confrontation criteria the most important one is the liability of the projects to the state policies. PATI- the regional urban law from Veneto no.11/204, which revitalizes intercommunality, at least regarding the logical town-planning of the territory government according to the Constitutional Law no.3/2001 considers it a long route. Italy began with volunteer planning for the 40s for certain uniform and less special territoriesThe Valle d-Aosta Plan, the Canavese experience, a long history of planning the territories with landed amelioration that interested many parts of the country, both in theoretical and practical level ; to the Piemonte territories have been given names as a tribute to the Chicago Sociological School, using the adjective ecological, a term that eventually became very important, but to the environment. There were also the attempts of some Mountain Communities to form, beside the social and economic development plans, of intercommunity plans. The most recent experiences are those of the 70s in intercommunity planning, speaking of an unique plan for the whole territory of a village (the intercommunity plan Pessaro),

according to the urban law no.1150 from 1942. In May 2005 we could count 278 regions, with 45% of population (from which 48% was rural, 35% urban and 17% mixte). In January 2005, 14 were urban communities (6,2 million inhabitants), 162 were congestion communities (20,4 million inhabitants) and 2342 were township communities (25,1 million inhabitants). Gerard Gouzes, the commissioned president of ADCF, president of Val de Garonne township Community, the mayor of Marmande town classified the European countries according to the development degree of these socialadministrative organization in three groups: - countries in which the communal reformation was made through the merger of villages ( Great Britain, Denmark, Sweden): intercommunality is little developed due to the large administrative units, large enough for a good administrative capacity) - countries where the intercommunal reformation allowed to a great number of villages to resist ( Germany, Belgium) - countries in which the reformation hasnt emerged yet- or is at the beginning ( Romania, The Czech Republic) The French experience in this area can provide an example to follow for Romania. Nowadays, almost 90% of the French territory belongs to a village regrupation. Even if in Romania the number of villages is small in comparison to France (the rate is 3200 to 36000),

the territorial organization of the two countries is similar. The towns have evolved and developed in different ways and rates. That is why we assist nowadays at a very eterogeneous scenery of the towns from the point of vue of their development. The discrepancies between towns have many causes: - the different rates of developing of the towns within the county; - the different rates of developing of the counties within the national territory; - the uneven distribution within the county and the country of the technical, social infrastructureand its weak development; - the demographic imbalance; - the existence of natural factors and different economical resources from a town to another and one county to another; - the different manifestation, from one town to another, of the local undertaking and the town-household spirit etc. Intercommunality as an association form represents an important instrument for the developing of the towns, but most for solving some chronic problems that gave headaches to the administrations of the Romanian towns. Coming to help the local public administration, The Intercommunality and local development can be the viable solution for implementing the regional politics and for the management of the European funds, starting from some premises: - the Romanian institutional scenery, set as being similar to the French one, is possibly the most fertile for the intercommunal association; 108

- this type of association is assumed by almost all European administrations, as a model; - basically, the intercommunality as an association form is similar to the state association at European level, the only difference being the fact that takes place in local administrations. This allows us the analysis of the model as an opportunity enabled by the European institutions; - the possibility of accessing structural funds is conditioned by the existence of some regional projects that should respond a local development need. The intercommunal association type aims at various fields, but no matter the model, purpose or the association form, this must respect some basic principles, principles that reflects into the values of modern Europe, of democracy and the laws of the Romanian state: 1. The association must have a well-defined purpose and must accomplish as to reach that purpose; beyond this, the benefits of the association are many and transcend the original purpose (for example: the initiation of an intercommunal association type assures the birth of a development strategy for the towns that achieve the partnership). 2. The purpose, though welldefined, must not limit to one action or activity, but must refer to an activity field. 3. The main fields that the intercommunal association type should consider are: the infrastructure, the public services for town management, the long-term development, the town planning, as well as culture and spending the spare time. 109

The presentation of the intercommunality concept must reflect the basic purpose of any administration: cheap and quality public services offered to the citizens, this much more as through descentralization, this main objective empowers more the local leaders for growing the quality of life. In March 2006, in Brasov, took place a promoting session for the concept of Intercommunality; through the participants, some were very important: the Romanian President, The Prime-Minister,the Chief of the European Commission in Romania, the Minister of Administration and Internal Affaires, The Minister of European Integration, the Minister Delegate for implementing international financing programmes and the following of communitary acquis application and the Minister Delegate for public works and the laying out of the territory. The key elements discussed within the topics dedicated to the Intercommunality and the option for an efficient management of the local public departments, Intercommunality for assistance in accessing structural funds, The benefits of intercommunal association type for cities and villages. The consideration of the European values and principlesnecessary and compulsory condition for creating associations between local councils and The Intercommunal model as a way of creating metropolitan areas were: 1. The right definition of the intercommunal association concept 2. The presentation of the intercommunal association type as an option of creating metropolitan areas

3. The presentation of the benefits of intercommunal association for: citizens, operators of the public services for town management, traders, banks and local elected persons 4. The debating of the present-day framework regarding intercommunal association type The basic problem of efficient working of the intercommunitary associations refers to the actual results that can also be presented in performance indicators, according to the established purposes in the constituent acts: the capacity of communitary funds absorption operationalized through the external funds drawn, the framing of some common regulations for the working of the public departments. A number of 17 villages from the south of the Dolj county started the association called The Intercommunality Sudolt, which received a 22 milion Euros financing for developing 9 projects. The president of the organization and mayor of the Giurgita village took part in November 2007 at the event called Le salon des Mairies et des Collectivitees locales in Paris, where a great European community was built: A protocol was signed in order to create an European territory for cooperation and development, to which communities from Belgium, France, Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey and Greece clung. For Romania, the protocol was signed by the Sudolt Intercommunality, The Urban Community Aries, The Cityhall of Campulung Moldovenesc and the Association of the Romanian Public Services.

Because of this agreement, the Romanian communities will receive support for the implementation of 20 projects, the funds being accessed through the Interreg IV Interregional Cooperation Programme. Nine of these projects will take place in the Dolj county, in those 17 associated villages from the Sudolt Intercommunality. The first project began in January 2008 with a Transboundary Conference Romania-Bulgaria, which meant the achieving of a strategic plan for the development of an European countryside region and of a transboundary cooperation guide. The project means 720.000 Euros and will deploy over three years. The village that will benefit the most from this protocol is Gighera, where five projects will unroll. Thus, the money from the Interreg Programme will be used for building a touristic center and a spa center, of a center for interpretation of nature within Zaval forest, of a holiday village and a touristic harbour. Also, the authorities of the Barca village want to make a professional training center, and for the Perisor-Bechet route there is a project for implementing the fishing tourism. All these initiatives strengthen the chances for eligibility and priority of the villages and of the association The Intercommunality Sudolt of rapidly developing the countryside territory from the southern Romania through the National Countryside Development Programme 2007-2013. This programme is made according to the European Community Countryside Development Policy, being focused over three great axis that offer real 110

opportunities for development the Romanian village, on the condition of an efficient participation of all members of the local community, together with the local leaders but also on the Leader programme: - The increasing of the competitiveness of farms and forestry, - The management of the land and environment, - The improvement of living conditions and diversification of the countryside activities The categories of beneficiaries and financed activities: Beneficiaries: members of countryside household - The handicraft activities; - The local trade activities, such as the foundation of a store related to a farm, where the own products can be sold out. Beneficiaries: micro-enterprises from the countryside areas with less than 9 employees and a turnover under 2 million Euros. - The creation and developing of micro-enterprises (barbers shop, supplying with agricultural tools etc.). Beneficiaries: Agri-tourist boarding houses (agricultural producers, members of the household), tourist boarding houses ( individuals, legal persons that want to invest in countryside tourism). - The construction and modernization of tourist and agri-tourist boarding houses. Beneficiaries: local councils, associations with legal status between the local countryside councils and legal persons. - The improvement of the countryside infrastructure through investments (local roads, water supply and village mains); 111

- The planning of the civic center of the community through public nature investments (markets, parks, rehabilitation, libraries). Beneficiaries: the inhabitants from the countryside areas - The training and information of the inhabitants for the activities of diversification of the local economy, the providing of services etc. Beneficiaries: local communities, public and private local structures involved in the local countryside development (ONG, foundations and associations, local councils, mayors, ecumenical institutions, local civil community) - The forming of public-private representative local partnerships; - The setting-up of integrated local countryside development strategies; - The financing of the resources or studies of the territories (countryside areas) and the preparation of applications for support. The LEADER programme is the fourth axis of countryside development, through which Romania benefits from about 2,5% of the European funds for countryside development. That means 180,5 million Euros, money that is for improving local administration and for mmobilisation of all developing resources from the Romanian village. The public-private partnership, bringing together public and private branch is one of these resources. The local public administration may attract the private initiative and together with the help of the European financing for the countryside development, can carry on mutual advantageous projects.

The new vistas of the development of local public administration in Romania offer the opportunity of a substance change, given by the promotion of a balanced regional development and, consequently, of eliminating the discrepancies in and out the county. The using of this opportunity, including the initiating of the intercommunitary developing associations depends on the awareness of the importance of association, beyond national or international developing programmes used as a mean of financial stimulation of cooperation, but at the same time keeping an unstudied and adequate rate of adapting for the present-day needs of the administration. References: 1. Cerulli, Irelli, Lintercommunalite dans deux etats europeens: Analyse comparative France Italie, Rome, 1998 2. Ferreol, Gilles (coord.), Dicionarul Uniunii Europene, Editura Polirom, Iai, 2001 3. Iorga, Elena, Marin, Monica; Mizele intercomunalitii n Romnia: Evoluia fenomenului asociativ la nivelul administraiei publice locale din Romnia, Comparaie cu experiena francez a intercomunalitii, Institutul pentru Politici Publice, Bucuresti, 2007 4. Karrer, Francesco, Intercomunalit e Agglomeration, Padova, 2006 5. Law no.215/2001- The Public Administration Law

6. Law no.326/2001- The Law of the Public Services of Town Management 7. The Regional Development Law in Romania no.51/1998 8. The Public Administration Law 215/2001 and 286/2008 9. The Frame - Law of Decentralization no.195/2006 10. Law no.51/2006 of the communitary services for public utilities

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Implementarea reglementrilor Bologna n statele Europei


Asist.drd. Gabriela MOTOI, Conf.dr. Cristina OTOVESCU-FRSIE Universitatea din Craiova
gabrielamotoi@yahoo.com, otocris@yahoo.com

Rezumat: n orice societate, educaia contribuie la dezvoltarea personalitii individuale. Nivelul de dezvoltare economic al unei ri depinde de nivelul de educaie al cetenilor si, i din acest motiv, este necesar s avem o opinie clar despre rolul educaiei n orice societate. n acest studiu, ne-am axat pe analiza principalelor reglementri juridice europene, din domeniul nvmntului superior. Am analizat cele mai importante aspecte care in de Procesul Bologna, precum i cele mai importante progrese n implementarea reglementrilor europene n domeniul educaiei, insistnd asupra ctorva elemente, cum ar fi: sistemul ECTS, suplimentul la diplom, dimensiunea social, rata de inserie a absolvenilor pe piaa muncii. Cuvinte cheie: reglementri juridice, Bologna, nvmnt superior, dimensiune social, rata de inserie pe piaa muncii

Numeroase aspecte care se transform n zilele noastre n materie de studii universitare i nvmnt, de management i marketing sunt legate de procesul Bologna sau de impulsurile declanate, sau cel puin generate de acesta. Declaraia de la Bologna a fost semnat pe 19 iunie 1999, de ctre minitrii responsabili pentru nvmntul superior, din 29 de state ale Europei. Principalul obiectiv asumat de ctre cei care au semnat acest document a fost dezvoltarea nvmntului superior,

pentru anul 2010. Majoritatea statelor din Europa Central i de Est sunt semnatare ale Procesului de la Bologna. Romnia este printre primele state ale Europei Centrale care a ratificat Convenia de la Bologna, n anul 1999, alturi de Bulgaria i Ungaria. Potrivit rapoartelor Comisiei Europene, n anul 2009, au fost fcute numeroase progrese n toate elementele cheie ale procesului Bologna (ECTS, suplimentul la diplom, Cadrul Naional al Calificrilor). Astfel, la nivelul anului 2009, structura de nvmnt pe trei cicluri de studiu (licen, master, coal doctoral) fusese introdus n toate rile membre ale procesului, n toate instituiile de nvmnt superior i la toate nivelurile de studiu. Totui, n anumite state, unele domenii de studiu cum ar fi tiinele medicale, arhitectura sau ingineria rmn n afara noilor structuri. n ceea ce privete primul program de studii (Licena), modelul cu 180 de credite (3 ani) este dominant n 19 ri1, n timp ce n 11 ri2 este preferat cel cu 240 credite (4 ani). Programul de master cu 120 credite (2 ani) este predominant n 29
Andorra, Austria, Belgia, Croaia, Danemarca, Estonia, Finlanda, Frana, Vatican, Islanda, Liechtenstein, Luxemburg, Muntenegru, Norvegia, Polonia, Slovacia, Suedia, Eleveia. 2 Armenia, Bulgaria, Cipru, Georgia, Grecia, Lituania, Moldova, Rusia, Spania, Turcia i Regatul Unit al Marii Britanii.
1

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de ri. Statele au adaptat principiile Bologna la propria lor situaie i le-au implementat ntr-un mod flexibil, innd cont de specificul pieei muncii, al instituiilor de nvmnt i al domeniilor de studiu. Totui, putem observa c, dei nu a fost creat i aplicat un model unic n fiecare ar, n majoritatea rilor a fost pus n practic un model de referin comun. n majoritatea statelor, introducerea sistemului de credite transferabile (ECTS) s-a bazat pe legislaia n vigoare. Totui, un numr limitat de ri au ajuns la punctul n care majoritatea instituiilor i programelor de studiu folosesc sistemul ECTS la capacitatea sa maxim. n timp ce Procesul Bologna a adus o convergen a modelelor referitoare la structura de studiu (3-23), s-a produs i o extindere a variaiilor naionale n ceea ce privete Spaiului European al nvmntului Superior. Unele dintre aceste variaii se aplic anumitor discipline i domenii de studiu, n timp ce altele reprezint o continuare a diferenierii ntre calificrile academice i profesionale. Indiferent care ar fi practicile lor de implementare, toate statele semnatare Bologna se confrunt cu provocri serioase n adaptarea la credinele unei societi, aflat ntr-o permanent schimbare, i n asigurarea c aceste calificri n special cele din programul de Licen ofer un acces rapid pe piaa muncii. Nivelul de educaie al ISCED 5B corespunde programelor cu o orientare vocaional care formeaz tineri pentru a intra direct pe piaa 114

muncii. Acestea sunt mai scurte, ca durat, dect ISCED 5A i nu ntotdeauna sunt conforme cu Procesul Bologna. n anul 2009, un numr important de state nu i modernizaser sistemul vocaional, n concordan cu prevederile Bologna n pofida faptului c aceste prevederi reprezint o parte a rspunsului coerent la problema unei societi care se schimb cu repeziciune i a unei piee de for de munc care i rennoiete la fel de repede criteriile de recrutare i inserie a tinerilor absolveni. n cteva ri, precum Belgia, Turcia, Slovenia, Lituania, Irlanda, Grecia, Estonia i Cipru, nivelul ISCED 5B reprezint un aspect important al sistemului de nvmnt teriar, cu o participare a studenilor care are un procent de aproximativ 25% din totalul populaiei colare3. Trebuie s precizm c exist ri n care se face o difereniere clar ntre profilul academic i cel profesional al calificrilor. De exemplu, n Croaia, Frana4, Lituania sau Muntenegru, diferena dintre pofilele profesional i academic se face att la nivel de Licen, ct i la nivel de Master. Sistemul European de Credite Transferabile (ECTS) Sistemul ECTS a fost considerat, nc de la nceputurile
A se vedea raportul Key Data on Higher Educaion in Europe, elaborat de Comisia European, Bruxelles, 2009 4 De exemplu, n Frana exist o distincie clar ntre licence i licence professionnelle i ntre master professionnel i master recherche.
3

procesului Bologna, ca un element central n procesul de transformare a nvmntului superior european ntr-unul mai transparent i mai uor de neles. Acest sistem a fost introdus pentru prima dat la sfritul anilor 80, cu scopul de a fi folosit n special pentru transferul creditelor i pentru facilitarea mobilitii studenilor prin Programul Erasmus. Procesul de ncadrare a ECTS n legislaia naional a nceput mai nainte de 2000 n cteva ri cum ar fi: Austria, Comunitatea Flamand din Belgia, Romnia, iar n prezent este n curs de definitivare n toate statele membre. n prezent, sistemul de credite transferabile este folosit (att pentru transfer, ct i pentru acumulare) n mai mult de 75% dintre instituiile de nvmnt n urmtoarele ri:Belgia, Bosnia i Heregovina, Danemarca, Macedonia, Georgia, Italia, Islanda, Moldova, Olanda, Norvegia, Serbia i Elveia. Doar 6 ri (Suedia, Turcia, Marea Britanie, rile Baltice) i/au meninut sistemul naional de credite n paralele cu ECTS. De exemplu, n Turcia, sistemul naional de credite nu este pe deplin compatibil cu ECTS, care este folosit doar pentru transferul creditelor, n contextul programelor de mobilitate a studenilor n spaiul Uniunii Europene5. Suplimentul la Diplom a fost dezvoltat de ctre Comisia European, Consiliul Europei i UNESCO/CEPES. Acesta este un document standard care este ataat la diploma de absolvire, care ofer o descriere a nivelului, coninutului i
Key Data on Higher Educaion in Europe, Comisia European, Bruxelles, 2009, p. 30
5

statusului studiilor care au fost absolvite. Scopul acestui Supliment la Diplom este de a mbunti cunoaterea abilitilor i competenelor dobndite de ctre absolvent, i deci de a facilita mobilitatea i de a ajuta angajatorii pentru o mai bun recrutare a forei de munc. Doar n apte state semnatare ale Procesului Bologna, Suplimentul la Diplom este nc n curs de introducere, acestea fiind: Azerbaidjan, Frana, Irlanda, Muntenegru, Rusia, Slovacia i Marea Britanie (Anglia, ara Galilor i Irlanda de Nord). Singura ar n care nc nu a fost introdus Suplimentul la Diplom este Ucraina. O alt problem care trebuie cercetat este cea legat de modul n care Suplimentul de Diplom este utilizat de ctre angajatori. De fapt, mai nti ar trebui cercetat dac el este folosit de angajatori. n acest context, n majoritatea statelor membre Bologna exist foruri/organisme care se ocup, printre altele, i de monitorizarea utilizrii Suplimentului la Diplom. De exemplu, n Norvegia, Agenia Norvegian pentru Asigurarea Calitii n Educaie (NOKUT) monitorizeaz impactul pe care l are Suplimentul la Diplom n rndul angajatorilor. Cadrul Naional al Calificrilor Dezvoltarea unui Cadru Naional al Calificrilor a fost ncurajat nc de la Conferina de la Bergen (mai 2005). Pe 23 aprilie 2008, a fost adoptat Cadrul European al Calificrilor de ctre Parlamentul European i Consiliul European. Stabilirea Cadrului Naional al 115

Calificrilor este un proces nc n curs de desfurare n numeroase ri. O treime dintre statele semnatare ale Procesului Bologna au adoptat formal un Cadru Naional al Calificrilor pentru nvmntul Superior. n 5 ri (Belgia, Germania, Irlanda, Olanda, Marea Britanie) a fost definitivat procesul de elaborare a unui Cadru Naional al Calificrilor i de armonizare a acestuia cu cel european6. n urma unei cercetri realizate n anul 2009 de ctre Uniunea European a Studenilor (European Student s Union), ale crei concluzii au fost prezentate n raportul cu titlul Bologna with student s eyes, a reieit c 66% dintre studenii chestionai au afirmat c au fost consultai n elaborarea Cadrului Naional al Calificrilor7.Aproximativ 43% dintre uniunile studeneti care au participat la aceast cercetare au afirmat c implementarea corect a unui CNC creeaz o mai mare transparen n nvmntul superior. Dimensiunea Social a fost introdus ca o categorie separat a Procesului Bologna la ntlnirea de la Praga din anul 2001. Dimensiunea Social a zonei Europene a nvmntului Superior, urmrete egalitatea de anse n domeniul nvmntului superior n termeni de: acces la sistemul de nvmnt Superior, participarea i finalizarea cu succes a studiilor, monitorizarea
Idem. Cercetarea a fost realizat n rndul studenilor din 33 de ri, cu ajutorul a 36 de organizaii naionale ale studenilor, printre care i Asociaia Naional a Studenilor din Romnia. Raportul a fost redactat n martie/aprilie 2009 i reflect percepia studenilor de la acea vreme.
7 6

condiiilor n care se studiaz existena serviciilor de orientare i consiliere, participarea i guvernarea studeneasc n nvmntul Superior8. Mobilitatea studenilor Mobilitatea studenilor reprezint un alt element fundamental al Procesului Bologna i reprezint un barometru al succesului ntregii agende de reforme din sistemul educaional. Mobilitatea studenilor i a cadrelor didactice trebuie s aib un rol important n dezvoltarea Spaiului European al nvmntului Superior. Aa cum se preciza n Comunicatul Minitrilor reunii la Londra (2007), unul dintre elementele centrale ale Procesului Bologna l reprezint mobilitatea cadrelor didactice, a studenilor i a absolvenilor, proces care favorizeaz dezvoltarea personal, cooperarea internaional ntre indivizi i instituiile de nvmnt, ntrete calitatea nvmntului superior i a cercetrii. n afara faptului c mbogete cetenia european, mobilitatea internaional contribuie la dezvoltarea competenelor fiecrei persoane, cum ar fi cunoaterea unei limbi de circulaie internaional i nelegerea intercultural. Aceste comptene sunt din ce n ce mai valorizate pe o pia a forei de munc care se internaionalizeaz din ce n ce mai mult, i, deci, pot contribui la sporirea anselor de angajare a tinerilor studeni sau absolveni de studii de superioare.
Implementarea Procesului Bologna n Romnia: perspectiva studenilor, Raport ANOSR, Bucureti, 2009, p. 5
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Angajabilitatea sau rata de inserie pe piaa muncii Una dintre modalitile de evaluare a capacitii instituiilor de nvmnt superior de a transforma studeni nscrii n viitor angajai calificai, const n a face un raport ntre rata absolvenilor i rata de intrare, rezultnd ceea ce se numete rata de absolvire/finalizare a studiilor. Angajabilitatea acestor absolveni prezint un interes particular, dac inem cont de evoluia condiiilor de pe piaa muncii: nivelul de educare atins de ctre populaia general a progresat n cursul ultimelor decenii, iar noii absolveni de studii superioare ajung, n prezent, pe o pia a muncii n care concurena cu ali absolveni care au experien este mai puternic ca niciodat. Pe scurt, rezultatele nvmntului superior, presupun, mai concret, numrul de absolveni, nivelul de adaptare al proaspeilor absolveni la cerinele pieei muncii i nivelul lor de satisfacie profesional. Tranziia de la coal la viaa activ i integrarea n munc a tinerilor reprezint o problem esenial, cu un puternic impact economic i social, fiind, n acelai timp un important etalon al eficienei externe a sistemului de educaie. Din pcate, exist mari diferene pe niveluri de educaie n ceea ce privete dezvoltarea i aplicarea sistemelor de monitorizare a absolvenilor. Cel mai avansat din acest punct de vedere pare nvmntul profesional, unde sunt ateptate rezultatele iniiativei din cadrul Programului Phare care a elaborat i aplicat o metodologie de evaluare a inseriei profesionale a 117

absolvenilor nvmntului profesional i tehnic (SAM, an de completare i liceu tehnologic). Un recent sondaj Eurobarometru printre studenii din nvmntul superior arat c acetia doresc un acces mai larg la nvmnt superior i c universitile ar trebui s deschid canale de colaborare cu domeniul profesional i cu nvmntul de-a lungul vieii. De exemplu, un procent copleitor de 97% dintre studeni cred c este important s li se ofere studenilor cunotinele i aptitudinile de care au nevoie pentru a avea succes pe piaa locurilor de munc9. n anul 2009, n aproape jumtate dintre rile spaiului Bologna, aproximativ 20% dintre tinerii angajai, care aveau o diplom de studii superioare erau supracalificai pentru postul pe care l ocupau (discordan vertical vertical mismatch lb. engl). Aceast neadecvare se ntlnete mai ales n cazul brbailor, dar situaia variaz de la o ar la alta. Conform unei auto-evaluri realitate de ctre un eantion de 4000 de salariai din rile Bologna, ntre 3% i 10% dintre absolveni sunt angajai pe un post corespunztor diplomei, dar ntr-un alt domeniu dect cel n care au studiat (discordan orizontal orizontal mismatch lb. engl)10.

Procesul de la Bologna reforma universitilor n urmtorul deceniu, Bruxelles, aprilie 2009, p. 2, disponibil pe www.europa.eu 10 The Bologna Process in Higher education in Europe, Eurostat, 2009, p. 7

Bibliografie selectiv: 1. Bernat, S, Competentele si restructurarea curriculara ca efect al Procesului Bologna, Cluj Napoca, UBB, 2004 2. Cohen, E., Dimensiunea social a Spaiului European de nvmnt Superior i competitivitatea internaional, 15 martie 2005 3. Mihilescu, I., The system of Higher Education in Romania, Editura Alternative, Bucureti, 1996 4. Pop, L.M., Dicionar de politici sociale, Editura Expert, Bucureti, 1995 5. Zamfir, E.; Zamfir, C., Politici sociale. Romnia n context european, Editura Alternative, Bucureti, 1995 6. *** Progress towards the Lisbon objectives 2010 in education and training, European Commission Directorate-General for Education and Culture, Bruxelles, 2008 7. *** Recognition issues of the Bologna process, Strasbourg, Council of Europe Publishing, 2003 8. *** The Bologna Process in Higher education in Europe, Eurostat, 2009 9. *** Processus de Bologne la reforme des universits pendant le suivant dcennie, Bruxelles, avril 2009, disponible sur www.europa.eu 10. *** Implmentation du Processus de Bologne en Roumanie ; la perspective des tudiants, Rapport ANOSR, Bucarest, 2009 11. *** Key Data on Higher Education in Europe, Commission Europenne, Bruxelles, 2009

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Limplmentation des rglementations de Bologne en Europe


Asist. drd. Gabriela MOTOI, Matre de confrences Cristina OTOVESCU-FRSIE Universit de Craiova
gabrielamotoi@yahoo.com

Rsum : Dans toute socit, l'ducation contribue au dveloppement de la personnalit individuelle. Le niveau de dveloppement conomique d'un pays dpend du niveau de l'ducation de ses citoyens, et pour cette raison, il est ncessaire d'avoir une opinion claire sur le rle de l'ducation dans toutes les socits. Dans cette tude, nous avons mis l'accent sur les principaux actes judiciaires europens, concernant l'enseignement suprieur. Nous avons analys les tapes les plus importantes du processus de Bologne, et prsente galement les progrs dans l'application du Processus de Bologne en Europe, insistant sur quelques lments comme: le systme ECTS, la dimension sociale, la mobilit sociale, lemployabilit des absolvents. Mots-cls : enseignement suprieur, le dveloppement, processus de Bologne, supplment au diplme, mobilit sociale, employabilit

Beaucoup de transformations qui surviennent dans nos jours, dans le domaine des tudes universitaires, de management et marketing sont lis au Processus de Bologne ou aux impulses dclanches et gnres pas celui-ci. La Dclaration de Bologne a t signe le 19 juin 1999, par les ministres responsables de lenseignement suprieur, des 29 tats de l`Europe. Le principal objectif assum par ceux qui ont sign ce 118

document a t le dveloppement de lenseignement suprieur, jusquau 2010. La majorit de pays dEurope Centrale et de lEst font partie du Processus Bologne. Roumanie reprsente un des premiers pays de lEurope Centrale qui a ratifi la Convention de Bologne, en 1999, cot de Bulgarie et Hongrie. Conformment aux rapports de la Commission Europenne, en 2009, on a fait beaucoup de progrs dans touts les lments cl du Processus de Bologne (ECTS, le supplment au diplme, le Cadre National de Qualifications). Ainsi, en 2009, la structure de lenseignement suprieur trois cycles dtude (licence, matrise, doctorat) a t introduite dans touts les pays Bologne, dans toutes les institutions denseignement suprieur, tout domaine dtude. Toutefois, dans certaines pays, certaines domaines dtude (par exemple les sciences mdicales, larchitecture, lingnierie) demeurent hors des nouvelles structures. En ce qui concerne le premier niveau dtudes (Licence) le modle avec 180 Crdits (3 ans) est dominant en 19 pays1, en temps que 11 pays2

Andorre, Autriche, Belge, Croatie, Danemark, Estonie, Finlande, France, Vatican, Islande, Liechtenstein, Luxemburg, Montngro, Norvge, Pologne, Slovaquie, Sude, Suisse.

prfrent celui avec 240 crdits (4 ans). Le programme de Matrise, avec 120 crdits (2 ans) est prdominant en 29 pays. Les pays dEurope ont adopt les principes de Bologne leur propre situation et ils les ont implment dans une manire flexible, en fonction de la spcificit du march du travail, des institutions denseignement et des domaines dtudes. Toutefois, on peut observer que, mme si on na pas cre un model unique, spcifique pour chaque pays, dans la majorit des pays il existe un modle commun de rfrence. Ainsi, pour presque toutes les pays, lintroduction du systme ECTS se fonde sur la lgislation nationale. Toutefois, un nombre limit des pays ont arriv au point ou la majorit des institutions et programmes dtudes utilisent le systme ECTS son entire capacit. En temps que le Processus Bologne a gnr une convergence des modles en ce qui concerne la structure des tudes (3-2-3), il s est produit une extension des variations nationales en ce qui concerne lEspace Europen de lEnseignement Suprieur. Unes de ces variations sappliquent certaines disciplines set domaines dtudes, en temps que des autres reprsentent une continuation de la diffrence entre les qualifications acadmiques et celles professionnelles. Nimporte quelles sont leur pratiques dimplmentation, toutes les pays signataires du Processus Bologne se confronte avec
Armnie, Bulgarie, Cipre, Georgie, Grce, Lituanie, Moldova, Russie, Espagne, Turquie i Grande Bretagne.
2

des provocations srieuses en ce qui concerne leur adaptation au ncessit dune socit qui se change continuellement et leur assurance que ces qualifications (spcialement celles de Licence) offrent un accs rapide sur le march du travail. Le niveau dducation dISCED 5B correspond aux programmes avec une orientation vocationnelle, qui forme les jeunes pour entrer sur le march du travail. Celles ci sont plus courtes, comme dure, que celles de ISCED 5A elles ne sont pas toujours conformes avec le Processus de Bologne. En 2009, il y avait un nombre important des pays qui navaient pas modernis leur systme vocationnel, en concordance avec les rglementations Bologne mme si ces rglementations reprsentent une partie importante de la rponse cohrente au problme dune socit qui se change trs vite et dune march de travail qui re-fait, aussi vite, les critres de recrutement et slection des jeunes absolvents. Dans quelques pays, comme Belge, Turquie, Slovnie, Lituanie, Irlande, Grce, Estonie et Cipre, le niveau ISCED reprsente un aspect important du systme denseignement suprieur, avec une participation des tudiants, qui a un taux denviron 25%, du total de la population scolaire3. On doit mentionner quil y a des pays dans lesquelles on peut faire une diffrence entre le profile acadmique et celui professionnel des
3

Voir le Rapport Key Data on Higher Educaion in Europe, labor par la Commission Europenne, Bruxelles, 2009

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qualifications. Par exemple, en Croatie, France, Lituanie et Montngro, la diffrence entre le profile professionnel et celui acadmique existe aussi au niveau de Licence et au niveau de Maitrise. Le Systme Europen des Crdits Transfrables (ECTS) Le systme ECTS a t considr, au commencement de Bologne, comme un lment central dans le processus, qui avait le rle de transformer de lenseignement suprieur europen dans un systme plus transparent et facilement comprendre. Ce systme a t introduit pour la premire fois, la fin des annes 80, au but dtre utilis spcialement pour le transfre des crdites et pour faciliter le transfre des tudiants par le Programme Erasmus. Le processus dencadrement des ECTS dans la lgislation nationale a commenc avant de 2000, dans quelques pays, comme, par exemple: Autriche, La Communaut Flamande de Belge, Roumanie; prsent il est en cours dachvement dans toutes les pays membres. A prsent, le systme des crdits transfrables est utilis (tant pour le transfre, mais aussi pour accumulations des crdits) dans plus de 75% des institutions denseignement en: Belge, Bosnie et Herzgovine, Danemark, Macdoine, Georgie, Italie, Islande, Moldavie, Hollande, Norvge, Serbie et Suisse. Seulement six pays (Sude, Turquie, Grande Bretagne, les pays Baltiques) ont maintenu leur systme national des crdites, paralllement avec ECTS. Par exemple, en Turquie, le systme national des crdits nest pas 120

entirement compatibles avec ECTS, qui est utilis seulement pour le transfre des crdits, dans le contexte des programmes de mobilit des tudiants lespace de lUnion Europen4. Le Supplment au Diplme Le Supplment au Diplme a t dvelopp par la Commission Europenne, le Conseil dEurope et UNESCO/CEPES. Il est un document standardis qui est attache au diplm et qui offre une description du niveau, contenu et status des tudes qui ont t finaliss. Le but du Supplment au Diplm est denrichir la connaissance des habilits et comptences acquises pas labsolvent et, donc, de faciliter la mobilit et daider les employeurs pour un meilleur recrutement de la force de travail. Seulement en sept pays du Processus Bologne, le Supplment au Diplme est encore en cours dintroduction, celles tant: Azerbadjan, France, Irlande, Montngro, Russie, Slovaquie et Grande Bretagne (Angleterre, Le Pays des Galles Irlande de Nord). Le seul pays dans lequel on na pas encore introduit le Supplment au Diplme est Ukraine. Un autre pays qui doit tre analyse est celui li la manire dans laquelle le Supplment au Diplme est utilis par les employeurs. En fait, premirement on doit analyser sil est utilis en ralit par les employeurs. Dans ce contexte, dans la majorit des tats membres Bologne il y a des organismes qui soccupent, parmi autre activits, aves la surveillance de
4

Ibidem, p. 30

lutilisation du Supplment au Diplme. Par exemple, en Norvge, L Agence Norvgienne pour Assurer la Qualit en Education (NOKUT) surveill limpact du Supplment au Diplme sur les employeurs. Le Cadre National des Qualifications Le Dveloppement du Cadre National des Qualifications (CNQ) a t promouv depuis la Confrence de Bergen (mai 2005). Le 23 avril 2008, a t adopt le Cadre Europen des Qualifications, par le Parlement Europen et le Conseil Europen. Ltablissement du Cadre National des Qualifications est un processus qui n a pas t encore implment, dans toutes les pays. Une tiers des pays signataires du Processus de Bologne ont adopt, formellement, un Cadre National des Qualifications pour lEnseignement Suprieur. Dans 5 pays (Belge, Allemagne, Irlande, Hollande, Grande Bretagne) le processus laboration d un Cadre National des Qualifications s est fini, aussi que le processus dharmonisation de celui-ci avec celui Europen5. A la suite dune tude ralis en 2009 par lUnion Europenne des Etudiants(European Students Union), dont les conclusions finales ont t prsentes dans le rapport Bologna with students eyes, les conclusions nous montrent que 66% des tudiants questionnes ont affirm quils ont t consultes, en ce qui concerne llaboration du Cadre National des Qualifications6. Environ 43% des
Idem Ltude a t ralis parmi les tudiants de 33 pays, a l aide de 36 organisation
6 5

unions des tudiantes qui ont participe a cet t ont affirm que limplmentation correcte dun CNQ dtermine une plus grande transparence dans lenseignement suprieur. La dimension sociale Cet lment a t introduit comme une catgorie distincte du Processus de Bologne, la rencontre de Prague, de 2001. La dimension sociale de lEspace Europen de lEnseignement Suprieur, suit lgalit de chances au domaine de lenseignement suprieur dans des termes comme: accs au systme dEnseignement suprieur, la participation et finalisation des tudes, surveillance des conditions dans lesquelles on tudie lexistence des services dorientation et conciliation, participation et gouvernement des tudiants dans lenseignement suprieur7. La mobilit des tudiants La mobilit des tudiants reprsente un autre lment fondamental du Processus de Bologne et un baromtre du succs de lentire Agenda de reformes du systme ducationnel. La mobilit des tudiants doit avoir un rle important dans le dveloppent de lEspace Europen de lEnseignement Suprieur. Comme il
nationales des tudiants, parmi lesquelles lAssociation Nationale des Etudiants de Roumanie (ANOSR). Le Rapport a t rdig en mars/avril 2009 et reflte la perception des tudiants 7 Implmentation du Processus de Bologne en Roumanie la perspective des tudiants, Rapport ANOSR, Bucarest, 2009, p. 5

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est mentionn dans le Communiqu des Ministres, runis Londres (2007), un des lments centrales du Processus Bologne est reprsent par la mobilit des enseignants, des tudiants et des absolvents, processus qui favorise le dveloppements personnel, la coopration internationale entre les individus et les institutions denseignement, et accroit la qualit de lenseignement suprieur et de la recherche. Sauf quil enrichit la citoyennet europenne, la mobilit internationale contribue au dveloppement des comptences de chaque individu, comme celle de connaitre une langue de circulation internationale et la comprhension culturelle. Ces comptences sont de plus en plus valorises sut un marche de travail qui s internationalise de plus en plus et, pas consquent, peuvent contribuer au croissement des chances des tudiants et absolvents dobtenir un emploi. Lemployabilit ou la transition de luniversit vers le march du travail Une des modalits dvaluer la capacit des institutions denseignement suprieur de faire des tudiants des futurs employs qualifis prsuppose de faire un rapport entre le taux des absolvent set le taux dentre dans luniversit, rsultant ce quon appelle le taux de finalisation des tudes. Lemployabilit des absolvents reprsente un sujet avec une importance spcifique, si on prend en considration lvolution des conditions du march du travail: niveau dducation de la population a accroit pendant les dernires 122

dcennies, et les nouveaux absolvents des tudes suprieures entrent, en prsent, sur une march du travail dans lequel la concurrence avec dautres absolvents qui ont exprience est plus forte que jamais. Bref, les rsultats de lenseignement suprieur, supposent, concrtement le nombre des absolvents, le niveau dadaptation des absolvents aux demandes de la marche du travail et leur niveau de satisfaction professionnelle. La transition de lcole la vie active et lintgration au travail des jeunes reprsentent un problme essentielle, avec un fort impact conomique et social, tant, en mme temps un talon important de lefficacit externe du systme dducation. Malheureusement, il y a des grandes diffrences sur des niveaux dducation en ce qui concerne le dveloppent et lapplication des systmes de surveillance des absolvents. Le plus avance, par ce point de vue, nous apparait lenseignement professionnel, ou on attend le rsultat de linitiative du Programme Phare, qui a labor et applique une mthodologie dvaluation de linsertion professionnelle des absolvents de lenseignement professionnel et technique. Une enqute de type Eurobaromtre, effectue parmi les tudiants de lenseignement suprieur nous montre que ceux-ci veulent un accs plus large lenseignement suprieur et que les universits doivent ouvrir des canaux de collaboration avec le domaine professionnel et avec lenseignement pour toute la vie. Par exemple, 97% des tudiants croient quil est

important de leurs offrir les connaissances et les aptitudes dont ils ont besoin pour avoir succs sur le march du travail8. En 2009, dans moiti des pays de lespace Bologne, environ 20% des jeunes employs, qui avaient une diplme dtudes suprieures, taient surqualifis pour leur emploi (discordance verticale /vertical mismatch angl). Cette inadquation se rencontre surtout dans le cas des hommes, mais la situation varie dun pays un autre. Conformment une auto-valuation ralise par un chantillon de 4000 salaries des pays de Bologne, entre 3% et 10% des absolvents ont un emploi conformment au diplme, mais dans un autre domaine que celui dans lequel ils ont tudie (discordance horizontale/ orizontal mismatch angl.)9. Bibliographie slective : 1. Bernat, S, Competentele si restructurarea curriculara ca efect al Procesului Bologna, Cluj Napoca, UBB, 2004 2. Cohen, E., Dimensiunea social a Spaiului European de nvmnt Superior i competitivitatea internaional, 15 martie 2005 3. Mihilescu, I., The system of Higher Education in Romania, Editura Alternative, Bucureti, 1996 4. Pop, L.M., Dicionar de politici sociale, Editura Expert, Bucureti, 1995
Processus de Bologne la reforme des universits pendant le suivant dcennie, Bruxelles, avril 2009, p. 2, disponible sur www.europa.eu 9 The Bologna Process in Higher education in Europe, Eurostat, 2009, p. 7
8

5. Zamfir, E.; Zamfir, C., Politici sociale. Romnia n context european, Editura Alternative, Bucureti, 1995 6. *** Progress towards the Lisbon objectives 2010 in education and training, European Commission Directorate-General for Education and Culture, Bruxelles, 2008 7. *** Recognition issues of the Bologna process, Strasbourg, Council of Europe Publishing, 2003 8. *** The Bologna Process in Higher education in Europe, Eurostat, 2009 9. *** Processus de Bologne la reforme des universits pendant le suivant dcennie, Bruxelles, avril 2009, disponible sur www.europa.eu 10. *** Implmentation du Processus de Bologne en Roumanie ; la perspective des tudiants, Rapport ANOSR, Bucarest, 2009 11. *** Key Data on Higher Education in Europe, Commission Europenne, Bruxelles, 2009

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Dispariti privind utilizarea forei de munc n Regiunea de dezvoltare Sud-Vest Oltenia n perioada 1991-2007
Lect.univ.dr. Liliana POPESCU Universitatea din Craiova
popescu_liliana25@yahoo.com

Rezumat: Articolul prezint disparitile spaiale ale fenomenului omajului n Oltenia, una din regiunile de dezvoltare ale Romniei, analiznd tendinele nregistrate pe resursele de for de munc i rata omajului, subliniind diferenele n funcie de sex, nivel de educaie i durata omajului. Cuvinte cheie: fora de munc, omaj, Oltenia

Orice politic de dezvoltare economic i social durabil, dezvoltat la nivel local, regional sau naional, trebuie s se bazeze pe cunoaterea temeinic a resurselor umane de pe teritoriul respectiv, att din punct de vedere cantitativ, ct i calitativ. Populaia, pe de o parte ca factor de producie, iar pe de alt parte ca i consumator, reprezint un factor major ce influeneaz economia. Deci, cunoaterea structurii populaiei (populaia activ, populaia ocupat, structura populaiei ocupate pe ramuri de activitate) este absolut necesar pentru economia naional, ntruct elementele constitutive care exprim structura economic a unei ri sunt n genere aceleai, dar proporiile n care acestea intr n componena ei [...] sunt variabile n timp i spaiu1.
1

1. Resursele de for de munc ntruct creterea sau descreterea numrului populaiei are repercusiuni directe asupra dezvoltrii economice, evaluarea resurselor de for de munc (populaia activ) i previziunile privind evoluia lor sunt de maxim necesitate n analiza demografic. Populaia activ poate fi considerat un sistem demoeconomic2, rezultat att din condiionri demografice (numrul populaiei, structura pe grupe de vrst i sexe), ct i economice (numrul locurilor de munc, dotarea tehnic, gradul de instruire cerut etc.). n funcie de dinamica natural i mobilitatea populaiei, precum i de gradul de dezvoltare economic, numrul i ponderea activilor variaz de la o perioad la alta. Astfel, ponderea populaiei active n totalul populaiei urbane a Olteniei a cunoscut unele fluctuaii de-a lungul secolului XX, tendina actual fiind de reducere datorit procesului de mbtrnire demografic, fapt cu consecine socio-economice deosebite.

Floarea Bordnc, Romnia. Geografia uman i economic contemporan,

Editura Universitar, Bucureti, 2003, p. 167 2 Vl. Trebici, Demografie, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1979, p. 409

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n perioada 1977-1992, se nregistreaz cea mai mare cretere a numrului activilor, (cu peste 160 000 persoane), depind 516 000 persoane n 1992, dei n valori procentuale, creterea este destul de redus. Aceast sporire considerabil a resurselor de for de munc are loc pe fondul creterii numerice a populaiei ca urmare a politicii pronataliste dus de guvern (generaiile foarte numeroase nscute dup decretul din 1966 ating vrsta productiv) i a soldului migratoriu, oraul atrgnd nc fora de munc din mediul rural. Dup 1992, pe fondul restructurrii masive a ntreprinderilor, a disponibilizrilor i creterii costului vieii n orae (fapt ce i-a fcut pe muli omeri s se ntoarc n mediul rural de unde plecaser n anii 70-80), i a mbtrnirii populaiei, numrul populaiei active se reduce cu peste 91000 pers., n 2002 n categoria populaiei active fiind nregistrate doar 425064 persoane (41,6% din totalul populaiei), ceea ce echivaleaz cu o pierdere de aproape 18% din resursele de for de munc n doar 10 ani! 2. omajul omajul este o consecin a dezorganizrii vieii economice, care i-a pierdut starea necesar de echilibru (Manuil, S. i colab. 1937, p. 8). El este un fenomen negativ nu numai din punct de vedere economic, dar i social, considerndu-se c pierderea locului de munc este echivalent cu pierderea identitii, a raiunii de a tri, a legturilor sociale (Ominus, J., citat de Popescu, 2003,

p.184), ducnd la modificri majore n viaa individului3. Trebuie specificat ns c pentru Romnia, n condiiile apariiei economiei de pia, i deci a pieei forei de munc abia dup 1990, omajul nu a avut aceleai caracteristici ca n statele din vestul Europei, fiind produsul unui sistem falimentar socialismul restructurat n urma privatizrii ntreprinderilor i restructurrilor din economie (Gheorghe, St., citat de Bordnc, 2003, p. 202). Apariia omajului i meninerea lui la valori ridicate se datoreaz n primul rnd mobilitii sczute a forei de munc, att n profil teritorial, ct i din punct de vedere profesional, prbuirii pieei interne i pierderii unor piee externe pentru producia industrial i reducerii investiiilor, fluctuaiile activitii economice fiind principala explicaie a evoluiei omajului (Constantin, Luminia i colab, p. 10). n anul 1991, n cele cinci judee ale Olteniei au fost nregistrai 40 755 omeri, numrul acestora mrindu-se de aproape 4 ori n numai 4 ani, n 1994 fiind nregistrat cel mai mare numr de omeri din perioada 1991-2007, rata omajului ajungnd la 11%. Dup un regres considerabil n urmtorii doi ani, cnd numrul persoanelor fr loc de munc aproape se njumtete (ajungnd s depeasc uor 70 000 persoane n 1996), se nregistreaz o nou
3

Popescu, Claudia Rodica, Negu, S., Rojnovietski, Irena, Suditu, B.Al., Vlad, I.P., Zonele miniere defavorizate din Romnia. Abordare geografic, Edit. ASE, Bucureti, 2003, p. 184

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cretere, i un nou vrf, n 1999 127 028 persoane, rata omajului fiind de 11,7% (datorit restructurrilor din industria minier i de prelucrare i apariiei unor noi reglementri privind concedierile colective). Valorile mai reduse din anii 1995-1996 se datoreaz pe de o parte ritmului mai lent de restructurare economic, iar pe de alt parte promulgrii legii nr. 2/ianuarie 1995, prin care se oferea persoanelor cu vechimea integral n munc (vrsta minim 55 de ani n cazul brbailor i 50 de ani n cazul femeilor) i care au beneficiat de ajutor de omaj pe durata maxim, posibilitatea de a se nscrie la pensie cu pn la cinci ani nainte de mplinirea vrstei de pensionare. Aceast msur a micorat oarecum numrul omerilor, ns a dus la creterea poverii economice suportat de populaia ocupat. Se mai adaug i crearea universitilor particulare i creterea numrului de locuri n cadrul universitilor de stat, ceea ce a ntrziat inseria tinerilor pe piaa muncii4 . Ca urmare a unei relative stabiliti economice nregistrat dup anul 2000 i a unei uoare creteri a produciei industriale, crete numrul salariailor, iar numrul omerilor se reduce, totaliznd n anul 2007 aproximativ 47 000 persoane, rata omajului la nivelul regiunii fiind de 5,2%.

Iau, C., Lvolution dmographique des villes de la Roumanie: 1992-2002, Analele tiinifice ale Universitii A.I. Cuza din Iai (serie nou), tom XLVII, Editura Universitii A.I.Cuza, Iasi, 2002, p.64

ntruct restructurrile economice nu s-au fcut peste tot n acelai timp, fiind mai multe valuri de disponibilizri, contingentele maxime de omeri s-au nregistrat la date diferite de la un ora la altul i de la un jude la altul: Dolj i Vlcea mai de timpuriu, cu valori maxime puin decalate 14,3% n 1993 pentru Dolj i 15,2% n 1995 pentru Vlcea, fenomenul avnd ns o amploare redus n prezent, Mehedini i mai ales Gorj mai trziu, dup 1996, odat cu schimbarea regimului politic, noul partid aflat la guvernare accelernd procesul de restructurare i privatizare a industriei extractive i grele. Implicaiile socio-economice au fost n acest caz mult mai mari, ntruct Gorjul, jude prin excelen minier, a avut cel mai mult de suferit de pe urma politicii guvernului, mii de mineri prsind judeul spre localitile de origine5. n anul 2007, Vlcea prezenta cel mai mic numr de omeri, urmat de Gorj i Olt, pe primul loc situnduse Doljul, judeul care are i cea mai numeroas populaie. n ceea ce privete rata omajului ns, pe primul loc n anul 2007 se situeaz judeul Mehedini, cu o rat de 8,1%, comparativ cu doar 3,5% pentru Vlcea i 4,8% pentru Olt. Celelalte dou judee, Dolj i Gorj, prezint o rat uor superioar mediei pe regiune (5% i, respectiv, 5,5%). De remarcat c pn n 1996, Doljul a avut cele mai mari rate ale omajului dintre cele cinci judee ale regiunii, peste o treime din numrul

Ibidem, p. 72

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omerilor nregistrai n Oltenia provenind din acest jude. n aceeai perioad, judeul Gorj a avut cea mai mic proporie de omeri n totalul regiunii, rata omajului meninndu-se sub 5%. n ceea ce privete rata omajului pe orae (Fig. 1), se pot identifica mai multe categorii de orae, i anume: orae unde aceast rat a crescut

accentuat ntre 1992 i 2002, cum este cazul Trgu-Jiu, Motru, Corabia, Bal, toate oraele din Dolj; orae unde rata omajului a prezentat valori mai mari n 1992 comparativ cu anul 2002 (Vnju Mare, Scorniceti, Piatra-Olt, Climneti), cnd au cobort sub 10%. n cazul oraelor Novaci, Bile Govora i Calafat, rata omajului a fost egal.

Fig. 1 Rata omajului n perioada 1992-2002 n anul 2002, cele mai mari rate ale omajului au depit 20%, fiind nregistrate la Bileti (25%), Brezoi i Caracal (22%), Segarcea i Filiai (21%). 2.1. Structura omerilor pe sexe La nivelul regiunii se pot individualiza dou perioade, i anume: 1991-1998, cnd rata omajului n rndul populaiei 128 feminine a fost mai ridicat cu 2 pn la 4% (n 1993) dect n cadrul populaiei masculine, i 1999-2006, cnd rata omajului la brbai a fost constant mai mare dect la femei. Aceasta situaie este valabila in toate judeele, variind ns momentul n care crete omajul n rndul populaiei masculine: 1995 n Mehedini, 1997 n Dolj i Olt i

abia n 2000 pentru Vlcea. n 2007, aceast rat avea valori foarte apropiate n cadrul celor dou grupe de populaie 5,3% i, respectiv, 5%. n cadrul oraelor, n cele mai multe cazuri (24 de orae), rata omajului n rndul

populaiei masculine era superioar celei din rndul populaiei feminine n anul 2002 (Fig. 2), diferene notabile fiind consemnate la Strehaia (21% i, respectiv 10%), Caracal (28% fa de 15%) i Ocnele Mari (20% fa de 9%).

Fig. 2 Rata omajului n rndul populaiei masculine i feminine (2002) La Orova, Drobeta TurnuSeverin, Filiai, Rmnicu Vlcea, Brezoi i Drgani, cele dou sexe prezentau aproximativ aceleai rate ale omajului. Un caz particular se nregistra la Rovinari, unde rata omajului n rndul populaiei feminine (19,4%) era mai mare dect cea din cadrul populaiei masculine (17%), antrenat nc n mare parte n activiti din industria extractiv. Cum cele mai mari disponibilizri ale forei de munc s-au nregistrat n industrie, cea mai mare parte a omerilor au format-o muncitorii.

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2.2. Nivelul de educaie n 1993, peste 80% din numrul persoanelor fr un loc de munc aveau la baz nvmntul primar, gimnazial sau profesional. n anii urmtori ponderea acestora s-a redus uor pn la aproximativ 60%, dup care a crescut la loc, n 2007 avnd aproape aceeai proporie ca la nceputul intervalului. Numrul muncitorilor nregistreaz valori foarte ridicate att datorit nchiderii unor obiective economice, ct i datorit retehnologizrii altora i nevoii de for de munc mai puin numeroas, dar cu nalt calificare. La nceputul anilor 90, cnd ncep restructurri masive n sectorul industrial, persoanele cu experien i gseau mai uor un loc de munc n comparaie cu tinerii. n ultimii ani ns, au fost favorizate persoanele tinere, pn n 30-35 ani n defavoarea persoanelor mature. Cu ct nivelul de instruire al tinerilor este mai ridicat, cu att perioada necesar gsirii unui loc de munc este mai mic, ceea ce confer o mai mare importan diplomei la nceputul carierei dect pe parcursul acesteia6. Cu toate acestea, numrul absolvenilor unei faculti care nu au loc de munc a fost n cretere ncepnd cu 1999, n prezent numrul acestora fiind de aproximativ 2400, cei mai muli
6

provenind din judeul Dolj (39,6%), dovad att a unor dezechilibre la nivel economic, ct i a neconcordanelor ntre oferta educaional i cererea de pe piaa forei de munc i exigenele unei economii moderne. De asemenea, exist numeroase cazuri cnd persoanele, pentru a nu fi omere, ocup un loc de munc sub nivelul lor de pregtire, ceea ce duce la apariia fenomenului declasrii7. Conform datelor obinute la recensmntul din 2002, numrul omerilor nregistrai n rndul populaiei urbane din Oltenia era de aproape 60 000, valoare foarte apropiat de cea consemnat n Regiunile Vest i Nord-Vest. 2.3. Durata omajului n funcie de durata omajului, 22% din omerii recenzai n oraele din Oltenia i pierduser locul de munc n ultimele 6 luni. Comparativ cu celelalte regiuni de dezvoltare, Oltenia ocupa din acest punct de vedere o poziie intermediar, proporia fiind mai mare dect n Regiunile Sud (19,6%), Vest i Nord-Est (17,2%), dar mai mic dect n Nord-Vest (26,4%), Centru (25%) sau Bucureti. Un sfert dintre omeri nu mai aveau loc de munc de 6-9 luni, un procent mai mic fiind nregistrat doar n Bucureti (18,4%). n schimb, la categoria 9-27 de luni, populaia urban din Oltenia se situa pe primul loc n ar,
7

Alina Bdulescu, omajul n Romnia. O analiz retrospectiv (1991-2005), n Economie teoretic i aplicat, nr. 2, Asociaia general a Economitilor din Romnia, 2006, p. 3

Idem

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diferenele ntre regiunile de dezvoltare fiind ns foarte mici (2%). Aproape o treime din numrul omerilor aveau acest statut de peste 27 de luni. Chiar dac Oltenia era din acest punct de vedere la mijlocul clasamentului, proporia era mult mai mare dect n Regiunea Nord-Vest, unde s-a nregistrat valoarea minim 25,8%. omerii din Gorj, Olt i Vlcea prezint o structur asemntoare n funcie de durata omajului cea mai mare pondere avnd-o categoria peste 27 de luni (care n oraele din Gorj este de 42,6%), existnd o

cretere constant de la omajul de scurt durat la cel cronic. Dac n Gorj, se nregistreaz o diferen foarte mare ntre categoriile 9-27 luni i peste 27 de luni, n Olt, diferena cea mai mare este ntre 6-9 luni i 9-27 de luni (Fig. 3). Oraele din Dolj (datorit Craiovei) au cea mai mic pondere a omerilor de peste 27 de luni, avnd n schimb cea mai mare proporie de omeri de mai puin de 6 luni, fapt ce evideniaz, nc o dat, diferenele dintre funciile economice ale Craiovei i cele ale celorlalte orae.

Fig. 3 Structura omerilor dup durata omajului (2002) 20% pentru perioadele mai mici. n 2002, aproape 60% dintre n cazul omerilor de peste 27 de omerii din oraele Olteniei (cu luni ns, numrul brbailor este variaii foarte mici de la o regiune de aproape dou ori mai mare de dezvoltare la alta) erau de sex dect al femeilor. n ceea ce masculin, indiferent de durata privete diferenele dintre judee, omajului, brbaii fiind mai putem spune c n Olt numrul numeroi, diferenele fiind de 15131

brbailor este aproape dublu comparativ cu cel al femeilor i n cazul omerilor de mai puin de 6 luni sau de 6-9 luni, iar n Vlcea, diferenele procentuale dintre sexe pe perioade mai scurte sunt mult mai mici comparativ cu celelalte judee (sub 10%). 3. Concluzii Atunci cnd omajul afecteaz o ntreag comunitate sau anumite grupuri socioprofesionale, tensiunile sociale cresc, n paralel cu dificultile economice. Pentru combaterea acestui fenomen, guvernul i instituiile locale trebuie s adopte att msuri de protecie, ct mai ales o politic de investiii bine direcionate pentru crearea de noi locuri de munc i formarea, perfecionarea i reabsorbia forei de munc. Scderea ratei omajului din ultimii ani, precum i integrarea Romniei n Uniunea European, cu posibilitatea gsirii unui loc de munc n strintate pot duce la revigorarea economiei, cu efecte pozitive n plan economic i social.

Bibliografie selectiva: 1. Bdulescu, Alina (2006), omajul n Romnia. O analiz retrospectiv (1991-2005), n Economie teoretic i aplicat, Asociaia general a Economitilor din Romnia 2. Bordnc, Floarea (2003), Romnia. Geografia uman i economic contemporan, Edit. Universitar, Bucureti 3. Iau, C. (2002), Lvolution dmographique des villes de la Roumanie: 1992-2002, Analele tiinifice ale Universitii A.I. Cuza din Iai (serie nou), tom XLVII, Editura Universitii A.I.Cuza, Iasi 4. Popescu, Claudia Rodica, Negu, S., Rojnovietski, Irena, Suditu, B.Al., Vlad, I.P. (2003), Zonele miniere defavorizate din Romnia. Abordare geografic, Edit. ASE, Bucureti 5. Trebici, Vl. (1979), Demografie, Edit. tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti 6. ***Recensmntul populaiei i locuinelor din 7 ianuarie 1992, vol. II, Populaie. Structura demografic, C.N.S., Bucureti, 1994 7. ***Recensmntul populaiei i locuinelor din 18 martie 2002, INS, Bucureti, 2004

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Disparities in using the labour force within Oltenia south-western development region during the 1991-2007 period
Ph.D. Lecturer Liliana POPESCU University of Craiova
popescu_liliana25@yahoo.com

Abstract: The paper aims at rendering the spatial disparities of the unemployment phenomenon in Oltenia, one of the Romanian development regions, analysing the trends registered in the labour force resources, as well as the unemployment rate, highlighting the differences on sex groups, educational background and duration. Key words: labour unemployment, Oltenia force,

Any policy for sustainable economic and social development, taken at the local, regional or national level, must be based on the thorough knowledge of the human resources of that particular area, both from the quantitative and qualitative point of view. Population, as production factor on one hand, and consumer on the other hand, is a major element that influences the economy of each country. Consequently, it is highly necessary to know precisely the population structure (active population, occupied population, population structure on economic activities), since the constitutive elements that mirror the economic structure of a country are generally the same, but their proportion in the total [] vary in time and space1.
1

1. Labour force resources Since any increase or decrease in the number of population has direct consequences upon the economic development, the evaluation of labour force resources (active population) and estimations for their evolution are highly necessary for the demographic analysis. The active population may be seen as a demo-economic system2, generated by demographic conditioning (population number, age and sex structure), as well as economic constraints (number of jobs, technical endowment, training degree required etc.). Depending on the populations natural dynamics and migrations, as well as on the economic development level, the number and share of active persons varies from one period to another. Thus, the proportion of active population in the total urban population of Oltenia has fluctuated during the 20th century; at present, there is a diminishing tendency as a result of the demographic ageing, a

Floarea Bordnc, Romnia. Geografia uman i economic contemporan,

Editura Universitar, Bucureti, 2003, p. 167 2 Vl. Trebici, Demografie, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1979, p. 409

132

phenomenon with major social and economic consequences. During the 1977-1992 period, there was the highest increase (of more than 160,000 persons) in the number of active persons, that reached 516,000 people in 1992, although in relative values, the increase is not significant. This considerable augmentation of the labour resources occurred due to the booming number of population following the birth policy imposed by the government (the numerous children born after the 1966 decree become adults) and migratory increase, almost all the towns attracting people from the countryside. Following 1992, when many factories were closed or forced to dismiss part of the employees, and when the cost of living in towns increased dramatically3, the population ageing process began, the number of active population shrank by more than 91,000 people, in 2002 being only 425,000 active persons (which accounts for only 41.6 per cent of the total population), which means a loss of almost 18 per cent of the labour resources in only 10 years! 2. Unemployment Unemployment may be seen as a consequence of the desorganization of the economic life, which lost its necessary equilibrium status (Manuil, S. i colab. 1937, p. 8). It is a negative phenomenon, not only from the economic point of view, but also from the social one, since loosing
As a result, many unemployed persons decided to return to their native villages, from where they had left in the 70s or 80s.
3

the job is the equivalent of loss of identity, reason for living, social connections (Ominus, J., cited by Popescu, Claudia Rodica (coord), 2003, p.184) causing major changes in peoples life. It is worth mentioning that for Romania, considering the emergence of the market economy, and the labour market only after 1990, unemployment did not have the same characteristics as in the countries from the Western Europe; here, it was the product of a bankrupt system the socialism restructured following company privatization and economy restructuring (Gheorghe, St., cited by Bordnc, Floarea 2003, p. 202). The appearance of unemployment and its high rates for longer periods is the result of the workforce low mobility, both territorially and from a professional point of view, internal market collapse and the lost of some external markets for the industrial production and investment reduction, the fluctuations of the economic activities explaining the unemployment evolution (Constantin, Luminia et.al. p. 10). In 1991, there were 40,755 unemployed persons in the five counties that form the region, in only four years, the number increasing almost four times; actually, in 1994, there was registered the highest number of unemployed people during the entire analysed period, the unemployment rate reaching 11 per cent. After a considerable decrease the next two years, when the number of persons in search of a job dropped by almost half (little over 70,000 persons in 1996), there is a new increase, and a new peak in 1999, the 133

unemployment rate reaching 11.7 per cent (127,028 persons) as a result of restructuring actions in the mining and processing industry and new regulations regarding collective dismissals. The lower rates from 1995-1996 are due to the slower economic restructuring on the one hand and the promulgation of Law no. 2/ January 1995, which granted persons having the entire work seniority (minimum age of 55 years for men and 50 years for women) and having benefited from unemployment assistance for the maximum period the possibility for retiring up to five years before turning the retirement age. As a result, the number of unemployed diminished to a certain extent, but, on the other hand, increased the economic burden for the occupied population. The establishment of private universities and increasing number of students of state universities have also had an influence, by delaying the moment when the young entered the labour market4. Following a relative economic stability after 2000 and a light increase of the industrial production, the number of employees gradually increases, in 2007, only 47,000 persons being registered as unemployed, the unemployment rate at the region level reaching 5.2 per cent. Since economic restructuring did not occurred everywhere at the
4

Iau, C., Lvolution dmographique des villes de la Roumanie: 1992-2002, Analele tiinifice ale Universitii A.I. Cuza din Iai (serie nou), tom XLVII, Editura Universitii A.I.Cuza, Iasi, 2002, p.64

same time, with more dismissal waves, the maximum contingent of unemployed persons were registered in different years for towns and counties as well: sooner in Dolj and Valcea, with a bit postponed maximums 14.3 per cent in 1993 for Dolj and 15.2 per cent in 1995 for Valcea; however, in this two counties, this phenomena was not so acute during the last years of the analysed period. In Mehedinti, and especially Gorj, it happened later, after 1996, when the politic regime was changed, the new governing party speeding up the restructuring and privatization of the mining and heavy industry. In this case, the social and economic consequences were much more difficult, since Gorj an almost mining county was the most severely affected, thousands of miners being forced to leave the county for their native homeland5. In 2007, the lowest number of unemployed persons was registered in Valcea, followed by Gorj and Olt, Dolj coming last, because it has the most numerous population. In what concerns the unemployment rate however, the highest rate in 2007 was registered in Mehedinti - 8.1 per cent, compared to only 3.5 per cent in Valcea and 4.8 per cent in Olt. The other two counties, Dolj and Gorj, presented a value a little higher than the regions average (5 per cent and 5.5 per cent, respectively). It is worth noticing that until 1996, Dolj experienced the highest unemployment rates among the five counties in the region, more than a third of the persons looking for a job in Oltenia coming from this county.
5

Ibidem, p. 72

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During the same period of time, Gorj county experienced the lowest proportion of unemployed persons in the region, the unemployment rate being lower than 5 per cent. When considering the unemployment rate in towns, there are different categories of towns (Fig. 1): towns where this rate greatly increased between 1992 and 2002, such as Trgu-Jiu, Motru, Corabia, Bal and all the towns in Dolj county; towns where the unemployment was higher in 1992 as compared to 2002 (Vnju Mare, Scorniceti, Piatra-Olt, Climneti) when it was below 10 percent. There were also some centers - Novaci, Bile Govora i Calafat where this indicator had approximately the same value. In 2002, the highest unemployment rate exceeded 20

percent in some small and medium towns, such as Bileti (25%), Brezoi i Caracal (22%), Segarcea and Filiai (21%). 2.1. Sex structure of the unemployed During the analysed period, in Oltenia there were two main periods: 1991-1998, when the unemployment was 2 to 4 per cent (in 1993) higher among the female population, and 1999-2006, when the rate was constantly higher for the male population. This is true for all the counties, but the moment where the shift happened differs: 1995 in Mehedinti, 1997 in Dold and Olt and only 2000 in Valcea county. In 2007, this index was almost the same for the two groups of population, i.e. 5.3 and 5 percent.

Fig. 1 Unemployment rate during the 1992-2002 period the male population in 2002 (Fig. 2), For most of the towns (24), the with great differences at Strehaia unemployment rate was higher among 135

(21% compared to only 10%), Caracal (28% and 15% respectively)

and Ocnele Mari (20% as compared to only 9%).

Fig. 2 Unemployment rate for the male and female population in 2002 60% and then it increased, in 2007 At Orova, Drobeta Turnuhaving the same value as at the Severin, Filiai, Rmnicu - Vlcea, beginning of the period. The number of Brezoi and Drgani, this index had unemployed workers is very high both approximately the same value for the due to the bankruptcy of some factories two sexes. Rovinari stands out as the and to the re-engineering of some unemployment rate was higher among industrial units, requiring less numerous, the female population (19.4%) than but highly skilled work force. the male population (17%) that was At the beginning of the 90s, still working in the mining industry. when massive restructuring happens in Since the greatest discharges were the industrial sector, for the experienced registered in industrial activities, most persons it was more easily to find a job of the unemployed were workers. than for the young people. However, 2.2. Educational background of during the last years, the young persons, the unemployed having less than 30-35 years, had more In 1993, more than 80% of the chances than the mature ones. The unemployed persons had attained only higher the education level of the young primary, secondary or vocational is, the shortest the period for finding a schools. In the following years, their job is; consequently, it is more important proportion gradually decreased to almost 136

to have a diploma at the beginning of the career than afterwards6. Still, the number of graduates that do not have a job increased after 1999, most of them residing in Dolj county (39.6%), testifying for some economic disequilibrium and the inconsistencies between the educational offer on the one hand and the demands of the labour market and the exigencies of a modern economy on the other hand. There are also numerous cases when persons, in order not to be registered as unemployed, choose a job that does not require their high qualification, which leads to the phenomenon of outclassing7. According to the data from the 2002 census, the number of unemployed persons within Oltenia urban population reached almost 60,000, which is similar to the ones from West and Nord-West Regions. 2.3. Unemployment duration At the 2002 census, almost a fifth of the unemployed persons in the Oltenia towns had lost their job in the last 6 months. Compared to other development regions, Oltenia occupied an intermediate position, with a proportion higher than that in the South (19.6%), West and North-East (17.2%), but lower than in the North-West (26.4%), Center (25%) and Bucharest. A quarter of the employed had not had a job for 6-9 months, a lower percentage being registered only in Bucharest (18.4%). However, the urban population
Alina Bdulescu, omajul n Romnia. O analiz retrospectiv (1991-2005), n Economie teoretic i aplicat, nr. 2, Asociaia general a Economitilor din Romnia, 2006, p. 3
7 6

in Oltenia was ranked first with respect to the number of unemployed persons for 9-27 months, although this time the differences between the development region were not high (2%). Almost a third of the unemployed had lost their job for more than 27 months. This proportion is much higher than the minimum value registered in the NorthWest region (25.8%). The unemployed persons from Gorj, Olt and Valcea have a similar structure regarding the unemployment duration the highest share having the category of more than 27 months (which is 42.6% in Gorj), with a constant increase from the short unemployment to the chronic one. If in Gorj there is a big difference between the categories of 9-27 months and more than 27 months (Fig. 3). In the towns situated in Dolj, the category of unemployed for more than 27 months has the lowest share (due to the presence of the biggest towns in the region, Craiova), but the proportion of the persons that lost their job during the last 6 months is the highest; this mirrors, once again, the differences between the economic functions of Craiova and the other towns.

Idem

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Fig. 3 The structure of the unemployed persons according to the unemployment period (2002)

In 2002, almost 60% of the unemployed persons in Oltenia were men, no matter the unemployment duration the number of men being higher than that of the women with 15 to 20% for shorter periods. However, the number of unemployed men for more than 27 months is almost double than that of the women. For the counties, the number of men that lost their job during the last 6 or 9 months is almost double in Olt; in Valcea, the share of short-term unemployment is much lower (10%) than in the other counties. 3. Conclusions When the unemployment affects the entire community or some social and professional groups, the social tensions increase, as well as the economic difficulties. In order to cope with this phenomenon, the government and the local institutions must adopt protective measures and, most important, a policy for investments that must be directed 138

towards the creation of new jobs, as well as the formation, upgrading and reinsertion of the work force. The decrease of the unemployment rate during the last years of the analysed period, as well as the new economic situation of the country that has recently joined the European Union, offering the possibility for labour mobility may contribute to the economy reinforcement, with positive economic and social effects.

References 1. Bdulescu, Alina (2006), omajul n Romnia. O analiz retrospectiv (1991-2005), n Economie teoretic i aplicat, Asociaia general a Economitilor din Romnia 2. Bordnc, Floarea (2003), Romnia. Geografia uman i economic contemporan, Edit. Universitar, Bucureti

3. Iau, C. (2002), Lvolution dmographique des villes de la Roumanie: 1992-2002, Analele tiinifice ale Universitii A.I. Cuza din Iai (serie nou), tom XLVII, Editura Universitii A.I.Cuza, Iasi 4. Popescu, Claudia Rodica, Negu, S., Rojnovietski, Irena, Suditu, B.Al., Vlad, I.P. (2003), Zonele miniere defavorizate din Romnia. Abordare geografic, Edit. ASE, Bucureti 5. Trebici, Vl. (1979), Demografie, Edit. tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti 6. ***Recensmntul populaiei i locuinelor din 7 ianuarie 1992, vol. II, Populaie. Structura demografic, C.N.S., Bucureti, 1994 7. ***Recensmntul populaiei i locuinelor din 18 martie 2002, INS, Bucureti, 2004

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Raportul dintre cultur i structura social. Culturalism vs. structuralism


Lect.univ.drd.Constantin CRIOIU Prep.univ.Veronica ION Universitatea din Craiova
constantin_craitoiu@yahoo.com, veronikaion@yahoo.com

Rezumat: Studiul de fa trateaz raportul dintre cultur i structura social, prezentnd dezbaterea dintre reprezentanii culturalismului (Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski, Margaret Mead, Alfred Kroeber i Ruth Benedict) i cei ai structuralismului (A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, E. Evans-Pitchard i Claude Lvi-Strauss) privind definirea culturii i a rolului acesteia n organizarea i funcionarea vieii sociale. Problema cercetat este poziionat ntr-un context mai larg, ce vizeaz clarificarea statutului sociologiei culturii i modalitile de cercetare contemporan ale culturii. Cuvinte cheie: cultur, structur social, culturalism, structuralism

Pentru a defini cultura putem folosi dou tipuri diferite de argumentaie, unul deductiv, n care cultura este tratat la nivel abstract i care exploreaz conceptul prin mijloace teoretice diferite, sau altul inductiv, pornind de la modul n care este folosit conceptul de cultur n practic i care descrie, totodat, felul n care sociologii se raporteaz la cultur n procesul de cunoatere. Primul tip a fost consacrat i folosit n cercetarea culturii pn la sfritul secolului al XIX-lea, iar cel de-al doilea este mult mai apropiat de tendinele contemporane manifestate n studiul tiinific al culturii.

Abordarea inductiv, proprie n special antropologiei culturale i sociologiei culturii, nu se caracterizeaz prin aceea c ofer o definiie unic a domeniului culturii sau c asigur delimitarea acesteia de celelalte aspecte ale vieii sociale, ci, mai degrab, este ilustrat de faptul c asigur pentru cei care o folosesc o serie de definiii de specialitate acceptate de ctre acetia (la nivel sociologic, antropologic, etnografic .a.). Pentru a nelege aceste definiii i modul n care sunt construite putem porni de la clarificarea originii i fundamentelor tiinelor sociale, care se reflect, de asemenea, n locul pe care-l ocup i rolul pe care-l joac sociologia culturii. n ultimii 20 de ani, sociologia culturii a suferit transformri importante, manifestndu-se ns, difereniat de la un continent la altul i chiar, de la o ar la alta. n Europa, de pild, sociologia culturii are un statut nedefinit, existnd autori consacrai studierii acesteia care afirm c nsi ntreg domeniul de cunoatere ar putea fi pus sub semnul ndoielii, mergnd pn acolo nct s ntrebe dac exist sau nu sociologia culturii1. Lucrrile de sintez dedicate cercetrii culturii n spaiul european pot fi folosite drept
A se vedea Matthieu Bra, Yvon Lamy, Sociologia culturii, Institutul European, Iai, 2008
1

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argument pentru existena preocuprilor de cunoatere sociologic a culturii2, dar ele nu dovedesc ns existena unui interes semnificativ pentru aceast ramur a sociologiei, fapt susinut i de slaba reprezentare a sociologiei culturii la nivel universitar (aceast disciplin fiind predat doar n cteva centre universitare din Europa). Nu aceeai situaie se ntlnete n Statele Unite ale Americii. Cultura este una dintre cele mai mari seciuni ale Asociaiei Americane de Sociologie i a cunoscut una dintre cele mai rapide ascensiuni ca domeniu de studiu i disciplin universitar. Creterea interesului pentru studierea tiinific a culturii n America, n ultimele dou decenii, este argumentat i de numrul mare de cercetri sociologice de teren i de cri scrise n domeniu3.
Pot fi menionate lucrrile lui Denys Cuche, Noiunea de cultur n tiinele sociale, Institutul European, Iai, 2003; Rudolf Rezsohazy, Sociologia valorilor, Institutul European, Iai, 2008; Dumitru Otovescu (coord.), Sociologia culturii romneti. Antologie, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2006; Sociologia culturii. Antologie autori strini, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010 .a. 3 Norman Denzin, Cultural Studies: A Research Volume. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1996; Diana Crane (ed.) The Sociology of Culture: Emerging Theoretical Perspective. Oxford: Basil Blackwell., 1994, Diana Crane, The Production of Culture. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage., 1992, John Hall and Mary Jo Neitz Culture: Sociological Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall., 1993; Richard Munch and Neil J. Smelser (eds.), The Theory of Culture. Berkeley: University of California Press.; Richard Peterson, Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997; Richard
2

Concentrarea asupra culturii n toate sferele cercetrii a crescut radical; iar cultura este acum revendicat ca un domeniu distinctiv i autonom de cunoatere4. Mai mult, chiar i n abordrile tradiionale materialiste, ca n cazul studiilor marxiste, activi0tile culturale nu sunt tratate ca fiind subordonate explicaiilor economice din cercetarea curent5. Studiile i analizele culturale au devenit unele dintre cele mai fertile domenii din sociologie6. Dezvoltarea accelerat a ateniei ctre cultur i a explicaiilor culturale au generat o serie de dificulti n stabilirea granielor culturii i a consensului privind definirea acesteia. Termenul de cultur este folosit n cercetarea sociologic actual pentru a
Peterson, Symbols and Social Life: The Growth of Culture Studies. Contemporary Sociology, 1990; Jeffrey C. Alexander and Steve Seidman (eds.), Culture and Society. Cambridge, Eng./New York: Cambridge University Press., 1990; Judith Blau, Study of the Arts: A Reappraisal. Annual Review of Sociology 14:269292., 1988; Chandra Mukerji and Michael Schudson, Popular Culture. Annual Review of Sociology 12:4766, 1986. 4 Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery (eds.), Encyclopedia of Sociology, Second Edition, Volume 1, Macmillan Reference USA, an imprint of The Gale Group, Broadway, New York, 2000, p. 562 5 A se vedea pe larg lucrrile David Halle, Inside Culture: Class, Culture and Everyday Life in Modern America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994 i Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction. Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1984 6 Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery, op. cit., p. 562

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descrie orice, de la activiti artistice de elit pn la valori, stiluri, moduri de gndire i comportament folosite n viaa de zi cu zi. Astfel s-a ajuns pn acolo nct sociologia culturii se ntretaie i ntreptrunde cu viaa cotidian, cu tiina n general, religia, mass-media, cultura de mas etc. Cercetarea culturii, desfurndu-se n att de variate domenii aplicative, ridic problema modului n care poate fi gsit numitorul comun al acestora i al felului n care cultura poate fi considerat un domeniu coerent i consistent de cercetare. Aceast problem nc nu i-a gsit un rspuns final i cum graniele sociologiei culturii nu sunt unele fixe i, adesea, se suprapun cu cele ale antropologiei sociale i culturale, este poate mai indicat s observm cum diferii cercettori din tiinele sociale au abordat conceptul de cultur. Din aceast ncercare de sintetizare a contribuiilor recente de definire a conceptului de cultur poate rezulta o mai bun nelegere a acestuia, bazat pe ceea ce cercettorii consider c este inclus sau exclus din cultur. De la nceputul secolului al XX-lea i pn n anii `50 definiia culturii era menit s clarifice raportul dintre cultur i structura social. Trasarea liniei de demarcaie dintre cele dou a reprezentat motivul principal al disputei ntre reprezentanii tiinelor sociale n general, i ntre antropologii divizai de tradiia social sau cultural, n special7. Cercettorii, consacrai n tradiia antropologiei cultural sau a etnologiei, Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski, Margaret Mead, Alfred Kroeber i Ruth
7

Benedict, considerau conceptul de cultura ca unul central pentru tiinele sociale. Culturalitii susineau cultura drept cauza principal a modelelor de comportament, inclusiv a interaciunilor sociale (cine interacioneaz cu cine), iar pentru ei ntreaga organizare a societii este condiionat de cultur. Aceast teza a fost contrazis de ctre reprezentanii structuralismului, precum A. R. Radcliffe-Brown and E. E. EvansPitchard din partea colii britanice de antropologie i Claude Lvi-Strauss8 din partea structuralismului francez. Structuralitii erau convini c structura social ar trebui s fie principalul obiect de studiu al tiinelor sociale i c ar trebui folosit n formularea teoriilor despre societate, deoarece structura social determin parttern-urile (modelele) gndirii i ale interaciunii sociale. Definind funcia unei uzane sociale date drept contribuia pe care o aduce la viaa social total, adic la funcionarea sistemului social total, A. R. Radcliffe-Brown a integrat cultura, acea asamblare de elemente disparate, ntr-un ansamblu un organism analizat n termeni de procese, structuri, funcii. Cultura este deci studiat pe baza structurii sociale
Lucrrile prin care a fost consacrat structuralismul sunt: A. R. RadcliffeBrown, Structure and Function in Primitive Society: Essays and Addresses. New York: Free Press, (1952) 1961; E. E. EvansPrichard, The Nuer. London: Oxford University Press, 1940; E. E. EvansPrichard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937, Claude Levi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology. New York: Basic Books, (1953) 1963
8

Edgar F. Borgatta, J. V. Montgomery, op. cit., p. 563

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concepute ca nlnuire de indivizi ce ntrein relaii definite sau codificate din punct de vedere instituional9. Ambiia antropologiei structurale a lui Lvy-Strauss const n reperarea i repertorierea invariabilelor, adic a acelor materiale culturale identice ntotdeauna de la o cultur la alta i obligatoriu n numr limitat, datorit unitii psihismului uman. Exact n punctul n care Cultura ia locul Naturii, cu alte cuvinte la nivelul condiiilor foarte generale ale funcionrii vieii sociale, putem gsi reguli universale care sunt n acelai timp principii indispensabile ale vieii n cadrul unei societi. A tri ntr-o societate ine de natura omului, dar organizarea acestei viei este legat de Cultur i implic elaborarea de reguli sociale. Cel mai tipic exemplu de asemenea legi universale analizate de structuralism este interzicerea incestului, acesta fiind bazat pe necesitatea schimburilor sociale10. Att coala Cultur i Personalitate (cum este cunoscut coala culturalist), ct i coala structuralist, s-au bucurat de un numr foarte mare i influent de adepi. Culturalitii au preferat abordarea integralist sau universalist a conceptului de cultur, inaugurat de ctre Edward B. Tylor n anul 1871, atunci cnd a oferit prima definiie tiinific a culturii, care nseamn acel complex atotcuprinztor care include cunoaterea, credinele, arta, morala, dreptul, cutumele i celelalte abiliti sau obiceiuri dobndite de om ca
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders, Glencoe, IL; Free Press, 1922 10 Denys Cuche, Noiunea de cultur n tiinele sociale, Institutul European, Iai, 2003, p. 72
9

membru al societii11. Aceast definiie las foarte puine lucruri n afara culturii, dar orientarea caracteristic sfritului secolului al XIX-lea va deveni din ce n ce mai restrictiv n ceea ce privete sfera culturii. Cultura este ceea ce distinge omul ca specie de alte specii. Cultura este, deci, alctuit din tot ceea ce colectivitile umane produc, incluznd aici, cu alte cuvinte, ntreaga viaa social. Tema principal n studiile dedicate culturii va fi nature (natur) versus nurture(cretere, educaie), culturalitii ncercnd s dovedeasc faptul c anumite manifestri sociale sunt condiionate cultural i nu biologic sau natural12. Orice avea s diferenieze achiziiile umane de originile evoluionare i biologice ale acestuia, devenea relevant pentru exprimarea conceptului de cultur. Aici puteau fi incluse religia, ca i structurile de rudenie, limba, ca i statele-naiuni. Ca urmare a motenirii lui Boas, studierea culturii a fost folosit ca metod de examinare a diferitelor tipuri de societate. Toate societile aveau culturi, iar variabilitatea pattern-urilor culturale au fost folosite drept argument, conform cruia cultura, nu natura, joac cel mai important rol n determinarea comportamentului uman. Aceast teorie s-a dovedit foarte important, avnd puterea, prin
Edward B. Tylor, Primitive culture, New York, I. P. Putnam`s Sons, 1920 [1871], p. 1 12 De notorietate este cartea scris de Margaret Mead, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928), prin care a dovedit c starea de nelinite i de frustrare specific adolescenilor are cauze culturale i nu biologice, carte care a devenit un bestseller n ntreaga lume, fiind cea mai vndut carte de antropologie din toate timpurile
11

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sublinierea existenei variaiilor culturale n societi diferite, s anuleze convingerea antropologilor din secolului al XIX-lea c exist o unitate psihic a omenirii, o unitate a istoriei umane i o unitate a culturii13. Cultura este, potrivit concepiilor particulariste i relativiste ce au urmat, cea care produce o identitate specific pentru o anumit societate, prin procesul de socializare ea asigurnd o mai mare omogenitate n rndul membrilor si i o mai clar delimitare fa de cei dinafar (outsiders). Cultura devine o surs de difereniere social, asigurnd factorii pentru coeziune intern i pentru discriminare extern14. Culturalismul a fost acuzat adesea ca este localist i internalist, fiind incapabil s explice anumite manifestri sociale i culturale globale. O soluie pentru ieirea din impas ne-o poate da opera sociologului francez, mile Durkheim. Combtnd tezele individualiste, pe care le respingea datorite psihologismului lor, Durkheim susinea prioritatea societii fa de individ. Mai ales n Formele elementare ale vieii religioase, dar nc de la apariia lucrrii Despre
Milton Singer, Culture: The Concept of Culture, In David L. Sills, ed., International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. New York: Macmillan and Free Press, 1968, p. 527 14 nvarea i interiorizarea valorilor proprii unei culturi ntemeiaz apartenena la un grup sau o societate, crescnd coeziunea social, dar, n acelai timp, traseaz la nivelul contiinei colective o linie de demarcaie dintre noi i ceilali.. Mai multe detalii pot fi gsite n Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery (eds.), Encyclopedia of Sociology, ed. cit., n paragraful destinat termenului de cultur, p. 562-569
13

sinucidere (1897), el elaborase o teorie a contiinei colective ca form a teoriei culturale. Dup prerea lui, n orice societate exist o contiin colectiv alctuit din reprezentri colective, idealuri i sentimente comune tuturor indivizilor acestei societi. Contiina aceasta colectiv precede individul, i se impune, i este exterioar i transcendent: exist o discontinuitate ntre contiina colectiv i cea individual, prima este superioar celei de-a doua, fiind mai complex i mai vag. n acest context realizeaz contiina colectiv unitatea i coeziunea unei societi15. Ipotezele lui Durkheim asupra contiinei colective au influenat, cu siguran, teoria culturii ca supraorganism, aparinnd lui Alfred Kroeber. Se poate, de asemenea, face o apropiere ntre noiunea de contiin colectiv Durkheim i atribuia acesteia trsturi spirituale i noiunile de pattern cultural i de personalitate fundamental, caracteristice antropologilor culturaliti americani. n ncercarea de mbuntire a fundamentelor sale teoretice, n anii `40-`50 ai secolului al XX-lea, culturalismul a fost continuat de un anumit tip de comparativism, privit ca o teorie generalizat a pattern-urilor culturale. Comparnd sute de scrieri etnografice din perioada menionat, A.L. Kroeber i Clyde Kluckhohn au formulat urmtoarea definiie a culturii: Cultura este alctuit din pattern-uri (modele), explicite sau implicite, ale i pentru comportamentelor nvate i transmise prin simboluri, constituind realizrile distinctive ale grupurilor umane; esena culturii const din ideile
15

Denys Cuche, op. cit., p. 47-48

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tradiionale (istoric derivate i selectate) i n special din valorile asociate acestora; sistemele culturale pot fi considerate, pe de o parte, produse ale aciunii, iar, pe de alta, elemente condiionale ale viitoarei aciuni16. Teoria pattern-ului susine c un comportament urmeaz o schem relativ stabil, care se repet, de la cele mai simple nivele legate de obiceiurile de a se mbrca i a mnca, pn la nivelele mai complexe ale organizrii vieii politice, economice i religioase.17 Mai mult, teoria subliniaz ideea conform creia cultura oricrei societi poate fi descris din punct de vedere formal, ceea ce nseamn c poate fi plasat n categorii formale ce reprezint diferite sfere ale vieii sociale, pentru a facilita comparaia dintre societi. n felul acesta, pattern-urile universale ale culturii pot fi construite. Spre deosebire de culturaliti, structuralitii, n aceiai perioad, nu au cutat o abordare comprehensiv a culturii. Conceptul structuralitilor de cultur s-a axat pe punerea n valoare a noului concept de structur social. n special datorit contribuiilor lui A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, noua teorie argumenta c structura social este mult mai fidel reprezentat de o reea sau un sistem de relaii sociale, dect de un set de norme. Argumentul structuralist a ncercat s clarifice cum actorii unei societi produc socialul i sunt produi social de ctre contextul
16

cultural. Realiznd distincia dintre actorii sociali i interaciunea social ntr-un sistem social, fa de normele comportamentale, structuralitii au ncercat s stabileasc o referin pentru structura social, care este independent din punct de vedere analitic fa de cultura i artefactele produse n acel sistem. Normele de interaciune sunt, de asemenea, produse de ctre participanii ce interacioneaz, dar ntrebarea privind ntietatea cauzal dintre cultur i structura social poate fi considerat ca fiind separat18. Raportul dintre cultur i structura social devine problema central a dezbaterii culturalism vs. structuralism, argumentele lor mbogind modul n care este neleas cultura: culturalitii au dovedit c unicitatea i originalitatea sunt trsturi ale oricrei culturi, iar structuralitii au artat c esena culturii este dat de relaiile i interaciunea dintre oameni. Bibliografie selectiv 1. Alexander, Jeffrey C. and Seidman, Steve (eds.), Culture and Society. Cambridge, Eng./New York: Cambridge University Press., 1990 2. Bra, Matthieu, Yvon, Lamy, Sociologia culturii, Institutul European, Iai, 2008 3. Borgatta, Edgar F., Montgomery, Rhonda J. V. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Sociology, Second Edition, Volume 1, Macmillan Reference USA, an imprint of The Gale Group, Broadway, New York, 2000 4. Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction. Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1984
18

A. L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. New York: Vintage Books, (1952) 1963, p. 181 17 Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery, op. cit., p. 564

Ibidem, p. 564

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5. Crane, Diana (ed.), The Sociology of Culture: Emerging Theoretical Perspective. Oxford: Basil Blackwell., 1994 6. Crane, Diana, The Production of Culture. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage., 1992 7. Cuche, Denys, Noiunea de cultur n tiinele sociale, Institutul European, Iai, 2003 8. Denzin, Norman, Cultural Studies: A Research Volume. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1996 9. Evans-Prichard E., The Nuer. London: Oxford University Press, 1940 10. Evans-Prichard, E., Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937 11. Hall, John and Neitz, Mary Jo, Culture: Sociological Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall., 1993 12. Halle, David, Inside Culture: Class, Culture and Everyday Life in Modern America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994 13. Kroeber, A. L. and Kluckhohn Clyde, Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. New York: Vintage Books, (1952) 1963 14. Levi-Strauss, Claude, Structural Anthropology, New York: Basic Books, (1953) 1963

15. Milton, Singer, Culture: The Concept of Culture, In David L. Sills, ed., International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. New York: Macmillan and Free Press, 1968 16. Otovescu, Dumitru (coord.), Sociologia culturii romneti. Antologie, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2006 17. Otovescu, Dumitru (coord.), Sociologia culturii. Antologie autori strini, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010 18. Peterson, Richard, Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1997 19. Peterson, Richard, Symbols and Social Life: The Growth of Culture Studies. Contemporary Sociology, 1990 20. Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., Structure and Function in Primitive Society: Essays and Addresses. New York: Free Press, (1952) 1961 21. Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., The Andaman Islanders, Glencoe, IL; Free Press, 1922 22. Rezsohazy, Rudolf, Sociologia valorilor, Institutul European, Iai, 2008 23. Tylor, Edward B., Primitive culture, New York, I. P. Putnam`s Sons, 1920 [1871]

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The relationship between culture and social structure. Culturalism vs. structuralism
Ph.D. Lecturer Constantin CRIOIU Assistant Professor Veronica ION University of Craiova
constantin_craitoiu@yahoo.com, veronikaion@yahoo.com

Abstract: This essay examines the relationship between culture and social structure, showing the debate between the representatives of culturalism (Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski, Margaret Mead, Alfred Kroeber and Ruth Benedict) and those of structuralism (A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, E. Evans-Pitchard and Claude LviStrauss) in what concerns defining culture and its role in organizing and functioning of social life. Key words: culture, social structure, culturalism, structualism

In order to define culture we can use two different types of arguments, one deductive, according to which culture is treated in the abstract and it examines the concept theoretically from a variety of standpoints, and the other inductive which explores how the concept of culture is used in practice and describes how sociologists define culture in the research process. The inductive approach, particular to cultural anthropology and sociology of culture, is not characterized by a unique definition of culture and does not presume its isolation from the other aspects of life, but it rather seeks to offer a series of definitions to those who use it (from the sociological, anthropological, ethnographic and other point of views). To understand 147

these definitions and the way they are built, one starts from examining the social science roots that have helped determine the current status of the sociology of culture. Over the last 20 years the sociology of culture has suffered major transformations that were different from one continent to another and even from one country to another. In Europe, for example, the sociology of culture has an indefinite status and some important authors consider that the field itself can be doubtful and it can even be questioned if there exists indeed sociology of culture1. The studies that approach the research of culture in the European area can be used as arguments to prove the interest in sociological research2, but they do not prove a major interest for this discipline and this is highlighted by its poor existence in the academic field (this discipline is being thought
E.g. Matthieu Bra, Yvon Lamy, Sociologia culturii, Institutul European, Iai, 2008 2 There can be mentioned the works of Denys Cuche, Noiunea de cultur n tiinele sociale, Institutul European, Iai, 2003; Rudolf Rezsohazy, Sociologia valorilor, Institutul European, Iai, 2008; Dumitru Otovescu (coord.), Sociologia culturii romneti. Antologie, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2006; Sociologia culturii. Antologie autori strini, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010 .a.
1

in only a few universities in Europe). The same situation cannot be seen in the United States, as well. Culture is one of the largest sections of the American Sociology Association and it has known one of the fastest rise as a research and university discipline. The growing interest for scientific research of culture in America over the past two decades is also proved by the large number of field sociological researches and books written3. The focus on culture in all spheres of research has increased tremendously; and culture is now readily accepted as a level of explanation in its own right4.
Norman Denzin, Cultural Studies: A Research Volume. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1996; Diana Crane (ed.) The Sociology of Culture: Emerging Theoretical Perspective. Oxford: Basil Blackwell., 1994, Diana Crane, The Production of Culture. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage., 1992, John Hall and Mary Jo Neitz Culture: Sociological Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall., 1993; Richard Munch and Neil J. Smelser (eds.), The Theory of Culture. Berkeley: University of California Press.; Richard Peterson, Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997; Richard Peterson, Symbols and Social Life: The Growth of Culture Studies. Contemporary Sociology, 1990; Jeffrey C. Alexander and Steve Seidman (eds.), Culture and Society. Cambridge, Eng./New York: Cambridge University Press., 1990; Judith Blau, Study of the Arts: A Reappraisal. Annual Review of Sociology 14:269292., 1988; Chandra Mukerji and Michael Schudson, Popular Culture. Annual Review of Sociology 12:4766, 1986. 4 Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery (eds.), Encyclopedia of
3

Moreover, even in the traditionally materialist-oriented research, such as Marxist studies, cultural activities are not treated as subordinate to economic explanations in current research5. Cultural studies and analysis have become one of the most fertile areas in sociology6. The rapid growth in the focus on culture and cultural explanations has produced a series of difficulties in establishing the boundaries of culture. The term culture is used in contemporary sociological research to describe everything from elite artistic activities to values, styles, way of thinking and everyday conduct. Thus the sociology of culture intersects with daily life, with science in general, religion, mass-media, popular culture etc. Researching culture in so many fields upbrings the manner a common denominator can be found and how culture can be considered coherent and consistent to be researched. This matter does not have a final answer yet and, considering the fact that the boundaries of the sociology of culture are not immobile and they often overlap with those of social and cultural anthropology, is probably more proper to observe how other various researches from social science
Sociology, Second Edition, Volume 1, Macmillan Reference USA, an imprint of The Gale Group, Broadway, New York, 2000, p. 562 5 David Halle, Inside Culture: Class, Culture and Everyday Life in Modern America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994 i Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984 6 Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery, op. cit., p. 562

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have approached the concept of culture. From trying to synthesize the recent attempts to define the concept of culture may result a better understanding of it, based on what researches think it is included or excluded from culture. From the beginning of the 20th century until the 50s, the definition of culture was meant to clear the relationship between culture and social structure. Tracing the crossline between the two was the main reason for the dispute between the social sciences representatives in general and anthropologists divided by social or cultural tradition, in particular7. Researches in the cultural or ethnological tradition, such as Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski, Margaret Mead, Alfred Kroeber and Ruth Benedict, believed culture was the central concept in social science. Culturalists considered culture to be the main cause for behavior patterns, including the social interactions (who interacts with whom) and for them the organization of society was conditioned by culture. This point of view was countered by researches in the structural tradition, such as A. R. Radcliffe-Brown and E. E. EvansPitchard from the British school of social anthropology and Claude LviStrauss in French structuralism8.

Ibidem, p. 563 The main works of structuralism are: A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, Structure and Function in Primitive Society: Essays and Addresses. New York: Free Press, (1952) 1961; E. E. Evans-Prichard, The Nuer. London: Oxford University Press, 1940; E. E. Evans-Prichard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937, Claude Levi8

Structuralists believed that social structure should be the primary focus of social science and should be used in theories about society because social structure determines patterns of social interaction and thought.9 The structural anthropology`s ambition of Lvy-Strauss is identifying invariables, of those cultural materials always identical from one culture to another and mandatory in a limited number because of the human psychic`s cohesion. In the precise moment Culture takes the place of Nature, at the level of general conditions of social life functioning we can find universal rules that are at the same time indispensable principles of life within a society. Living in a society depends on the human nature but organizing it is related to Culture and involves social rules. The most typical example of such universal rules analyzed by structuralism is the prohibition of incest, this being based on the necessity of cultural exchange10. Both Culture and Personality school (as the culturalist school is known as) and the structuralist school have a large and important number of partisans. The culturalists prefered the integralist or universalist approach of culture inaugurated by Edward B. Tylor in 1871, when he offered the first scientific definition of culture, that complex whole which includes
Strauss, Structural Anthropology. New York: Basic Books, (1953) 1963 9 A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders, Glencoe, IL; Free Press, 1922 10 Denys Cuche, Noiunea de cultur n tiinele sociale, Institutul European, Iai, 2003, p. 72

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knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society11. This definition leaves little out, but the orientation of the late nineteenth century would become more and more restrictive in which concerns the culture sphere. Culture is what makes humans distinguish from other species. Culture is, therefore, made up from everything that human collectivities produce, including entire social life. The main theme in the studies dedicated to culture will be nature versus nurture, culturalists trying to prove the fact that some social activities are culturally and not biologically or naturally conditioned12. Everything that would differentiate human acquisitions from his evolutionary and biological origins would become relevant in expressing the concept of culture. There could be included religion, but also blood relations, language, nationstates. As a result of Boas` heritage, the study of culture was used as a examination method of different types of societies. All societies had cultures and variations in cultural patterns were used as arguments according to which culture and not nature plays the most important role in establishing
11

human behavior. This theory has proved very important because it had the power to underline the existence of cultural variations in different cultures, to cancel the nineteenth century anthropologists` assurance that there is the psychic unity of mankind, the unity of human history and the unity of culture13. Culture is, according to the particularist and relativist approaches that followed, the one that produces a specific identity for a certain society, and using the process of socialization assuring a greater uniformity among its members and a more clear delimitation from the outsiders. Culture becomes a source of social differentiation, assuring factors for internal cohesion and external discrimination14. Culturalism has often been accused of being localist and internalist, being capable of explaining some global social and cultural behaviors. A solution for exiting the deadlock can be offered by the French sociologist mile Durkheim. By disproving the individualist thesis that he rejected because of their psychologism, Durkheim approved
13

Edward B. Tylor, Primitive culture, New York, I. P. Putnam`s Sons, 1920 [1871], p. 1 12 Famous is the book written by Margaret Mead, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928), through which she proved that the restlessness and frustration, particular to teenagers have cultural and not biological causes, book that became a bestseller all over the world and best sold anthropology book from all times.

Milton Singer, Culture: The Concept of Culture, In David L. Sills, ed., International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. New York: Macmillan and Free Press, 1968, p. 527 14 Learning a culture`s particular values helps one become a member of a group or society, growing the social cohesion but, at the same time, it traces in the collective conscience a cross line between us and the others. More details can be found in Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery (eds.), Encyclopedia of Sociology, ed. cit., p. 562-569.

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the society`s priority to the individual. He made up a collective conscience theory as a cultural theory form mostly in Elementary Forms of Religious Life but even from the release of About Suicide (1897). According to him, every society has a collective conscience consisted in collective representations, ideals and feelings, common to all its individuals. This collective conscience precedes the individual, it imposes to him, it is external and transcendent to him: there is a gap between collective and individual conscience, the first is superior to the latter, more complex and evasive. Within this context, he attains collective conscience and cohesion of a society15. Durkheim`s hypothesis of collective conscience surely influenced the culture theory as super-organism, that of Alfred Kroeber. One can also relate the notion of collective conscience, to which Durkheim assigned a spiritual character, and the cultural pattern and fundamental personality, typical to American culturalist anthropologists. Trying to upgrade its theoretical concepts, between the 40s and 50s of the nineteenth century, culturalism was carried on by comparativism, seen as a general theory of cultural patterns. Comparing hundreds of ethnographic works from this period, A.L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn defined culture: Culture consists of patterns, explicit and implicit, of and for behavior acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievement of human groups, including their embodiments
15

in artifacts; the essential core of culture consists of traditional (i.e., historically derived and selected) ideas and especially their attached values; culture systems may, on the one hand, be considered as products of action, on the other hand as conditioning elements of further action16. The pattern theory sustains that a behavior follows a relatively stable layout that repeat from the simplest habits to dress and eat to more complex, such as organizing the political, economical and religious life17. Moreover, the theory underlines the idea according to which any society`s culture can be described from a formal point of view, which means that it can be placed in formal categories that represent different spheres of social life in order to facilitate the comparison between societies. This way, universal patterns of culture can be built. Unlike the culturalists, structuralists didn`t find a comprehensive approach in the same period. The structuralists` concept of culture focused on emphasizing the new concept of social structure. Especially through the efforts of A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, the new theory argued that social structure is much more appropriately represented by a network or system of social relations than a set of norms. The structuralist argument intended to clarify how actors in a society produce and are
16

Denys Cuche, op. cit., p. 47-48

A. L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. New York: Vintage Books, (1952) 1963, p. 181 17 Edgar F. Borgatta, Rhonda J. V. Montgomery, op. cit., p. 564

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socially produced by their cultural context. By distinguishing the actors and social interaction in a social system from the behavioral norms, structuralists tried to establish a reference for the social structure that is independent of the culture and artifacts produced in that system. The interaction norms are also produced by interacting participants but the question of causal primacy between culture and social structure can be considered separately18. The relationship between culture and social structure becomes a main issue of the culturalism vs. structuralism debate, their arguments enriching the way culture is understood: culturalists have proven that the uniqueness and originality are any culture`s features and structuralists have shown that the essence of culture is given by the relations and interactions between people. References: 1. Alexander Jeffrey C. and Seidman Steve (eds.), Culture and Society. Cambridge, Eng./New York: Cambridge University Press., 1990 2. Bra Matthieu, Yvon Lamy, Sociologia culturii, Institutul European, Iai, 2008 3. Borgatta Edgar F., Montgomery Rhonda J. V. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Sociology, Second Edition, Volume 1, Macmillan Reference USA, an imprint of The Gale Group, Broadway, New York, 2000 4. Bourdieu Pierre, Distinction. Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1984
18

5. Crane Diana (ed.), The Sociology of Culture: Emerging Theoretical Perspective. Oxford: Basil Blackwell., 1994 6. Crane Diana, The Production of Culture. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage., 1992 7. Cuche Denys, Noiunea de cultur n tiinele sociale, Institutul European, Iai, 2003 8. Denzin Norman, Cultural Studies: A Research Volume. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1996 9. Evans-Prichard E., The Nuer. London: Oxford University Press, 1940 10. Evans-Prichard E., Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937 11. Hall John and Neitz Mary Jo, Culture: Sociological Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: PrenticeHall., 1993 12. Halle David, Inside Culture: Class, Culture and Everyday Life in Modern America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994 13. Kroeber A. L. and Kluckhohn Clyde, Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. New York: Vintage Books, (1952) 1963 14. Levi-Strauss Claude, Structural Anthropology. New York: Basic Books, (1953) 1963 15. Milton Singer, Culture: The Concept of Culture, In David L. Sills, ed., International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. New York: Macmillan and Free Press, 1968 16. Otovescu Dumitru (coord.), Sociologia culturii romneti. Antologie, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2006

Ibidem, p. 564

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17. Otovescu Dumitru (coord.), Sociologia culturii. Antologie autori strini, Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010 18. Peterson, Richard, Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997 19. Peterson, Richard, Symbols and Social Life: The Growth of Culture Studies. Contemporary Sociology, 1990 20. Radcliffe-Brown A. R., Structure and Function in Primitive Society: Essays and Addresses. New York: Free Press, (1952) 1961 21. Radcliffe-Brown A. R., The Andaman Islanders, Glencoe, IL; Free Press, 1922 22. Rezsohazy Rudolf, Sociologia valorilor, Institutul European, Iai, 2008 23. Tylor Edward B., Primitive culture, New York, I. P. Putnam`s Sons, 1920 [1871].

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Pentru o Sociologie i o Filosofie a valorilor: n viziunea lui Lucian Blaga, Omul, este egalul lui Dumnezeu
Lect. univ.dr. Ion MUNTEANU Universitatea din Craiova
office@ionmunteanu.eu

Rezumat: Omul, ca fiin creatoare de sentimente i idei, a devenit o surs inepuizabil de inspiraie pentru multe din lucrrile marilor gnditori. Lucian Blaga se numr printre aceia care au ncercat s surprind locul i rolul omului n univers i legtura sa cu stpnul "august al realitii i realitatea nsi", Marele Anonim. Astfel, acest articol urmrete s sublinieze tragismul existenei "ntru mister i pentru revelare" a omului, n concepia lui Lucina Blaga, acela care tnjete continuu i zadarnic la o ordine primordial din care nu face parte i al crui destin creator l apropie de Dumnezeu. Cuvinte cheie: omul, Marele Anonim, censura transcendent, valori

Care este locul i rolul omului, n aceast poveste infinit mutilat? Omul, ne spune Blaga, precum toate fiinele complexe ale lumii, reprezint tot attea integrri i organizri de difereniale divine eterogene i omogene. n asemnare cu toate celelalte creaturi, omul este o fiin n a crei unitate formativ sunt integrate cel mai mare numr de difereniale eterogene, printre care unele aproape nucleare, ca obrie. i Demiurgul lui Platon proceda la fel,

cnd era vorba de om. n dialogul Timaios, crearea omului se face din elemente amestecate. Ingredientele creaiei (adic existena, identicul i diferitul), spre deosebire de cele utilizate n actul zmislitor al zeilor, nu mai erau la fel i n aceeai msur de pure, ci numai de rangul al doilea i al treilea de puritate1. Prin grija Marelui Anonim, omul, singur n tot universul, este o fiin a crei unitate formativ va stagna n veci, deoarece aceasta i-a atins limita superioar a integrrii, atingnd plafonul dintotdeauna i n prealabil stabilit al integrrilor cosmice. Pentru toate fiinele din univers exist nc un disponibil de difereniale, de origine mai nuclear, pe linia crora, i cu ajutorul crora, e posibil nc o integrare, numai pentru om nu mai exist un asemenea disponibil de difereniale i mai nucleare, dect cele deja integrate n fiina sa. Nu fiindc asemenea difereniale nucleare nu ar fi cu putin, ci fiindc Marele Anonim, n chip preventiv, se abine s genereze difereniale de-a dreptul nucleare. Omul este singura fiin din Univers, care n procesele de integrare a epuizat diferenialele eterogene existente, i a ajuns exact pn unde,
Platon, Timaios, n Opere, vol.VII, Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1993, p.155
1

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n seria diferenialelor eterogene, ncepe regiunea diferenialelor-lips.2 Omul e fiina care, prin modul ontologic i destinul su (existen n orizontul misterului i pentru revelare), se gsete pe o poziie naintat, de unde pot ncepe primejdii debordante pentru Marele Anonim. Nici o alt fiin, n prealabil admis s se integreze i s se organizeze din difereniale divine, nu posed o nzuin ascuns de a se substitui Marelui Anonim, sau veleiti autarhice att de accentuate ca omul, fiindc nici o alt fiin nu e att de plenar sub unghi ontologic. Fa de primejdia aproape debordant a posibilitilor cu totul speciale, care prind s se nfiripe n fiina uman, Marele Anonim se asigur prin luarea unor msuri preventive: 1. Prin cenzur transcendent, creia i este supus capacitatea cognitiv a omului, i prin nfrnare transcendent, creia i este supus capacitatea revelatorie a omului. 2. Prin conversiunea transcendent a limitelor stilistice impuse capacitii revelatorii a omului; prin conversiunea acestora n valori pozitive ale contiinei omului. S vorbim, succint, despre fiecare, pe rnd: Marele Anonim, acest principiu metafizic viu, mprtesc, acest stpn august al realitii i realitatea nsi, cum l caracterizeaz Vasile Bncil, e acela care a determinat creatura i i-a dat o anume cunoatere, nici mai mult, nici mai puin dect era n inteniile sale!3
Ibidem, p. 182-183 Vasile Bncil, Lucian Blaga, energie romneasc, Editura Marineasa, Timioara, 1995, p. 51
3 2

Din nou, creatorul lui Blaga seamn n manifestri cu Dumnezeul lui Plotin: noi tim numai att ct ne-a ngduit el s cunoatem. Astfel, justific Blaga, Marele Anonim se apr pe sine i toate misterele care deriv din el, aeznd ntre acestea i cunoaterea individuat o reea de factori izolatori, numit censur transcendent. Cunoaterea individuat, n oricare din formele ei, e n firea ei transcendent censurat, definitiv i irevocabil censurat. Censurat din partea Marelui Anonim, care apr misterele existeniale de a fi cunoscute ntocmai de altcineva dect de sine nsui.4 Blaga descrie raportul de mai sus n termenii unei nfruntri militare, al unei lupte dure dintre creator i creatur, dintre principiul absolut i cunoaterea individuat. Pentru a se apra de agresor, Misterul Existenial Central elaboreaz o adevrat strategie: se baricadeaz n spatele censurii transcendente, alturi de misterele existeniale derivate. Acestea din urm nu se apr direct de agresiunea cunoaterii individuate, mulumindu-se s lase aceast grij n seama centrului care, oricum, i-a luat pentru vecie msuri de siguran i protecie divin. El a ntiprit pentru totdeauna censura transcendent n structura cunoaterii individuate, mpiedicnd ptrunderea n absolutul realitii i ndeprtnd primejdii ontologice de nenchipuit. Censura transcendent, spune n termeni deosebit de plastici Vasile Bncil, e stihia care umbl n haine de mare ceremonie, n metafizica lui
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent, n Opere, vol. 8 (Trilogia cunoaterii), Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1983, p. 452
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Lucian Blaga. Care nu se d napoi de la nimic pentru a ndeplini voina <<exprimat>> o dat pentru totdeauna, a Marelui Anonim. Care ne structureaz astfel contiina noastr ca s cunoatem i s nu cunoatem... Sub domnia ei, <<adevrurile>> noastre sunt mti ale adevrului ultim, sunt tot attea <<apologii ale misterelor existeniale>>, rmnnd doar ntr-un anume fel adevruri5... Teoria lui Lucian Blaga despre censura transcendent poate fi justificarea filosofic (i de ce nu, adaptarea, prelungirea sa) a mitului cunoaterii ca pcat. Ea este replica dat mitului unui paradis idilic, despre veracitatea Marelui Anonim, a bunelor sale intenii fa de creatur. Blaga ne spune c teoria censurii transcendente este un contra-mit mai potrivit paradisului tragic n care trim, combtnd astfel toate concepiile metafizice care se ntemeiaz pe premisa tacit sau declarat a veracitii Marelui Anonim. Concepia potrivit creia Dumnezeu nu poate s ne nele, spune filosoful romn, att de general la metafizicieni, e o ficiune, care nu are nici mcar calitatea de a fi adnc. Analiza pe care o face Blaga concepiei potrivit creia Dumnezeu nu ne poate nela amintete de critica romanticilor germani, n special nietzschean a religiei: Repudiem, mai mult dect orice, caracterizarea divinitii prin atribute convenionale. Dac nu ne-am da seama de irealizabilitatea unui precept cum este urmtorul, l-am transcrie ntocmai: Dumnezeu trebuie inut sub observaie! Pentru practicabilitate, s ngrdim preceptul astfel: Dumnezeu
5

trebuie inut sub observaie, aa cum se poate, indirect cel puin, i din dung. S-ar nelege atunci c Dumnezeu are fa de noi i n cadrul planurilor urmrite o tactic, dar nu o moral. Mitul <<veracitii divine>> nu red ctui de puin aceast ciudat <<tactic>>. Dac e vorba s traducem tactica divin n termeni <<morali>>, ar trebui s spunem c Dumnezeu ne neal i ni se sustrage metodic, - fiindc ceea ce ne reveleaz n chip pozitiv e disimulat, iar ceea ce ne reveleaz nedisimulat, se face n chip oarecum <<negativ>>. Dar despre tactica divin nu e deloc indicat s se vorbeasc n termeni de moral uman.6 Blaga ne spune c, aplicat cunoaterii individuate, censura transcendent are un caracter totalitar i preventiv. Nu orice cunoatere individuat absolut presupune o primejdie metafizic, ci doar anumite cunoateri. Censura transcendent se aplic ns asupra ntregii cunoateri individuate, i anume n chip structural; aceasta din cauz c o structur, care ar da acces la transcenden n chip absolut, ar deschide poarta, eo ipso, i spre adevrurile metafizice periculoase. Censura nu trebuie neaprat s ne-o imaginm aplicat ca oprelite de la orice adevr absolut, fiindc orice adevr absolut ar conine primejdii metafizice. Censura e suficient motivat i dac se admite c e aplicat n chip oarecum preventiv asupra ntregii cunoateri individuate, pentru a tia acesteia accesul la unele cunoateri i anume la acelea care
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent, op. cit., p. 482
6

Vasile Bncil, op. cit., p.52

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sunt metafizic primejdioase.7 Mitul metafizic al Marelui Anonim, njghebat n Censura transcendent i dezvoltat n Diferenialele divine, spune Ion Mihai Popescu, este rostuirea mitico-metafizic a Marelui Tot n labirintul cunoaterii, n care firul Ariadnei l personific insul existenial, care, datorit frnelor intercalate ntre Marele X i el, dobndete, n cunoaterea individuat, cunotine sigure, dar limitate. Acestui Mare X ontologic, gnoseologic, axiologic i, n genere, metafizic, Lucian Blaga i descoper, mitic-metafizic, i atribute divine i demonice.8 ntr-adevr, natura raportului determinat n care st Marele Anonim cu cunoaterea individuat ne oblig s recunoatem atributele prpstioase, care aduc a demonie, ale factorului originar blagian. Fapt pe care nsui Blaga l evideniaz. Marele Anonim a pus n noi ndemnul irevocabil spre adevr, dar prin censura transcendent pe care o instituie, n permanen ni-l refuz. Suntem categoric ndemnai spre i categoric oprii de la unul i acelai lucru. Aceast antinomie, dincolo de relevarea tensiunii supreme i chinuitoare sub imperiul creia triete omul, este un mod de a nelege natura prpstioas, demonic, a Marelui Anonim9. i anumite mitologii antice vorbesc despre opreliti i pedepse n legtur cu unele cunoateri, dar n acestea omului i se d totui
Ibidem, p. 487-488 I.M. Popescu, Patima ntru metafizic, n Revista Romn, 6-7-8, 1992 9 Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent, ed. cit., p. 542
8 7

posibilitatea de a ajunge n posesia adevrurilor oprite. n schimb, mitul biblic al pomului edenic ne prezint situaia cuplului primordial sancionat drastic pentru comiterea pcatului de a fi dorit s obin cunoaterea. La fel, n filosofia lui Blaga, prin censura transcendent nu sunt oprite anumite cunoateri, ci este interzis nsi cunoaterea deplin, pozitiv, nediscriminatorie. Dintr-o insondabil grij pentru echilibrul i sporul existenial, spune Lucian Blaga, Marele Anonim i ia severe msuri de prevenire i ndeprtare a primejdiilor metafizice, ngrijindu-se s nu poat fi cunoscut, dect cel mult disimulat sau ca mister catexohin. Iar motivele reale pentru care el i ia aceste msuri de siguran vor rmne de neneles pentru raiunea uman, ntruct Marele Anonim, ca subiect cognitiv, e cu totul altceva dect raional. Cci dac Marele Anonim ar fi raional, atunci ar fi interzis omului de a fi la fel. Tot aa, din faptul c omul e subiect raional, nu se poate deduce c Marele Anonim e ca existen, ca natur, ceva de cuprins pn la epuizare n chip raional. Dimpotriv: din faptul c omul e subiect raional, se poate deduce un singur lucru cu privire la natura Marelui Anonim i anume: c aceasta transcende categoric posibilitile cuprinderii sale prin raiune10.Tot cam n aceiai termeni vorbeau i Plotin i Dionisie Pseudo-Areopagitul despre Dumnezeu: fiind transcendent lumii, el nu poate fi cuprins n conceptele cu care opereaz raiunea uman. Despre el nu se poate spune nici mcar c ar fi infinit, ntruct, dup autorul
10

Ibidem, p. 500-501

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gnostic al Apocalipsei dup Ioan, a-l considera pe Dumnezeu infinit nseamn a rmne dincoace de el, cci el este mult mai mult dect att. Fa de aceeai mare primejdie pe care o reprezint pentru el fiina uman, Marele Anonim nfrneaz transcendent, stilistic, chiar i actele revelatorii ale omului. Blaga ne destinuiete c, pe plan metafizic, categoriile abisale ale spiritului uman sunt tot attea frne care zdrnicesc convertirea adecvat a misterelor. Categoriile abisale privite n economia vast a existenei cosmice au semnificaia unei nfrnri preventive a nzuinei i a posibilitilor, pe drumul crora omul se gsete angajat. n sfrit, o alt msur preventiv particular pe care Marele Anonim i-o ia este conversiunea transcendent a limitelor stilistice impuse capacitii revelatorii a omului, prin conversiunea acestora n valori pozitive ale contiinei omului. Necurmat, scrie Blaga, prin chiar structura sa, omul este atras n capcana de a se iluziona c stilul n cadrul cruia el creeaz, i n cadrul cruia el se organizeaz ca fiin istoric, ar fi un complex de valori pozitive, ct vreme coordonatele stilistice sunt simple limite impuse omului prin nalt i prealabil ornduire. Dup Blaga, istoria este, n ordinea metafizic i a finalismelor existenei n general, acest fel de a tri i de a crea al omului ca fiin primejdioas pentru Marele Anonim, i permanenta respingere a lui din partea Marelui Anonim prin dispoziiile preventive, pe care odat pentru totdeauna acesta le-a luat. Istoria, ca un ir nesfrit de 158

magnifice plsmuiri i mari fapte omeneti, se isc nencetat printr-un fel de ofensiv a omului n zone rezervate Marelui Anonim, i prin venica nfrnare abisal a acestei ofensive, nfrnare hotrt dintotdeauna. De cte ori omului i se pare s fi gsit un nou vad de depire, ofensiva lui e prins n punga unui nou cordon izolator (categoriile stilistice). Destinul omului este de a tri statornic n aceast ofensiv zdrnicit totdeauna prin chiar mijloacele ei (stilistice). Istoria este prin fiecare clip a ei aceast existen de mari intenii, care se frnge n ea nsi, cci singurele mijloace de realizare, ce-i stau la dispoziie, se ntorc necurmat mpotriva ei. Istoria nu are un scop, un terminus, spre care ar nzui i care ar fi la captul ei undeva n viitor. Istoria se nfirip ca o mutaiune ontologic n Univers, i nu se va sfri dect o dat cu omul, fiind i rmnnd istorie deplin, n fiecare moment al ei.11 Cuvintele de mai sus ale lui Lucian Blaga au o semnificaie profund. Fiind purttor al unor potenialiti primejdioase pentru Marele Anonim, omul este inut dinadins la periferie i i se limiteaz cunoaterea i posibilitile revelatorii pn la un anumit prag. Omul este o fiin czut, care tnjete continuu i zadarnic la o ordine din care el nu face parte. Nu este o cdere biblic, petrecut n urma nclcrii unei interdicii divine, dei Blaga este
11

Lucian Blaga, Diferenialele divine, n Opere, vol.11 (Trilogia cosmologica), Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1988, p.179-180

posibil s fi plecat de le mitul izgonirii din rai, pentru a-i construi propriul su mit. Mitul cderii metafizice a omului dintr-o ordine primordial, imaginat de Blaga, face din filosofia sa o impuntoare instan a culturii, fiind cu totul strin de cderea din condiia paradisiac. Tragismul ntregii naraiuni mitice prezentate de filosoful romn nu rezult din motivul sau mprejurarea cderii omului, ci din ncercrile zadarnice i strduinele mereu cenzurate ale fiinei umane de a cunoate adevrul ultim i de a se contopi cu el. De aceea spune Constantin Noica, n cteva pagini memorabile, c filosofia lui Lucian Blaga nu este o metafizic a cerului, ci una a pmntului. Este povestea omului i a sublimului su efort sisific, nentrerupt i inutil, de a se apropia de misterul Marelui Anonim. Metafizica gnditorului clujean este una dintre cele mai cuteztoare i mai frumoase filosofii ale pmntului care au aprut n epoca modern.12 Constantin Noica demonstreaz c Blaga i-a construit ntreaga filosofie pe contiina cderii13, care d dimensiune metafizic fiecrei
Constantin Noica, Simple introduceri la buntatea timpului nostru, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1992, p. 174 13 n Despre cdere n limba noastr, din vol. Cuvnt mpreun despre rostirea romneasc, Editura Eminescu, Bucureti, 1987, p. 128-131, Constantin Noica demonstreaz c uneori cderea omului se poate ntmpla i n sus (a czut la mare cinste, czu el la domnie, cum spune cronicarul etc.) i atunci, nu numai c a cdea nseamn a nimeri, a da undeva din ntmplare, a sosi, dar trece i n a ajunge la o situaie i ntr-un rang superior, a deveni(s.a.).
12

opere blagiene n parte. n Eonul dogmatic, lucrarea de nceput a primei trilogii, apare ideea intelectului enstatic, rmas n logica obinuit, opus intelectului ecstatic, care ncearc s ias de aici, s caute a regsi ordinea de mai presus de aici, aa cum apare ea n teoria pluscunoaterii i a minus-cunoaterii. Prin admiterea dogmei nu ca un corp de idei asigurate, ci ca metod, Blaga ne invit s nu mai vorbim despre cauzele lucrurilor, s nu ne mai ntrebm de ce? ci s ne ntrebm de ce nu? de ce nu alt sistem de axiome, de ce nu dogma asta, de ce nu ideologia asta? Acest de ce nu?, spune Noica, ngduie o libertate de joc celui care nu este n condiia paradiziac, numai celui care este czut. Cu att mai clar se ivete contiina cderii n opera a doua, n Cunoaterea luciferic, continu Noica. Ce este Lucifer dect ngerul czut? Luciferismul este condiia n care este cunoaterea noastr czut, de a avea n fa un obiect cu o parte deschis i alta tinuit, de a avea n fa fanicul, ceea ce apare cum spune Blaga i cripticul. Cripticul nu este dat celui care se afl n ordine, ci tocmai celui care nu e n ordine, i care e czut din ea. Iar dac aceast contiin a cderii poate fi discutabil n primele dou opere, Noica ne asigur c ea apare izbitor n Censura transcendent. Marele Anonim frneaz tot ceea ce este fptur, deci nu numai pe om, n interesul meninerii centralitii sale. Prin instalarea censurii transcendente, Marele Anonim ne arunc ntr-o lume czut i n periferialitate. n Orizont i stil sunt prezentate elementele 159

limitaiei noastre stilistice, iar Spaiul mioritic, cea de-a doua oper a Trilogiei culturii, demonstreaz ct mplinire i ct pozitiv este n ngrdire. Spaiul mioritic este cartea cderii noastre romneti. Dar din ce am czut?, se ntreab Noica retoric. Am czut la mare cinste; la mare cinste a czut fiina aceasta romneasc, n viziunea lui Blaga din Spaiul mioritic. Iar n ultima oper din Trilogia culturii, Geneza metaforei i sensul culturii, metafizicul se regsete din plin: stilul, matricea stilistic, categoriile abisale, toate ngrdirile noastre sunt n acelai timp o frn i o surs de creaie. n Trilogia cunoaterii, filosoful clujean vorbete pentru prima dat de aezarea metafizic a omului ca existen ntru mister i revelare. Blaga anun totodat aici metafizica minus-cunoaterii. n marea sa oper, Diferenialele divine, cupola ntregii construcii filosofice blagiene, cum o apreciaz filosoful nsui, gnditorul se raporteaz la existen n ntregul ei, pn aici Blaga ocupndu-se doar de aspecte fragmentare ale acesteia, de cunoatere, de cultur i de plsmuirile ei, precum i de valori. Noica recunoate dou momentecheie ale metafizicii lui Lucian Blaga din Diferenialele divine: minuscunoaterea, valorificat n sens pozitiv, i ambivalena ngrdirii. Minus-cunoaterea este instrumentul de investigaie acolo unde nu poi citi dect raiunea efectului, unde i poi vedea doar urmele. Dup urmele ei citeti totui ce este fiina anonim care ne-a repudiat pe toi la periferia sa. n Diferenialele divine apare clar tocmai ceea ce a fcut ca termenul de 160

divin s supere pe teologi. Blaga spune deschis c Marele Anonim nu are toate perfeciunile. Are gelozie, nu vrea s fie primejduit de nimeni, vrea s-i pstreze centralismul. Nici mcar nu este ca Iehova, care era gelos pe poporul su, dar iubea mcar un popor. Marele Anonim nu iubete pe nimeni, se teme de toi. Iar n Fiina istoric, Blaga spune c Marele Anonim parc se ciete c ne-a aruncat pe toi la periferie, ne-a ngduit atunci s avem acces la istorie sau s crem prin integrrile din Diferenialele divine: s crem istoria, pentru a avea acces, pe ct ngduie centralismul su, la realitatea sa. Iat, aadar, cele dou mari idealuri ale filosofilor romantici germani: umanitatea i istoria, care merit ntreaga atenie a filosofiei. n timp ce la romanticii germani divinitatea este detronat (Dumnezeu a murit), la Blaga Marele Anonim este retras n lumea lui, indiferent la nzuinele i nemplinirile omului. De aceea filosofia lui Blaga nu este o metafizic a cerului, ci a pmntului, a fiinei mundane care, prin creaia de valori, i creeaz n permanen umanitatea i istoria. ngrdirea noastr este tocmai cea care ne face creatori i, n viziunea lui Blaga, Marele Anonim nu ne-a repudiat numai pentru a-i pstra centralitatea sa, ca s nu fie ameninat n identitatea sa de factor metafizic; ne-a aruncat n ngrdire i pentru a ne face creatori. i s nu uitm c n Art i valoare, Blaga ne spune c ceea ce noi numim valori reprezint de fapt o conversiune metafizic. Omul nu reuete s prind ordinea, este czut din ea, dar valorile sale: adevrul, binele,

frumosul, sunt substitutul ordinii pe care el nu o obine, sunt rspunsul lui, plsmuirea lui i felul lui de a face s intre n ordine, pe ct poate intra, spiritul czut. ngerii nu sunt creatori, spune Noica, fiinele care ar avea intelectul divin, archetypus, cum zice Kant, nu ar fi creatoare. Iar aici este o bun ntlnire ntre Blaga i Kant, o ntlnire n care se vede bine tot ce e pozitiv n ngrdire. Kant spunea, episodic: este bine c suntem fiine mrginite, pentru c, dac am pricepe totul dintr-o dat, n-am avea tiin. Este bine c nu avem o contiin moral desvrit, n sensul intuirii legilor comunitii; tocmai fiindc ne dm legile noastre avem o etic. ngrdirea devine ceva pozitiv, ca o afirmaie uman; ea aduce cunoatere, comportare etic, creaie, cultur. Totul ine de ngrdire i atunci iat cum, cu o a doua cheie, sistemul lui Blaga, din negativ, din aparent misticizant, din iraionalist, devine expresia raiunii nsei, cu o raionalitate extins pn la minuscunoatere, pn la integrarea negativului, pn la conversiunea metafizic.14 ntreaga metafizic a sistemului su, pentru a ne exprima precum Ion Mihai Popescu, este un imn nchinat omului ca fiin creatoare, care venic i depete condiia de creator. Pentru c Lucian Blaga nu concepe existena creatoare a omului n lume dect prin complementul su necesar: datoria creaiei.15 Omul nu devine

om, argumenteaz Blaga, dect ncercnd s-i reveleze misterul, adic crendu-i propria cultur. Alt scop mai nobil n via nu are. Chiar i atunci cnd ncearc s se dezlipeasc de via, de istorie, i s se mntuiasc, s triasc n absolut, chiar i atunci creeaz cultur. Cci filosofiile, religiile, misticile umane, orict de absolut ar fi experiena care le precede, sunt i ele creaii culturale, adic au caracter metaforic, i particip la o matc stilistic. Destinul omului, ca fiin ntemeietoare de valori, l apropie de Dumnezeu. n bun tradiie romantic (la Schelling, bunoar, care considera geniul filosofic identic cu intelectul arhetipic sau spiritul divin), Blaga l plaseaz pe om pe acelai plan ontologic cu Marele Anonim16. Prin efortul su creator, prin istoria fie ea o ofensiv mereu zdrnicit pe care o las n urma sa, omul devine un demiurg, egalul n planul creaiei al Marelui X. Blaga are dreptate, considerndu-l astfel pe om, n favoarea unor asemenea afirmaii depunnd mrturie nsui divinul Platon, pentru care omul (ca i
Angela Botez), Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1996, p. 247 16 Emil Cioran, n Cartea amgirilor, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1991, la p. 137, merge chiar mai departe, afirmnd: ntia condiie a libertii noastre: eliberarea de Dumnezeu; nu putem crea nimic fiind creaturi. Pn acum n-am fcut dect s compromitem opera creaiei. Ah! dac-am putea-o distruge! i pe ruinele ei, s-nlm, ca i creatori, paradisul terestru, al doilea paradis, nfrngnd pcatul i durerea i moartea. Lumea care s-ar nate i care ar exista numai prin noi nine...

14 15

Ibidem, p. 175-183 Ion Mihai Popescu, Patima ntru metafizic, n vol. Dimensiunea metafizic a operei lui Lucian Blaga (introducere, comentarii i antologare

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cosmosul, de altfel) nu este dect asemnare, icoan a Zeului. Bibliografie selectiv: 1. Bncil, Vasile, Lucian Blaga, energie romneasc, Editura Marineasa, Timioara, 1995 2. Blaga, Lucian, Censura transcendent, n Opere, vol. 8 (Trilogia cunoaterii), Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1983 3. Blaga, Lucian, Diferenialele divine, n Opere, vol.11 (Trilogia cosmologica), Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1988 4. Cioran, Emil, Cartea amgirilor, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1991 5. Despre cdere n limba noastr, din vol. Cuvnt mpreun despre rostirea romneasc, Editura Eminescu, Bucureti, 1987 6. Noica, Constantin, Simple introduceri la buntatea timpului nostru, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1992, 7. Platon, Timaios, n Opere, vol.VII, Editura tiinific, Bucureti,1993 8. Popescu, I.M., Patima ntru metafizic, n Revista Romn, 6-78, 1992 9. Popescu, Ion Mihai, Patima ntru metafizic, n vol. Dimensiunea metafizic a Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1996

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Pour une sociologie et une philosohpie des valeurs Dans la vision du philosophe roumain Lucian Blaga, Lhomme, lgale de Dieu Lecteur.dr. Ion MUNTEANU Universit de Craiova
office@ionmunteanu.eu

Abstract : Man, as a creative being of feelings and ideas, has become a inexhaustible source of inspiration for the many works of the great thinkers. Lucian Blaga are among those who have tried to capture the human role and its place in the universe and its relationship with the august of reality and reality itself master, the Grand Anonymous. So, this article seeks to highlight the tragism of the full mystery and revelation existence of man, in Lucina Blaga conception, the one who continuous longs in vain to a primary order of which is not part and whose creative destiny brings him closer to God. Key words: man, the Grand Anonymous, transcendent censure, values

Quels sont la place et le rle de lhomme, dans cette histoire infiniment mutile , quest lhistoire de lexistence ? Lhomme, nous dit Lucien Blaga, comme tous les tres complexes du monde, reprsente autant dintgrations et dorganisations de diffrentielles divines htrognes et homognes. Ressemblant toutes les autres cratures, lhomme est un tre dont lunit formative intgre le plus grand nombre de diffrentielles htrognes, parmi lesquelles il y a quelques unes presque nuclaires comme origine. Le Dmiurge de 163

Platon procdait de la mme manire, quand il sagissait de lhomme. Dans le dialogue Timaios, la cration de lhomme comprend des lments mlangs. Les ingrdients de la cration (cest dire lexistence , lidentique et le diffrent ) ne sont pas ceux utiliss dans lacte de conception des dieux, car ils ntaient pas les mmes et aussi purs, mais seulement du deuxime et troisime rang de puret .1 Grce au Grand Anonyme, (principe de fondation du monde, chez Lucian Blaga), lhomme, seul dans tout lunivers, est un tre dont lunit formative restera toujours la mme, car il a atteint la limite suprieure de son intgration, le plafond , pralablement et depuis toujours tabli, des intgrations cosmiques. Quoique pour tous les tres de lunivers il y a encore un disponible de diffrentielles, dorigine plus nuclaire, laide desquelles devient possible une nouvelle intgration, pour lhomme il ny a plus un tel disponible de diffrentielles encore plus nuclaires que celles intgres dj dans son tre. Ce nest pas parce que de telles diffrentielles nuclaires ne sont pas possibles, mais parce que le Grand Anonyme, de manire prventive,
Platon, Timaios, n Opere, vol.VII, Bucureti, Editura tiinific, 1993, p.155
1

sarrte de crer des diffrentielles vraiment nuclaires. Lhomme est le seul tre de lUnivers qui, dans les procs dintgration, a puis toutes les diffrentielles htrognes existantes et est arriv prcisment jusquau point o commence la rgion des diffrentielles absentes.2 Lhomme est ltre qui, par sa manire dontologique et son destin (existence dans lhorizon du mystre et pour la rvlation), se trouve sur une position avance, partir de laquelle il est possible de commencer des dangers dbordants pour le Grand Anonyme. Aucun autre tre, pralablement admis sintgrer et sorganiser des diffrentielles divines, ne possde un dsir cach de se substituer au Grand Anonyme, ou des vellits autarchiques tellement accentues que lhomme, car aucun autre tre nest aussi plnier en termes ontologiques. Face au danger presque dbordant des possibilits tout a fait spciales, qui commencent pousser dans ltre humain, le Grand Anonyme se protge en prenant des mesures prventives : 1. Par censure transcendante, contre la capacit cognitive de lhomme, et par freinage transcendent, contre la capacit de rvlation de lhomme. 2. Par la conversion transcendante des limites stylistiques imposes la capacit de rvlation de lhomme ; par leur conversion en valeurs positives de la conscience humaine. Parlons, bref, de chacune son tour: le Grand Anonyme, ce principe mtaphysique vivant, majestueux, ce matre auguste de la
2

ralit et la ralit elle mme, comme le caractrise Vasile Bncil, est celui qui a dtermin la crature et lui a donn une certaine connaissance, ni plus ni moins quil avait lintention de lui en donner ! 3 De nouveau, le crateur de Blaga ressemble, dans ses manifestations, au Dieu de Plotin : nous savons seulement autant quil nous a permis de connatre. Ainsi, explique Blaga, le Grand Anonyme se protge lui mme et tous les mystres naissant de lui, en interposant entre ceux-ci et la connaissance individue un rseau de facteurs isolateurs, intitul censure transcendante. La connaissance individue, dans toutes ses formes, est, par elle mme, transcendentalement censure , dfinitivement et irrvocablement censure. Censure par le Grand Anonyme, qui protge les mystres existentiels pour ne pas tre dcouverts par quelquun autre que lui mme.4 Blaga dcrit le rapport susmentionn en termes de conflit militaire, de lutte dure entre le crateur et la crature, entre le principe absolu et la connaissance individue. Pour se protger contre lagresseur, le Mystre Existentiel Central labore une vraie stratgie: se barricade derrire la censure transcendante, avec les mystres existentiels drivs. Ceux-ci ne se protgent directement contre lagression de la connaissance individue et se contentent de laisser
Vasile Bncil, Lucian Blaga, energie romneasc, Editura Marineasa, Timioara, 1995, p. 51 4 Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent, n Opere, vol. 8, (Trilogia cunoaterii), Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1983, p. 452.
3

Ibidem, p. 182-183

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ce souci au centre qui, de toute faon, a pris des mesures de sret et protection divine, pour lternit. Il a imprim pour toujours la censure transcendante dans la structure de la connaissance individue, en empchant laccs labsolu de la ralit et en loignant des dangers ontologiques inconcevables. La censure transcendante, dit, en termes particulirement plastiques, Vasile Bncil, est le chimre habill en vtements de crmonie dans la mtaphysique de Lucian Blaga. Qui ne se mfie de rien pour accomplir la volont exprime une fois pour toujours du Grand Anonyme. Qui construit de telle manire notre conscience pour connatre et ne pas connatre... Sous son rgne, nos vrits sont des masques de la vrit absolue, sont autant dapologies des mystres existentiels , qui restent seulement dune certaine manire des vrits 5 ... La thorie de Lucian Blaga sur la censure transcendante peut tre la justification philosophique (et, pourquoi pas, son adaptation, son prolongement) du mythe de la connaissance comme pch. Elle est la rplique donne au mythe dun paradis idyllique, sur la vracit du Grand Anonyme, ses bonnes intentions vis--vis de la crature. Blaga nous dit que la thorie de la censure transcendante est un contre mythe plus convenable au paradis tragique o lon vit, en combattant ainsi toutes les thories mtaphysiques sappuyant sur la prmisse tacite ou dclare de la vracit du Grand Anonyme. La
5

thorie soutenant que Dieu ne peut pas nous tromper, dit le philosophe roumain, reconnue gnralement par les mtaphysiciens, est une fiction, qui na mme pas la qualit dtre profonde. Lanalyse faite par Blaga la thorie soutenant que Dieu ne peut pas nous tromper rappelle la critique des romantiques allemands, particulirement celle de Nietzsche, de la religion: Nous rpudions, plus que toute autre thorie, la caractrisation de la divinit par des attributs conventionnels. Si lon ne se rendait compte du fait quun tel prcepte est irralisable, on le transcrirait ainsi: Dieu doit tre surveill ! Pour le rendre pratique, limitons le prcepte ainsi: Dieu doit tre surveille selon les possibilits, au moins indirectement et de lextrieur. On comprenait alors que Dieu a pour nous et parmi les plans surveills une tactique, mais pas une morale. Le mythe de la vracit divine nexplique pas du tout cette trange tactique . Sil sagissait de traduire la tactique divine en termes de morale , il faudrait dire que Dieu nous trompe et se soustrait nous de faon mthodique, - parce que ce quil nous rvle de manire positive est dissimul, et ce quil nous rvle sans dissimuler, il le fait de manire presque ngative . Mais sur la tactique divine il ne faudrait pas parler en termes de morale humaine. 6 Blaga nous dit que, applique la connaissance individue, la censure transcendante a un caractre totalitaire et prventif. Pas toute connaissance individue suppose un
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent, op. cit., p. 482
6

Vasile Bncil, op.cit., p. 52

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danger mtaphysique, mais seulement certaines connaissances. Mais la censure transcendante sapplique la connaissance individue en entier, de manire structurale; parce quune structure, qui facilitait laccs la transcendance de manire absolue, ouvrirait la porte, eo ipso, vers les vrits mtaphysiques dangereuses. Il ne faut pas imaginer la censure comme une barrire contre toute vrit absolue, parce que tout vrit absolue contenait des dangers mtaphysiques. La censure est suffisamment justifie mme si lon admet quelle est applique de faon prventive toute la connaissance individue, pour couper laccs certaines connaissances, cest dire celles dangereuses du point de vue mtaphysique.7 Le mythe mtaphysique du Grand Anonyme, trait dans la Censure transcendante et dvelopp dans les Diffrentielles divines, dit Ion Mihai Popescu, est le jointoiement mythique et mtaphysique du Grand Tout dans le labyrinthe de la connaissance, o le fil dAriane personnifie ltre existentiel, qui, grce aux freines intercales entre le Grand X et lui mme, acquiert, dans la connaissance individue, des connaissances sres mais limites. Cest ce Grand X ontologique, gnosologique, axiologique et, gnralement, mtaphysique, que Lucian Blaga dcouvre, de manire mythique et mtaphysique, des attributs en mme temps divins et dmoniques.8 Cest vrai, la nature du rapport dtermin qui existe entre le Grand
7 8

Anonyme et la connaissance individue nous oblige a reconnatre les attributs brutaux , qui semblent dmoniaques, du facteur originaire chez Blaga. Blaga, lui mme, souligne ce fait. Le Grand Anonyme a sem en nous la tendance irrvocable vers la vrit, mais, par la censure transcendante, il nous la refuse constamment. Nous sommes, sans doute, dirigs vers et, sans doute, on nous interdit, la mme chose. Cette antinomie, au del de la rvlation de la tension suprme et troublante qui rgne sur la vie de lhomme, reprsente une modalit de comprendre la nature brutale, dmoniaque, du Grand Anonyme.9 Certaines mythologies antiques parlent aussi de barrires et punitions lies a certaines connaissances, mais, ici, lhomme a, quand mme, la possibilit de sapproprier les vrits interdites. En change, le mythe biblique du pommier paradisiaque nous prsente la situation du couple primordial drastiquement sanctionn pour avoir commis le pch de vouloir connatre. De faon similaire, dans la philosophie de Blaga, par la censure transcendante on ninterdit pas certaines connaissances, mais la connaissance entire, positive, nondiscriminatrice. Par un insondable souci pour lquilibre et le progrs existentiel, dit Lucian Blaga, le Grand Anonyme prend des mesures svres de prvention et limination des dangers mtaphysiques, en sarrangeant de ne pas tre connu, que tout au plus de manire dissimule ou comme mystre inexorable. Et les raisons
Lucian Blaga, Censura transcendent, ed.cit, p. 542
9

Ibidem, p. 487-488 I.M.Popescu, Patima ntru metafizic, n Revista Romn, 6-7-8, 1992

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relles pour lesquelles il prend ces mesures de protection resteront incomprhensibles pour la raison humaine, car le Grand Anonyme, comme sujet cognitif, est tout fait autrement que rationnel. Car si le Grand Anonyme tait rationnel, alors il aurait interdit lhomme de ltre aussi. Par consquence, du fait que lhomme est rationnel on peut pas dduire que le Grand Anonyme est, comme existence, comme nature, quelque chose a comprendre jusqu lpuisement de faon rationnelle. Au contraire, du fait que lhomme est rationnel, on peut dduire une seule chose quant la nature du Grand Anonyme, cest dire : quil transcende catgoriquement les possibilits de le connatre par la raison.10 Plotin et Dionisie PseudoAreopagitul parlaient dans les mmes termes sur Dieu: comme transcendant du monde, il ne peut pas tre compris dans les concepts avec lesquels opre la raison humaine. Sur lui, on ne peut mme pas dire quil soit infini, car, daprs lauteur gnostique de LApocalypse de Jean , considrer Dieu infini signifie rester au del de lui, car il reprsente plus que a. Face au mme danger quest pour lui ltre humain, le Grand Anonyme bloque de faon transcendante, stylistique, mme les actes de rvlation de lhomme. Blaga nous confie que, sur le plan mtaphysique, les catgories abyssales de lesprit humain sont autant de freines qui rendent impossible la conversion correcte des mystres. Les catgories abyssales regardes dans lconomie vaste de lexistence cosmique ont la
10

Ibidem, p. 500-501

signification dun blocage prventif du dsir et des possibilits sur le chemin desquels lhomme sest engag. En fin, une autre mesure prventive particulire que le Grand Anonyme prend est la conversion transcendante des limites stylistiques imposes la capacit rvlatrice de lhomme, par leur conversion en valeurs positives de la conscience humaine. Incessant, crit Blaga, par sa structure mme, lhomme tombe au pige de sillusionner que le style o il cre, o il sorganise comme tre historique, serait un complexe de valeurs positives, quand, en ralit, les coordonnes stylistiques sont des simples limites imposes lhomme par un ordre pralable et suprieur. Daprs Blaga, lhistoire est, dans lordre mtaphysique et des finalits de lexistence en gnral, cette faon de vivre et de crer de lhomme comme tre dangereux pour le Grand Anonyme, et sa permanente rejection de la part du Grand Anonyme par les dispositions prventives, quil a tabli une fois pour toujours. Lhistoire, comme une srie infinie de magnifiques inventions et de mmorables faits humains, nat incessamment dune sorte doffensive de lhomme dans les zones rserves au Grand Anonyme, et par le blocage abyssal perptuel de cette offensive, blocage dcid depuis toujours. Chaque fois lhomme semble avoir trouv un nouvel passage, son offensive est bloque par un cordon isolateur (les catgories stylistiques). Le destin de lhomme est de vivre sans cesse dans cette offensive toujours enfreinte par ses propres moyens (stylistiques). 167

Lhistoire reprsente par chacun de ses moments cette existence de grandes intentions, qui se casse en elle mme, car les seuls moyens de ralisation qui sont a sa disposition tournent incessamment contre elle. Lhistoire na pas un but, un terminus, vers lequel elle tend et qui sera quelque part dans son futur. Lhistoire nat comme une mutation ontologique dans lunivers et ne finira quavec lhomme, sera et restera histoire complte, chacun de ses moments.11 Ces mots de Lucian Blaga ont une signification profonde. Porteur de potentiel dangereux pour le Grand Anonyme, lhomme est marginalis exprs et sa connaissance et ses possibilits rvlatrices sont limites jusqu un certain niveau. Lhomme est un tre tomb, qui rve sans cesse et en vain un ordre dont il ne fait pas partie. Ce nest pas une chute biblique, survenue aprs avoir dsobi une rgle divine, quoique ce soit possible que Blaga ait envisag le mythe de la chasse du paradis, pour construire son propre mythe. Le mythe de la chute mtaphysique de lhomme dun ordre primordial, imagin par Blaga, fait de sa philosophie une imposante instance de la culture, tout fait trange la chute de la condition paradisiaque. Le tragique de la narration mythique prsente par le philosophe roumain ne rsulte pas de la raison ou des circonstances de la chute de lhomme, mais de ses essais en vain et ses efforts toujours censurs de connatre la vrit suprme et de se confondre
Lucian Blaga, Diferenialele divine, n Opere, vol.11 (Trilogia cosmologica), Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1988, p.179180
11

avec elle. Cest pourquoi Constantin Noica dit, en quelques pages mmorables, que la philosophie de Lucian Blaga nest pas une mtaphysique des cieux, mais de la terre. Cest lhistoire de lhomme et de son sublime effort sisyphique, ininterrompu et inutile, de sapprocher au mystre du Grand Anonyme. La mtaphysique du penseur de Cluj est lune des plus courageuses et belles philosophies de la terre, parues lpoque moderne. 12 Constantin Noica dmontre que Blaga a construit toute sa philosophie sur la conscience de la chute13, qui donne une dimension mtaphysique a chaque oeuvre de Blaga. Dans Eonul dogmatic, loeuvre de dbut de la premire trilogie, apparat lide de lintellect enstatique, rest dans la logique habituelle, oppos lintellect extatique, qui essaye de sen sortir, de trouver lordre qui est au dessus, telle quelle apparat dans la thorie de la plus-connaissance et de la moinsconnaissance. En admettant la dogme pas comme un corpus dides assures, mais comme mthode, Blaga nous invite ne plus parler des causes des choses, nous demander non pas pourquoi?, mais pourquoi pas? pourquoi pas un autre systme daxiomes, pourquoi pas cette dogme,
Constantin Noica, Simple introduceri la buntatea timpului nostru, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1992, p. 174 13 En Despre cdere n limba noastr, du vol. Cuvnt mpreun despre rostirea romneasca, , Bucureti, ed. Eminescu, 1987, p.128-131, Constantin Noica dmontre que, parfois, lhomme peut tomber en haut (tomber amoureux, tomber dessus, tomber sur ). Et alors, tomber signifie non seulement trouver, arriver, mais aussi devenir
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pourquoi pas cette idologie? Ce pourquoi pas ?, dit Noica, permet une libert du jeu celui qui nest pas dans la condition paradisiaque, seulement a celui qui est tomb. Dautant plus claire est la conscience de la chute dans son deuxime oeuvre, La connaissance lucifrienne, continue Noica.Quest ce que cest Lucifer que lange tomb? La condition de Lucifer est la condition o se trouve notre connaissance tombe, davoir devant les yeux un objet avec une partie ouverte et une autre cache, davoir devant les yeux le fanique, ce qui apparat daprs Blaga et le cryptique. Le cryptique nest pas donn celui qui se trouve dans lordre, mais justement celui qui ne lest pas, qui y est tomb. Et si cette conscience de la chute est discutable dans les premires deux oeuvres, Noica nous assure quelle est frappante dans la Censure transcendante. Le Grand Anonyme freine tout tre, donc non seulement lhomme, pour maintenir sa centralit. En installant la censure transcendante, le Grand Anonyme nous jette dans un monde tomb et priphrique. En Horizon et style, sont prsents les lments de notre limitation stylistique et Lespace mioritique (Mioria ballade populaire roumaine), la deuxime oeuvre de la Trilogie de la culture, dmontre combien daccomplissement et de positif il y a dans la limitation. Lespace mioritique est le livre de notre chute, la chute roumaine. Mais do est-ce quon est tombs? Se demande Noica de manire rhtorique. On est tombe en haut , ltre roumain est tombe en haut dans la vision de Blaga, dans 169

Lespace mioritique. Et dans la dernire oeuvre de la Trilogie de la culture, La gense de la mtaphore et le sens de la culture, le mtaphysique se retrouve partout:le style, la matrice stylistique, les catgories abyssales, toutes nos limitations sont en mme temps une freine et une source cratrice. Dans la Trilogie de la connaissance, le philosophe de Cluj parle pour la premire fois de ltablissement mtaphysique de lhomme comme existence pour le mystre et la rvlation. Blaga annonce toujours ici la mtaphysique de la moins-connaissance. Dans son grand oeuvre, les Diffrentielles divines, le sommet de toute la cration de Blaga, comme lapprcie lcrivain mme, le penseur sest rapport lexistence en son entier, car jusquici Blaga stait occup seulement de quelques aspects fragments de celle ci, de la connaissance, de la culture et de ses inventions, aussi que des valeurs. Noica identifie deux moments-cl de la mtaphysique de Lucian Blaga dans les Diffrentielles divines : la moins-connaissance, valorise en sens positif, et lambivalence de la limitation. La moins-connaissance est linstrument dinvestigation, l o lon peut lire que la raison de leffet, o lon peut voir que ses traces. Daprs ses traces on lit quand mme ce quest ltre anonyme qui nous a tous rpudis sa priphrie. Dans les Diffrentielles divines il apparat clairement ce qui a fait que le terme divin incommode les gens de lglise. Blaga ne se mfie de dire que le Grand Anonyme na pas toutes les perfections. Il a de la jalousie , ne veut pas tre mis en danger, veut

garder son centralisme. Il nest mme pas comme Yahv, qui tait jaloux sur son peuple, mais, au moins, il aimait un peuple. Le Grand Anonyme naime personne, il a peur de tous. Et dans lEtre historique, Blaga nous dit que le Grand Anonyme semble regretter nous avoir tous jets a la priphrie, il nous a permis alors davoir accs lhistoire ou de crer, par les intgrations des Diffrentielles divines : de crer lhistoire, pour avoir accs, autant que son centralisme le permet, sa ralit. Voil, donc, les deux grands idaux des philosophes romantiques allemands : lhumanit et lhistoire, qui mritent toute lattention de la philosophie. Pendant que chez les romantiques allemands, la divinit est dtrne ( Dieu est mort ), chez Blaga le Grand Anonyme est retir dans son monde, indiffrent aux espoirs et aux checs de lhomme. Cest pourquoi la philosophie de Blaga nest pas une mtaphysique des cieux, mais de la terre, de ltre mondain qui, par la cration des valeurs, se crent toujours lhumanit et lhistoire. Notre limitation est justement ce qui nous rend crateurs, - et, dans la vision de Blaga, le Grand Anonyme ne nous a pas rpudie seulement pour garder sa centralit, mais pour ne pas tre menac, dans son identit de facteur mtaphysique, il nous a jet parmi des limites pour nous rendre crateurs aussi. Noublions pas que, dans Art et valeur, Blaga nous dit que ceux que nous appelons valeurs reprsentent, en fait des conversions mtaphysique. Lhomme ne peut pas saisir lordre, il est tomb en elle, mais ses valeurs, la vrit, le bien, le beau sont le substitut de lordre quil 170

nobtient pas, sont ses rponses, son imagination et sa faon de faire entrer en ordre, comme il peut, lesprit tomb. Les anges ne sont pas des crateurs, dit Noica, les tres qui auraient lintellect divin, archetypus daprs Kant, ne sont pas crateurs. Et ici, Blaga rencontre Kant, une rencontre o lon voit bien ce quil y a de positif dans la limitation. Kant disait, parfois : cest bien que nous sommes des tres limits, car si lon comprenait tout dun coup on aurait plus de science. Cest bien quon na pas une conscience morale acheve, au sens de lintuition des lois de la communaut, cest justement parce que ce sont les lois faites par nous mmes que nous avons une thique. La limitation devient positive, comme une affirmation humaine ; elle apporte de la connaissance, comportement thique, cration et culture. Tout est li la limitation et, alors, voil comment, avec une deuxime clef, le systme de Blaga, du ngatif, apparemment mystique, irrationnel, devient lexpression mme, avec une rationalit tendue jusqu la moinsconnaissance, jusqu lintgration du ngatif, jusqu la conversion mtaphysique. 14 Toute la mtaphysique de son systme , pour citer Ion Mihai Popescu, est un hymne adress lhomme comme tre crateur, qui dpasse toujours sa condition. Parce que Lucian Blaga ne peut concevoir lexistence cratrice de lhomme au monde que par son complment ncessaire : le devoir de la cration.15
14 15

Ibidem, p. 175-183 Ion Mihai Popescu, Patima intru metafizica, in vol Dimensiunea metafizica a operei lui Lucian Blaga (introducere,

Lhomme ne devient pas homme quen essayant a rvler son mystre, cest dire en crant sa propre culture. Il na pas dautre but plus noble que celui ci. Mme quand il veut se dtacher a la vie, a lhistoire, et se sauver , vivre dans labsolu , mme alors il cre de la culture. Car les philosophies, les religions, le mystique humain sont eux aussi des crations culturelles, ont un caractre mtaphorique et participent une souche stylistique. Le destin de lhomme comme tre crateur de valeurs lapproche a Dieu. En bonne tradition romantique (chez Schelling, par exemple, qui considrait le gnie philosophique identique lintellect archtypique) Blaga place lhomme sur le mme plan ontologique avec le Grand Anonyme.16 Par son effort crateur, par son histoire soit-elle offensive, toujours en vain quil laisse aprs lui, lhomme devient un dmiurge, lgale du Grand X en ce qui concerne la cration. Blaga a raison de considrer lhomme ainsi, en faveur de ses affirmations tmoignant mme
comentarii si antologare Angela Botez), Bucuresti, editura Stiintifica, 1996,p.247. 16 Emil Cioran, en Cartea amgirilor, Bucuresti, Ed, Humanitas, 1991, la page 137, va encore plus loin, en affirmant La premire condition de notre libert : notre dlivrance de Dieu, on ne peut crer si lon est des cratures. Jusqua prsent on na rien fait que de compromettre loeuvre de la cration. Ah ! Si on pouvait la dtruire ! Et, sur ses ruines, levons comme des crateurs, le paradis terrestre, le deuxime paradis, en vainquant le pch, la douleur et la mort. Le monde qui natra et qui existera seulement pour nous mmes...

le divin Platon , pour lequel lhomme (tout comme lunivers) nest que similitude , icne du Dieu. Bibliographie selective : 1. Bncil, Vasile, Lucian Blaga, energie romneasc, Editura Marineasa, Timioara, 1995 2. Blaga, Lucian, Censura transcendent, n Opere, vol. 8 (Trilogia cunoaterii), Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1983 3. Blaga, Lucian, Diferenialele divine, n Opere, vol.11 (Trilogia cosmologica), Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1988 4. Cioran, Emil, Cartea amgirilor, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1991 5. Despre cdere n limba noastr, din vol. Cuvnt mpreun despre rostirea romneasc, Editura Eminescu, Bucureti, 1987 6. Noica, Constantin, Simple introduceri la buntatea timpului nostru, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1992, 7. Platon, Timaios, n Opere, vol.VII, Editura tiinific, Bucureti,1993 8. Popescu, I.M., Patima ntru metafizic, n Revista Romn, 6-78, 1992 9. Popescu, Ion Mihai, Patima ntru metafizic, n vol. Dimensiunea metafizic a Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1996

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Libertatea religioas i regimul juridic al cultelor. ansele i limitele unei dezbateri social-teologice n Romnia la nceputul secolului al XX-lea
Lect.dr. Anca Parmena OLIMID Universitatea din Craiova
parmena2002@yahoo.com

Rezumat: Articolul i propune s decripteze analitic modul prin care clerul ortodox i catolic a nsoit procesul de modernizare a Romniei, s prezinte curentele de idei ce au definit atitudinal preoimea n ceea ce s-a numit lupta pentru idealul naional i unirea romnilor ntr-un singur stat. n toate aceste dezbateri, libertatea religioas i regimul cultelor au reflectat capacitatea acestora de a se adapta la noile cerine ale dezvoltrii moderne a Romniei. Cuvinte cheie: libertate religioas, regim juridic, stat, biseric, Constituie

Formarea Romniei moderne i desvrirea idealului naional s-a reflectat i n capacitatea clerului ortodox i catolic de a polariza n rndurile sale slujitori care i-au dedicat ntreaga activitate mplinirii acestui ideal. Reprezentanii clerului Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne au oferit ndiferent de moment un suport spiritual constant n desfurarea evenimentelor legate de Revoluia de la 1848, Unirea Principatelor i alegerea ca domn a lui Alexandru Ioan Cuza, rzboiul de independen 1877-1878, micrile rneti din 1907 i primul rzboi mondial, 19161918. Pe parcursul secolului al XIXlea, principiul modern al separrii bisericii de stat nu cunoate n Romnia forme agresive. De altfel,

tolerana i libertatea religioas au constituit premisele constituirii Bisericii Ortodoxe ca o instituie de stat. De-a lungul istoriei poporului romn, Biserica Ortodox Romn a fost pstrtoarea tradiiilor religioase, organizatoare a vieii morale i etnice a naiunii romne i a patrimoniului, denumit n dese rnduri Biseric naional1. Mitropoliii vremii nelegeau rolul bisericii n pstrarea spiritului naional i n ntreaga viaa cultural2. O lucrare de referin, aprut n 1904, Biserica Ortodox i Cultele Streine din Regatul Romn, meniona c Totdeauna n cursul vremurilor, de cnd exist viaa de stat la Romni, Biserica Ortodox a fost biserica naional i de stat. Evoluiile religioase i economice de la jumtatea secolului al XIX-lea i nceputul secolului al XX-lea au deschis o bre n edificiul tradiional al raporturilor dintre stat, societate i individ. n aceste condiii, catolicismul a trebuit s fac fa unui proces istoric ce se va perpetua pe tot parcursul secolului al XIX-lea avnd la origine un ansamblu de schimbri
Pompiliu Nicolau, Misiunea Bisericii noastre naionale n lucrarea Arhiereului Irineu Mihlcescu i Emilian Vasilescu, Aprarea credinei, Editura Cugetarea, Bucureti, 1941, p.197 2 Manuela Gheorghe, Religie i schimbare social n Romnia, Editura Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004, p. 89
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ce au generat o nou concepie asupra politicii i religiei, i prin urmare, au marcat i evoluia relaiilor dintre autoritatea public i instituiile confesionale. Aceast ultim chestiune a privit n mod exclusiv domeniul politic i a neglijat tocmai ceea ce era specific religios, i anume credina, cu toate consecinele ei asupra existenei i comportamentul credincioilor. Legtura strns ntre Biseric i naiune existent n cadrul Bisericii Ortodoxe este fundamentat pe principiul care confer Bisericii orodoxe caracterul de Biseric naional, adic fiecare naiune, chiar dac nu este constituit ntr-un stat independent i are: o limb naional ca limb de cult condus de sinodul su, Biserica sa cu un cler naional, o Patriarhie ecumenic i relaii impuse de canoane3. Consacrnd vechile tradiii de nelegere i de deplin solidaritate ntre Biseric i Stat, Constituia de la 1866 a asigurat Bisericii Ortodoxe situaia de Biseric dominant a statului romn. Dup lungi dezbateri, s-a ajuns la aceast formul constituional: Biserica ortodox romn fiind religia marii majoriti a Romnilor este Biserica dominant n statul romn4. Doctrina Bisericii Ortodoxe privitoare la relaia sa cu statul exclude posibilitatea unui conflict provocat de Biseric. De fapt, n evoluia Bisericii ortodoxenu
Irineu (Mitropolitul Moldovei i Sucevei), Teologia lupttoare, Editura Cugetarea-Georgescu Delafras, Bucureti, 1941, p. 210 4 Lazr Iacob, Stat i Biseric n Ortodoxia, volumul I, Tipografia Crilor Bisericeti, Bucureti, 1942, p.108
3

regsim conflicte majore care s fi fost provocate de biseric, deoarece relaiile sale dezvoltate cu statul sunt circumscrise situaiei din imperiul bizantin, adic Biseric de stat. Contribuia clerului ortodox romn la meninearea i intensificarea contiinei naionale este ilustrat de introducerea limbii romne n biseric. Exista o limb cretin romneasc vorbit care a contribuit la meninerea unei limbi romne proprii i unitare, deoarece coninutul textelor bisericeti circula oral i cptase o vie armonie sonor5. Folsosirea limbii romne n Biseric nu a fcut obiectul unei reforme de ordin religios sau teologic, ci a fost mai degrab o cerin de ordin naional, o revoluie de ordin spiritual a Ortodoxiei din acea perioad. Paralel cu msurile luate n plan intern, n planul extern se va desfura o vie activitate pentru meninerea caracterului canonic al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne i dobndirea caracterului su autocefalic. La 3 decembrie 1864, este adoptat Decretul organic pentru nfiinarea unei autoriti sinodale centrale. n articolul 2 se prevedea formarea unui sinod general al Bisericii Romne, format din mitropolii i episcopi eparhioi, din
S. Stniloaie, Ion Ionescu, Mircea Pcurariu, Cincizeci de ani de la Unirea Transilvaniei cu Romnia. Contribuia clerului romn la luptele poporului romn pentru libertate naional i unitate n Biserica Ortodox Romn (Buletinul Oficial al Patriarhiei Romne), Anul LXXXVI, Nr. 11-12, noiembriedecembrie 1968, Editura Institutului Biblic i de misiune ortodox, Bucureti, p. 1292
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Arhiereii titulari romni, din decanii Facultilor de Teologie din Bucureti i Iai (inexsistente la acea vreme ns) i din cte trei deputai din trei deputai din fiecare eparhie, pentru trei sesiuni, alei de clerul de mir, dintre preoii de mir i laicii cu studii teologice. Sinodul iurma s fie prezidat de mitropolitul Ungrovlahiei, care ncepnd cu data de 11 iunie 1865 a primit titlul de primat al Romniei6. Decretul organic a fost completat cu dou noi regulamente: Regulamentul pentru alegerea membrilor Sinodului general al Bisericii Romne i Regulamentul interior al Sinodului general. Cele trei noi reglementri poart denumirea comun de Legea sinodal. n decembrie 1872, este aprobat Legea organic a Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne prin care s-au pus bazele Sfntului Sinod al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne menit s pstreze unitatea dogmatic i canonic cu Biserica ecumenic. Recunoaterea autocefaliei Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne a intensificat corespondena cu Patriarhia ecumenic de la Constantinopol. Dup rzboiul de independen, patriarhul ecumenic Ioachim III (1878-1884) a depus obiecii cu privire la Legea organic, dar mai ales la autocefalia Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, respingnd recunoaterea sa. La sfritul secolului al XIXlea schimbul de coresponden ntre Biserica Ortodox Romn i
Mircea Pcurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, vol. 3, Bucureti, Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Orrtodoxe Romne, 1981, p. 123
6

Patriarhia ecumenic nu s-a mbuntit. Exemple n acest sens sunt: scrisoarea patriarhal din 10 iulie 1882, raportul episcopului Melchisedec aprobat i semnat de Sfntul Sinod la 23 noiembrie 1882, i naintat Patriarhiei ecumenice, scrisoarea mitropolitului primat Calinic Miclescu, din 20 aprilie 1885, etc. La 25 aprilie 1885, patriarhul Ioachim IV i ali zece mitropolii au recunoscut autocefalia Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne datat: aprilie 1885. edinele Sfntului Sinod menionau c prin acest act, biserica noastr devine ntru totul egal tuturor celorlalte biserici, cci n fapt aceast este adevrata semnificaie a autocefaliei. Dac n cazul Bisericii Ortodoxe, putem vorbi de o legtur strns ntre Biseric i naiune, n cazul Bisericii Catolice, putem identifica mai degrab un caracter internaional sau supranaional ce i regsete explicaia n urmtoarele argumente: indiferent de loc sau perioad, serviciul religios se desfoar n limba latin; ierarhicorganizatoric, biserica catolic nu are un caracter naional pronunat. Evoluia Romniei moderne a avut loc pe parcursul a dou secole, ncepnd cu sfritul secolului al XVIII-lea i pn n a doua jumtate a secolul al XX-lea, o dat cu sfritul celui de-al doilea rzboi mondial, fiind marcat de cel puin dou eveninment majorek: prima etap marcheaz tranziia Principatelor Romne de la tradiia bizantinortodox de sorginte sud-est european la dinamismul inovator de sorginte vestic iar cea de-a doua etap marcheaz formarea Romniei

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moderne7. Momentul de separaie al celor dou perioade este delimitat de anii 1866 o dat cu adoptarea Constituiei i 1918 o dat cu sfritul primului rzboi mondial. n acest moment al discuiei este important s precizm c cea dinti dispoziie a Constituiei din 1866 este o norm comun att pentru cultul ortodox ct i pentru celelalte culte i anume garantarea libertii de contiin8. Prin intermediul acestei norme, statul romn garanta tuturor cultelor libertatea, atta timp ct exercitarea acestora nu aduce atingere ordinei publice i bunelor moravuri. Constituia stabilea n aceast ordine de idei modaliti de reglementare: o lege special pentru autoritatea sinodal central i pentru alegerea mitropoliilor i episcopilor. Garantnd neatrnarea fa de orice chriarhie strin, pstrndu-i ns unitatea cu Biserica ecumenic a Rsritului, n privina dogmelor, Constituia asigura principiile de organizare intern a Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, prin nlturarea oricrui element strin de scopurile spirituale bisericeti. Totodat, Constituia din 1866 garanta deplina armonizare a colaborrii cu Biserica Ortodox a Rsritului. Teologul catolic Brunetire afirma c ntotdeauna catolicismul a conceput, a dezvoltat i promovat religia ca social9, vrnd prin aceasta
Keith Hitchins, Romnii 1866-1947, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1996, p. 1-2 8 D.A.N.I.C. (Direcia Arhivelor Naionale Istorice Centrale), Fond Ministerul Cultelor i Instruciunii Publice, dosar 234/1867, f. 35 9 Petre Vintilescu, Preotul i politica, Tipografia Artistica, Piteti, 1926, p. 9
7

s jutifice amestecul n cele lumeti al Bisericii catolice. O accepiune general i oficial, recunoscut i general acceptat nu s-a nchegat n cadrul catoliclismului dect trziu, fiind dupus influenei protestantismului. De aceea, n practic, clerul catolic este alturat protestantismului cretin-social n ceea ce privete interpretarea activitii politice a preotului10. Pn la primul rzboi mondial, n ntreaga literatur de specialitate, n afara de Biserica Ortodox, toate celelalte culte erau denumite culte strine, iar cultul romano-catolic era considerat a fi primul, nc de la primele meniuni legate de prezena misionarilor (clugri bendicteni) angajai n rspndirea cretinismului roman. Un secol mai trziu, apar primele dovezi ale prezenei cavalerilor teutoni (1211) n Moldova. Dup nvlirea ttarilor (1241), vom asista la apariia primelor forme de organizare a cultului romano-catolic: parohii catolice, la Trgovite (1300), Cmpulung (1320), o episcopie latin la Siret, apoi o alta la Baia (1420). Dac n cazul preoimii ortodoxe putem vorbi de o real implicare n viaa social a poporului romn, n cazul clerului catolic, trebuie s corelm evenimentele din plan intern cu evoluia de ansamblu a catolicismului n spaiul european, deoarece papalitatea a dezvoltat ntodeauna n relaiile cu popoarele o atitudine politic constant. n vechiul Regat, cultul catolic avea un numr redus comparativ cu populaia total a rii (circa 174.000 dup unele evaluri fcute n 1930) i era trecut
10

Ibidem, p. 11

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n rndul cultelor strine. Cultul catolic din Romnia fcea parte din teritoriile de misiune i se afla n sfera de influen a Congregaiei de Propaganda Fide11. n 1883, Papa a instituit pentru catolicii din Romnia o ierarhie proprie, prin numirea unui arhiepiscop la Bucureti i un episcop la Iai. Dac n cazul bisericii ortodoxe, doctrina teologic se poate concilia uor cu sistemul de drept, biserica romano-catolic vroia s fie considerat ca singura Biseric n stat, cu excluderea celorlalte culte. Chiar dac anii 1870 sunt marcai de ascensiunea doctrinelor socialiste, liberalismul va fi cel care va diviza catolicii. Catolicii intransigeni-reprezentani n Frana de Louis Veuillot, ziarul LUnivers, Monseniorul Pie, episcop de Poitiers, Dom Gueranger, abate de Solesmesau format un grup de influen n jurul papei ce dorea ca Biserica catolic s i recapete privilegiile de altdat12. Lor li se vor opune catolicii liberali care cer statului s adopte o neutralitate binevoitoare, cernd credincioilor romano-catolici s se mulumeasc cu libertatea comun13. Dup proclamarea doctrinei concepiei imaculate a Mariei, papa Pius al XIX-lea a observat naionalismul i liberalismul politic al vremii, ce nu convenea intereselor bisericii catolice. n aceste condiiii, sub presiunea mai multor episcopi, Pius al XIX-lea va lua poziie prin proclamarea a dou documente pe 8
11 12

Lazr Iacob, op. cit., p.108. Jean Comby, Lets Read the History of the Church, Vol. 2, Editura Arhiepiscopiei Romano-Catolice, Bucureti, 2001, p. 110 13 Ibidem, p. 111

decembrie 1864. n enciclica Quanta Cura, papa va condamna raionalismul (pus n discuie n special de filozofia lui Kant care afirma c nu putem ajunge la Dumnezeu cu ajutorul raiunii), galicanismul, socialismul i liberalismul. Papa va altura acestei enciclice un catalog Syllabus (Compendiu de greeli) care cuprinde optzeci de propoziii condamnate. n aceast lucrare, papa a condamnat formele noi de filozofie ca idealismul, cu tendina lui spre panteism, tolerana n religie, separarea bisericii de stat, socialismul, societile biblice, sistemul de coli seculare, afirmaia c papa nu are putere secular14. Sunt condamnate urmtoarele afirmaii: 55. Biserica trebuie s fie separat de stat i statul separat de Biseric. 77. n epoca noastr, nu mai este util ca religia catolic s fie considerat ca unica religie a statului, excluznd toate celelalte culte. 79. Este fals afirmaia conform creia libertatea civil a tuturor cultelor ca i deplina putere lsat tuturor de a-i manifesta deschis i public toate gndurile i toate opiniile conduc mai uor popoarele ctre coruperea moravurilor i a spiritului i ctre extinderea ciumei indiferentismului. 80. Pontiful roman poate i trebuie s accepte i s fac concesii progresului, liberalismului i civilizaiei moderne.
14

Earle E. Cairns, Christianity Through the Ages. A History of the Christian Church, Editura Dragostea lui Dumnezeu n aciune, Chiinu, 1992, p. 386

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n esen, Syllabus condamn libertatea contiinei i egala ndreptire a cultelor, pornind de la ideea coexistenei mai multor culte n stat, pentru a evita un ru mai mare. De altfel, n 1863, n Quanto conficiamur, continuare la Quanto cura, a proclamat concepia unam sanctum, adic fiecare credincios se poate mntui doar n cadrul bisericii romano-catolice. Dac n cadrul bisericii ortodoxe, clerul nu urmrea o superioritate fade stat i nu lupta nici mpotriva libertii de contiin, clerul catolic din Romnia nu va constitui un corp independent, ci va fi o parte constitutiv integrant a Bisericii Universale sub jurisdicia capului suprem-Papa, care nu este i nici nu poate fi supus unei alte autoriti lumeti. La 18 iulie 1870, a fost proclamat constituia Pastor Aeternus cu 533 voturi pentru i 2 contra care coninea, n principal, afirmarea ntietii pontificale: Proclamm i declarm c Biserica roman are, asupra tuturor celorlalte, din porunca Domnului, un primat de putere ordinar, i c aceast putere de jursdicie a Pontifului roman, ntr-adevr episcopal, este imediat...Aceast putere a Suveranului Pontif nu mpiedic n nici un fel puterea de juriscie epsicopal ordinar i imediat.... Esena hotrrii votate de conciliu a fost c atunci cnd papa vorbete ex cathedra, n calitate de conductor al bisericii pe pmnt, n legtur fie cu credina, fie cu morala, orice declar este considerat a fi infailibil i trebuie s fie acceptat de credincioi ca dogm de crezut,

pentru a putea primi mntuirea pe pmnt. n practica teologic, doctrina va accentua ntietatea papei n ierarhia bisericii catolice i va face ca viitoarele concilii s nu mai fie necesare, deoarece el este acum autoritatea final n ceea ce privete credina i morala. Un vicariat apostolic este menionat la Bacu ncepnd cu anul 1580. La 27 aprilie 1883, prin scrisoarea apostolic Praecipuum munus, a ridicat Vicariatul Apostolic al Valahiei la rangul de Arhiepiscopie, cu reedina la Bucureti. Pe lng Arhidieceza catolic Bucureti (cu 34 biserici urbane i 52 rurale, 40 preoi i 70.089 credincioi), la Iai va lua fiin o alt diecez catolic cu 4 decanate care nsumau 19 biserici urbane i 277 rurale, cu 47 preoi i 75.624 credincioi15. nfiinarea Arhiepiscopiei a fost solicitat de guvernul romn, tratativele fiind purtate de Ion Blceanu, ministrul romn la Viena. Primul titular al Arhiediecezei a fost numit Iganatie Paoli din Congregaia Pasionitilor, care n anul 1870 era i episcop de Nicopole i Administrator Apostolic al Valahiei. Printre realizrile desosebite ale acestui arhiepiscop trebuie menionat i ncoronarea primului rege al Romniei, Carol I, n anul 1881. Dup moartea sa, al doilea arhiepiscop de Bucureti a fost numit Paul Iosif Palma, tot din Congregaia Pasionitilor, numit de Papa Lon al XIII-lea la 19 mai 1885. ncepnd cu anul 1892, arhidieceza a fost condus
15

Manuela Gheorghe, Religie i schimbare social n Romnia, Editura Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004, p. 94

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de Vicarul General P. Basilius Laureri, numit de Sfntul Scaun n calitate de Administrator Apostolic. La 14 ianuarie 1884, Papa Leon al XIII-lea l-a numit Arhiepiscop de Bucureti pe Otto Zardetti care a ctigat n scurt timp simpatia Regelui Carol I i a personalitilor din Bucureti. Dup demisia sa din anul 1895, Papa l numete pentru puin timp ca Administrator al Arhiediecezei pe episcopul de Iai pe Dominique Jaquet. La 31 martie 1896, Arhiepiscop de Bucureti va fi numit Francisc Xaveriu de Hornstein cu o important contribuie n domeniul reorganizrii nvmntului catolic, prin construcia a 11 coli n Bucureti. Dup o scurt vacan a Scaunului Episcopal, Arhidieceza de Bucureti va fi condus de Vicarul Capitular Joseph Baud, iar la 16 septembrie 1905, pe Raymond Netzhammer, clugr benedictin, pe atunci canonic onorar de Bucureti i rector al Colegiului Grecesc din Roma, care a nfiinat o coal elementar i un gimnaziu, a pus bazele Societii Catolicilor din Bucureti, a construit pentru credincioii greco-catolici o biseric Sfntul Vasile. Un aspect important al activitii sale arhiepiscopale l reprezint studiile importante n domeniul arheologiei cretine. Aadar, nu se poate vorbi despre libertatea religioas i regimul juridic al cultelor fr a vedea care sunt punctele care apropie i cele care separ principalele culte (ortodoxismul i catolicismul) din perspectiva devenit tradiional pentru unitatea Bisericii: unitatea mrturisirii de credin, unitatea cultului i unitatea canonic. 178

Bibliografie selectiv: 1. Cairns, Earle E., Cretinismul dea lungul secolelor. O istorie a bisericii cretine, Chiinu, Editura Dragostea lui Dumnezeu n aciune, 1992 2. Comby, Jean, S citim Istoria Bisericii, Vol. 2, Bucureti, Editura Arhiepiscopiei RomanoCatolice, 2001 3. Gheorghe, Manuela, Religie i schimbare social n Romnia, Editura Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004 4. Gheorghe, Manuela, Religie i schimbare social n Romnia, Iai, Editura Fundaiei AXIS, 2004 5. Hitchin, Keith s, Romnii 18661947, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1996 6. Iacob, Lazr, Stat i Biseric n Ortodoxia, volumul I, Tipografia Crilor Bisericeti, Bucureti, 1942 7. Irineu (Mitropolitul Moldovei i Sucevei), Teologia lupttoare, Bucureti, Editura CugetareaGeorgescu Delafras, 1941 8. Nicolau, Pompiliu, Misiunea Bisericii noastre naionale n lucrarea Arhiereului Irineu Mihlcescu i Emilian Vasilescu, Aprarea credinei, Bucureti, Editura Cugetarea, 1941 9. Pcurariu, Mircea, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, vol.3, Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Orrtodoxe Romne, Bucureti,1981 10. Stniloaie S., Ionescu Ion, Pcurariu Mircea; Cincizeci de ani de la Unirea Transilvaniei cu Romnia. Contribuia clerului

romn la luptele poporului romn pentru libertate naional i unitate n Biserica Ortodox Romn (Buletinul Oficial al Patriarhiei Romne), Anul LXXXVI, Nr. 11-12, noiembriedecembrie 1968, Bucureti, Editura Institutului Biblic i de misiune ortodox

11. Vintilescu, Petre, Preotul i politica, Tipografia Artistica, Piteti, 1926 12. *** D.A.N.I.C. (Direcia Arhivelor Naionale Istorice Centrale), Fond Ministerul Cultelor i Instruciunii Publice, dosar 234/1867, f. 35

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The religious liberty and the legal status of the cults. The opportunities and the limits of a social-theological debate in Romania in the beginning of the XXth century
Lect.univ.dr. Anca Parmena OLIMID University of Craiova
parmena2002@yahoo.com

Abstract: The article intends to analytically decrypt the way in which the orthodox and catholic clergy have accompanied the modernisation process of Romania, to present the ideological currents which have defined the attitude of the priests in what was called the fight for the national ideal and the unification of the Romanians in a single state. In all these debates, the religious freedom and the status of the cults have reflected their capacity to adapt to the new requirements of modern development of Romania. Key words: religious freedom, legal status, state, church, Constitution

The formation of modern Romania and the attainment of the national ideal have also been reflected in the capacity of the Orthodox and Catholic clergy to attract subjects who have dedicated their entire work to attaining this ideal. The representatives of the clergy of the Romanian Orthodox Church have always offered a constant spiritual support in the development of the events relating to the Revolution of 1848, the Unification of the Principalities and the election as Lord of Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the war of Independence of 1877-1878, the peasant rebellions of 1907 and the First World War, 1916-1918.

During the XIXth century, the modern principle of the separation of the church from the state does not take aggressive forms in Romania. Also, the religious tolerance and freedom have been the basis of the formation of the Orthodox Church as a state institution. Along the history of the Romanian people, the Romanian Orthodox Church has been the keeper of the religious traditions, the organiser of the moral and ethnic life of the Romanian nation and of its heritage, often being called the National Church1. The Metropolitans of that time understood the role of the church in the maintaining of the national spirit and in the entire cultural life2. An important work, published in 1904, The Orthodox Church and the Foreign Cults of the Romanian Kingdom, noted that Always in the course of time, since there is the state life of the Romanians, the Orthodox Church has been a national Church and the Church of the state.

Pompiliu Nicolau, Misiunea Bisericii noastre naionale n lucrarea Arhiereului Irineu Mihlcescu i Emilian Vasilescu, Aprarea credinei, Editura Cugetarea, Bucureti, 1941, p.197 2 Manuela Gheorghe, Religie i schimbare social n Romnia, Editura Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004, p. 89

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The religious and economic evolution in the middle of the XIXth century and the beginning of the XXth have opened a door in the traditional structure of the rapports between state, society and individual. In these conditions, the Catholicism had to go through a historical process that would last all throughout the XIXth century, originating in an ensemble of changes that gave way to a new perception of politics and religion, and consequently also influenced the evolution of the relationship between the public authority and the institutions of faith. The second matter exclusively concerned the field of politics and neglected what was specifically religious, meaning faith, with all of its consequences on the lives and behaviour of the believers. The tight bond between the Church and the nation, present within the Orthodox Church, is based on the principle that gave the Orthodox Church the character of national Church, meaning that every nation, even if it is not united into an independent state, has: a national language as cult language ruled by its synod, its Church with a national clergy, an Ecumenical Patriarchy and relationships imposed by the canons3. Establishing the ancient tradition of understanding and complete solidarity between the Church and the State, The Constitution of 1866 gave the Orthodox Church the position of dominant Church in the Romanian state. After long debates, the
Irineu (The Metropolitan of Moldova and Suceava), The Fighting Theology, Bucharest, Editura Cugetarea-Georgescu Delafras, 1941, p. 210
3

following Constitutional formula has been established: The Romanian Orthodox Church being the religion of the majority of the Romanian people is the dominant Church of the Romanian state4. The Doctrine of the Orthodox Church concerning its relationship with the state excludes the possibility of a conflict caused by the Church. Actually, in the evolution of the Orthodox Church one does not find any major conflicts caused by the Church, because its relationship with the state is circumscribed to its situation in the Byzantine Empire, that is of State Church. The contribution of the Romanian orthodox clergy to the maintaining and intensifying of the national conscience is illustrated by the inclusion of the Romanian language into the Church. There was a spoken Romanian Christian language which contributed to the maintaining of a personal and unitary Romanian language, because the content of the religious texts was circulating orally and had acquired a vivid sonor harmony5. The use of the Romanian language in the church has not been subjected to any religious or
Lazr Iacob, Stat i Biseric n Ortodoxia, volumul I, Tipografia Crilor Bisericeti, Bucureti, 1942, p. 108 5 S. Stniloaie, Ion Ionescu, Mircea Pcurariu, Cincizeci de ani de la Unirea Transilvaniei cu Romnia. Contribuia clerului romn la luptele poporului romn pentru libertate naional i unitate n Biserica Ortodox Romn (Buletinul Oficial al Patriarhiei Romne), Anul LXXXVI, Nr. 11-12, noiembriedecembrie 1968, Editura Institutului Biblic i de misiune ortodox, Bucureti, p. 1292
4

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theological reform, but was mostly a national wish, a spiritual revolution of the Orthodoxy of that time. In parallel with the internal measures, externally a lively activity was taking place for the maintenance of the canonical nature of the Romanian Orthodox Church and its acquiring of an autocephalous nature. On 3 December 1864, the organic Decree is given for the foundation of a central synodic authority. In article 2 it was stated that the formation of a general synod of the Romanian Church, comprised of metropolitans and eparchial bishops, of the titular Romanian Archpriests, of the deans of the Faculties of Theology of Bucharest and Iai (which didnt exist at the time) and three representatives of every eparchy, for three sessions, chosen by the secular clergy, among the secular priests and the laics with theological studies. The Synod was going to be ruled by the Metropolitan of Ungrovlahia, who, since 11 June 1865, received the title of Patriarch of Romania6. The organic Decree was completed with two new regulations: The Regulation for the election of the members of the general Synod of the Romanian Church and The Interior Regulation of the general Synod. The three new regulations bear the common name of The Synodic Law. In December 1872, the Organic Law of the Romanian Orthodox Church is given, founding the Holy Synod of the Romanian Orthodox Church,
Mircea Pcurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, vol.3, Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Orrtodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 1981, p. 123
6

meant to maintain the dogmatic and canonical unity with the ecumenical Church. The recognising of the autocephaly of the Romanian Orthodox Church intensified the correspondence with the ecumenical Patriarchy of Constantinople. Following the war of Independence, the ecumenical patriarch Ioachim III (1878-1884) raised objections concerning the Organic Law, but especially the autocephaly of the Romanian Orthodox Church, rejecting the act of recognising it. At the end of the XIXth century, the correspondence between the Romanian Orthodox Church and the ecumenical Patriarchy did not improve. Examples of this are: the patriarchal letter of 10 July 1882, the report of the bishop Melchisedec, approved and signed by the Holy Synod on 23 November 1882, and given to the ecumenical Patriarchy, the letter of the patriarch Calinic Miclescu, of 20 April 1885, etc. On 25 April 1885, the patriarch Ioachim IV and ten other metropolitans recognised the autocephaly of the Romanian Orthodox Church, dated: April 1885. The sessions of the Holy Synod mentioned that through this document our church became equal to the other churches, because in fact this is the true meaning of the autocephaly. If in the case of the Orthodox Church one can speak of a tight connection between Church and nation, when it comes to the Catholic Church, one can identify an international and super-national character which can be explained by the following: no matter the time or place, the religious service was taking 182

place in Latin; from a hierarchic and organisational point of view the Catholic church does not have a pronounced national character. The evolution of modern Romania took place during two centuries, starting with the XVIIIth century, until the second half of the XXth century, after the end of the Second World War, being marked by at least two major events: the first step marks the transition of the Romanian Principalities from the orthodox-byzantine tradition of a South-East European origin to the innovative dynamism of Western origin, and the second step marks the formation of modern Romania7. The moment of separation of the two periods is delimited by the years 1866, with the passing of the Constitution, and 1918, with the end of the First World War. At this point of the discussion, it is important to mention that the first ruling of the Constitution of 1866 is a common norm for the Orthodox cult and for the other cults: the insuring of the freedom of conscience8. Through this norm, the Romanian state was giving every cult the freedom, as long as practicing those cults did not prejudice the public order and the moral. In this sense, the Constitution established manners of ruling: a special law for the central synodic authority and for the election of the metropolitans and the bishops.
Keith Hitchins, Romnii 1866-1947, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1996, p. 1-2 8 D.A.N.I.C. (Direcia Arhivelor Naionale Istorice Centrale), Fond Ministerul Cultelor i Instruciunii Publice, dosar 234/1867, f. 35
7

Guaranteeing the independence from any foreign hierarchy, but maintaining the unity with the ecumenical Church of the East, concerning the dogma, the Constitution ensured the principles of internal organising of the Romanian Orthodox Church, by eliminating any element that had nothing to do with the spiritual purposes of the Church. At the same time, the Constitution of 1866 insured the complete harmonization of the collaboration with the Eastern Orthodox Church. The catholic theologian Brunetire said that the Catholicism has always considered, developed and promoted religion as social9, thus trying to justify the involvement of the Catholic church in the laic affairs. A general and official opinion, recognised and generally accepted, has not taken shape within the Catholicism until much later, the Catholicism being under the influence of Protestantism. For this reason, in practice, the catholic clergy is near the Christian-social Protestantism in what concerns the interpretation of the political activity of the priest10. Until the First World War, in the entire speciality literature, apart from the Orthodox Church, all the other cults were called foreign cults, and the Roman-Catholic cult was considered the first, since the first mentions were connected to the presence of the missionaries (Benedictine Monks) working for the spreading of the Roman Christianity. A century later, the first evidence appears of the presence of
9

Petre Vintilescu, Preotul i politica, Tipografia Artistica, Piteti, 1926, p. 9 10 Ibidem, p. 11

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the Teutonic Knights (1211) in Moldova. After the Tatar invasion (1241), the first types of organisation of the Roman-Catholic cult appear: Catholic parishes, in Trgovite (1300), Cmpulung (1320), a Latin episcopate in Siret, another one in Baia (1420). If in the case of the Orthodox priests we can speak about an actual involvement in the social life of the Romanian people, in the case of the Catholic clergy we must correlate the internal events with the evolution of Catholicism in the European space, because the Papacy has always had a constant political attitude in its relationships with the people. In the old Kingdom, the Catholic faith had a small number of believers as compared to the total population of the country (about 174,000 after certain assessments made in 1930) and was considered a foreign cult. The Romanian Catholic cult was a part of the mission territories and was influenced by the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples11. In 1883, the Pope created for the Romanian Catholics their own hierarchy, by appointing an Archbishop in Bucharest and a Bishop in Iai. If the theological doctrine of the Orthodox Church could be easily reconciled with the legal system, the Roman-Catholic Church wanted to be the only Church of the state, excluding the other faiths. Even though the 1870s were marked by the ascent of the socialist doctrines, the liberalism will be the one to divide the Catholics. The intransigent Catholics represented in France by Louis Veuillot, the paper LUnivers, The Monsenior Pie,
11

bishop of Poitiers, Dom Gueranger, abbot of Solesmes formed around the Pope an influence group that wanted the Catholic Church to regain its past privileges12. They were opposed to the liberal Catholics, who asked that the state have a benevolent neutral attitude, asking the RomanCatholic believers to be content with the shared liberty13. After proclaiming the doctrine of Marys immaculate conception, the Pope Pius XIX noticed the nationalism and the political liberalism of the time, which didnt suit the interest of the Catholic Church. In these conditions, under the pressure of several bishops, Pius XIX took a stand by creating two documents on 8 December 1864. In the encyclical Quanta Cura, the Pope condemned the rationalism (brought up especially by Kants philosophy which said that we cant reach God through reason), the gallicanism, the socialism and the liberalism. The Pope attached to this encyclical a Syllabus catalogue (a Compendium of errors) comprising eighty condemned propositions. In this work, the pope condemned the new types of philosophy such as the idealism, with its tendency towards pantheism, the religious tolerance, the separation of the Church from the State, the socialism, the biblical societies, the system of secular schools, the opinion that the Pope

12

Lazr Iacob, op. cit., p.108

Jean Comby, Lets Read the History of the Church, Vol. 2, Editura Arhiepiscopiei Romano-Catolice, Bucureti, 2001, p. 110 13 Ibidem, p. 111.

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does not have secular14 power. The following assertions are condemned: 55. The Church must be separated from the State and the State must be separated from the Church. 77. In our times, it is no longer useful to consider the Catholic faith the only religion of the state, thus excluding every other cult. 79. It is considered false the assertion that the civil freedom of every cult, as well as the complete freedom of everybody to openly and publicly express their thoughts and opinions pushes the peoples towards moral and spiritual corruption and towards the spreading of the plague of indifferentism. 80. The Roman Pontiff can and must accept and concede to the progress, the liberalism and the modern civilisation. In essence, the Syllabus condemned the freedom of conscience and the equal rights of the cults, having as a starting point the idea of the co-existence of several cults in the state for the avoidance of a greater evil. Also, in 1863, in Quanto conficiamur, a continuation to Quanto cura, he proclaimed the concept of unam sanctum, stating that every believer can only receive redemption inside the RomanCatholic Church. If within the Orthodox Church the clergy did not desire superiority in the state and did not fight against the freedom of conscience, the Romanian Catholic clergy would not be
14

Earle E. Cairns, Christianity Through the Ages. A History of the Christian Church, Editura Dragostea lui Dumnezeu n aciune, Chiinu, 1992, p. 386

considered an independent body, but would be an integral part of the Universal Church under the jurisdiction of the supreme ruler the Pope, who is not and cannot be subjected to any human authority. On 18 July 1870, the Pastor Aeternus constitution was passed, with 533 votes for and 2 against, containing, most importantly, the assertion of the papal supremacy: We proclaim and declare that the Roman Church has on every other church, from Gods will, a primacy of orderly power, and that this power of jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff, Episcopal in fact, is immediate... This power of the Sovereign Pontiff does not impede in any way the ordinary and immediate power of Episcopal jurisdiction... The essence of the decision voted by the Council is that when the Pope speaks ex cathedra, as the leader of the church on earth, in matters concerning religion or morale, anything he declares is considered infallible and must be accepted by the believers as a dogma, in order to receive redemption on earth. In the theological practice, the doctrine will accentuate the supremacy of the Pope in the hierarchy of the Catholic Church and will render any further council unnecessary, because he is now the final authority when it comes to faith and morale. An apostolic vicariate is mentioned in Bacu since 1580. On 27 April 1883, through the apostolic letter Praecipuum munus, he promoted the Apostolic Vicariate of Walachia to the rank of Archbishopry, with the residence in Bucharest. Apart from the Bucharest Catholic Archidiocese (with 34 urban and 52 rural churches, 40 priests and 185

70,089 believers), another Catholic diocese will be created in Iai with 4 deaneries encompassing 19 urban and 277 rural churches, with 47 priests and 75,624 believers15. The foundation of the Archbishopry has been requested by the Romanian Government, the negotiations being made by Ion Blceanu, the Romanian minister in Viena. The first titular of the Archidiocese was Iganatie Paoli of the Congregation of the Passionists, who in 1870 was also a Bishop of Nicopolis and Apostolic Administrator of Wallachia. Among the notable accomplishments of this archbishop we must mention the coronation of the first king of Romania, Carol I, in the year 1881. After his death, the second Archbishop of Bucharest was Paul Iosif Palma, also from the Congregation of the Passionists, appointed by the Pope Lon XIII on 19 May 1885. Since 1892, the Archidiocese was ruled by the General Vicar P. Basilius Laureri, appointed by the Holy See as Apostolic Administrator. On 14 January 1884, the Pope Leon XIII appointed as Archbishop of Bucharest Otto Zardetti, who in a short period won the sympathy of King Carol I and of the important people of Bucharest. After his resignation in 1895, the Pope appointed as Administrator of the Archidiocese, for a short period of time, the Bishop of Iai, Dominique Jaquet. On 31 March 1896, the Archbishop of Bucharest will be Francisc Xaveriu de
15

Hornstein, who had an important contribution to the reorganising of the Catholic education, by building 11 schools in Bucharest. After a short vacation of the Bishopry, the Archidiocese of Bucharest will be lead by the Vicar Capitular Joseph Baud, and on 16 September 1905, by Raymond Netzhammer, a Benedictine monk, who was at the time a honorary canonic of Bucharest and the rector of the Greek College of Rome, and who founded an elementary school and a gymnasium, established the Society of Catholics in Bucharest, built a Saint Vasile Church for the GreekCatholic believers. An important aspect of his activity as an Archbishop is represented by his studies in the field of Christian archaeology. Therefore, we cannot speak of religious freedom and the legal status of the cults without identifying the similarities and differences between the main cults (the Orthodoxy and the Catholicism) from the traditional perspective concerning the unity of the Church: the unity of the confession of faith, the unity of the cult and the canonical unity. References: 1. Cairns, Earle E., Cretinismul dea lungul secolelor. O istorie a bisericii cretine, Chiinu, Editura Dragostea lui Dumnezeu n aciune, 1992 2. Comby, Jean, S citim Istoria Bisericii, Vol. 2, Bucureti, Editura Arhiepiscopiei Romano-Catolice, 2001 3. Gheorghe, Manuela, Religie i schimbare social n Romnia, Editura Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004 186

Manuela Gheorghe, Religie i schimbare social n Romnia, Editura Fundaiei AXIS, Iai, 2004, p. 94

4. Gheorghe, Manuela, Religie i schimbare social n Romnia, Iai, Editura Fundaiei AXIS, 2004 5. Hitchin, Keith s, Romnii 18661947, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1996 6. Iacob, Lazr, Stat i Biseric n Ortodoxia, volumul I, Tipografia Crilor Bisericeti, Bucureti, 1942 7. Irineu (Mitropolitul Moldovei i Sucevei), Teologia lupttoare, Bucureti, Editura CugetareaGeorgescu Delafras, 1941 8. Nicolau, Pompiliu, Misiunea Bisericii noastre naionale n lucrarea Arhiereului Irineu Mihlcescu i Emilian Vasilescu, Aprarea credinei, Bucureti, Editura Cugetarea, 1941 9. Pcurariu, Mircea, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, vol.3, Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Orrtodoxe Romne, Bucureti,1981 10. Stniloaie S., Ionescu Ion, Pcurariu Mircea; Cincizeci de ani de la Unirea Transilvaniei cu Romnia. Contribuia clerului romn la luptele poporului romn pentru libertate naional i unitate n Biserica Ortodox Romn (Buletinul Oficial al Patriarhiei Romne), Anul LXXXVI, Nr. 11-12, noiembriedecembrie 1968, Bucureti, Editura Institutului Biblic i de misiune ortodox 11. Vintilescu, Petre, Preotul i politica, Tipografia Artistica, Piteti, 1926 12. *** D.A.N.I.C. (Direcia Arhivelor Naionale Istorice Centrale), Fond Ministerul Cultelor i Instruciunii Publice, dosar 234/1867, f. 35

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Mediul rural - spaiu social i economic de coabitare a dou sisteme de producie


Dr. Gabriel Pricin Universitatea din Craiova
gpricina@yahoo.com

Rezumat: Acest articol vizeaz analiza unor probleme din mediul rural afectat de o criz prelungit. Structura social i economic actual este distribuit n jurul a dou axe care fundamenteaz dou tipuri de societi. pe de o parte lumea tradiional, reprezentat de gospodriile rneti supuse agresiunii dinamicii moderne a globalizrii, persist nc n detrimentul intereselor economice ale membrilor, i cea antreprenorial, reprezentat de adepii modernizrii muncii n agricultur, orientat spre profit. Piaa agricol a devenit spaiul de confruntare public a productorilor, comercianilor, importatorilor i speculanilor. Direcia actual este nesatisfctoare prin prisma indicatorilor economici, iar coabitarea celor dou sisteme de producie, tradiional i modern, reprezint o particularitate a Romniei ca ar membr a U.E., favoriznd jocul speculativ n detrimentul economiei reale bazate pe competitivitate. Cuvinte cheie: gospodrie rneasc, antreprenoriat, mediul rural, economie, dezvoltare, piaa produselor agricole, piaa de gros, sisteme de producie

1. Gospodria rneasc unitate social reprezentativ pentru satul romnesc Mediul rural din Romnia se afl n prezent sub influena unor transformri profunde ale structurilor 188

economice i sociale, pe fondul modificrilor ample de natur legislativ i politic. Pe de o parte asistm la o dezvoltare a sectorului privat, care deine aproape n totalitate suprafeele de teren arabil i mijloacele de producie, iar pe de alt parte asistm la o structurare a sistemelor de exploatare agricole. Reformele legislative au consfinit dreptul la proprietate asupra pmnturilor pentru locuitorii mediului rural. Peste aceast realitate reformele economice au indus o stare de criz generalizat a micilor exploataii agricole i dificulti serioase pentru antreprenorii din agricultur. Noii proprietari de terenuri agricole s-au aflat n faa unor alegeri dificile care presupuneau cunotine de producere, comercializare i investiii n exploataiile agricole. Profitul a devenit o noiune nou, care a intrat n mentalul public cu nelesuri diferite. Pentru cei fr resurse profitul nseamn orice surs de venit care asigur supravieuirea gospodriei. Pentru cei care dein capaciti de investiii, profitul are semnificaia obinuit i definit economic. Spaiul social i economic rural este mprit aadar ntre dou categorii de productori: micii productori tributari unor sisteme tradiionale de producie, n care exploataia agricol i planificarea

activitii graviteaz n jurul gospodriei rneti tradiionale i antreprenorii din agricultur care utilizeaz, pe ct posibil, mijloace moderne de practicare a agriculturii. Cele dou sisteme convieuiesc i nu n puine cazuri avem de-a face cu suprapunerea celor dou sisteme de producie, avnd n vedere instituia arendei care a fost reluat n ultimii ani. n baza acesteia, antreprenorul ia n arend de la micii proprietari suprafee de teren agricol pentru a le exploata n schimbul unor sume de bani sau produse. Gospodria tradiional este caracterizat de unitatea dintre spaiul de locuit i o serie de activiti care erau practicate mpreun de toi membrii familiei. Acest sistem de producie, care se regsete n majoritatea satelor romneti i care se bazeaz pe nevoile grupului familial, era compensat de diverse forme asociative care mbrcau un caracter social i cultural preponderent n raport cu interesul economic. Aceste forme asociative aveau drept funcie principal asigurarea coeziunii grupului social, iar ca rezultat principal solidaritatea ntre grupurile familiale. Productivitatea acestor exploataii familiale se baza n mare msur pe nevoile familiei i pe numrul de membri aflai n ntreinere. Reformele care au influenat mediul rural de-a lungul timpului, precum i viaa rnimii romneti, au impus o serie de modificri ale relaiilor de producie n gospodriile rneti. Cunotinele despre meninerea i exploatarea unei gospodrii agricole se transmiteau pe cale oral, din generaie n generaie odat cu obiceiurile i tradiiile locale. 189

Efectele cooperativizrii i rentoarcerea la proprietatea privat au produso categorie de rani lipsii de suportul cultural al prinilor, de cunotinele practicrii unei agriculturi de calitate, incapabili s i nsueasc noi metode de practicare a agriculturii. Managementul micilor exploataii agricole a fost inexistent expunndu-i pe acetia diferiilor intermediari care au beneficiat de profituri uriae n comparaie cu micii productori. Aa se explic i beneficiile uriae ce revin intermediarilor n raport cu productorii care se menin cu greu pe linia de plutire. n ncercarea de a gsi soluii de meninere n funcie a exploataiilor agricole au aprut soluii hibride precum activitatea combinat a membrilor familiei n industrie i agricultur. Veniturile realizate din activiti remunerate n alte sectoare de activitate au fost convertite n fonduri pentru compensarea lipsei de lichiditi a micilor gospodrii agricole ceea ce a permis compensarea pierderilor rezultate dintr-o pia ostil acestui tip de agricultur. O alt soluie este cea a revenirii n comunitile natale ale celor care n perioada de masiv industrializare au prsit satul n cutarea unor condiii mai bune de trai. Pensiile sunt reinvestite n agricultur, n ncercarea de meninere exploatailor agricole i nu pentru realizarea de profit. O mare parte dintre cei implicai n acest tip de agricultur ateapt timpuri mai bune, considernd c n anumite perioade se va reui obinerea profitului ntr-o astfel de gospodrie. Implicaiile unei astfel de agriculturi pentru economia naional,

n contextul actual, se regsete n producii sczute, preuri mari la produsele de baz, importuri masive i la preuri mari, care se regsesc n produsele prelucrate. Antreprenorii din agricultur reprezint o categorie aflat n perioada de formare. Asumarea riscurilor presupuse de investiia n agricultur este mai ridicat tocmai n regiunile n care observm i o dezvoltare peste medie a celorlalte sectoare de activitate. Regiunile care sunt definite printr-o ruralitate ridicat sunt populate de persoane cu o aversiune ridicat la risc, iar popularitatea antreprenorilor este sczut. Paradoxul unei astfel de stri de fapt se regsete n apariia n aceste zone, n special regiunea SudVest- Oltenia, a unei categorii de intermediari, deintori de mijloace de producie, care presteaz servicii ctre micii proprietari de pmnt, propagndu-se pe mai departe o form de dependen a acestora de preurile impuse de prestatori. Puterea de negociere i libertatea de micare pe piaa produselor alimentare este redus n cazul proprietarilor care i epuizeaz o mare parte din resurse pentru achitarea serviciilor de care au beneficiat i care impun preurile prin monopol sau nelegeri de tip cartel. Dependena agricultorilor de piaa liber este relevat de organizarea actual a sistemului economic care nu sprijin micii agricultori ci i face dependeni de micarea pieei. Unul dintre efectele nedorite ale acestei involuii este creterea populaiei neremunerate din mediul rural, apariia i creterea ponderii unei categorii de persoane apte de munc a crei principal activitate este aceea de a lucra pentru 190

asigurarea hranei zilnice. Pentru cei aflai ntr-o situaie oarecum avantajoas, beneficiind de extraresurse provenite din munca n afara gospodriei rneti, apar o serie de probleme care le depesc puterea actual: integrarea pe piaa produselor agricole. n cele mai multe cazuri aceasta se reduce la cantiti mici de produse, provenite din grdinrit, pe pieele agro-alimentare ale oraelor. Producia de cereale nu poate fi vndut dect n sistemul creat i iniiat de intermediari n care singurii pgubii sunt productorii. 2. Piaa produselor agricole din Romnia Piaa este mijlocul de reglementare a cererii i ofertei. Meninerea acestei relaii n echilibru aduce profit pentru toi juctorii de pe piaa respectiv. n cazul Romniei piaa produselor agricole nu s-a dezvoltat dup anul 1989 n direcia unei funcionri echilibrate, existnd o serie de participani care au obinut avantaje din disfuncionalitile manifestate. Cei care au avut de pierdut datorit capacitii reduse de a interveni pe pia au fost productorii. Intermediarii au reuit s i impun interesele pe piaa produselor agricole manevrnd n permanen n achiziionarea produselor din import sau de la productorii autohtoni. Alternarea furnizorilor, sau achiziionarea de produse n cantiti mai mici dect cele oferite de un productor a permis impunerea unei politici de preuri care s convin intermediarilor. Rezultatul a fost excluderea micilor productori de pe piaa agricol.

Prevederile legislative menite reglementrii pieei produselor agricole au fost sortite eecului fie datorit apariiei tardive, fie erorilor strategice de implementare a acestor reglementri. Pentru edificare punctm cteva caracteristici eseniale cu privire la funcionarea pieei de produse agro-alimentare: - obiectul pieei agricole l constituie schimburile de produse agricole, iar cel al pieei agroindustriale l constituie schimburile de produse agricole transformate de industria de prelucrare - produsele agricole sunt, n majoritatea cazurilor, produse eterogene, adesea perisabile sau produsul unor transformri primare minime - produsele agroindustriale nglobeaz activiti secundare i teriare, pot fi stocate i conservate o anumit perioad de timp - piaa reprezint spaiul n care, n urma confruntrii cererii cu oferta, sunt validate caracteristicile de calitate i competitivitate ale produselor care fac obiectul schimburilor - circuitele tipice: 1. produsul este distribuit prin intermediul pieei de gros i n continuare industriei alimentare 2. direct pieei alimentare 3. prin intermediul pieei de detaliu direct consumatorilor - pieele care concur la transferul produselor agricole alimentare din stadiul de producie n stadiul de consum se grupeaz, n funcie de localizarea lor n sistemul agroalimentar: - pieele produselor de baz, la nivelul agriculturii 191

- pieele produselor agroalimentare, la nivelul industriei alimentare - pieele de consum, la nivelul gospodriilor - pieele internaionale, pentru fluxuri de export i import la nivel mondial1 Clasificarea pieelor destinate valorificrii muncii productorilor agricoli indic i particularitile acestora: perisabilitatea produselor reduce posibilitatea de negociere a primei verigi din lanul de desfacere, productorii fiind aflai n permanen sub ameninarea deprecierii produselor proprii i sub presiunea renfiinrii unor noi culturi pentru reluarea ciclului agricol. Lipsa resurselor i a unui sprijin adecvat pentru cei aflai la originea pieei agricole i expune aciunilor speculative practicate de cei interpui ntre productori i utilizatorii finali. n lucrarea citat anterior sunt punctate i cteva dintre cele mai importante caracteristici ale pieei de gros din Romnia, un exemplu al eforturilor de organizare a cererii i ofertei. Astfel, prin HG nr. 624/1993 s-a reglementat nfiinarea Pieei de gros Bucureti, pe baza unui Memorandum convenit cu BERD, instituie care a finanat proiectul cu 25 milioane de dolari SUA. Proiectul a fost sprijinit i de firma de consultan AFC din Germania (Agriculture and Food Consultants International)2. Din desfurarea acestui proiect de nsemntate pentru agricultura romneasc spicuim
Mihai Nicolescu &alii, Manualul fermierilor pentru producia vegetal, Editura Universitaria, Craiova, 2007, p. 7 2 Idem, p. 8
1

cteva elemente care demonstreaz disfunciile existente pe piaa romneasc de profil: - piaa a intrat n funciune n 1993 sub forma unei societi pe aciuni (Piaa de Gros S.A.) - particip 15 acionari (14 persoane juridice din care trei bnci comerciale i o persoan fizic) - acionarul majoritar este AVAS prin Societatea de strategie pentru piaa de gros SRL - n structura acestei piee sunt cuprinse Piaa de gros central Bucureti i ase centre de colectare: Centrul de legume fructe Vidra (Ilfov) Centrul de colectare Movilia (Ialomia). Care a funcionat pn n anul 2000 Centrul de colectare Cuza-Vod (Clrai)- care nu funcioneaz n prezent Centrul de colectare Brezoaiele (Dmbovia) care funcioneaz parial Centrul de colectare Giurgiu, care funcioneaz parial Centrul de colectare Mihileti (Arge), care nu funcioneaz3 n urma derulrii activitii de organizare a pieei de gros au fost constate o serie de disfuncionaliti care impun o aciune coordonat pentru soluionare: - Piaa n general, inclusiv cea agricol evideniaz starea ansamblului economic naional. - Dup anul 1989, agricultura s-a nscris ntr-o direcie constant descendent. - Criza din agricultur a generat distorsiuni pe piaa agricol, cauzat de:
3

- Meninerea unor structuri de organizare i de producie care adncesc caracterul de subzisten al gospodriilor rneti -Disfuncionaliti n orientarea structurilor de producie n raport cu cererea pe piaa intern i extern - Lipsa condiiilor de prelucrare i valorificare a produselor agroalimentare -Transferul de valoare nou creat din agricultur spre alte sectoare pe seama preurilor artificial stabilite la inputurile agricole provenite din industriile din amonte (adevrate monopoluri de stat) - Slaba promovare a investiiilor strine n activiti de prelucrare a produselor agricole -Lipsa de stimulente pentru export -Situaie financiar dificil a industriilor din amonte i aval de agricultur, care are efecte propagate deosebit de grave asupra produciei agricole -Politica inadecvat de susinere financiar a blocajului financiar i a alocrii ineficiente a resurselo - Lipsa sistemului de credit rural Infrastructura material i 4 informaional rudimentar Printre direciile de mbuntire a activitii avansate de cei implicai, extrem de vagi, i fr proiecia n viitor a aciunilor care trebuie ntreprinse, menionm: - Creterea cantitativ i calitativ a produciei agricole vegetale i animale prin valorificarea potenialului productiv i promovarea unor sisteme de agricultur ecologic - Consolidarea i dezvoltarea sectorului privat prin promovarea unor programe de investiii
4

Ibidem, p. 9

Ibidem, p.11

192

- Dotarea tehnic a agriculturii, prin sprijinirea productorilor agricoli n cumprarea de tractoare, maini agricole, utilaje, echipamente, etc. - Dezvoltarea unei piee concureniale reale i stabile - Promovarea unui amplu program de dezvoltare rural n toate zonele rii - Crearea i modernizarea structurilor agricole - Atragerea capitalului strin n condiii avantajoase - Atingerea parametrilor minimali de performan n domeniul agroalimentar, la nivelul exigenelor i cerinelor integrrii n U.E. 5 Direciile de aciune sunt rezultatul identificrii lipsurilor existente, fr a se identifica i factorii care au iniiat un lan cauzal al falimentului agriculturii, cel puin n cazul pieei de gros, pstrndu-se un nivel general al analizei. Reformarea sistemelor de producie agricole sunt dependente de importana pe care productorii o capt n interior. Plasarea acestora pe orbita intereselor de grup i a aciunilor destabilizatoare prin care se obine profit din aciuni speculative i nu prin investiii n producie va avea ca rezultat meninerea preurilor de producie i desfacere la un nivel ridicat i de meninere a preurilor de achiziie de la productori la un nivel care nu permite implementarea de strategii specifice economiei de pia n vederea dezvoltrii reale a exploataiilor agricole. ntre ideile privitoare la dezvoltarea exploataiilor agricole i situaia real din teritoriu exist o mare discrepan, iar ideile cu privire
5

la ce ar trebui fcut nu sunt urmate de idei despre cum ar trebui fcut. Analizele n domeniu completeaz cele menionate anterior. ntr-un articol publicat n revista Geopolitica (aprut sub auspiciile Institutului de Sociologie al Academiei Romne) se face o analiz de profunzime a strii mediului rural romnesc evideniindu-se fragilitatea gospodriilor rneti n faa unei piee competitive: pentru o mai bun discriminare a gradului de dezvoltare a agriculturii n cele 41 de judee ale Romniei, am construit un indice sintetic n care au fost agregate datele privind gradul de cultivare al pmntului gradul de dezvoltare al sectorului zootehnic i productivitatea.6 Rezultatele aplicrii acestui indice au evideniat c doar 11 judee au o economie agricol relativ dezvoltat. Un numr de 8 judee se afl ntr-o poziie intermediar, din punct de vedere al acestei ierarhii, dar care n realitate se afl la un nivel de dezvoltare foarte sczut, n timp ce mai mult de jumtate dintre judee se afl sub pragul unei minime dezvoltri a sectorului agricol la nivel de gospodrie.7 Principiile de funcionare ale pieei actuale au ca rezultat meninerea a mai mult dintre judeele rii la un nivel de dezvoltare sczut n sectorul agricol. Modificarea acestei stri de lucruri depinde de intervenia extern, capacitatea de echilibrare n baza raportrii interne a cererii i ofertei avnd ca rezultat
Institutul de Sociologie al Academiei Romne, Geopolitica spaiului rural, Revista Geopolitica, nr. 1(5)/2005, an IV 7 Idem
6

Ibidem, p.12

193

relaionarea decalibrat a principalilor juctori. 3. Dezvoltarea antreprenorialului din mediul rural A doua categorie de productori agricoli, care coexist cu proprietarii micilor gospodrii agricole, este vorba de antreprenori, reprezint o categorie nou n peisajul rural romnesc. Dei reprezint un segment socio-profesional - definind patronatul din agricultur, acesta este eterogen din punct de vedere al compoziiei. O categorie este reprezentat de cei care investesc n agricultur n scopul obinerii produciei i ncearc utilizarea pe scar larg a metodelor moderne de producie, mecanizate i de trecere de la agricultura extensiv la cea intensiv. n plus, acest tip de antreprenori sunt cei care se orienteaz spre practicarea unor culturi n funcie de cererea de pe pia i care renun la culturile tradiionale (gru i porumb) n condiiile n care productivitatea altor culturi este superioar. Acest tip de productori dein capacitatea de a adopta tehnologiile solicitate de noi culturi. O a doua categorie de antreprenori este cea a intermediarilor din agricultur. Slbiciunile pieei agricole i lipsa reglementrilor legale au permis formarea unei categorii de patroni pe acest segment i dobndirea unei fore financiare deosebite pentru cei care speculeaz dificultile din agricultur. Apariia acestei categorii patronale nu are influene pozitive asupra mediului rural. Rezultatul este cel al creterii beneficiilor individuale 194

fr nici o influen asupra mediului economic local i naional. n plus, prezena n agricultur a acestor firme le face susceptibile de primirea subveniilor i bonificaiilor acordate de statul romn i instituiile internaionale pentru sprijinul productorilor agricoli, ceea ce i transform n fore mpovrtoare pentru bugetul de stat. Prezena pe piaa muncii din mediul rural este inexistent, iar scopul este cel al speculaiilor financiare aductoare de profit: Observm astfel c, creterea ponderii patronatului nu este acompaniat, aa cum ne ateptam, de sporirea muncii salariate (aceasta scade de la 55,6% la 32,7%, ntre 1991-1997). Patronatul nou aprut nu se implic nici n sporirea ntreprinderii moderne: ponderea forei de munc implicat aici, precum am vzut, a sczut spectaculos- de la 5,2% n 1991 la 0,8% n 1997. Lipsa unei legturi ntre creterea patronatului i o eventual cretere a muncii salariate la sate ar putea fi ns explicat prin observarea rolului pe care acest patronat i-l asum, cel mai probabil acela de intermediere ntre marfa de subzisten a gospodriei rneti i angrositii de la orae. Patronatul rural este integrat n economia monetar prin intermediul celor din urm. Banii se opresc n ca mai mare parte la acest patronat, iar o parte infim este returnat lucrtorului familial neremunerat, de unde i denumirea acestei categorii rurale.8

Ilie Bdescu, Structura social i clasa intermediarilor n mediul rural. Dictatura oligarhiei financiare i agricultura de

Acest tip de intermediari este destul de rspndit n satele romneti, ns poate fi apreciat ca prezent n baza conjuncturii actuale. n diferite proporii putem aprecia c exist mai multe tipuri de antreprenori care au un rol important n dezvoltarea mediului rural. Responsabilii sociali se afl n faa unei provocri majore: aceea de a favoriza prin prevederi legislative i faciliti economice pe cei care au un rol pozitiv n dezvoltarea comunitilor locale, n condiiile n care regulile pieei sunt respectate. Diferena dintre cei care investesc n mediul rural este dat de inteniile pe care le au fa de activitatea agricol, de investiiile efectuate n agricultur i de proiectele demarate, un rol important fiind cel al duratei acestor proiecte. Caracteristica principal a intermediarilor din agricultur este orientarea ctre profitul imediat, fr existena unui plan de afaceri sau de investiii. Cercetri anterioare au realizat o clasificare a tipului de antreprenori din Romnia. Antreprenorul total9 este cel care investete n producia agricol. Pentru aceasta folosete tehnologii moderne, investete n utilaje i culturi noi. Activitatea este proiectat pe termen lung i nu vizeaz profitul pe termen scurt. Al doilea tip este cel al antreprenorului potenial10, care cuprinde persoanele ce intenioneaz s investeasc ntr-o ntreprindere
subzisten (familial), Rev. Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999, p. 58 9 Dumitru Sandu, Cine sunt antreprenorii din agricultura de tranziie?, n revista Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999 10 Idem

agricol. Activitatea economic a acestor persoane este redus i depinde de hotrrea care urmeaz a fi adoptat. Antreprenorul speculativ11 este centrat pe vnzri. Acesta activeaz n mediul rural dar nu este dependent doar de producia agricol din zona de domiciliu. Numrul acestor persoane este destul de ridicat, iar activitile speculative din prezent sunt destul de numeroase n raport cu eforturile destinate produciei agricole. Alturi de aceste categorii n agricultura romneasc activeaz agricultorii de autoconsum care au un comportament propriu i nu particip la piaa de profil ca ageni economici ci doar sunt orientai spre autoconsum. Creterea numeric a unuia sau a altuia dintre aceste categorii deja sintetizate, depinde de cadrul economic i legal, care poate inhiba sau favoriza dezvoltarea categoriei antreprenorilor totali. Aceast categorie ar putea fi soluia ameliorrii crizei din mediul rural prin impactul pozitiv pe care l au asupra economiei locale i a locurilor de munc din comunitile rurale. Fora financiar acumulat de intermediarii agricoli se observ i din eecul managementului centrelor de gros care s-au dovedit incapabile s se integreze pe o pia care i-a dobndit ritmuri proprii de funcionare. Reiterarea ideii unor centre de gros fr intervenia n reglementarea pieei actuale va avea acelai destin ca i cea anterioar, ntruct nu lipsa unei piee a produselor agricole afecteaz mediul rural ci modul n care funcioneaz piaa deja existent.
11

Idem

195

Resursele utilizate pentru crearea unei piee sunt sortite eecului n lipsa unei culturi a economiei de pia europene. Trocul, schimburile n natur, producia pentru autoconsum reprezint elemente care nu fac parte din strategiile fermierilor europeni i nu sunt sprijinite de politicile economice destinate agriculturii. Planul naional de dezvoltare 2007-2013 evideniaz punctele slabe ale agriculturii romneti incapabil s asigure necesarul de produse pentru piaa intern. Soluia rezid n creterea importurilor. Conform acestui document,12 contribuia agriculturii n formarea produsului intern brut (PIB) i a valorii adugate brute (VAB) este n declin constant. O explicaie a acestui declin este dat de dinamica sporit a sectoarelor de activitate non-agricole. O alt explicaie rezult din scderea productivitii n agricultur datorat reformelor necompetitive implementate n acest sector de activitate. Balana importuri-exporturi este negativ, datorit scderii produciei agricole la o serie de produse, n special la produsele animale. Principalele produse importate au fost cele din carne, tutun , zahr, preparate alimentare, fructe, cereale (n anii cu secet), cafea i ceai, grsimi i uleiuri, conserve din legume i fructe13. Capacitatea de absorbie a forei de munc n sectorul agricol a devenit din ce n ce mai mic datorit dispariiei de pe piaa agricol a

Guvernul Romniei, Planul naional de dezvoltare 2007-2013, decembrie 2005 13 Ibidem, p. 172

12

principalilor angajatori: fostele IAS, GOSTAT i CAP. Odat cu scderea ocuprii forei de munc a aprut o nou categorie de populaie: aceea a lucrtorilor agricoli neremunerai. Fragmentarea suprafeelor agricole a dus la apariia a 4.462.221 mii de gospodrii individuale cu o suprafa medie de a exploataiei agricole de 1,73ha, din totalul de 4.484. 893 exploataii agricole14. Reformele economice i cele sociale impun efectuarea unei paralele ntre situaia de facto i principiile economiei de pia datorit unui mare segment de populaie proprietar pe mici suprafee de teren care nu deine mijloacele de producie modern i nici cunotinele manageriale necesare unei activiti profitabile. n concluzie, regiunile de dezvoltare din Romnia au fost supuse unei game variate de influene odat cu transformrile de natur politic i economic. Noile provocri au fost ridicate de dificultile ntmpinate de fiecare regiune, iar capacitatea de adaptare a fost diferit, n funcie de specificul fiecrei regiuni. O parte dintre regiuni, s-au adaptat prin exploatarea eficient a propriilor oportuniti i s-au integrat rapid pe un trend evolutiv. Alte regiuni au pendulat o perioad mai mare de timp ntre tendine conservatoare i reformele impuse de economia de pia, astfel c integrarea n curentul nnoitor s-a produs cu ntrziere. Dificultile astfel aprute au devenit la rndul lor obstacole n calea dezvoltrii. Acestea au contribuit la ntrzierea reformelor
14

Ibidem, p. 174

196

care ar fi putut menine la un nivel mai redus disparitile regionale. Experienele fiecrei regiuni de dezvoltare sunt diferite, dar generatoare de cunoatere pentru ameliorarea indicatorilor economici i sociali din regiunile rmase n urm. Aceast ierarhizare a regiunilor de dezvoltare este subordonat nevoii de analiz. Contextul internaional al pieelor agricole are un rol important care influeneaz piaa intern i nu poate fi exclus din analiz. Competitivitatea sczut a agricultorilor romni este datorat i contextului extern care prin libertatea circulaiei mrfurilor intervine direct n piaa intern. n prezent, evalum direcia pe care se nscriu trendurile regionale ale produciei agricole, ntruct productivitatea la nivelul fiecrei regiuni de dezvoltare se afl sub nivelul celor care activeaz n condiii similare din rile membre ale Uniunii Europene. Bibliografie selectiv: 1. Bdescu, Ilie, Structura social i clasa intermediarilor n mediul rural. Dictatura oligarhiei financiare i agricultura de subzisten (familial), Rev. Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999 2. Guvernul Romniei, Planul naional de dezvoltare 2007-2013, decembrie 2005 3. Institutul de Sociologie al Academiei Romne, Geopolitica spaiului rural, Revista Geopolitica, nr. 1(5)/2005, an IV 4. Sandu, Dumitru, Cine sunt antreprenorii din agricultura de tranziie?, n revista Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999 197

Rural areas - economic and social space of cohabitation of two systems of production
Ph.D. Gabriel PRICINA University of Craiova
gpricina@yahoo.com

Abstract: The present article aims to analyze problems in rural areas affected by a prolonged crisis. Current social and economic structure is distributed around two axes which underline two types of societies. On one hand the traditional world, represented by rural households subject to aggression of modern dynamics of globalization, remains still at the expense of economic interests of its members, and entrepreneurship, represented by advocates of modernization of agricultural work, oriented towards profit. Agricultural market became a public confrontation space of producers, traders, importers and speculators. Current path is unsatisfactory in terms of economic indicators and the cohabitation of the two production systems, traditional and modern, is a particular feature of Romania as a EU country, promoting the speculative game at the expense of realistic economy based on competitiveness. Key words: rural farm, entrepreneurship, rural economy, development, agricultural products market, wholesale markets, production systems.

Rural household representative social unit of the Romanian village Rural Romania is currently under the influence of profound transformation of economic and social structures, amid ample legislative and political changes. On one hand we 198

1.

witness a development of the private sector, which accounts for almost all areas of arable land and the means of production, and on the other hand we witness a structuring of all agricultural systems. Legislative reforms enshrined the right to ownership of land for rural residents. Beyond this fact, economic reforms have induced a state of generalized crisis of small farms and serious difficulties for entrepreneurs in agriculture. New owners of agricultural land have been faced with difficult choices involving the knowledge of manufacturing, trading and investment holdings. Profit has become a new notion, which entered the public mind with different meanings. For those without resources means any source of income to ensure survival of the household. For those who have investment capacity, the profit is common and economically defined. Rural economic and social space is divided accordingly between the two types of producers: small producers tributary to traditional production systems, in which farm and business planning revolves around traditional households and entrepreneurs in agriculture using, where possible, modern means of farming. The two systems coexist and not a few cases we are dealing with the overlap of the two production

systems, given the institution of lease which resumed in recent years. Under it, the entrepreneur takes on lease from small owners areas to exploit in exchange for money or goods. Traditional household is characterized by unity of living space and a series of activities that were practiced by all family members together. This production system, which is found in most Romanian villages and based on the needs of family group, was offset by various associative forms who wore a social and cultural interest mainly in relation to the economy. These forms were designed principally to help to social group cohesion and solidarity among family groups. The productivity of these family farms relied heavily on family needs and the number of dependent members. Reforms that have affected rural areas over time and the Romanian peasant life have led to a series of changes in production relations in rural households. Knowledge about the maintenance and operation of agricultural households is transmitted orally from generation to generation along with local customs and traditions. Effects cooperativization and return to private ownership have "produced" a family of peasants lacking the cultural support of parents, knowledge of quality farming practice, unable to acquire new methods of farming. Management of small farms was absent, giving various intermediaries the chance to receive huge profits compared to smaller producers. In an attempt to find solutions to maintain the function of the farm "hybrid" solutions occurred, a sort of 199

combination of the family working in industry and agriculture. Income from paid work in other fields has been converted into funds to offset the lack of liquidity of small farms which allowed compensation for losses resulting from such hostile agricultural market. Another solution is the return of the native communities that have left the village in search of better living conditions in the period of massive industrialization. Pensions are reinvested in agriculture, in an effort to maintain agricultural exploitations and not for making profit. Many of those involved in this type of agriculture expect "better times", considering that at certain times will be able to obtain profits in such a household. The implications of such agriculture to the national economy in the current context, are reflected in low yields, high commodity prices, massive imports and high prices, which are found in processed products. Entrepreneurs in agriculture are going through a period of formation. Implication in risk-taking investment in agriculture is very high in regions where we see above average growth and in other sectors. The regions that are defined by a high rurality are populated by persons with high risk aversion, and the popularity of entrepreneurs is at low rates. The paradox for such state of affairs is reflected in the appearance in these areas, particularly South-WestOltenia, of a class of intermediaries, owners of means of production, providing "services" to small landowners further shaping their dependency of prices charged by

providers. Bargaining power and freedom of movement to the food market is reduced for owners who cover most of the resources to pay for services received and prices by imposing a monopoly or cartel of "cartel". Dependence of farmers on the free market is revealed by the organization of the current economic system that does not support small farmers but it is dependent on market movements. One of the unintended effects of this devolution is unpaid rural population growth, development and increase of the share of a class of people of working age whose main activity is to work to ensure daily food. For people in a situation somewhat advantageous, with extra resources from outside the peasant work, a number of issues arise that exceed the current power: market integration of agricultural products. In most cases this is reduced to small quantities of products, from gardening, agro-food markets in cities. Cereal production can be sold only in the system created and initiated by intermediaries where the only losers are the producers. 2. Agricultural products market in Romania The market represents the means to regulate supply and demand. Keeping this relationship in balance makes it profitable for all players in the market. Romanian market has not developed after 1989 towards a balanced operation, a number of participants beneficiating from failures manifested. Those who had lost due to reduced capacity to intervene in the market were the producers. Intermediaries were able to 200

impose their interests on agricultural products market permanently managing import or purchase of products from local producers. Alternate suppliers, or purchase of products in smaller quantities than those offered by a manufacturer permitted to impose a pricing to suit intermediaries. The result was the exclusion of small producers of agricultural market. The laws and regulations intended for the market of agricultural products were bound to fail either due to late emergence or strategic errors in implementing these regulations. To build some key features of the functioning of agro-food market we emphasize on: Agricultural market is the subject of trade of agricultural products and the agro-industrial market is the trade of agricultural products processed in industry; Agricultural products are, in most cases, heterogeneous products, often perishable or products of the primary minimum changes; Agro-industrial products, incorporating secondary and tertiary activities, can be stored and preserved a certain period of time; The market is the space where, after the confrontation of demand and supply, quality characteristics and competitiveness of products traded are validated; Typical circuits: 1. products are distributed through the wholesale to the food industry, or 2. directly to food market 3. through detailed market directly to consumers Markets for agricultural products which contribute to transfer

from the state of production to that of consume stage are grouped according to their location in the agro-food system: 1. primary markets, in agricultural stage 2. Food product markets in the food industry 3. Consumer markets, in housing 4. International markets for export and import flows worldwide1 Classification of labor markets shows their particularities: perishability of products reduces the possibility of negotiating in the first link in the chain of distribution, manufacturers are constantly under threat are the depreciation of their products and then reconstituting under new pressure the agricultural cycle. Lack of resources and adequate support for those at the origin of agricultural market speculation exposes them to intermediaries. In the work cited above are dashed and some of the most important characteristics of the wholesale market in Romania, an example of efforts to organize supply and demand. Thus, "by GD. 624/1993, the aim was to regulate the establishment of the wholesale market in Bucharest, based on a memorandum agreed with the EBRD, the institution which funded the project with 25 million dollars. The project was supported by the German consulting firm AFC (Agriculture and Food Consultants International).2

In carrying out this project of importance for the Romanian agriculture gleaned a few items showing existing failures on the Romanian profile: 1. The market has become operational in 1993 as a company limited by shares (SA Wholesale) 2. With 15 shareholders (14 legal entities in which three commercial banks and an individual) 3. Majority shareholder is AVAS by Society Strategy Wholesale LLC 4. The structure of this market included Wholesale central Bucharest and six collection centers: Center fruits vegetables Vidra (Ilfov) Collection center Movilita (Ialomita). Which operated until 2000 Collection center Cuza-Voda (Calarasi) - which currently operates Brezoaiele collection center (River) which partially operates Giurgiu collection center, which partially operates collection center Mihileti (Arges), which does not work3 After conducting activities of organization the wholesale business was noted a series of failures that require coordinated action: The market in general, including agricultural one, shows all the national economic status. After 1989, agriculture has registered a steady downward direction. The crisis in agriculture has created distortions in agricultural markets due to:

Mihai Nicolescu &alii, Manualul fermierilor pentru producia vegetal, Editura Universitaria, Craiova, 2007, p. 7 2 Ibidem, p. 8

Ibidem, p. 9

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Maintaining organizational structure and deepen the character of subsistence production of rural households Disruption of the orientation of production structures in relation to domestic and external demand Lacks in the processing and marketing of food products Transfer of newly created value of agriculture to other sectors at the expense of artificially set prices of agricultural inputs from upstream industries (real state monopolies) Poor promotion of foreign investment in agricultural product processing activities Lack of incentives for export Difficult financial situation of upstream and downstream industries of agriculture, which propagated very serious effects on agricultural production Inadequate policy of supporting the financial blockage and inefficient allocation of resources Lack of rural credit system Physical infrastructure and rudimentary information4 Among the directions for improving the activity of those involved advanced, extremely vague, and with no projection of future actions, are to be taken into consideration: Increase the quality and quantity of agricultural plant and animal production potential by building and promoting organic farming systems Strengthen private sector development by promoting investment programs

Technical equipment of agriculture, supporting farmers to purchase tractors, agricultural machinery, equipment, etc. Develop real competitive and stable markets Promoting a comprehensive rural development program in all areas of the country Creation and modernization of agricultural structures Attracting foreign capital on advantageous terms Achieving minimum performance parameters in the agricultural and food to the demands and requirements of EU integration5 Courses of action are the result of identifying shortcomings, without identifying the factors that have initiated a causal chain of agricultural failure, at least in the wholesale, whilst maintaining a general level of analysis. Reforming agricultural production systems is dependent on the importance of a producer gets inside. Placing him in the orbit of group interests and destabilizing actions which profit from speculation and not investment in production will result in maintaining production and sales prices at a high level and purchase prices from producers to a level which does not allow implementation of specific strategies to develop real farm market economy. Among the ideas concerning the development of farms and the actual situation there is a large discrepancy, and ideas about what should be done are not followed by ideas on how we should do. Analysis in this field complement the above mentioned. In
5

Ibidem, p. 11

Ibidem, p.12

202

an article published in the journal Geopolitics (released under the auspices of the Institute of Sociology of the Romanian Academy) exists a thorough analysis of the status of the Romanian rural environment emphasizing the fragility of rural households before a competitive market. "for a better discrimination of the degree of development of agriculture in the 41 counties of Romania, we constructed a synthetic index that has aggregated data about the extent of cultivation of land, the state of the livestock sector and productivity. "6 The results of this index showed that only 11 counties have a relatively developed agricultural economy. A total of 8 counties are in an intermediate position, in terms of this hierarchy, but which in reality is at a very low level of development, while more than half of the counties is "below an minimal development of the agricultural sector at the household level."7 Operating principles of current market result in the maintenance of more than half of the counties at a low level of development in agriculture. Changing this state of affairs depends on external assistance, capacity balancing based on internal reporting of supply and demand resulting a recalibrated linking of the main players.

3. Rural entrepreneurship development The second category of farmers, which coexist with the owners of small farms is the entrepreneurs, is a new category in the Romanian countryside. Although it is a socio-professional segment defined as employers in agriculture, it is heterogeneous in terms of composition. A category is represented by those who invest in agricultural production and try to obtain widespread use of modern, mechanical methods of production and the shift from extensive to the intensive agriculture. In addition, this type of entrepreneurs is those who are guided to the practice of crops according to market demand, renounce at the traditional crops (wheat and maize) in conditions in which the productivity of other crops is higher. Such producers have the capacity to adopt new crop technologies required. A second class of entrepreneurs is that of intermediaries in agriculture. Agricultural market weakness and lack of legal regulations allowed forming a class of owners in this segment and the acquisition of great financial force for those who speculate in agriculture. The emergence of this category of employers has no positive influence in the countryside. The result is the growth of individual benefits with no impact on local and national economic environment. In addition, the presence of these firms in agriculture is likely to receive subsidies and price increases granted by the Romanian and international 203

Institutul de Sociologie al Academiei Romne, Geopolitica spaiului rural, Revista Geopolitica, nr. 1(5)/2005, an IV 7 Idem

institutions to support agricultural producers, which burdens the state budget. The presence of the rural labor market is nonexistent, and the aim is that of profit-making financial speculation: "We see that, increasing the share of employers is not accompanied, as we expected, by the increase in paid work (it dropped from 55.6% to 32.7% between 19911997). Employers do not involve in the growth of modern enterprise: the share of labor involved here, as we have seen, declined dramatically-from 5.2% in 1991 to 0.8% in 1997. The lack of a link between growth of management and a possible increase in paid work in the countryside may be explained by observing the role that employers assume; this is most likely that of intermediary between the peasants subsistence goods and wholesalers in town. Patronage integrated rural monetary economy through the latter. Stop of the money mostly is related to the employers, only a tiny part is returned to unpaid family workers, hence the name of the category."8 This type of intermediate is quite widespread in the Romanian villages, but may be considered as present in the current conjuncture. In varying degrees we can appreciate that there are several types of entrepreneurs who have an important role in rural development. Social leaders face a major challenge: to encourage by legislation and
Ilie Bdescu, Structura social i clasa intermediarilor n mediul rural. Dictatura oligarhiei financiare i agricultura de subzisten (familial), Rev. Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999, p. 58
8

economic incentives those who have a positive role in developing local communities, given that market rules are followed. The difference between those who invest in rural areas is given by the intentions we have towards farming, the investments made in agriculture and the projects started, a role being that of the duration of the project. The main feature of intermediaries in agriculture is towards immediate profit, without the existence of a business plan or investment. Previous inquiries have made a classification of the type of entrepreneurs in Romania. Total entrepreneur9 is one who invests in agricultural production. This uses modern technologies, invests in equipment and new cultures. The work is a long term project and does not cover short-term profit. The second type is the potential entrepreneurs10, including those wishing to invest in an agricultural enterprise. Economic activity of these people is low and depends on the decision to be adopted. Speculative contractor11 is centered on sales. It is active in rural areas but is not dependent only agricultural production. The number of such persons is quite high and the current speculative activities are quite numerous in relation to efforts towards agricultural production. Along with these categories, Romanian agriculture enables farmers who conduct their own selfDumitru Sandu, Cine sunt antreprenorii din agricultura de tranziie?, n revista Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999 10 Idem 11 Idem
9

204

consumption and do not participate in the market as economic profile but are oriented towards self-consumption. Growths of one or other of these categories already synthesized, depends on the economic and legal framework, which may inhibit or promote the development one category of total contractors. This category could be the solution to improving rural crisis by the positive impact they have on the local economy and jobs in rural communities. Agricultural intermediaries gained financial strength by failure of management of the wholesale centers that have proved unable to integrate in a market which has acquired its operating rates. Reiterating the idea of wholesale centers without any intervention in the current market regulation will have the same fate as the previous one, since not lack of a market for agricultural products affects rural areas but how the existing market functions. Resources used to create a market are doomed to failure without a culture of European market economy. Barter, trade in nature, production for self consumption are not part of European farmers strategies and are not supported by economic policies for agriculture. National Development Plan 2007-2013 highlighted the weaknesses of Romanian agriculture unable to provide products for domestic needs. The solution lies in increased imports. Under this document12, the contribution of
12

agriculture in gross domestic product (GDP) and gross value added (GVA) is in steady decline. An explanation of this decline is given by enhanced dynamics of non-agricultural sectors of activity. Another explanation results from decreased agricultural productivity due to non-competitive reforms implemented in the sector. Import-export balance is negative, due to decreased agricultural production in a number of products, especially animal products. The major imported products were the meat, tobacco, sugar, fruit, cereal (in years of drought), coffee and tea, fats and oils, canned vegetables and fruit.13 Capacity to absorb labor in the agricultural sector has become increasingly smaller due to the disappearance of the major employers of agricultural market: former IAS, GOST and CAP. With falling employment emerged a new category of people: those unpaid farm workers. Fragmentation of agricultural land has given rise to 4,462,221 thousands of individual households with an average size of farm of 1.73 ha of the total 4.484. 893 farms.14 Economic and social reforms make absolutely necessary to carry out a parallel between the de facto situation and the principles of market economy because a large segment of the population owns small areas of land and has no modern means of production or management knowledge required for profitable activities.
13 14

Romanian Governement, Planul naional de dezvoltare 2007-2013, december 2005

Ibidem, p. 172 Ibidem, p. 174

205

In conclusion, the development regions of Romania have undergone a variety of influences upon the political and economic transformations. The new challenges were posed by the difficulties faced by each region and resilience depending on the specifics of each region. Some regions have adapted the efficient operation of their opportunities and were quickly integrated on a progressive trend. Other regions have swung a longer period of time between conservative trends and requirements of market economy reforms, so that integration occurred late. Such difficulties arisen have also become obstacles to development. They helped to delay reforms that could maintain a lower level of regional disparities. Development experiences of each region are different, but generating knowledge to improve economic and social indicators in the lagging regions. The ranking of regions development is subject to the need of analysis. The international context of agricultural markets has an important role influencing the domestic market and cannot be excluded from the analysis. Low competitiveness of Romanian farmers is due to the external context of free movement of goods directly involved in the domestic market. At present, we evaluate the direction the regional trends of agriculture fall, as productivity in the development of each region are below those working in similar conditions in countries of the European Union.

References: 1. Bdescu, Ilie, Structura social i clasa intermediarilor n mediul rural. Dictatura oligarhiei financiare i agricultura de subzisten (familial), Rev. Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999 2. Institutul de Sociologie al Academiei Romne, Geopolitica spaiului rural, Revista Geopolitica, nr. 1(5)/2005, an IV 3. Sandu, Dumitru, Cine sunt antreprenorii din agricultura de tranziie?, n revista Sociologie Romneasc, nr. I, anul 1999 4. Guvernul Romniei, Planul naional de dezvoltare 2007-2013, decembrie 2005

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Percepia social sntii O abordare din perspectiva imaginarului social


tefan Viorel GHENEA Universitatea din Craiova
gheneastefan@yahoo.com

Abstract: Voi ncerca n acest studiu o abordare a sntii i a bolii dintr-o perspectiv interdisciplinar, care face referire att la studii de sociologie i psihologie medical, ct i la cercetri din domeniul filosofiei imaginarului i a istoriei mentalitilor. Trebuie s recunoatem cu aceast ocazie c sntatea i boala nu sunt doar fenomene medicale, ci i fenomene sociale care beneficiaz la nivelul imaginarului social (sau, n ali termeni, ai incontientului colectiv) de anumite semnificaii i imagini, nu de puine ori ncrcate cu stereotipii i prejudeci. Bunoar, perspectiva pe care o avem astzi asupra bolii nu este aceiai pe care o aveam n trecut, sntatea, la rndul ei nu mai este tratat astzi n aceiai termeni, inclusiv medicali, ca n urm cu cteva secole. O eventual explicaie la aceast schimbare de perspectiv ar putea fi progresul realizat de medicin, n special n ultimul secol. Ceea ce susin eu, ns, este c nu numai dezvoltarea medicinii a dus la asemenea efecte ci i imaginea pe care o au sntatea i boala n percepia colectiv. Ba mai mult dect att, a putea spune c nsi evoluia medicinii depinde de depirea unor prejudeci, care pot aciona ca frne la nivelul mentalitilor colective. Cuvinte cheie: sntate, boal, imaginar social, sociologie medical

Introducere Voi ncerca n acest studiu o abordare a sntii i a bolii dintr-o perspectiv interdisciplinar, care face referire att la studii de sociologie i psihologie medical, ct i la cercetri din domeniul filosofiei imaginarului i a istoriei mentalitilor. Trebuie s recunoatem cu aceast ocazie c sntatea i boala nu sunt doar fenomene medicale, ci i fenomene sociale care beneficiaz la nivelul imaginarului social (sau, n ali termeni, ai incontientului colectiv) de anumite semnificaii i imagini, nu de puine ori ncrcate cu stereotipii i prejudeci. Bunoar, perspectiva pe care o avem astzi asupra bolii nu este aceiai pe care o aveam n trecut, sntatea, la rndul ei nu mai este tratat astzi n aceiai termeni, inclusiv medicali, ca n urm cu cteva secole. O eventual explicaie la aceast schimbare de perspectiv ar putea fi progresul realizat de medicin, n special n ultimul secol. Ceea ce susin eu, ns, este c nu numai dezvoltarea medicinii a dus la asemenea efecte ci i imaginea pe care o au sntatea i boala n percepia colectiv. Ba mai mult dect att, a putea spune c nsi evoluia medicinii depinde de depirea unor prejudeci, care pot aciona ca frne la nivelul mentalitilor colective. Voi porni de la definirea n termeni de specialitate a fenomenelor de sntate i de boal n termeni 207

psihologici i medicali, pentru a continua cu o abordare a acestora din perspectiva cercetrilor asupra imaginarului i a mentalitilor. Aspecte sociale ale sntii i ale bolii Cel mai adesea sntatea i boala sunt definite n termeni de normalitate i de patologie. Astfel, sntatea poate fi considerat o stare nscris n perimetrul care definete normalitatea existenei individului. Sntatea nseamn, n primul rnd, meninerea echilibrului structural al persoanei att n perspectiva intern, ct i n perspectiva extern, a echilibrului adaptativ dintre individ i mediul su ambiant concret.1 Dimpotriv, boala se caracterizeaz, n general, prin perturbarea la diverse nivele i din variate incidente a structurilor funcionale ale individului n perspectiv corporal-biologic sau psihic-contient. Aceast perturbare determin un minus i o dizarmonie a ansamblului unitar al persoanei, dificulti obiective i subiective n prezena, adaptarea i eficiena n cadrul vieii sociale, orientarea existenei ntr-un sens opus adaptrii, evoluiei i creaiei. Adic, spre dezadaptare, involuie, moartea nefireasc ori spre realizarea unui defect sau a deteriorrii grave.2 Modelul medical explic starea de sntate prin absena unor valori biologice anormale. Cu toate c este util prin oferirea unor posibiliti de msurare precis a strii de sntate, aceast perspectiv se dovedete a fi
Florin Tudose, Fundamente n psihologia medical, Editura Fundaiei Romnia de Mine, Bucureti, 2007, p.43 2 Ibidem, p. 51
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restrictiv i incapabil de a cuprinde toate atributele asociate strii de sntate.3 A defini omul sntos prin lispa unor maladii sau infirmiti nseamn a raporta sntatea i boala doar la stri corporale i a ignora unele aspecte nu mai puin importante care in de starea psihic i de viaa social a individului. Mai mult dect att explicarea sntii i a bolii n termeni de normalitate i anormalitate impune existena unei rupturi ntre sensurile celor dou concepte. Dihotomia sntate-boal poate fi depit prin implicarea unor elemente de natur social i psihologic. Astfel, conceptele de sntate i de boal sunt considerate a fi concepte evaluative, deoarece ele sunt dependente de dezvoltarea cunoaterii biomedicale, de orientrile intelectuale ale culturii, de sistemul axiologic al societii.4 Va exista, deci o percepie diferit asupra strii de sntate sau de boal, n funcie de nivelul de dezvoltare al societii, de i de tipul de cultur n care se ncadreaz societatea respectiv. Cele trei perspective tradiionale de abordare a sntii (biologic sau medical, psihologic i sociologic) evideniaz, deja, diferenele de semnificaie pe care le presupune acest concept. Din punct de vedere biologic, sntatea este definit ca starea n care se afl un organism neatins de boal, n care toate organele, aparatele
Elena Iulia Mardare, Suportul social i starea de sntate n Revista de Asisten Social, Nr.3-4/2005, p. 109 4 Iustin Lupu, Ioan Zanc, Sociologie medical. Teorie i aplicaii, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1999, p.55
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i sistemele funcioneaz normal. Din punct de vedere psihologic, sntatea apare ca o stare a organismului care are capacitatea de a munci, de a studia sau de a desfura anumite activiti n mod eficient. Aceast stare ne ofer posibilitatea de a avea un comportament armonios i eficient. Perspectiva sociologic asupra sntii ne vorbete despre o stare a organismului n care capacitile individuale sunt optime pentru ca persoana s i ndeplineasc n mod adecvat rolurile sociale.5 Aceast perspectiv aduce, totui, un element de noutate: sntatea reprezint o stare individualizat att biologic ct i social. Percepia asupra sntii este diferit, de exemplu, n funcie de vrsta persoanei. O tnr de 20 de ani este considerat sntoas dac este capabil s alerge 8-10 km pe zi, dar i o persoan n vrst de 70 de ani este considerat tot sntoas, dac este capabil s parcurg 1-2 km pe zi. Cu alte cuvinte, sntoas este o persoan care este capabil s realizeze majoritatea lucrurilor pe care i le propune n viaa cotidian. Noiunea de boal poate fi abordat, de asemenea din perspectiv biologic, psihologic i social. Din punct de vedere biologic, boala este o stare a organismului sau a unei pri din organism, n care funciile sunt afectate sau deranjate datorit unor ageni din mediul intern sau extern. Este evident c aceast perspectiv este limitate deoarece consecinele strii de boal depesc disfunciile biologice i chiar psihologice, afectnd ntreaga via social a persoanei. Perspectiva social asupra bolii aduce un plus de lumin
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deoarece intervine aici i factorul percepie social. Boala nu este doar o afeciune a organismului, ea este i o stare social alterat. De fapt ceea ce conteaz mai mult, n opinia noastr nu este boala ca atare ci mai ales modul n care ea este receptat de noi i de cei din jur. Sunt bine cunoscute cazurile de boli stigmatizate, dar i mai important este de tiut c boala nsi este purttoarea unui stigmat la nivelul societii. De multe ori bolnavii sunt considerai deviani, ei reprezentnd o ameninare la adresa armoniei societii. Sntatea i boala nu ne mai apar, astfel, ca dou realiti absolute, ele depinznd de perspectiva social asupra lor. Mai mult dect att, pentru unii teoreticieni ai medicinii, ntre sntate i boal nu exist o frontier obiectiv, o linie clar de demarcaie cele dou fenomene ntreptrunznduse chiar n zona lor de grani.6 Dac din punct de vedere medical sntatea i boala nu se difereniaz n mod radical, cu att mai puin acest lucru va fi evident la nivelul simului comun. Imaginea bolnavului i a omului sntos au suferit numeroase mutaii, n funcie de epocile istorice parcurse. Perspectiva imaginarului social n continuare, vom ncerca s schim o alt perspectiv asupra fenomenelor de sntate i de boal pornind de la ideea c percepia social a acestora are un rol, cel puin la fel de important, ca i manifestrile lor biologice. Pentru a face mai
6

Ibidem, p. 56-57

Ioan Andronic, Psihologia general i psihologia medical, Editura Sitech, Craiova, 2004, p.164

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operativ aceast abordare vom apela la termenul de imaginar. Acest termen apare tot mai des n lucrri de specialitate din filosofie, istorie, istoria religiilor, psihologie sau sociologie.7 Imaginarul nu trebuie confundat cu imaginaia el este vzut cel mult ca un produs al acesteia, un set de imagini, idei i simboluri care dei i aparin omului sunt transpuse asupra lumii determinnd o reprezentare a acesteia. Imaginarul nu este mai puin real ca realitatea nsi ci doar un alt fel de realitate, una mental. Tocmai de aceea nu trebuie sa confundm imaginarul cu fantasticul sau cu iluzoriul deoarece realitatea sa este dat de faptele i gndurile noastre. Dincolo de utilizrile, de cele mai multe ori diferite ca semnificaie ale termenului, trebuie s remarcm redescoperirea odat cu imaginarul a unei laturi a naturii umane de multe ori uitat si marginalizat. Imaginarul ne ofer posibilitatea unei nelegeri mai profunde a modului nostru de raportare la realitate. Prin intermediul imaginilor, a miturilor, al simbolurilor putem redescoperi semnificaii ascunse, care, odat scoase la lumin, ne pot fi utile n nelegerea locului nostru n lume. Dei, prezena imaginarului poate fi mai uor de detectat n religie sau n literatur nu trebuie neglijat rolul acestuia la nivelul comportamentelor i
Dintre cei care s-au ocupat cu studiul imaginarului amintim pe Gaston Bachelard, Gilbert Durand, J-J.Wunenburger, n filosofie i antropologie, n istorie pe Jacques Le Goff, Georges Duby, Jean Delumeau, iar in istoria religiilor remarcm contribuiile lui Mircea Eliade i pe cele ale lui Henry Corbin
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atitudinilor sociale i, de ce nu, la nivelul simului comun. n societate interacionm unii cu ceilali nu doar prin intermediul unor fapte i idei explicite ci i prin intermediul unor imagini i simboluri adnc nrdcinate n incontientul colectiv. Toate acestea se manifest n viaa de zi cu zi, n relaiile cu ceilali i n aciunile pe care le ntreprindem. Putem vorbi, deci despre un imaginar social care guverneaz toate aceste relaii i aciuni. Imaginarul social, care reprezint un produs al contiinei sociale, are drept efect degajarea unei ntregi lumi de sentimente i imagini, care funcioneaz dup legi specifice. Dup E.Durkheim, aceste imagini i sentimente au posibilitatea de a se atrage reciproc, de a se respinge, dar i de a fuziona i a se prolifera, dnd natere reprezentrilor colective, care sunt produsul vieii sociale.8 Imaginarul, configureaz o imagine n oglind a realitii cotidiene, profund legat de aspectele trupului i ale strii sale de sntate. Putem vorbi despre un imaginar al corpului n care imaginea sntii i a bolii joac un rol important. O abordare istoric ne poate ilustra semnificaia pe care aceste imagini o au asupra constituirii mentalitilor societii respective. Imaginea asupra trupului, specific unei epoci, unui sistem de mentaliti, ne poate oferi o percepie social asupra sntii. n societile arhaice, mai apropiate de natur, imaginea trupului poate stabili ierarhia social: cel sntos are mai mult for fizic, dar are i anse mai
8

Emile Durkheim, Formele elementare ale vieii religioase, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1995, p. 388

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mari de a accede la putere n plan social. Asistm la un transfer al puterii, de la nivelul corporal, guvernat de starea de sntate, la cel social. Starea de sntate definete i raportarea la sacru. Sacralitatea este asociat cu starea de sntate, pe cnd boala este un semn al impuritii. n antichitatea greac i roman sntatea corporal este nu doar un semn al frumuseii ci i un semn al unei armonii sufleteti, maxima latin: mens sana in corpore sano, fiind ilustratoare n acest sens. Limba greac a dat, de asemenea, natere unei expresii ilustrative, n acest sens. Kalocagathia reprezint simbioza perfect ntre frumuseea corporal i cea spiritual. Binele i frumosul coexist i dau natere unei naturi umane desvrite. Aceast armonie ntre corporal i moral devine un adevrat ideal educativ. Reflectnd asupra imaginarului medieval, Jacques Le Goff sugereaz c imaginarul colectiv este ancorat n atitudinile fa de trup i ideologiile generate de aceste atitudini.9 Evul Mediu fixeaz n imaginarul colectiv imaginea unei fragilitii extreme a trupului, receptat doar ca un sla trector al sufletului, expus inevitabil bolilor, morii, putrezirii.10 Boala este asociat trupului, care este supus pcatului i degradrii, dar sufletul, care este nemuritor i pur, poate oferi ansa unei nsntoiri spirituale prin credin.
Jacques Le Goff , Imaginarul medieval, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1991, p. 176-180 10 Camelia Burghele, Sfntul terapeut i reflexele sale n imaginar, Caietele Echinox, Nr.6/2004, p. 181
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Boala individului este boala societii (aa cum, sugestiv o demonstreaz lepra, boala organic a medievalitii). Epidemiile sunt semne ale decderii morale ale societii. Perioadele de epidemii prelungite sunt ru prevestitoare, ele anun un nou nceput, de curire moral, deci de nsntoire a societii.11 n mentalitatea popular marcat, la rndul ei, de neputinele trupului, omul simplu se definete prin starea sa de sntate, clugrul prin trupul sau supus ascezei, regele prin calitile taumaturgice ale minilor sale ce doar ating bolnavul pentru a-l vindeca, iar sfntul se definete prin martiriul trupului su sau prin puterea acestuia de a emana mirosuri plcute ("mireasma de sfineniei") i de a tmdui oamenii prin simpla atingere, ca relicva sacr.12 Asistm la o atitudine de resemnare i teama n fata bolii, proprie mai ales societii medievale, care a atras dup sine, n mod firesc, credina n mijloacele supranaturale de vindecare a maladiilor: fie prin apelul la puterea malefica a vrjitoarelor, fie prin puterea benefica a vindectorilor ce lucreaz cu
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Milenarismele apar, de regul, n perioadele n care societatea este considerat a fi bolnav. Moartea datorat bolilor trupeti este vzut nu doar ca un sfrit individual, dar i ca semn al proximitii unui sfrit colectiv. Pentru milenarismele medievale concentrate n jurul anului 1000 vezi: Georges Duby, Anul 1000, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1996 i Dominique Barthlemy, Anul 1000 i pacea lui Dumnezeu, Editura Polirom, Iai, 2002 12 Camelia Burghele, op.cit, p. 181

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sprijinul lui Dumnezeu sau prin intermediul virtuilor taumaturgice ale sfinilor i ale Mntuitorului.13 Aceste atitudini specifice Evului Mediu, pot fi ncadrate n, ceea ce am putea numi terapii ale credinei. Observm c sntatea i boala polarizeaz imaginarul social, specific mentaltilor tradiionale. Rmne de vzut dac lucrurile se schimb atunci cnd vine vorba despre perioada contemporan. ntr-un fel sau altul, din timpuri strvechi, omenirea ca ntreg i omul ca individualitate au fost marcai de existena bolii, a bolilor i, dintre acestea (pe lng altele, precum, de exemplu, ciuma, tuberculoza sau, astzi, SIDA, gripa aviar sau pericolul gripei porcine). Poate c cea mai solicitant pentru imaginarul social al bolii la nceput de secol XXI este confruntarea cu boala canceroas. Dr. Karl Menninger, afirma c nsui cuvntul cancer se spune c-ar ucide pacieni, care, altfel, n-ar sucomba (att de repede) din cauza tumorii maligne de care sufer. Una dintre soluiile ntrevzute este ca bolnavilor de cancer nu doar s li se spun adevrul, ci s li se modifice concepia despre boal, boala canceroas s fie, aadar, demitizat. n general se consider c dintre toate teoriile puse n discuie n legtur cu cancerul, numai una a supravieuit trecerii timpului, cea potrivi creia cancerul, urmnd faze precise, conduce la moarte. Aceasta face ca mitizarea din jurul acestei boli s fie dus la extrem. Putem observa, ns i c, evolund, omenirea a acionat, de fapt, i acioneaz n sensul demitizrii bolii canceroase.
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Cancerul este adesea utilizat ca imagine (metafor) n calificarea unor situaii sociale (ca i cangren sau plag): omajul, rasismul, consumul de droguri, corupia, poluarea sau terorismul. Ca i tumoarea malign, se consider, aceste rele i au originea n interiorul societii i amenin, pe msur ce se dezvolt, s o distrug din interior. S-ar putea spune c, dinspre mijlocul secolului XX, cancerul i miturile sale din ce n ce mai actuale ncep s se democratizeze mai mult, datorit mass-mediei, a cinematografiei, a artelor n general etc. Medicina contemporan beneficiaz nu numai de dezvoltarea tehnicii medicale i de descoperirea unor tratamente eficiente, dar i de schimbarea reprezentrilor cu pribire la starea de sntate. Schimbarea imaginii asupra bolii ca fiind un ru necesar a dat i un alt sens medicinii. Dihotomia sntate-boal a dat natere la nivelul imaginarului social unei alte dihotomii: medicin nfrntmedicin glorioas. Ineficiena unui tratament atrgea dup sine o atitudine de resemnare n faa bolii. De aici i apelul la mijloacele supranaturale de vindecare, pe care le-a putem observa, n special n Evul mediu. Medicina glorioas, a dat, dimpotriv, mai mult ncredere n viitor, optimism n creterea duratei de via. observm i o deplasare a semnificaiilor de la terapeut la terapie. Dac n trecut virtuile terapeutului erau supradimensionate, deoarece totul de pindea de el.14 Din
De aici i nzestrarea cu virtui terapeutice a unor sfini, a regilor taumaturgi. Puterea spiritual i social sunt asociate cu puterea de vindecare.
14

Ibidem, p. 185

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contr, n medicina contemporan, nu conteaz att imaginea medicului n calitate de terapeut, ct virtuile tratamentului, care este verificat experimental, tiinific i este, n felul acesta demn de ncredere. Calitile vindectoare ale tratamentului transcend condiia terapeutului. Putem identifica n medicina contemporan o diversificare a imaginilor cu privire la medicament. Dup adevrata revoluie pe care au provocat-o n medicamentele alopate, datorit virtuii lor de a vindeca aproape instantaneu i n mod sigur, observm o tendin de rentoarecere la medicina tradiional, bazat pe tratamente naturiste. Putem identifica aici nu neaprat o scdere a ncrederii n medicina actual ci mai degrab o resemnificare a relaiei dintre sntate i natur. Concluzii Am ncercat s subliniem n acest articol importana includerii n explicarea fenomenelor de sntate i de boal a unei perspective sociale, dar mai ales a unor reprezentri la nivelul imaginarului social. Perspectiva social ne indic att influena vieii sociale asupra comportamentelor noastre legate de starea de sntate. Pentru definirea sntii nu ne putem opri doar la aspecte legate de stri ale trupului, ignornd rolul pe care l au atitudinea fa de boal, informaia, sau suprtul social. De asemenea modul n care ne reprezentm starea de sntate determin atitudinea pe care o avem fa de ea i modul n care acionm pentru prevenirea sau meninerea ei. Cele prezentate mai sus demonstreaz, odat n plus, rolul major pe care l au n societate 213

miturile, imaginile i simbolurile, ntr-un cuvnt: imaginarul i structurile sale. Nu doar povetile i basmele sunt impregnate de imaginar ci i propria noastr imagine asupra unor realiti sociale cum sunt sntatea i boala. Poate c pentru a nelege mai bine medicina, trebuie s o trecem prin imaginar. Bibliografie selectiv: 1. Andronic, I. Psihologia general i psihologia medical, Editura Sitech, Craiova, 2004 2. Barthlemy, D., Anul 1000 i pacea lui Dumnezeu, Editura Polirom, Iai, 2002 3. Birch, Ann; Hayvard Shelia, Diferene interindividuale, Editura Tehnic, Bucureti, 1999 4. Burghele, C., Sfntul terapeut i reflexele sale n imaginar, Caietele Echinox, Nr.6/2004 5. Duby, G., Anul 1000, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1996 6. Durand, G., Structurile antropologice ale imaginarului, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 2000 7. Durkheim, E., Formele elementare ale vieii religioase, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1995 8. Le Breton, D., Antropologia corpului i modernitatea, Editura Amarcord, Timioara, 2002 9. Le Goff, J., Imaginarul medieval, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1991. 10. Lupu, I., Zanc, I., Sociologie medical. Teorie i aplicaii, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1999 11. Mardare, E.I., Suportul social i starea de sntate n Revista de Asisten Social, Nr.3-4/2005

12. Rcanu, R., Psihologia sntii: de la credine i explicaii la sisteme de promovare a ei, n Mielu Zlate, (coord.), Psihologia la rspntia mileniilor, Editura Plirom, Iai, 2001 13. Tudose, F., Fundamente n psihologia medical, Editura Fundaiei Romnia de Mine, Bucureti, 2007.

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La perception sociale de la sant Une aproche de la perspective dimaginaire social


Assist.drd. tefan Viorel GHENEA Universit de Craiova
gheneastefan@yahoo.com

Abstract: This study is a about health and sickness view from one interdisciplinary perspective, which refers to both sociological and psychological medical studies and researches about imaginary philosophy and history of mentalities. We have to admit at this point that health and sickness are not only medical phenomena but also social phenomena which benefit at the social imaginary level from some images and significations, sometimes filled with stereotypes and prejudgments. For example, the actual perspective in what sickness is concerned is not the same as a while ago. Health at its turn is no longer seen as it was a few centuries before. One explication for this change of view could be the progress that medicine made, especially in the past century. But what this study sustains is that not only the medicines development brought those effects, but it is also the image of health and sickness in the collective perception that succeeded. More than that, we could say that, the medicine development it self depends on the overtaking of some prejudgments, which could act as trammels at the collective mentalities level. Key words: health, sickness, social imaginary, medical sociology.

Introduction Cette tude est une approche de la sant et de la maladie vues dune perspective interdisciplinaire, qui se rfre, dans le mme temps, aux tudes sociologiques ou de la psychologie mdicale et aux recherches de la philosophie d'imaginaire et de lhistoire des mentalits. Alors il faut reconnatre que la sant et la maladie ne sont pas seulement des phnomnes mdicales mais aussi de phnomnes sociales qui, au niveau de limaginaire social (ou autrement dit, de l'instinct collectif) ont le bnfice des certaines significations et images, chargs avec des strotypes et prjuges. Pour exemplifier, on va signaler que la perspective actuelle en ce qui concerne la maladie diffre de celle quon avait dans le pass. Aussi la sant, nest plus vue comme il y a quelques sicles. L'explication pour cette change de vu pourrait tre le progrs que la mdecine a connu, spcialement pendant le dernire sicle. Bref, pas seulement le dveloppement de la mdecine a apport ces effets, mais cest aussi grce limage que la sant et la maladie on dans la perception collective. En plus, on pourrait dire que l'volution mme de la mdecine dpends du franchissement des prjuges, qui peuvent agir comme des

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freins au niveau des mentalits collectives. On va alors commencer, en termes de spcialit, par la dfinition des phnomnes de la sant et de la maladie du point de vu psychologique et mdical. Puis on va continuer a les aborder de la perspective des recherches sur limaginaire et sur les mentalits. Des aspectes sociales de la sant et de la maladie Le plus souvent la sant et la maladie sont dfinies en termes de normalit et de pathologie. Ainsi, la sant peut tre considre un tat qui se note dans le primtre de la normalit de l'existence de lindividu. La sant signifie, premirement, le maintien de l'quilibre structural de la personne en mme temps dune perspective interne et externe. On parle ici de l'quilibre adaptatif entre lindividu et son environnement concret.1 Contrairement, la maladie signifie, en gnral, la perturbation aux diffrents niveaux et pour diffrentes incidentes des structures fonctionnelles de lindividu, vu dune perspective corporel-biologique ou psychique-conscient. Cette perturbation dtermine un minus et une disharmonie de l'ensemble unitaire de la personne, des difficults objectives et subjectives dans la prsence, ladaptation et l'efficience l'intrieur de la vie sociale, l'orientation de l'existence contre ladaptation, l'volution et la cration.
Florin Tudose, Fundamente n psihologia medical, Editura Fundaiei Romnia de Mine, Bucureti, 2007, p. 43
1

Cest dire vers la dsadaptation, involution la mort anormale ou vers l'achvement dun dfait ou dune grave dtrioration.2 Le model mdical explique la sant par l'absence dune valeur biologique anormale. Mme si elle est utile par les possibilits de mesurer prcisment la sant quelle donne, cette perspective est finalement restrictive et incapable de contenir tous les attributs associs l'tat de sant.3 Dfinir lhomme saine par une manque des maladies ou infirmits signifie a rapporter la sant et la maladie seulement aux tats corporelles et dignorer des aspectes aussi importantes qui se rfrent l'tat psychique et la vie sociale de lindividu. En plus, explication de la sant et de la maladie en termes de normalit ou anormalit produise une rupture entre les sens des ces deux concepts. La dichotomie santmaladie peut tre surmonte par l'implication des lments de nature sociale et psychologique. Ainsi, la sant et la maladie sont vues comme des concepts valuatives, parce quelles sont dpendantes du dveloppement de la connaissance biomdicale, des orientations inter culturales de la culture, du systme axiologique de la socit.4 Il va exister alors une perception diffrente en ce qui concerne l'tat de sant ou de maladie, en fonction du niveau du
Ibidem, p. 51 Elena Iulia Mardare, Suportul social i starea de sntate n Revista de Asisten Social, Nr.3-4/2005, p. 109 4 Iustin Lupu, Ioan Zanc, Sociologie medical. Teorie i aplicaii, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1999, p.55
3 2

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dveloppement de la socit et du type de la culture dans lequel cette socit - la est encadre. Les trois perspectives traditionnelles daborder la sant (biologique ou mdicale, psychologique et sociologique) soulignent les diffrences de signification que ce concept implique. Du point du vu biologique, la sant est dfinie comme l'tat dans le quel un corps nest pas touch par la maladie, dans lequel tous les organes, les appareils et les systmes fonctionnent normalement. Du point du vu psychologiquement, la sant est l'tat de l'organisme qui a la capacit de travailler, d'tudier et de faire certaines activits eficientement. Cet tat nous offre la possibilit davoir un comportement harmonieux et efficient. La perspective sociologique sur la sant nous parle dun tat de l'organisme dans lequel les capacits individuelles sont optime afin que la personne remplit adquatement ses rles sociales.5 Cette perspective apporte quelque chose de nouveau: la sant est un tat individualis en mme temps du point du vue biologique et social. La perception en ce qui concerne la sant est diffrente, par exemple, en fonction du l'ge de la personne. Une jaune femme de 20 ans est considre saine si elle est capable de courir 8-10 km chaque jour, mais une personne de 70 ans peut tre aussi considre saine si elle peut courir 1-2 km chaque jour. Alors, une personne est saine si elle est capable de raliser la plus part des choses quelle se propose dans la vie quotidienne.

La notion de maladie peut tres aussi aborde du point du vu biologique, psychologique et social. Du point du vu biologique, la maladie est l'tat de l'organisme ou dune partie de l'organisme, dans le quel les fonctions sont affectes ou dranges cause des agents provenant de l'intrieur ou de l'extrieure. Cette perspective est srement limite car les consquences de la maladie dpassent les dysfonctions biologiques et mme psychologiques, en affectant l'entire vie sociale de la personne. La perspective sociale sur la maladie est plus claire, car ici il intervient le facteur de la perception sociale. La maladie nest seulement une affection de l'organisme, elle est aussi un tat social altr. En fait, ce quon trouve le plus important, nest pas la maladie elle mme, mais la manire dans la quelle elle est recepe par nous et par les autres. Il y a et elles son bien connues les cas des maladies stigmatises, et il est important de savoir que la maladie elle mme porte un stigmate au niveau de la socit. Parfois, les malades sont considrs comme dviantes et reprsentent une menace pour lharmonie de la socit. Ainsi, la sant et la maladie ne sont plus des ralits absolues, mais, elles dpendent de la perspective sociale quon a sur eux. En plus, pour certains theoreticiens de la mdecine, entre la sant et la maladie il nexiste pas une frontire objective, une ligne claire de dmarcation entre les deux phnomnes tant prcisment dans leur zone de frontire.6 Si du point de
6

Ibidem, p. 56-57

Ioan Andronic, Psihologia general i psihologia medical, Editura Sitech, Craiova, 2004, p.164

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la vue mdicale, la sant et la maladie ne se sparent pas radicalement, au niveau du sens commun les choses sont pareilles. Limage du malade et de lhomme saine a souffert des modifications, selon les poques historiques. La perspective de limaginaire social Il faut maintenant prsenter une autre perspective sur les phnomnes de la sant et de la maladie en commenant de l'ide que la perception sociale deux a un rle, au moins aussi important que leur manifestations biologiques. Pour faire cette approche plus claire on va utiliser le terme imaginaire. Ce terme est de plus en plus prsent dans les uvres de spcialit du domaine philosophique, historique, de lhistoire des religions, psychologique ou sociologique.7 Limaginaire ne faut pas tre confondu avec limagination, il est vu comme son produit, une srie des images, ides et symboles qui mme si elles font partie de lhomme sont transposes sur le monde en dterminant une reprsentation de celui ci. Limaginaire nest moins rel que la ralit mme, mais seulement une autre ralit, une ralit mentale. Cest pour a quil ne faut pas confondre limaginaire avec le fantastique ou l'illusoire parce que sa
Parmi ceux qui taient occups tudier limaginaire on mentionn Gaston Bachelard, Gilbert Durand, J.J.Wunenburger en philosophie et en anthropologie, en histoire par Jacques Le Goff, Georges Duby, Jean Delumeau et de noter dans l'histoire des religions Mircea Eliade et les contributions de Henry Corbin.
7

ralit est donne par nos faits et nos penses. Il faut remarquer quune fois avec la dcouverte de limaginaire on peut aussi dcouvrir une partie de la nature humaine parfois oublie et marginalise. Limaginaire nous offre la possibilit dune comprhension plus profonde de notre manire de se rapporter la ralit. Par l'intermde des images, des mythes, des symboles on peut redcouvrir des significations caches, qui une fois dcouvertes nous aide a mieux comprendre quel est notre lieu dans ce monde. Mme si limaginaire peut tre plus facilement dtect dans la religion ou la littrature, il ne faut pas ngliger son rle au niveau des comportements et attitudes sociales, ou mme au niveau du sens commun. Au milieu de la socit nous interactionons uns avec les autres pas seulement par des faits ou des ides explicites mais aussi par des images et des symboles profondment invtrs dans linconscience collective. Tout a s'applique dans la vie quotidienne, dans les relations avec les autres et dans les actionnes que nous entreprenons. Il sagit alors dun imaginaire social qui gouverne toutes ces relations et actionnes. Limaginaire social, qui reprsente un produit de la conscience sociale a comme effet lapparaitre dun monde des sentiments et des images qui fonctionnent daprs des lois spcifiques. Selon Durkheim, ces images et sentiments ont la possibilit de sattirer rciproquement, de se rejeter, mais aussi de fusionner et de se prolifrer, en produisant les

218

reprsentations collectives, qui sont le produit de la vie sociale.8 Limaginaire dfinit une image dans la miroir pour la ralit quotidienne, lie aux aspectes du corps et de ltat de la sant. On peut alors parler dun imaginaire du corps dans lequel limage de la sant et de la maladie ont un rle important. Une approche historique peut illustrer la signification que ces images ont sur la formation des mentalits de cette socit-l. Limage sur le corps, spcifique une poque, un systme des mentalits, peut nous offrir une perception sociale sur la sant. Dans les socits archaques, qui sont plus proche de la nature, limage du corps peut tablir l'hirarchie sociale: celui qui est saine a plus de la force physique et aussi plus des chances d'accder la puissance sociale. On parle dun transfre de puissance, du niveau corporal, gouvern par la sant, au niveau social. Ltat de sant dfinit aussi laspect sacre. La sacralit est associe avec ltat de sant. La maladie, au contraire, est un signe de l'impuret. Dans lantiquit grecque et romaine la sant corporelle est un signe de beaut et aussi dharmonie intrieure. La maxime latine mens sana in corpore sano est difiant en ce sens. La langue grecque a aussi des expressions ilustrative. Kalocagathia reprsente la symbiose parfaite entre la beaut corporelle et la beaut spirituelle. Le bien et le beau coexiste et produisent une nature humaine accomplie. Cette harmonie entre le corporel et le moral devient un idal ducatif.
Emile Durkheim, Formele elementare ale vieii religioase, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1995, p. 388
8

En refltant sur limaginaire mdival, Jacques Le Goff croirait que limaginaire collectif est li aux attitudes vers le corps et aux idologies gnres par ces attitudes.9 Le Moyen ge fixe dans limaginaire collectif limage dune fragilit extrme du corps, vu seulement comme le simple logement passant de l'me, expos aux maladies, la morte, au putrfaction.10 La maladie est associe au corps, qui est soumis au pch et la dgradation, mais l'me, qui est immortel et pur, peut offrir la chance dune gurison par la foi. La maladie de lhomme est la maladie de la socit ( voir la lpre, la maladie organique du Moyen ge). Les pidmies sont des signes de la dcadence morale de la socit. Les priodes d'pidmies prolonges menaant, elles annoncent un nouveau dbut; de nettoyage morale, alors une gurison de la socit.11 Dans la pense populaire marque par les impuissances du corps, lhomme simple se dfinit par
Jacques Le Goff , Imaginarul medieval, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1991, p. 176-180 10 Camelia Burghele, Sfntul terapeut i reflexele sale n imaginar, Caietele Echinox, Nr.6/2004, p. 181 11 Les Millnarismes se produisissent, habituellement pendant les priodes o la socit est considre comme malade. Dcs dus la maladie physique est considre non seulement comme une fin la personne, mais aussi comme un signe de la proximit d'une fin collective. Pour les millnarismes mdivale concentres autour de l'an 1000, voir Georges Duby, Anul 1000, Polirom, Iai, 1996, et de Dominique Barthlemy, Anul 1000 i pacea lui Dumnezeu, Polirom, Iai, 2002
9

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son tat de sant, le moine par son corps sumis l'ascse, le roi par les qualits de ses mains qui gurissent le malade seulement en le touchant, et le saint se dfinit par le martyre de son corps ou par lodeur plaisant de celui ci ( le parfum de la satit) ou par la puissance de gurir les hommes seulement en les touchant, pareil une relique sacre.12 On parle ici dune attitude de rsignation et du peur vers la maladie, attitude que dcrit spcialement les socits du Moyen ge et qui a attir naturellement la croyance dans les moyennes surnaturelles de gurison: soit par les sorcires, soit par la force bnfique des gurisons qui agissent avec laide de Dieu ou par les virtus des saints ou de Jsus.13 Ces attitudes du Moyen ge peuvent tre appeles des thrapies de la foi: On voit que la sant et la maladie polarisent limaginaire social, spcifique aux mentalits traditionnelles. On va voir quest qui se passe pendant l'poque contemporaine. Dune manire ou lautre, depuis toujours, lhumanit entire et lhomme comme individualit ont t marqus par les maladies (parmi lesquelles la peste, la tuberculose, ou AIDES, la grippe aviaire ou le pril de la grippe porcine). Peut tre le plus grave pour limaginaire social, au dbut du XXIme sicle, est la confrontation avec la maladie cancreuse. Selon Dr. Karl Menninger mme le mot cancer pourrait tuer les patients, qui, autrement ne succomberaient si facilement cause de la tumeur
12 13

Camelia Burghele, op.cit., p. 181 Ibidem, p. 185

maligne quils souffrent. Une solution serait de ne pas avertir les patients de la maladie quils souffrent, ainsi la conception sur la maladie serait change, dmitise. Gnralement dentre toutes les thories en ce qui concerne le cancer, seulement une a survcu au passant du temps, celle qui dit que le cancer conduit la morte. a fait la dmitisation du cancer tre apporte l'extrme. Mais aussi on peut voir que pendant son volution, lhumanit a agit et agit pour la dmitisation du cancer. Le cancer est souvent utilis comme une image (la mtaphore) de qualification dans des situations sociales (comme la "corruption" ou "liquidation"): le chmage, le racisme, la consommation de drogues, la corruption, la pollution ou le terrorisme. Comme la tumeur maligne est considre, ces maux ont leur origine dans la socit et la menace, comme elle se dveloppe, de dtruire de l'intrieur. On pourrait dire que, ds le milieu du vingtime sicle, le cancer et ses mythes ont commenc se "dmocratiser" de plus en plus, raison de la presse, le cinma, les arts en gnral, etc. La mdecine contemporaine bnficie non seulement du dveloppement de la technologie mdicale et de la dcouverte de traitements efficaces, mais aussi de l'volution des reprsentations sur la sant. Changer l'image de la maladie comme un mal ncessaire a donn aussi un autre objectif la mdecine. La dichotomie sant-maladie a donn lieu au niveau dimaginaire social une autre dichotomie: mdicine soumise mdecine glorieuse. Linefficacit du traitement entrane une attitude de 220

dmission la maladie. Ici, le surnaturel et l'appel des moyens de gurison, qu'il peut voir, en particulier au Moyen-ge. Mdecine glorieuse a donn une plus grande confiance dans l'avenir. Nous voyons un mouvement de l'importance du thrapeute la thrapie. Si le thrapeute a t adopt vertus capacit, car tout dpendait de lui,14 au contraire, dans la mdecine contemporaine, jamais l'image du mdecin en tant que thrapeute sont plus importantes que les vertus du traitement, qui est vrifi exprimentalement, scientifique et qui est donc digne de confiance. Les qualits du traitement transcendent la condition du thrapeute. On peut identifier une diversification des images sur les mdicaments dans la mdecine contemporaine. Aprs la vritable rvolution qui provoque par les mdicaments en raison de leurs vertus pour gurir presque instantanment, maintenant on voit une tendance de revenir la mdecine traditionnelle base sur des traitements naturels. Ici ne sont pas ncessairement d'identifier une diminution de la confiance dans la mdecine actuelle, mais plutt la resignification de la relation entre la sant et la nature. Conclusion On a essay de souligner dans cet article l'importance d'inclure dans lexplication des phnomnes de sant et de la maladie le point de vue social, mais surtout la reprsentation du niveau dimaginaire social. La
14

perspective sociale nous montre l'influence de la vie sociale sur le comportement li notre sant. Pour la dfinition de la sant nous ne pouvons pas nous arrter seulement des questions lis aux tats des corps, en ignorant le rle de l'attitude l'gard de la maladie, de l'information, ou le support social. Aussi la faon dont nous reprsentons l'tat de sant dtermine l'attitude que nous avons son gard et la manire d'agir afin de la prvenir ou de la maintenir. Le ci-dessus dmontre, une fois de plus, le rle majeur qu'ils ont dans la socit, les mythes, les images et les symboles dans un mot: l'imaginaire et ses structures. Pas seulement des histoires et des contes de fes sont imprgns de l'imaginaire mais aussi notre propre image de la ralit sociale telle que la sant et la maladie. Peut-tre pour mieux comprendre la mdecine, on doit la passer par l'imaginaire. Bibliographie selective: 1. Andronic, I. Psihologia general i psihologia medical, Editura Sitech, Craiova, 2004 2. Barthlemy, D., Anul 1000 i pacea lui Dumnezeu, Editura Polirom, Iai, 2002 3. Birch, Ann; Hayvard Shelia, Diferene interindividuale, Editura Tehnic, Bucureti, 1999 4. Burghele, C., Sfntul terapeut i reflexele sale n imaginar, Caietele Echinox, Nr.6/2004 5. Duby,G., Anul 1000, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1996 6. Durand, G., Structurile antropologice ale imaginarului, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 2000 221

Dici les vertus thrapeutiques des saints, des rois de thaumaturge. La puissance spirituelle et sociale sont associes la puissance de gurison.

7. Durkheim, E., Formele elementare ale vieii religioase, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1995 8. Le Breton, D., Antropologia corpului i modernitatea, Editura Amarcord, Timioara, 2002 9. Le Goff, J., Imaginarul medieval, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1991. 10. Lupu,I., Zanc, I., Sociologie medical. Teorie i aplicaii, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1999 11. Mardare, E.I., Suportul social i starea de sntate n Revista de Asisten Social, Nr.3-4/2005 12. Rcanu, R. Psihologia sntii: de la credine i explicaii la sisteme de promovare a ei, n Mielu Zlate, (coord.), Psihologia la rspntia mileniilor, Editura Plirom, Iai, 2001. 13. Tudose, F., Fundamente n psihologia medical, Editura Fundaiei Romnia de Mine, Bucureti, 2007.

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Albanezii: puterea de a-i alege propriul mod de via


Drd. Bledar ILIA Universitatea din Craiova
bledi_afrodite@hotmail.com

Rezumat: Acest studiu analizeaz fenomenul de emigrare albanez, subliniind evoluia sa istoric i provocrile sociale ale rilor care se confrunt cu aceastae. De asemenea, sunt evideniate att politicile descurajatoare de emigrare din Albania ct i cele mpotriva imigranilor ale rilor din cadrul Uniunii Europene. Cuvinte cheie: migraia, poporul albanez, politici sociale, msuri de control Emigrarea albanez a parcurs trei faze principale: un exod timpuriu a emigranilor nainte de 1944, o diaspora mai recent a celor care au plecat ntre anii 1945-1990, precum i o emigrare semnificativ ce a avut loc n anul 1990, generat de cderea regimului comunist aflat la conducerea statului din anul 1944. nainte de 1944, SUA i unele state din America Latin au fost principalele ri de destinaie. Exist puine date care pot releva fluxul migraionist albanez, nainte de anii 1990. Cei mai muli dintre cei care au prsit ara nainte de 1944 au fost determinai de scderea puterii de cumprare a monedei naionale, precum i de indiferena guvernelor albaneze fa de aceste tendine. ntre timp, n cea de-a doua faz, un alt fel de emigrare a avut loc, majoritatea albanezilor plecnd ca

urmare a factorilor politici. Unul dintre factori a constat n dezacordurile dintre regimul comunist albanez i presiunea politic pe care acesta se atepta s o exercite asupra emigranilor, cauzate de colaborrile lor cu ocupatorii italieni i germani din timpul Celui De al Doilea Rzboi Mondial. Guvernul albanez cu greu a descurajat aceast migrare prin stabilirea unor bariere politice i juridice, etichetnd acest proces drept o crim. Cu toate acestea, a urmat o alt faz de emigrare, dup anul 1990, care poate fi de alt fel, mprit astfel: ntre anii 1991-1992, cnd acest fenomen a fost imposibil de controlat, astfel c aproximativ 300.000 de albanezi au prsit ara; ntre anii 1992-1996, atunci cnd un numr similar de ceteni albanezi au emigrat, de cele mai multe ori ilegal, n ciuda mbuntirii temporare a economiei i a controalelor de frontier mult mai bine reglementate; ntre anii 1996-1997, imediat dup prbuirea diverselor scheme piramidale, care au nimicit economiile a sute de mii de oameni. Pe fondul tulburrilor ce au avut loc la nivel naional, o combinaie de omaj, srcie i greuti economice a condus la emigrarea unui numr de aproximativ 70.000 de oameni pe parcursul a cteva luni. n sfrit, din anul 1998, o mbuntire treptat a condiiilor economice, politice i 223

sociale, precum i a strategiilor favorabile de emigrare n dou richeie de destinaie, Grecia i Italia, au crescut emigraia legal, redund fluxurile ilegale. n alegerea unei ri de destinaie, pentru emigranii albanezi, factorii-cheie au fost cei de natur geografic, cultural, lingvistic i de proximitate, precum i accesibilitatea juridic. Precedentele valuri de emigrani care au ales ri ndeprtate, de unde un numr nesemnificativ s-a ntors n ara de origine, se pare c au avut un rol cultural important n a-i convinge pe albanezi s se orienteze spre destinaii apropiate. Cu toate acestea, oportunitile de a obine locuri de munc mai bune i un statut juridic au mpins, totui pe unii dintre albanezi mai departe de cas. Grecia, Italia i alte ri europene au fost principalele destinaii n perioada anilor 19921995. Preferina pentru Germania, Elveia i alte ri din Europa de Vest a devenit mai puin pronunat ca urmare a tendinei lor restrictive fa de politicile de migrare. SUA i Canada au devenit principalele ri de destinaie, dup 1995. Pentru albanezi, Italia combin atracia cultural i geografia accesibil. Pentru muli albanezi, trind ntr-o ar aflat sub conducerea regimului comunist, Italia i rile din Vest au fost simbolul libertii, iar transmisiunile radio i TV italiene au fost principalul mod prin care albanezii erau informai despre occident. Italiana este cea mai utilizat limb strin n Albania, iar arta i cultura italian prezint un vdit interes pentru albanezi. Toi aceti

factori explic de ce Italia a fost preferat de emigranii albanezi. Grecia este o alt ar n care albanezii ajung, din punct de vedere geografic, relativ uor. Trecerea ilegal a frontierei greco-albanez nu necesit un efort financiar semnificativ. Cetenii celor dou ri mprtesc, de asemenea, anumite similitudini culturale i istorice. n timp ce limba greac nu este folosit n Albania, n aceeai msur ca limba italian, exceptnd partea sudic, locuit de comunitatea greac, migraiile recente au sporit numrul albanezilor care utilizeaz vacabularul elen. Acest fapt a redus lingvistic, distana dintre cele dou ri vecine. rile vest-europene mai sus menionate, respectiv, Italia i Grecia au fost favorizate la nceputul anilor 1990, ca urmare a posibilitilor reduse ale albanezilor de a elabora i implementa un proiect i o strategie migraionist. SUA i Canada au devenit principale ri de destinaie dup anul 1995, ca urmare a politicilor de acces ce favorizau migranii pricepui, calificai, cu studii de specialitate. Exodul de albanezi s-a extins rapid la nceputul anilor 1990, ca rezultat a numeroi factori. Situaia economic n acel moment a nregistrat toate semnele unei crize: inflaia a fost de aproximativ 350%; PIB-ul a sczut drastic, cu 50% anual; rata omajului a crescut n mod accelerat i fenomenul de ,,urbanizarea rapid, a favorizat emigrarea de oameni bine pregtii i absolveni de diferite specializri. Albania, la nceputul anilor 1990 a avut, aa cum are i n prezent, o populaie foarte tnr i o for de munc bine instruit. n anul 1989, 224

circa 19,5% din populaie avea vrsta cuprins ntre 15-24 de ani. Din acea perioad, occidentul a constituit idealul tinerilor albanezi, alimentat fiind de anumite surse, cum ar fi televiziunea italian, uor accesibil. n consecin, dup o jumtate de secol de izolare politic, albanezii, n mod instinctiv, au identificat ideea de libertate cu libera circulaie. Aceti factori, combinai cu transformrile economice i politice ce au avut loc n Europa de Est i Europa Central, au ncurajat migraia. Albania a devenit rapid ara cu cel mai mare fluxul de migrare n Europa. n timpul primului deceniu de tranziie (1991-2000), lipsa unui control guvernamental asupra fluxurilor de migraie a fost evident. Eforturi nensemnate pentru a extinde direcile de migraie legal nu au fost suficiente pentru a reduce sau descuraja aceste fluxuri. Pn n prezent, aproximativ 25% din totalul populaiei sau peste 35% din fora de munc, a emigrat. ara numr aproximativ 900,000 de emigrani, ce au, n prezent reedina, n principal n Grecia (600.000), Italia (200,000), iar cea mai mare parte din ceilali, n alte ri din Europa de Vest, SUA, i Canada. Fluxul de migrare a cetenilor albanezii, a fost, ncepnd cu anul 1990, n medie de cinci ori mai mare dect fluxul de migrare n rile n curs de dezvoltare. Potenialul n ceea ce privete emigrarea din Albania rmne ridicat din cauza anumitor factori, cum ar fi omajul i srcia. Circa 30% din albanezi sunt n prezent sub nivelul de trai, iar jumtate din ei triesc n srcie extrem, subzistnd cu mai puin de 1 dolar pe zi. Dei s-a 225

nregistrat o ncetinire a declinului economic, rata omajului rmne la un nivel ridicat. n plus, bolile sunt o preocupare major i accesul la o ngrijire medical este redus, n special n zonele rurale. Patru din cinci persoane srace locuiesc n mediul rural, iar rata srciei n rndul tinerilor este mai mare dect media. Factorii de atracie, experienele complexe i contradictorii ale emigrrii i-au convins pe albanezi cu privire la posibilitile limitate oferite, n prezent, de rile de destinaie. Dei nu la fel de puternic cum a fost la nceputul anilor 1990, impactul factorilor de atracie este considerabil, nc. Motivaiile culturale, de exemplu, sunt influente. Exist un simplu impuls de a experimenta o lume din afar, aparent ademenitoare, n special pentru tineri. Acest fapt a fost determinat mai ales ca urmare a izolrii instaurate de regimul comunist. Educaia este un factor cheie de atracie. Tot mai muli studeni albanezi sunt nscrii n universiti din Romnia, Italia, Grecia, n alte ri ale UE i Statele Unite ale Americii. Satisfacerea intereselor n plan profesional, n condiiile unui numr insuficient de locuri de munc, constituie un alt factor cheie de atracie. Cercetrile indic faptul c albanezii percep fenomenul emigrrii att individual, ct i la nivel de familie, ca pe o strategie de supravieuire. Deplasarea n strintate este privit ca o investiie n viitor, crend astfel oportuniti pentru o a doua generaie de ,,migrani"-copiii lor.

ntr-un sens mai larg, politicile de emigrare actuale din Albania sunt menite s descurajeze fluxurile reale i poteniale de emigraie prin crearea oportunitilor de angajare. O cale de a realiza acest fapt este crearea de noi locuri de munc n ar. O alt cale este extinderea canalelor de emigraie legal, prin semnarea de acorduri cu rile vecine, n special cu Grecia (1996), Italia (1997) i alte state ale UE. Politicile privind descurajarea emigraiei ilegale includ informarea i asistarea subiecilor activi n ceea ce privete oportunitile de emigrare legal, precum i ncurajarea cooperrii descentralizate ntre autoritile locale din interiorul frontierelor. Autoritile albaneze sunt, de asemenea, implicate n facilitarea intrrii, ocuparea unui loc de munc, reglementarea juridic, precum i integrarea social a emigranilor albanezi n rile de destinaie. Ele au depus eforturi susinute pentru a negocia cu guvernele rilor de destinaie i s asigure respectarea conveniilor internaionale n materie de munc i migraie. n scopul de a profita diasporei albaneze, guvernul promoveaz ntoarcerea voluntar a emigranilor de succes i ncearc s valorifice capitalul lor financiar, uman i social pentru a stimula dezvoltarea rii. Politicile rilor din cadrul UE, care afecteaz emigraia albanezilor, sunt n prezent, n principal, inspirate de o filosofie de a pune capt, de control, precum i de reducere a fluxurilor migraioniste, ca opus al favorizrii i liberalizrii canalelor de emigraie legal. Aceste politici alimenteaz o asimetrie legal i 226

instituional n sistemul migraiei globale, ntruct acestea au dus la o cretere a fluxurilor de migraie i a canalelor de migraie ilegal. n rile de origine, cum ar fi Albania, migraia forei de munc este considerat un fenomen economic i social, n timp ce n rile de destinaie, se consider c este un risc pentru sigurana public. Ca urmare a politicilor UE din ce n ce mai restricioniste, fluxul regulat de migrani din Albania spre Italia i Grecia este n scdere la momentul actual. Au existat mai multe canalecheie ale emigraiei albaneze n perioada extrem de activ a anilor 1990-1998. n primul rnd, muli au rmas n rile de destinaie dup expirarea vizei turistice sau alt tip de viz. Se estimeaz c sunt eliberate de ctre Consulatul Italian 35.00050.000 de vize pe an, pentru ceteni albanezi i 60.000-70.000 de Consulatul Grec. Recent, Consulatul Grec din Albania a nceput s emit vize pentru ocuparea forei de munc sezonier a albanezilor n Grecia, n special n zonele situate de-a lungul frontierei lor comune. Acest fapt este de ateptat s reduc numrul de ,,turisti, care au devenit emigrani ilegali. O tendin contradictorie este vizibil n Italia: numrul de vize de munc eliberate a fost nlturat ca urmare a revizuirilor recente ce au avut loc n legislaia privind emigraia, ceea ce va determina, n consecin, creterea numrului de ,,turisti ce se va transforma n emigrani ilegali. Ali albanezi trec frontiera de stat n mod fraudulos folosind ca mijloc de transport, taxiul,

vaporul sau avionul. ntr-o lun, aproximativ 5000 de albanezi au trecut grania n Grecia i 1500 n Italia, n perioada 1991-2003, att n mod legal, ct i ilegal. Treceri ilegale de frontier se fac folosind brci cu motor din porturile i oraele de coast (Vlora, Durrs), n principal n Italia i ntr-o msur mai mic, n Grecia (de la Saranda). Msuri ferme de combatere a traficului de fiine umane au fost adoptate, n ultimii ani, de ctre guvernele albanez, italian i grec. Revendicarea identitii kosovare a fost o alt form important de migraia clandestin din Albania, mai ales din anul 1999, cnd rile occidentale au nceput s accepte refugiai din Kosovo. Un procent mare de emigrani din Albania au fost luai n evidene n perioada de mare volum dintre anii 1990-1998. Dintr-o evaluare aproximativ de 150.000 de emigrri albaneze ce au avut loc n Italia n anul 1998, doar 82.000 au fost nregistrate de autoriti. Cifrele corespunztoare pentru Grecia au fost de 10.000 de emigrri, cu excepia a 400.000 ce au avut loc la sfritul anului 1997. Italia i Grecia i-au modificat legislaia n scopul de a legaliza toate emigraiile ilegale ce au avut loc, pe teritoriul lor, dup 1999. Pn la sfritul anului 2003 existau 160.000 de emigrani cu acte n regul din aproximativ 200.000 de albanezi n Italia i 300.000 dintr-un total estimat de 600.000 n Grecia. n perioada 1990-2003, aproximativ 45% dintre profesori i cercettori de la universiti i instituii de cercetare au emigrat, aa cum au procedat mai mult de 65% dintre studenii deintori de titluri 227

doctorale obinute n Occident, n perioada 1980-1990. de asemenea, mii de absolveni de facultate au emigrat. Majoritatea au luat cu ei i membrii de familie. Motivul acestei emigrri este simplu: lipsa oportunitilor de angajare n ara de origine. Dac situaia economic i social a rii nu se mbuntete, exodul creierelor din Albania va continua s fie o preocupare, n condiiile n care, actual, legislaia albanez nu ridic nici un obstacol pentru emigrare, iar factorii de atracie continu s atrag cetenii albanezi specializai. Aceast dezvoltare presupune costuri sociale i economice pentru Albania. Albanezii foarte pricepui care emigreaz n SUA i Canada iau cu ei o cantitate de bani considerabil ceea ce reprezint un export net de capital. Acesta este, de asemenea, un ,,canal de scurgere a celor care ar putea, de altfel deveni lideri i investitorii autohtoni, care s promoveze stabilitatea i dezvoltare n Albania. Mai mult dect att, studiile arat c o dat ajuni n strintate, muli emigrani, bine pregtii profesional, nu desfoar activiti n domeniile lor de specializare, respectiv 74% n Grecia, 67% n Italia, 58% n Austria i 70% n Statele Unite ale Americii. Albania face parte din Europa de Est, iar multe dintre rile acesei pri de continent au devenit sursa emigraiei clandestine n rile Uniunii Europene n anii 1990. Extinderea UE n mai 2004, cu mai multe granie deschise, este de ateptat s afecteze profund aceast problem.

Ca parte a emigraiei ilegale, traficanii faciliteaz traversarea ilegal a Mrii Adriatice spre Italia cu ajutorul brcilor cu motor, n schimbul perceperii unor taxe. Traficanii de fiine umane utilizeaz aceeai cale pentru a plasa tinere femei, n direcia rilor din Europa de Vest pentru expolatarea sexual a acestora, fiind supuse prostituiei. Aceast contraband sofisticat i desfurat pe scar larg, precum i operaiunile de trafic, constituie afacerile mai multor bande naionale, regionale i internaionale care opereaz n regiune. Ele sunt bine organizate i asemntoare cu bandele de exploatare ce opereaz de-a lungul

graniei ceho-german, precum i la alte granie ale Europei de Est i Vest. n timp ce Albania a fost mult timp considerat o surs de emigrani de contraband i o ar de tranzit de la est spre vest, acest fapt s-a schimbat n ultimul timp. n prezent, este considerat doar o ar de tranzit, datorit cooperrii reuite a reelelor, coaliiilor i organizaiilor anticontraband i anti-trafic. La rndul su, guvernul albanez a implementat, ncepnd cu anul din 2002, msuri radicale de reducere a emigraiei ilegale i a traficului de fiine umane, precum i de a stopa traficul de droguri.

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The Albanians: the power of choosing their own way of living


Ph.D. St. Bledar ILIA University of Craiova
bledi_afrodite@hotmail.com

Abstract: This study aims at analysing the phenomenon of Albanian emigration, emphasizing its historical development and the social challenges of the countries facing it. Also, this article emphasizes the discouraging emigration policies from Albania and those against immigrants in EU countries. Key words: migration, Albanian people, social politics, control measures Generally speaking, Albanian emigration has had three key phases: an early outflow of emigrants before 1944, a more recent diaspora of those who left 1945-1990, and a significant outflow following the 1990 breakdown of the communist leadership that had been in place since 1944. Before 1944, the US and some Latin American states were the main destination countries. There are only scarce data to measure the flow of Albanian migration before the 1990s. Most of the people who left the country before 1944 did so because of economic push factors, and the Albanian governments during that time were mostly indifferent to these flows. Meanwhile, in the second phase, a sort of political migration took place. Most migrants from Albania in this period left because of political factors. These included disagreements with the country's 229

communist regime and the political pressure they expected to be placed on them, in some cases because of their collaboration with Italian and German occupiers during World War II. The Albanian government heavily discouraged this migration by establishing political and legal barriers to migration and labelling it a crime. Yet another phase follows, that of post-1990 migration. This can be broken down into the 1991-1992 stream, which was wholly uncontrolled, when approximately 300,000 Albanians left the country; the 1992-1996 stream, when a similar number migrated, most illegally, despite the temporary improvement of the economy and better border controls; and the 1996-1997 stream, immediately after the collapse of various pyramid schemes, which wiped out the savings of hundred of thousands of people. In the national unrest that followed, a combination of unemployment, poverty, and economic hardships led to the migration of around 70,000 people within a few months. Finally, since 1998, a gradual improvement in economic, political, and social conditions and favourable immigration policies in two key receiving countries, Greece and Italy, have increased legal migration and reduced illegal flows.

When choosing a destination country, key factors for Albanian migrants have been geographical, cultural, and linguistic proximity, as well as legal accessibility. Previous waves of migration to far-off countries, from which no significant numbers of Albanians returned, appear to have played a key cultural role in convincing Albanians to lean towards more nearby destinations. However, opportunities to obtain better jobs and legal status have still lured some Albanians farther afield. Greece, Italy, and other European countries were the main destinations during 1992-1995. An earlier preference for Germany, Switzerland, and other Western European countries has become less pronounced due to their trend towards increasingly restrictive migration policies. The US and Canada emerged as relevant destination countries after 1995. For Albanians, Italy combines the attractions of a culturally preferred and geographically accessible country. To many Albanians living under the country's communist regime, Italy was a symbol of freedom and the West, and Italian radio and TV broadcasts were the most important way in which Albanians were exposed to the West. Italian is the most-used foreign language in Albania, and Italian arts and culture hold a clear attraction. All of these factors help explain why Italy has been sought out by Albanian migrants. Greece is another country within comparatively easy geographical reach of Albanians. Illegally crossing the Greek-Albanian border does not require a large

financial investment. People of the two countries also share certain cultural and historical similarities. And while Greek is not spoken in Albania to the same extent as Italian, except in the southern regions where the Greek community lives, recent migration has increased the number of Albanians who can speak Greek. This has shortened the linguistic distance between these neighbouring countries. The Western European countries mentioned above were favoured during the early 1990s because of the scarce opportunities of Albanians to design and implement a migration project and strategy. The US and Canada became significant destination countries post-1995, due to admissions policies favouring skilled and well-educated migrants. The outflow of Albanians expanded rapidly in early the 1990s as a result of several factors. The economic situation at that time had all the signs of a crisis: inflation was around 350 percent; GDP was plummeting by 50 percent annually; the unemployment rate was rising rapidly; and "rapid urbanization" favoured the emigration of welleducated people. Albania in the early 1990s had, as it has now, a very young population and a well-educated workforce. In 1989, around 19.5 percent of the population was in the 15-24 age bracket, but the country had (and still has) limited job-creation capacities. The West was by then the ideal of Albanian young people due to such influences as Italian TV, which was easily accessible. Consequently, after a half-century of political isolation, Albanians instinctively

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identified the idea of liberty with free movement. These factors, combined with economic and political transformations in Eastern and Central Europe, encouraged migration. Albania quickly became the country with the highest migration outflow in Europe, when measured in terms of the ratio of migrants to overall population. During the first decade of transition (1991-2000), an absence of governmental control of migration flows was apparent. The scant efforts to extend the legal channels of migration were not sufficient to reduce or discourage these flows. By the present day, approximately 25 percent of the total population, or over 35 percent of the labour force, has emigrated. The country has approximately 900,000 emigrants, now residing mainly in Greece (600,000), Italy (200,000), and most of the remainder in other Western European countries, the US, and Canada. Albania's migration flow has, since the early 1990s, been five times higher than the average migration flow in developing countries. The potential for migration from Albania remains high due to such push factors as unemployment and poverty. Around 30 percent of Albanians are currently below the poverty line, and half of them live in extreme poverty, subsisting on less than $1 per day. The unemployment rate remains high, despite a recent slow decline. In addition, illnesses are a major concern and access to medical care is scarce, especially in rural areas. Four out five poor people live in rural areas, and the poverty

rate among young people is higher than average. In terms of pull factors, complex and contradictory migration experiences are convincing Albanians of the limitations of the possibilities actually offered by destination countries. While not as powerful as they were in the early 1990s, the impact of pull factors is still considerable. Cultural motivations, for example, are influential. There is a simple urge to experience an apparently alluring outside world, especially among young people. This was particularly true in the wake of the isolationist years of the communist regime. Education is a key pull factor. A growing number of Albanian students are enrolled in universities in Romania, Italy, Greece, in other EU countries, and the United States. Satisfying career interests outside the job-scarce Albanian environment is another key pull factor. Research indicates that Albanians view migration as both an individual and a family survival strategy. Moving abroad is seen as an investment in the future, creating opportunities for a second generation of "migrants"their children. In a wider sense, Albania's current migration policies are aimed at discouraging real and potential migration flows by creating employment opportunities. One path to accomplishing this is creating new jobs in the country. Another is extending channels of legal migration through signing seasonal employment agreements with neighbouring countries, especially Greece (1996) and Italy (1997), and other EU states.

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Policies to discourage illegal immigration include informing and assisting potential emigrants with regard to legal migration opportunities, as well as encouraging decentralized co-operation between the local authorities of inter-border areas. Albanian authorities are also engaged in facilitating the entry, instalment into the labour market, legal regulation, and social integration of Albanian emigrants in receiving countries. They have made persistent efforts to negotiate with these receiving-country governments and ensure compliance with international conventions on labor and migration. In terms of taking advantage of the Albanian diaspora, the government promotes the voluntary return of successful emigrants and tries to harness their financial, human, and social capital to boost the country's development. EU state policies that affect Albanian migration are currently mainly inspired by a philosophy of stopping, controlling, and reducing migration flows, as opposed to favouring and liberalizing channels of legal migration. These policies are feeding a legal and institutional asymmetry in the global migration system, since they have resulted in an increase in illegal channels and flows of migration. In sending countries such as Albania, labour migration is considered an economic and social phenomenon, while in receiving countries it is considered a risk to public safety. Due to the EU's increasingly restrictionist policies, the flow of regular immigrants from Albania to Italy and Greece is currently declining.

There were several key channels of Albanian migration in the extremely busy period of 1990-1998. First, many remained in destination countries after the expiration of their tourist or other type of visa. It is estimated that Italian consulates issue 35,00050,000 visas per year to Albanian citizens, and Greek consulates about 60,000 70,000. Recently, Greek consulates in Albania started to issue visas for seasonal employment of Albanians in Greece, especially in areas along their common border. This is expected to reduce the number of "tourists" who become unauthorized immigrants. A contradictory trend is visible in Italy: the number of work visas issued has been cut after recent revisions to migration legislation, and the number of "tourists" transformed into unauthorized immigrants is consequently expected to increase. Other Albanians illegally cross state borders by taxi, ship, or airplane. Approximately 5,000 Albanians a month entered Greece and 1,500 entered Italy in the period 1991-2003, both legally or illegally. There are illegal border crossing by speedboat from ports and coastal cities (Vlora, Durrs), mainly to Italy and to a lesser extent to Greece (from Saranda). Strong measures to combat human smuggling have been taken in recent years by the Albanian, Italian, and Greek governments. Claiming Kosovar identity has been another important form of clandestine migration from Albania, especially since 1999, when Western countries started taking in Kosovar refugees. A high proportion of Albania's immigrants were unauthorized in the high-volume period of 1990-1998.

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Out of an estimated 150,000 Albanian immigrants in Italy in 1998, only some 82,000 were registered with authorities. The corresponding figures for Greece were 10,000 out of 400,000 at the end of 1997. Italy and Greece changed their migration legislation in ways that promoted legalization of all illegal immigrants in their territory after 1999. By the end of 2003 there were 160,000 documented Albanian immigrants out approximately 200,000 in Italy, and 300,000 out of an estimated 600,000 in Greece. In the period 1990-2003, approximately 45 percent of the professors and researchers at universities and institutions emigrated, as did more than 65 percent of the scholars who received PhDs in the West in the period 19801990. Thousands of university graduates left as well. The majority took along their family members. The reason for this migration is simple: a lack of employment opportunities at home. If the country's economic and social situation does not improve, Albania's brain drain will continue to be a concern, as Albanian legislation currently poses no obstacles to migration and pull factors look likely to continue to draw the educated. This development has social and economic costs for Albania. High-skilled emigrants to the US and Canada are taking with them a considerable amount of money, which represents a net export of capital. It is also a drain of those who would otherwise likely become leaders and domestic investors, promoting Albania's stability and development. Moreover, studies show that once abroad, many highly educated

emigrants do not work in their areas of specialization, including 74 percent in Greece, 67 percent in Italy, 58 percent in Austria, and 70 percent in the United States. Albania is part of Eastern Europe, many of whose countries became the source of clandestine migration to EU countries in the 1990s. The expansion of the EU in May 2004, with more open borders, is expected to deeply affect this issue. As part of this illegal migration, smugglers ferry fee-paying migrants from Albania across the Adriatic to Italy in speedboats. Human traffickers use the same route to move young women in the direction of Western Europe countries to work as prostitutes. These sophisticated and large-scale smuggling and trafficking operations are the business of several national, regional, and international gangs operating in the region. They are well-organized and very similar to the gangs operating along to the CzechGerman border and other East-West European borders. While Albania was long considered a source of smuggled migrants and a transit country from the East to the West, this has recently changed. It is now considered only a transit country, due to the successful cooperation of anti-smuggling and anti-trafficking networks, coalitions, and organizations. For its part, Albanian government has since 2002 added tough measures to reduce the illegal migration and trafficking of human beings, as well as to halt drug trafficking.

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Provocri n domeniul concurenei n contextul integrrii europene


Drd. Adina Gabriela DASCLU Universitatea din Craiova

Rezumat: n sistemul economiei de pia, politica de concuren este proiectat pentru a asigura protejarea i promovarea procesului concurenial. Acest proces competitiv nu este un obiectiv n sine, ci doar un mijloc, pentru c el conduce la creteri ale eficienei, ceea ce n final, se transform n ctiguri de bunstare pentru societate n ansamblul ei. Totui, n cazul economiilor de pia de talie relativ mic, aa cum este i economia Romniei, apare o tensiune inevitabil ntre concentrarea dat de dimensiunile reduse ale pieei naionale i atingerea obiectivelor de eficien. Aceast tensiune este central n formularea i aplicarea politicii concurenei. Autoritatea de concuren n Romnia se confrunt i ea cu aceast tensiune: o abordarea exagerat de agresiv a rolului poate mpiedica sporirea eficienei, pe cnd o abordare prea permisiv poate duce la instalarea abuzului de putere de pia. Mai mult, o implicaie de natur politic deloc de neglijat se refer la nevoia de integrare a politicii concurenei cu alte politici, cum este, de exemplu, politica comercial. Este imperativ s ne asigurm c politicile de reglementare nu contribuie la crearea sau ntrirea barierelor la intrarea i ieirea de pe pieele crora li se adreseaz. Pe de alt parte, n sectoarele unde concurena este limitat, reglementarea poate fi necesar tocmai pentru limitarea potenialelor costuri impuse de prezena puterii de pia.

Cuvinte cheie: politica de concuren, eficiena economic, abuzul de putere de pia, integrarea politicilor economice.

Premise i provocri care necesit atenia autoritilor n domeniul concurenei Protecia concurenei reprezint o arie de politic relativ nou pentru Romnia. Astfel, este necesar ca legislaia dar mai ales aplicarea ei n practic s ofere un set de instrumente flexibile care s poat fi aplicate de la caz la caz pentru reducerea abuzurilor i promovarea eficienei economice. Este valabil nu numai pentru economiile mici, dar i pentru cele mari precum spaiul pieei unice europene, s se foloseasc o abordare bazat mai puin pe prevederile rigide legale i mai mult pe analiza efectelor, cu o atenie sporit pentru consideraiile privind eficiena. Condiiile de pe pieele economiilor de talie redus faciliteaz comportamentul cooperant ntre firme, datorit numrului limitat de companii care opereaz n multe industrii. Evident, comportamentele ale cror efecte procompetitive nu prevaleaz peste cele negative trebuie reglementate foarte strict. Totui, n economiile mici, aranjamente precum restriciile de comercializare sau joint-ventures pot duce la sporirea eficienei sau, paradoxal, pot avea

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efecte procompetitive(cum ar fi permisiunea unui grup de firme mai mici s coopereze pentru a concura cu firmele mai mari de pe pia, ducnd astfel la stabilirea unui echilibru mai puin fragil). Existena unor astfel de acorduri care sporesc bunstarea consumatorului nu ar trebui interzis i, prin urmare, analiza bazat pe efecte ar trebui s decid n astfel de cazuri1. n condiiile integrrii, Romnia nu mai constituie o pia ntr-o economie de talie mic, ci o parte a pieei unice. Din acest punct de vedere, pe lng exigenele legate de protejarea concurenei corespunztor unui mecanism funcional de pia, un domeniu important n care autoritatea de concuren poate s joace un rol esenial l constituie garantarea respectrii legilor concurenei europene astfel nct s se permit realizarea libertilor fundamentale ale schimbului pe care piaa intern european le presupune. Aadar, pentru ndeplinirea misiunii ce i-a fost atribuit i pentru promovarea bunstrii tuturor consumatorilor de bunuri i servicii, n acest an, Consiliul Concurenei i-a propus s prezinte spre dezbatere public un raport privind situaia concurenei n Romnia n cteva domenii care au fost identificate drept domenii cheie pentru economia naional (sectorul bancar, comerul cu amnuntul- n special cel cu produse alimentare, sectorul energetic, farmaceutic, etc.). Acest demers este considerat de autoritatea de concuren un prim pas n
1

dezvoltarea viitoare a unei colaborri mult mai active cu toi factorii decideni i partenerii sociali 2 n scopul de a-i contientiza asupra faptului c atingerea obiectivelor de competitivitate i performan presupune respectarea legilor, a partenerilor de afaceri, dar mai ales a principiilor pieei libere. Acest raport a rezultat n urma unei analize detaliate a practicilor agenilor economici i a reglementrilor n fiecare dintre aceste sectoare, att la nivelul rii noastre, ct i la nivel comunitar. Concluziile analizei au fost c aceste sectoare prezint mai multe puncte vulnerabile n ceea ce privete comportamentul concurenial, Consiliul Concurenei propunnd mai multe recomandri menite s amelioreze situaia existent n aceste sectoare, mai ales c disfuncionalitile descoperite n cadrul acestora i-ar putea extinde efectele i asupra altor zone ale economiei naionale. Intenia declarat a Consiliului este de a deveni mai activ n atragerea ateniei asupra activitilor care, dei afecteaz concurena, nu pot fi corectate direct de ctre acesta. Stadiul actual al legislaiei romneti i realitatea economic concret Cadrul legal sub care se desfoar activitatea tuturor participanilor la viaa economic este primul element care trebuie avut n vedere n analiza funcionrii normale
2

Anisia Cristina Popescu, Politica european de concuren n contextul integrrii, Ed. ASE, Bucureti, 2006

Bogdan M. Chirioiu, Pia unic, pia naional: politica de concuren n sectoare cheie, 2009, Sursa: www.consiliulconcurentei.ro

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a pieii. Se consider c, n acest moment, cadrul legislativ romnesc este integral armonizat cu cel european. Totui, literatura menioneaz existena unor diferene sau chiar slbiciuni fie de form, fie chiar de substan sau abordare fa de abordarea comunitar. Trebuie menionate cteva dintre cele mai importante care se refer la substana economic i mai puin pe cele procedurale n urmtoarele cteva paragrafe. Astfel, definirea alternativ a comportamentului abuziv al firmei dominante prin recurgerea la fapte anticoncureniale care au ca obiect sau pot avea ca efect afectarea comerului ori prejudicierea consumatorilor este un criteriu care apare n plus n legea romneasc fa de art 82 din Tratatul CEE. Urmarea este c orice majorare de pre care ar putea aprea ar putea fi interpretat corect ca o prejudiciere a consumatorilor n vreme ce intervenia autoritii ar putea s nu fie justificat de distorsionarea concurenei. Important este c sectoarele care ar putea cdea sub incidena acestei prevederi sunt cele foarte sensibile de genul energie electric, ap, termoficare etc. Un al doilea aspect de difereniere se refer la vnzarea produselor autohtone pe pieele externe la preuri mai sczute dect cel practicat pe piaa intern n scopul nlturrii concurenilor i acaparrii pieelor externe (dumping) i const n interzicerea vnzrii la export sub costul de producie, cu acoperirea diferenelor prin impunerea de preuri majorate consumatorilor interni. Aceasta nseamn interzicerea discriminrii pe piee cu elasticiti diferite prin subvenionare ncruciat 236

de ctre monopolist. Exist situaii n care monopolistul vinde sub cost datorit conjuncturii nefavorabile sau, aa cum spune teoria economic, continuarea activitii pe termen scurt atta vreme ct este posibil recuperarea cel puin a costurilor variabile medii. Aceste situaii ar trebui s nu fie incriminate ca ducnd la distorsionarea concurenei. n fine, o practic de genul forward pricing(stabilirea anticipat a preului n stadiul de introducere al produsului pe pia pentru care se previzioneaz scderea semnificativ a costurilor n viitor datorit curbei nvrii sau pentru bunurile ce necesit un volum important al costurilor nerecuperabile) n faza de producie iniial a produselor constituie nu numai o strategie de marketing ades folosit ci i o modalitate de a da posibilitatea consumatorilor s aib acces la primele uniti de produs. Existena economiilor de scar poate s fac exportul la preuri sub costul mediu total justificat tocmai de antrenarea reducerii costului pe unitatea medie de produs prin sporirea produciei. O alt strategie pentru penetrarea pe o nou pia presupune folosirea unor preuri mai mici dect cele prevalente pe piaa respectiv, dei n mod normal aceast reducere de pre ar duce la sporirea caracterului concurenial al pieei respective. Un pre sub costurile variabile medii cuplat cu creterea lor n viitor dup excluderea concurenei este o practic de ruinare i deci, incriminabil. ns, uneori, folosirea de preuri sub nivelul costului total mediu poate fi singurul mod de a escalada barierele de pe piaa de export, indiferent dac ele provin din reticena consumatorilor de a

renuna la furnizorii tradiionali sau din nsi structura de oligopol a pieei respective. n concluzie, adoptarea de msuri de tip antidumping n cazul firmelor exportatoare care dein o poziie dominant pe piaa intern trebuie fcut cu precauie. Mai mult, rmne deschis discuia dac autoritatea de concuren din ara de provenien este cea care trebuie s condamne preurile de dumping sau aceast responsabilitate revine integral autoritii din ara importatoare. Totui, sunt de remarcat i modificrile absolut necesare care au fost aduse pentru eliminarea discordanelor. n ceea ce privete concentrrile, o modificare important o constituie eliminarea posibilitii de a autoriza o concentrare pe motivul c ea ar duce la o cretere a competitivitii la export a entitii nou create. Din punct de vedere al formulrii, aceast prevedere dorete s corijeze deficiena care a fost adesea reproat sistemului european de control al concentrrilor datorit nelurii ndeajuns n considerare a evalurii creterilor de eficien. Totui, ea era contrar ideii de pia unic european. La fel de important a fost i eliminarea prevederilor referitoare la tratamentul difereniat ntre ntreprinderile private i anumite ntreprinderi de stat, prevedere care avea potenialul unei distorsionri semnificative a concurenei pe piaa romneasc. n legislaia romneasc, fa de cea comunitar, exist numeroase diferene si slbiciuni, derivate din lipsa de experien (dac ne raportm la experiena de peste 50 de ani a rilor membre ale UE) n adoptarea i implementarea unor norme, 237

nenelegerea n totalitate a fenomenului economic sau chiar erori de nelegere cauzate de traducerea dintr-o limb strin. De asemenea, exist i ali factori care in de specificul economiei, practicile de afaceri, stadiul actual de evoluie al economiei, gradul de informare a agenilor economici etc. De exemplu, legislaia romneasc nu preia criteriul potenialitii afectrii comerului ntre statele membre ca unul care trebuie ndeplinit pentru a sanciona nclcarea articolului 5, care interzice nelegerile dintre firme n scopul denaturrii mediului concurenial normal, sau 6, prin care se interzice abuzul de poziie dominant, din Legea concurenei nr. 21/1996. Potrivit unor analiti, acest lucru ar nsemna c n Romnia sunt sancionate i nelegeri care nu afecteaz comerul cu UE, adic ntr-un anumit fel, legislaia romneasca este mai sever. Totui, potrivit Regulamentului 1/2003 statele membre trebuie s aplice i articolul 81 i 82 atunci cnd analizeaz un caz i nu numai legislaia naional. De multe ori, acest lucru a creat confuzie n rndul mediului de afaceri, netiindu-se exact ce conduit se ateapt din partea firmelor. Oricum, important de menionat este faptul c efectele asupra comerului pot fi directe sau indirecte, actuale sau poteniale, cu alte cuvinte, legislaia se aplic doar dac exist posibilitatea unei ameninri, i nu este necesar ca efectul negativ (exprimat prin scderea importurilor sau exporturilor) s se fi produs deja. Un specific aparte l are articolul 6 lit.f, care interzice vnzarea

la export sub costul de producie, cu acoperirea diferenelor prin impunerea unor preuri majorate consumatorilor interni, unde se face referire la practica de dumping. Relaia dintre legislaia de protecie a concurentei i msurile antidumping este evident din punct de vedere teoretic, dar suficient de neclar n practic. Exist opinii care sugereaz c atunci cnd instrumentele antitrust sunt eficiente, statele ar trebui s renune la aplicarea de masuri antidumping. Aceasta deoarece sancionarea practicii preurilor de ruinare (pe baza legislaiei antitrust) ar avea aceleai efecte ca i msurile antidumping. Acest lucru se ntmpl rareori n practic, deoarece diferenele existente ntre ri n ceea ce privete legislaia de protecie a concurenei i modul ei de implementare fac ca recurgerea la msurile antidumping s fie mult mai facil i mai eficient. Potrivit Legii concurenei nr. 21/1996, Legea concurenei se aplic actelor i faptelor care au sau pot avea ca efect restrngerea, mpiedicarea sau distorsionarea concurenei, care sunt svrite pe teritoriul Romniei, dar i celor svrite n afara rii, atunci cnd produce efecte pe teritoriul Romniei 3 . Potrivit specialitilor, o operaiune de dumping produce, de regul, efecte n ara n care se realizeaz exportul respectiv, fiind astfel la latitudinea autoritilor din acea ar ca n msura n care se creeaz sau amenin s se creeze un prejudiciu productorilor interni, respectivele autoriti fiind singurele n msur s aprecieze acest lucru s iniieze msuri antidumping. Ori este greu de imaginat ca autoritile unei
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ri acioneaz mpotriva propriilor firme, n scopul eventualei protejri a mediului de afaceri dintr-o alt ar. n ceea ce privete abuzul de poziie dominant, problema care se ridic este c, n Romnia, ca de altfel i n alte ri care au trecut prin aceast etap autoritile sectoriale nu dein expertiza necesar pentru a preveni sau dovedi un abuz de poziie dominant sau a face o definire a pieei relevante, iar autoritile de concuren nu dispun de informaii referitoare la aspecte ca accesul la reea, interconectare, .a.m.d. Cooperarea ntre ele, pe de o parte i specializarea accelerat a fiecreia pe de alt parte sunt condiii eseniale pentru asigurarea cadrului necesar procesului de liberalizare (transparen, credibilitate, responsabilitatea pentru deciziile luate, dar i posibilitatea de a fi contestate) pentru asigurarea siguranei de care trebuie s beneficieze noii intrai pe pia, dar i a compensrilor echitabile ale celor deja existeni. Aceasta cu att mai mult cu ct intervenia fiecreia dintre cele dou tipuri de autoriti are loc, n principiu, la momente diferite de timp: autoritatea sectorial acioneaz de regul anterior(stabilind regulile de joc pe piaa respectiv), n vreme ce autoritatea de concuren acioneaz dup producerea aciunii(analiznd comportamente). Provocri pentru aciunile viitoare ale autoritilor n domeniul concurenei Liberalizarea pieelor este unul dintre subiectele cele mai discutate, n special cnd este vorba de sectorul serviciilor i al utilitilor publice. n trecut, muli dintre economiti 238

Legea concurenei nr. 21/1996

considerau multe dintre piee industriile de ip reea (telecomunicaii, gaze, pot, transport feroviar etc.), o mare parte din utilitile publice, monopoluri naturale. Consiliul Concurenei trebuie s joace rolul de creator de piee. Designul pieelor liberalizate este o sarcin deosebit de dificil chiar i pentru ri cu experien. Marile probleme sunt cele la monopolurile reglementate unde liberalizarea trebuie gndit i realizat prin colaborarea dintre autoritatea de concuren i autoritile de reglementare existente. Aceasta este, probabil una dintre cele mai mari provocri creia Consiliul Concurenei va trebui s-i fac fa n perioada urmtoare. Pe lng un volum de lucru sporit, va fi necesar i o expertiz n fiecare dintre aceste domenii extrem de specializate, precum i un dialog continuu cu ageniile de reglementare. Deschiderea pieelor va duce la intrarea de noi operatori, ns este foarte posibil ca fostele monopoluri de stat s continue s existe i chiar s dein poziii dominante. Dac ele vor continua s dein proprietatea asupra reelelor, atunci accesul la aceste faciliti eseniale va trebui s fie asigurat prin asigurarea unui mediu concurenial corespunztor. Astfel, mpiedicarea abuzului de poziie dominant pe aceste piee va constitui o sarcin important pentru Consiliu, aceasta n cazul n care se alege un sistem n care autoritii de reglementare s i se confere astfel de puteri. Un factor care face aceste industrii cu att mai greu de urmrit i monitorizat n ceea ce privete concurena l constituie faptul c unele dintre ele vnd produse att pe piaa intern, ct i pe cea extern. Pe piaa 239

intern, tocmai datorit poziiei dominante pe care o ocup, anumite monopoluri vor folosi preuri mai mari dect pe pieele externe. Totui, o component important o constituie artificiile contabile prin care sumele scap, ceea ce ns iese de sub competena Consiliului i intr n competena justiiei. Cu alte cuvinte, pentru asigurarea eficienei activitii Consiliului Concurenei, o condiie necesar o constituie descoperirea acelor artificii comerciale i contabile care fac posibil folosirea de strategii de ruinare i practici restrictive deghizate. Acestea sunt dificil nu numai de sesizat, ci i aproape imposibil de dovedit cu mijloacele de care Consiliul dispune. Din nou, problema o constituie asigurarea unui cadru n care i celelalte instituii s-i ndeplineasc prompt obligaiile. O alt provocare de data aceasta att pentru Consiliu dar i pentru autoritile de reglementare o constituie angajarea de personal i perfecionarea acestuia pentru a ajunge la gradul de expertiz necesar fiecruia dintre aceste domenii extrem de specializate. Delimitarea clar a atribuiunilor celor dou tipuri de autoriti pentru a asigura transparen, claritate i siguran legal n luarea deciziilor, responsabilitatea care revine fiecreia dintre ele este o condiie absolut necesar construirii unui cadru adecvat intrrii de noi operatori pe piee i a echilibrrii de fore ntre cei existeni. Mai mult, aciunile autoritilor de concuren i reglementare trebuie concertate n aa fel nct s asigure coeren iar n acest caz cooperarea dintre ele este crucial i poate presupune crearea de echipe de lucru mixte care s acioneze n

paralel i n strns interdependen. Dac adoptarea acquis-ului i armonizarea legislativ este relativ uor de realizat, alinierea modului de aplicare la practica european dar i, ntr-o anumit msur, la cea internaional este mai problematic. Rapoartele Comisiei Europene arat c legislaia rii noastre poate fi considerat integral armonizat. Totui, rmn cteva inadvertene legate de unele prevederi referitoare la sancionarea vnzrii la export sub costurile de producie, interzicerea importurilor fr competiie de oferte i tratative tehnico-economice uzuale, dar mai ales condiia privind creterea competitivitii la export (aceasta poate duce la autorizarea unei concentrri, ceea ce pune n discuie condiiile respectrii principiilor pieei interne europene). Mediul de afaceri Romnesc este unul tnr i destul de diferit fa de cel al pieei interne europene, ceea ce face i mai dificil sarcina Consiliului. Concluzii Politica de concuren este o component a vieii economice aflat n permanent micare, iar autoritatea de concuren trebuie s fie cea care d prima semnalul adaptrii la provocrile ce apar n acest domeniu. n acest sens, aderarea Romniei la Uniunea European a reprezentat un moment ce a influenat evoluia autoritii naionale de concuren. Astfel, n materie de antitrust, ncepnd cu 1 ianuarie 2007 Consiliul Concurenei aplic direct prevederile acquis-ului comunitar, respectiv articolele 81 i 82 din Tratatul CE i legislaia secundar comunitar emis pentru aplicarea acestor articole. 240

Aceasta nu nseamn c Legea concurenei nr.21/1996, republicat, a devenit depit, dimpotriv ea va continua s fie aplicat la cazurile de dimensiune naional. ns, pentru acele practici i nelegeri anticoncureniale ce afecteaz comerul dintre statele membre, Consiliul Concurenei va aplica direct acquis-ul comunitar n colaborare cu Comisia i cu celelalte autoriti naionale. Aceast colaborare ntre Consiliul Concurenei, Comisie i restul autoritilor europene de concuren se va realiza n cadrul Reelei Europene de Concuren. Pe lng cooperarea n cadrul Reelei Europene de Concuren, politica comunitar n acest domeniu mai dispune i de alte instrumente menite s garanteze consumatorilor cele mai avantajoase opiuni i, n acelai timp, s susin obiectivul principal al Strategiei Lisabona de a crea o economie european durabil, cea mai dinamic i competitiv din lume4. Pentru a permite rii noastre s-i aduc propria contribuie la atingerea acestui obiectiv, este important ca i n viitor Consiliul Concurenei s-i menin atitudinea proactiv n materie de antitrust, ceea ce trebuie s nsemne: concentrarea resurselor asupra cazurilor importante de distorsionare a concurenei, utilizarea adecvat a instrumentelor de investigaie i aplicarea de sanciuni severe n caz de nclcare grav a regulilor relevante. n ceea ce privete ajutorul de stat, de la data aderrii,
Uniunea European pe scurt, Agenda Lisabona, martie 2008, Sursa: www.euractiv.ro
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responsabilitatea autorizrii msurilor naionale de sprijin a trecut de la nivelul Consiliului Concurenei n competena Comisiei Europene. Aceast modificare de atribuii nu va nltura ns autoritatea romn de concuren de la aplicarea regulilor n domeniu. Actualele proceduri naionale n domeniul ajutorului de stat confer Consiliului Concurenei statutul de autoritate de contact n relaia cu Comisia European. Astfel, autoritatea romn de concuren reprezint intermediarul naional dintre autoritile de concuren comunitare cu atribuii n domeniul ajutorului de stat, pe de o parte, i autoritile naionale ce pot acorda ajutor de stat, pe de alt parte. De asemenea, pentru a rspunde mai bine cerinei din ce n ce mai imperioase de a acorda ajutoare mai puine i mai bine direcionate, Comisia European a lansat un amplu proces de adaptare a regulilor europene relevante n acest domeniu. Aceast reform va permite creterea gradului de predictibilitate i transparen n domeniu, va ncuraja analiza economic a msurilor de ajutor de stat pentru a le reorienta astfel nct acestea s contribuie ntr-o manier remarcabil la implementarea Strategiei Lisabona. n aceste condiii, eforturile viitoare ale Consiliului Concurenei n domeniul ajutorului de stat trebuie s urmreasc asigurarea gestionrii n mod adecvat a celor dou mari provocri ce se vor regsi pe agenda de lucru a autoritii romne n perioada urmtoare, respectiv: modificarea de atribuii determinat de transferul competenei de autorizare a ajutoarelor de la nivel naional la nivel comunitar i adaptarea politicii naionale n domeniu la reformele ce 241

au loc n prezent la nivel european. Bibliografie selectiv: 1. Popescu, Anisia Cristina Politica european de concuren n contextul integrrii, Ed. ASE, Bucureti, 2006 2. www.consiliulconcurentei.r o, Chirioiu, M. Bogdan, Pia unic, pia naional: politica de concuren n sectoare cheie, 2009 3. Legea concurenei nr. 21/1996. 4. www.euractiv.ro Uniunea European pe scurt, Agenda Lisabona, martie 2008.

Challenges in the Field of Competition in the Context of European Integration


Drd. Adina Gabriela DASCLU University of Craiova

Abstract: In the market economy system, competition policy is designed to ensure the protection and promotion of the competition process. This competitive process is not an objective in itself but just a means because it leads to efficiency increases, which, in the end, are transformed into welfare gains for the society as a whole. However, for the market economies of small countries, as Romanian economy is, an inevitable tension appears between the concentration given by the reduced dimensions of the national market and attaining the efficiency objectives. This tension is central in the framing and implementation of the competition policy. The competition authority in Romania itself also confronts this tension: an excessive aggressive approach of its role can prevent the efficiency increase, while a too permissive approach can lead to abuse of market power. Moreover, a political implication that must not be neglected refers to the need of integrating the competition policy with other policies as, for example, the commercial policy. It is imperative to ensure that the other policies do not contribute to the creation or strengthening of barriers when entering or exiting on or from the markets they address. On the other hand, in the sectors where competition is limited, regulation is necessary precisely for limiting of potential costs imposed by market power abuses.

Key words: competition policy, economic efficiency, market power abuse, the integration of economic policies.

Premises and challenges which demand the authorities attention in the competition field Competition protection represents a relatively new area of politics for Romania. Thus, it is necessary that the law, but most of all its practical implementation, offers a set of flexible instruments that can be applied from one case to another in order to reduce abuses and to promote economic efficiency. This rule is valid not only for smaller economies, but also for the larger ones, as it is the case of the Single European Market space, as it must use an approach based less on the rigid laws and more on the effects analysis, showing more attention to efficiency. Conditions of the markets in small economies facilitate cooperating behaviour between companies because of the small number of firms that operate in many industries. Obviously, when the behaviours with pro competitive effects do not prevail over the negative ones, the law must be clear and firm. However, in small economies, arrangements as commercial restrictions or joint-ventures can lead to efficiency increase or, paradoxically, can encourage pro competitive behaviours 242

(for example, a group of small firms can cooperate and act together in order to be able to compete with bigger firms on the market, situation that could lead to a more stable balance of market forces). The existence of such agreements that increase consumer welfare should not be forbidden, thus, the effects based analysis should be the decision factor in this cases.1 In the context of integration, Romania does no more constitute a market of a small economy but a part of the Single European Market. From this point of view, besides the exigencies tied of the competition protection according to a functional market mechanism, an important area in which the competition authority can play a key role is to ensure compliance with European competition laws in order to allow the expression of the fundamental freedoms of exchange that the European internal market involves. Therefore, in carrying out the mission that has been attributed and for promoting the welfare of all consumers of goods and services, this year, The Competition Council has proposed to present for public debate a report regarding the competition situation in Romania, in some fields that have been identified as key fields for the national economy (the banking sector, retailing- especially food commerce, the energetic sector, the pharmaceutical sector, etc.). This approach is considered by the competition authority the first step in developing of a future collaboration much more active with all the decident
1

factors and social partners2 in order to make them aware of the fact that attaining the competitiveness and performance objectives involve respecting the laws, respecting business partners and moreover respecting the principles of a free market. This report resulted from a detailed analisys of the economic agents practices and of the regulations in each of these fields, in our country, but also at the European level. The analysis conclusions were that these sectors present many vulnerable points in what regards the competition behaviour. The Competition Council proposed several guidelines designed to improve the existent situation in these sectors, especially because the malfunctions discovered could also extend their effects over other areas of the national economy. The declared intention of the Council is to become more active in drawing attention over the activities that, although affect competition, cannot be directly corrected by himself. The current state of Romanian legislation and the actual economic reality The legal framework under which the activity of all participants in economic life occurs is the first element to be considered in the analysis of normal operation of the market. It is considered that, at this
Bogdan M. Chirioiu, Pia unic, pia naional: politica de concuren n sectoare cheie, 2009, Source: www.consiliulconcurentei.ro
2

Anisia Cristina Popescu, Politica european de concuren n contextul integrrii, Ed. ASE, Bucureti, 2006

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time, Romanian legislation is fully harmonized with the European one. However, literature states that there are differences or weaknesses either of form or even of substance or approach to the Community approach. In the next few paragraphs, there must be mentioned some of the most important differences which concern more the economic substance rather than the procedural related ones. Thus, an alternative definition of abusive behaviour of dominant firm through the use of anti-competitive acts which have as their object or may have the effect of prejudicing commerce or affecting consumers" is a criterion which is in addition to Romanian law compared to the Article 82 of The EC Treaty. The result is that any price increase that may arise could be interpreted correctly as harm to consumers while the intervention of the authority may not be justified by distorting competition. Important is that the sectors that could fall under this provision are the very sensitive ones like electricity, water, heat, etc.. A second point of differentiation refers to the sale of local products in foreign markets at prices lower than prevailing domestic ones, in order to remove competitors and capture foreign markets (dumping), and consists of prohibiting the export sales below the cost of production, to bridge the gap by imposing domestic consumers increased prices. This means the prohibition of discrimination in markets with different elasticity by cross-subsidization by the monopolist. There are times when the monopolist sells below cost due to unfavourable conjuncture or, as economic theory says, continuing work in the short term 248

as long as it is possible to recover at least the average variable costs. These situations should not be incriminated as leading to distortion of competition. Finally, a practice like forward pricing (setting the price in the early stage of introducing the product on the market- for which is forecasted a significant decrease in future costs due to learning curve or for goods that require a substantial amount of sunk costs) in the initial production phase of goods is not only a marketing strategy often used, but also a way to permit consumers the access to the first units of the product. The existence of economies of scale can make exports at prices below average total cost of training justified just mean reducing the cost per unit of product by increasing production. Another strategy to penetrate a new market involves the use of lower prices than those prevailing in that market, although normally the price reduction would increase the competitive nature of the market. A price below average variable costs coupled with that price increase in the future after the exclusion of competition is a predatory practice and therefore indictable. But sometimes, the use of prices below average total cost may be the only way to climb barriers on the export market, whether they come from consumers' reluctance to abandon the regular suppliers or from the very structure of the oligopolistic market. In conclusion, applying anti-dumping measures for exporting firms holding a dominant position in domestic market must be made with caution. Moreover, the discussion remains open whether the competition authority in the country of origin is the

one to condemn dumping prices, or this responsibility goes entirely to the authority of the importing country. However, they are to note the absolutely necessary changes that were made to eliminate discrepancies. Regarding mergers, an important change is the elimination of the possibility of authorizing a merger on the grounds that it would lead to increased export competitiveness of the newly created entity. In terms of wording, this provision is to correct the deficiency that was often reproached to the European system of merger control due to not taking into sufficient account of the evaluations of efficiency increases. However, it was against the idea of a European single market. Equally important was the elimination of provisions relating to the differentiation in treatment between private companies and some state enterprises, a provision which had the potential for significant distortions of competition on the Romanian market. In Romanian legislation, comparing to the Community, there are many differences and weaknesses derived from lack of experience (if we refer to the experience of over 50 years of member countries of the EU) in adopting and implementing rules, failure to understand fully the economic phenomenon or even misunderstandings caused by translation from a foreign language. There are also other specific factors related to economy specific, business practices, the present state of development of the economy, the economic awareness of enterprises, etc. For example, Romanian law does not take into consideration the 249

criterion of potential damage brought over trade between Member States as one that must be met to sanction violation of Article 5, which prohibits agreements between firms to distort normal competitive environment, or Article 6, which prohibits abuse of dominant position of the Competition Law no. 21/1996. According to some analysts, this would mean that in Romania are also sanctioned agreements which do not affect trade with the EU, meaning that, in a certain way, Romanian legislation is more severe. However, under Regulation 1/2003 Member States must apply Article 81 and 82 when considering a case and not only national legislation. Many times, this created confusion among business environment, not knowing exactly what conduct is expected from companies. Nevertheless, it is important to note that the effects on trade can be direct or indirect, actual or potential, in other words, the law applies only when there is a possibility of a threat, and is not necessary that the negative effect (expressed by lower imports or exports) to have occurred already. It has a particular note Article 6 letter f., which prohibits export sales below the cost of production, to bridge the gap by imposing higher prices to domestic consumers. Here, reference is made to the practice of dumping. The relationship between competition protection legislation and anti-dumping measures is obvious theoretically, but insufficiently clear in practice. There are opinions that suggest that when antitrust tools are effective, states should refrain from applying anti-dumping measures. This is because penalizing predatory pricing practice (based on antitrust law)

would have the same effect as anti-dumping measures. This happens rarely in practice, because the differences between countries in terms of legislation to protect competition and how it is implemented make the use of anti-dumping measures much easier and more efficient. According to the Competition Law no. 21/1996, "Competition Law applies to acts and facts that have or may have the effect of restricting, preventing or distorting competition, which are committed in Romania, but also those committed outside the country, when they produce effects on Romanian territory" 3 . According to experts, a dumping operation usually generates effects in the country in which the respective export takes place, and thus it is up to the authorities of that country that ( to the extent that it creates or threatens to create harm to domestic producers, the respective authorities being the only able to appreciate it) to initiate anti-dumping measures. Yet it is hard to imagine that the authorities of a country act against their companies in order to protect businesses from another country. Regarding the abuse of dominant position, the question that arises is that, in Romania, as well as in other countries that have gone through this stage - sectoral authorities do not have the expertise to prevent or prove an abuse or to provide an appropriate definition of the relevant market- the competition authorities have no information on aspects such as network access, interconnection, etc. Cooperation between them, on one hand and rapid specialization of each
3

on the other hand are essential conditions for ensuring the necessary framework of the liberalization process (transparency, credibility, responsibility for decisions taken, but also the opportunity to challenge them) in order to ensure the safety of which new entrants on the market should benefit, but also a fair reward for the firms that act already on that market. This especially since the intervention of each of the two types of authorities takes place, in principle, at different time: the sectoral one usually acts previously (setting rules of the game in that market), while the competition one acts after the action takes place (analyzing the behaviour). Challenges for the future actions of competition authorities. Liberalization is one of the most discussed topics, especially when it comes to public services and utilities. In the past, both technologies but also many economists believed many of the markets - network-based industries (telecommunications, gas, post, rail, etc..), much of public utilities as natural monopolies. The Competition Council must act as a "market maker". Liberalized markets' design is a particularly difficult task even for countries with experience. Major issues are regulated monopolies where liberalization must be designed and carried out by cooperation between competitions the existent regulatory authorities. This is probably one of the biggest challenges that the Competition Council will have to cope with in the next period. Besides an increased workload, an expertise in each of these highly specialized areas will be required; also 250

Competition Law no. 21/1996

an ongoing dialogue with regulatory agencies is essential. Open markets will lead to entry of new operators, but it is very possible that former state monopolies continue to exist and even hold a dominant position. If they continue to hold property over networks, than access to essential facilities should be ensured by providing an appropriate competitive environment. Thus, preventing abuse of dominant position in these markets will be an important task for the Council, if a system in which the regulatory authority is conferred such powers is chosen. One factor that makes these industries even more difficult to follow and monitor in terms of competition is that some of them sell products both on domestic and on foreign markets. On the domestic market, precisely due to the dominant position they have, some monopols will use higher prices than those used on external markets. However, accounting schemes are an important means by which amounts are hidden, practice which goes beyond the Council's competency but comes under the competency of justice. In other words, to ensure the efficiency of the Competition Council's activity, a prerequisite is the discovery of those commercial schemes and accounting strategies that enable the use of disguised predatory and restrictive practices. These are not only difficult to grasp, but almost impossible to prove by the means of which the Council disposes. Again, the problem is providing a framework for other institutions to fulfil their obligations promptly. This time, another challenge both for the Council but also for regulators is staffing and its improvement in order to reach the 251

necessary level of expertise of each of these highly specialized fields. The clear delimitation of the powers of the two types of authorities to ensure transparency, clarity and legal certainty in decision making, and establishing the responsibilities assigned to each of them, is a necessary condition for building a suitable framework on the market to encourage the entry of new operators and the balance of power between the existing ones. Moreover, competition and regulatory authorities' actions should be concerted so as to ensure consistency and in this case their cooperation is crucial and may involve the creation of joint working teams to work in parallel and in close interdependence. If adoption of the acquis and the harmonization of laws is relatively easy to achieve, the alignment of their application to the European practice but also, to a certain extent, to the international practices is more problematic. European Commission's reports show that the law of our country can be considered fully harmonized. However, some inconsistencies remain referring to certain provisions relating to the sanction of export sales below cost of production, to the ban "of imports without competing offers technical and of usual "economic negotiations", but especially the condition of export competitiveness increase(this can lead to the authorization of a concentration, which calls into question the compliance with the principles of the European internal market). Romanian business environment is young and quite different from that of the European internal market, making the task even harder for the Council.

Conclusions Competition policy is a part of economic life which finds itself in a permanent move, and the competition authority should be the one which gives the first signal to adapt to the challenges arising in this area. To this end, Romania's EU accession was a point that has influenced the development of the national competition authority. Thus, in what regards antitrust law, since January 1, 2007 the Competition Council directly applies the provisions of the Community's acquis, respectively the Articles 81 and 82 of the European Comunity Treaty and the secondary European legislation issued to enforce these articles. This does not mean that the Competition Law 21/1996, republished, has become obsolete, rather it will continue to be applied to cases of national dimension. But for those anti-competitive practices and agreements affecting trade between Member States, the Competition Council will directly apply EU acquis in cooperation with the Commission and the other national authorities. This collaboration between the Competition Council, the Commission and the rest of the European competition authorities will be done within the European Competition Network. In addition to cooperation within the European Competition Network, the Community policy in this area also has other tools to ensure consumers the best options and, at the same time, to support the main objective of the Lisbon Strategy to create a sustainable European economy, "the most dynamic and

competitive in the world"4. To enable our country to make its own contribution to this objective, it is also important that in the future the Competition Council must maintain a proactive position in antitrust law, which must mean: concentrating resources on major cases of distortion of competition , proper use of tools of investigation and severe sanctions in case of serious violation of relevant rules. In terms of state aid, after accession, the responsibility of authorising national measures of support passed from the Romanian Competition Council in the responsibility of the European Commission. Yet, this change of duties will not remove the Romanian competition authority from applying the rules in this area. The current national procedures of state aid give the Competition Council the statute of contact authority in relation to the European Commission. Thus, the Romanian competition authority is the intermediary between the EU competition authorities involved in the field of state aid, on the one hand ,and national authorities which can grant state aids, on the other. Also, to better meet the increasingly imperative requirement to give less and better targeted aid, the European Commission launched a comprehensive process of adapting the relevant European rules in this area. This reforms will help increase predictability and transparency in the sector, will encourage economic analysis of state aid measures to
Uniunea European pe scurt, Agenda Lisabona, martie 2008, Source: www.euractiv.ro
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reorient them so that they contribute in a considerable way to implement the Lisbon Strategy. Accordingly, future efforts of the Competition Council on state aid must monitor the adequate handling of the two major challenges which will be found on the agenda of the Romanian authorities in the period ahead, namely: the change in powers due to the transfer of competencies of authorizing the state aid from national to EU authorities and the adjustment of the national policy in the field to the reforms that are currently taking place at European level. References: 1. Anisia Cristina Popescu, Politica european de concuren n contextul integrrii, Ed. ASE, Bucureti, 2006 2. www.consiliulconcurentei.ro, Chirioiu, M. Bogdan, Pia unic, pia naional: politica de concuren n sectoare cheie, 2009 3. Competition Law no. 21/1996 4. www.euractiv.ro Uniunea European pe scurt, Agenda Lisabona, martie 2008.

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Deficienele sistemului de nvmnt din mediul rural romnesc n comparaie cu cele din mediul urban
Masterand Simona MIHAIU Universitatea din Bucureti
simonamihaiu@yahoo.com Omul nu devine om dect prin educaie. E. Kant

Abstract: Demersul de fa i propune s surprind ntr-o manier descriptiv aspectele definitorii ale nvmntului romnesc din mediul rural prin comparaie cu mediul urban. Ipoteza pornete de la discrepanele sistemului educaional n ceea ce privete cele dou medii de reziden n prezent ruralul este o zon de slbiciune a nvmntului. Inegalitile sociale, srcia, rezultate foarte slabe la nvtur, lipsa oportunitilor de angajare, izolarea politic, social i cultural sunt reprezentative pentru situaia tinerilor de la sat. Analiza prezint date din Raportul asupra Strii Sistemului Naional de nvmnt1 corelate cu datele obinute n urma realizrii studiului de caz n Slveni, un sat din sud-vestul Romniei. Principalii indicatori avui n vedere sunt: rata brut de cuprindere n nvmntul precolar, rata brut de cuprindere n nvmntul primar i gimnazial, rata de absolvire a nvmntului primar i gimnazial, rata brut de cuprindere n
Anual, Ministerul Educaiei, Cercetrii i Inovrii prezint o diagnoz a nvmntului romnesc pe baza indicatorilor specifici. Raportul prezint totodat indicaiile i direciile de dezvoltare n conformitate cu rezultatele obinute n anul respectiv. Datele folosite n studiul de fa provin din Raportul asupra strii sistemului de nvmnt din anul 2009. Raportul este dat publicitii;
1

coal n nvmntul liceal i profesional, rata brut de cuprindere n nvmntul post-secundar teriar i non teriar, rezultatele obinute la evalurile naionale i internaionale, rata omajului la tinerii cu vrsta cuprins ntre 15 - 24 de ani, rata abandonului colar. Indicatorii prezentai au rolul de a evidenia o realitate ce nu se afl pe agenda prioritilor instituiilor statului responsabile, aceasta este doar realitatea oamenilor de rnd, a copiilor ce nu i permit s i cumpere rechizite colare, a copiilor ce trebuie s renune la coal ca s i ctige existena, a tinerilor care sunt nevoii s practice activiti necalificate dei au absolvit o facultate acesta este satul romnesc. Cuvinte cheie: nvmnt rural, precaritatea nvmntului, srcie, politic social.

nvmntul romnesc ntre urban i rural analiz comparativ n Romnia aspectul practic al nvmntului se afl ntr-o profund contradicie cu aspectul teoretic: dei misiunea colii este prezentat ntr-un set de standarde generale ce interpreteaz ateptrile beneficiarilor, n realitate se simte lipsa de interes pentru dezvoltare, pentru crearea unor anse egale cu provocrile viitorului iar nvmntul

254

din mediul rural este principalul domeniu defavorizat. Preocuparea pentru analiza nvmntului de la sat privit din perspectiva inegalitilor de anse, a srciei i a lipsei de interes se nscrie ntr-o tendin deja consacrat, cu att mai mult cu ct ncercrile de europenizare i globalizare de dup anul 1989 au declanat o serie de transformri profunde. Aceste transformri au bulversat viaa satelor romneti, oamenii au fost nevoii s se adapteze la condiii de via nespecifice unui trai decent i de multe ori sub ateptrile raportate la eforturile depuse situaie caracteristic actualului sistem educaional. Precaritatea specific nvmntului din mediul rural se datoreaz lipsei de orientare pentru dezvoltare i indiferenei forelor politice romneti de a dezvolta proiecte afirmative, att timp ct aciunile se concentreaz pe problema finanrilor insuficiente, mai mult dect pe utilizarea corect a finanrilor existente, aa restrnse cum sunt. Elevii din mediul rural renun la coal pe parcursul anilor de studiu Datele din Raportul asupra strii sistemului de nvmnt din anul 2009 indic faptul c tot mai muli copii de la sat au mers la grdini, rata de cuprindere fiind ntre anii 2001-2009 cu peste 1% n favoarea mediului rural. Dei datele statistice indic o evoluie n ceea ce privete educarea i formarea copiilor realitatea este c uneori srcia i inegalitile sociale joac un rol decisiv. n satul Slveni, un sat n care oamenii i ctig existena muncind 255

n propria gospodrie sau prestnd activiti necalificate, ocazionale, sunt familii care i trimit copii la grdini pentru o alocaie de la stat n valoare de 42 RON sau chiar pentru un corn i o cutie cu lapte: Avem trei copii, muncim pmntul nostru i cnd putem muncim cu ziua n sat dar nu ne ajung banii de mncare, aa c iam trimis pe toi la rnd la grdini, ne mai d statul alocaie i copii mnnc de diminea acolo spunea C.R. n timp ce i pregtea copilul s mearg la grdini. n anul colar 2008/2009 toi copii din sat cu vrsta cuprins ntre 3-6 ani mergeau la grdini ns educatoarea apreciaz cu sinceritate c marea majoritate sunt mai degrab nscrii n lupta pentru supravieuire dect n sistemul de nvmnt. Participarea la cursurile de la coala primar i gimnazial ar trebui s fie asigurat pentru toi copii fiindc dezvoltarea socio-profesional este strns legat de aceste niveluri de educaie ns n Romnia nu sunt constituite sisteme de nvmnt care s asigure echitate i evoluie, indiferent de statutul socio-cultural sau economic. n anul colar 20082009 rata brut de cuprindere n nvmntul primar i gimnazial a fost de 106,3% n mediul urban iar n mediul rural aceasta a atins cifra 91,6%. Discrepana crete cu fiecare an n defavoarea mediului rural iar explicaiile cadrelor didactice i ale prinilor sunt strns legate de srcie, de faptul c de la o vrst copii trebuie s munceasc i nu mai au timp s mearg la coal, cu att mai mult cu ct muli prini se vd nevoii s mearg la munc n strintate i i las gospodria n grija copiilor. n anul colar

2008/2009 doar 82,6 % dintre copii cu vrsta cuprins ntre 3-15 erau nscrii la o form de nvmnt. Oscilaiile efectivelor de elevi de la an la an se datoreaz i migraiei de la sat la ora i de la ora la sat, caz n care

copii sunt transferai la alte coli. De asemenea i abandonul colar este prezent; n anul 2008/2009 au abandonat nvmntul gimnazial 2 elevi.

Distribuia elevilor nscrii n nvmntul primar i gimnazial


Nivel nvmnt I II III IV V VI VII VIII I II III IV V VI VII VIII I II III IV V VI VII VIII Numr clase 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Numr elevi 13 16 17 19 16 16 11 25 13 11 17 17 19 14 15 10 12 10 10 16 17 19 14 16 Total

2006/2007

133

2007/2008

116

2008/2009

114

Sursa: Arhiva coala Slveni, judeul Olt Ruralul, lipsit de coal n adevratul sens al cuvntului i de venituri suficiente pentru a i trimite copii la ora, srcete datorit lipsei de nvtur i a presiunii pentru a i trimite copii la munc ct mai devreme. Astfel, pentru muli dintre copii de la sat a merge la coal devine un deziderat iar abandonul devine o realitate comun n anul colar 2007/2008 rata abandonului colar a fost de 1,7% la copii din mediul urban i de 2,2% la copii din mediul rural.

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n condiiile date rata de absolvire a nvmntului primar i gimnazial pstreaz o tendin de accentuare a discrepanelor, mai exact de 24% puncte n defavoarea mediului rural. La 4 km. de satul Slveni este un ctun unde odat a funcionat o coal care acum 6 ani a fost transformat n crcium. n acest ctun locuiesc 17 copii cu vrsta cuprins ntre 3-23 de ani. Dintre acetia 11 merg la coala din Slveni iar 6 copii nu sunt nscrii la nici unul dintre nivelurile de nvmnt. Pentru 4 dintre copii prinii nu au bani s cumpere cele necesare pentru coal, pentru familia unuia dintre copii coala este prea departe i trebuie s mearg pe jos 4 km. dus, 4 km. ntors, iar 1 copil de 8 ani triete doar cu bunicul i trebuie s

participe la munca n gospodrie. Srcia i lipsa unor condiii decente de participare la cursurile de nvmnt transform resursele umane din mediul rural n victimele unei viei lipsit de ansa unei evoluii la care, pn la urm, fiecare dintre noi are dreptul. Un indicator relevant pentru contextul de fa este rata de promovare a examenului de capacitate de ctre elevii prezeni: ntre anii 2006-2007 la nivel naional au promovat examenul de capacitate 86,4% dintre elevii din mediul urban i 72,8% dintre elevii din mediul rural. Pentru acelai indicator este prezentat n continuare situaia din satul Slveni.

Numrul elevilor ce au absolvit nvmntul primar i gimnazial cu promovarea examenelor finale An colar Numrul elevilor nscrii n clasa a 1 a 13 13 12 Elevi absolveni ai ciclului primar 10 12 11 Numrul elevilor nscrii n clasa a 5 a 16 19 17 Elevi absolveni ai ciclului gimnazial 12 14 15

2006/2007 2007/2008 2008/2009

Sursa: Arhiva coala Slveni, judeul Olt Situaia nu poate fi mai bun n ceea ce privete rata brut de cuprindere n coal n nvmntul liceal i profesional; decalajul dintre mediul urban i rural s-a pstrat la un nivel ridicat, dei s-au nregistrat continuu ameliorri din anul 2001 pn n anul 2009 de la o diferen de 35% n anul 2001/2001, n defavoarea mediului rural, la 26% n ultimul an (valoarea cea mai redus). Diferene foarte mari apar i pe filierele de formare: la liceu intr constant cu peste 30% mai muli

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copii din mediul urban dar n nvmntul profesional diferena este de aceast dat n favoarea mediului rural - ntre aproximativ 2 12 %, cu valoarea maxim n ultimul an colar din perioada de referin. Dei tendina nregistrat de rata de cuprindere n nvmntul secundar este pozitiv, diferena mare ntre nivelurile indicatorului pe medii de reziden rmne nc un aspect problematic: participarea elevilor din mediul rural la ciclul liceal rmne sczut (aproximativ 75%, fa de peste 100% n urban), astfel n anul colar 2008/2009, 86,8% dintre elevii din ora absolveni ai colii gimnaziale au mers la liceu n timp ce dintre colegii lor de la sat au mers doar 54,8%. Conform datelor din arhiva colii din Slveni, din cei 15 elevi care au absolvit n anul colar 2008/2009 ciclul gimnazial, 6 elevi au obinut note foarte bune la examenul de capacitate i au mers mai departe la liceu iar 9 dintre ei au obinut medii n jurul notei de 7 i au mers la coala profesional, n cel mai apropiat ora. n ceea ce privete nvmntul post-secundar teriar i non teriar pentru anul universitar 2007/2008 (primul an pentru care au fost colectate date dezagregate, pe medii de reziden) discrepana dintre rural i urban a fost de 37% adic, la nivelul oraelor, 67% dintre elevi (cu vrsta cuprins ntre 19-23 de ani) ce au absolvit nvmntul liceal sau profesional au mers spre urmtorul nivel de nvmnt, n timp ce la sat raportul a fost de doar 30,9%. n 2008/2009 aceast diferen s-a redus la 29 %, consecin a meninerii trendului ascendent n cazul populaiei provenite din mediul rural, 258

concomitent cu reducerea ratei de cuprindere pentru tinerii din urban. coala din Slveni nu deine date exacte despre nvmntul postsecundar teriar i non teriar sau despre rezultatele pregtirii profesionale pe piaa muncii. Conform datelor Institutului Naional de Statistic, rata brut de cuprindere n nvmntul superior a fost n anul colar 2008/2009 de 62,8% studeni provenii din urban i de 33,9% studeni provenii din mediul rural. Aceste cifre ar trebui s devin elementul principal al politicilor educaionale deoarece n spatele lor nu se afl incapacitatea tinerilor de la sat de a nva ci se afl n primul rnd inegalitatea social. Arareori nelegem discriminarea real din spatele egalitii constituionale att de des invocat de ctre conductorii instituiilor de nvmnt. Elevii din mediul rural obin rezultate tot mai slabe la evalurile internaionale i naionale Un indicator foarte important cu privire la calitatea nvmntului romnesc din mediul rural este cel al rezultatelor la evalurile internaionale. Programul pentru evaluarea internaional a elevilor PISA este un studiu comparativ internaional dezvoltat de ctre Organizaia de Dezvoltare i Cooperare Economic, ncepnd cu anul 1997. Studiul are scopul de a msura competenele de baz ale elevilor, aflai la terminarea studiilor obligatorii, (n cazul Romniei 10 ani) pe trei paliere fundamentale: citire/lectur, matematic i tiine. Romnia se afl pe locul 47 din 57 de

ri, iar diferena dintre mediul urban

i cel rural este foarte mare:

Scoruri medii ale elevilor, dup mediul n care este situat coala ( PISA 2006 ) Citire Matematic tiine sat 350 402 388 Ora mic 356 371 375 Ora mijlociu 396 414 416 Ora mare 410 429 436 Ora foarte mare 426 442 440 Sursa: Raportul asupra Strii Sistemului Naional de nvmnt, Ministerul Educaiei,Cercetrii i Inovrii, 2009 Dincolo de faptul c i acest indicator este n defavoarea mediului rural, ngrijortor este faptul c de exemplu, n satul Slveni profesorii nici mcar nu au auzit c se aplic astfel de evaluri, ceea ce demonstreaz c nivelul de informare i implicare in evoluia sistemului educaional de la sat este foarte sczut. Evaluarea PIRLS este de asemenea relevant - studiul, ce se deruleaz la un interval de trei ani are ca scop msurarea capacitii de citire i interpretare a unui text de ctre elevii absolveni a patru clase. Romnia s-a situat pe locul 36 din cele 45 de ri participante iar pe mediile de reziden, raportndu-ne la scorul mediu internaional de 500 de puncte, elevii de la sat au obinut 462 de puncte comparativ cu elevii din mediul urban ce au obinut 515 puncte. i rezultatele obinute la evalurile naionale nregistreaz diferene majore de performan n favoarea mediului urban: cu ocazia evalurii naionale de la sfritul clasei a - 4 a elevii din mediul urban au obinut medii cu un sfert pn la o treime mai mari fa de cei din mediul rural. Cea mai mare diferen este constatat n cazul limbii materne. Rata de promovare a tezelor cu subiect unic, pe medii de reziden evideniaz rezultate inferioare pentru elevii de la sat. De exemplu, la clasele a - 7 - a i a - 8 - a cele mai mari diferene se nregistreaz la limba i literatura romn, pentru clasa a 8 a diferenele n favoarea mediului urban variind ntre 10 i 13%. Cele mai mici diferene pe medii de reziden ntre ratele de promovare ale elevilor de clasa a VIII-a s-au nregistrat la disciplinele istorie i geografie, unde elevii din mediul rural au obinut rezultate apropiate celor din urban, ecartul fiind de aproximativ 1-2%. 2 Dac n unele coli din rile dezvoltate i chiar n foarte multe coli din Romnia astzi se au n vedere noi dimensiuni derivate din realitatea lumii contemporane (educaie nutriional, sexual, politic, juridic), n alte coli romneti nsui conceptul de educaie formal nu este cunoscut elevilor. nvmntul romnesc nu este ceea ce pare sau ceea ce ncearc se devin de foarte muli ani,
Raportul asupra strii sistemului de nvmnt, Ministerul Educaiei, Cercetrii i Inovrii, 2009;
2

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realitatea acestui domeniu este una destul de trist n care inegalitile, indiferena i frustrrile i spun cuvntul. Rata omajului n mediul rural urmeaz un trend ascendent Relaia dintre srcie i nvmnt merge n ambele sensuri. Mai nti srcia reduce accesul la nvmnt i scurteaz dramatic durata vieii colare i nivelul colii absolvite. Apoi srcia este direct proporional cu nivelul educativ atins, astfel nct lipsa de nvmnt produce srcie. n rezumat, srcia existent produce o srcie i mai mare, avnd ca principal vehicul nvmntul, ca factor esenial n determinarea valorii individului pe piaa forei de munc i a anselor sale de a i gsi o ocupaie remunerat3. Tinerii din mediul rural fr studii i gsesc mult mai greu de lucru dect tinerii din mediul urban ce nu au absolvit nici un nivel de nvmnt. Aceeai problem o ntmpin att tinerii cu studii gimnaziale ct i cei cu studii liceale, diferena dintre ei i tinerii dintre de la ora fiind de 13% puncte atunci cnd i caut un loc de munc. Nici cei care au absolvit studii superioare i locuiesc la sat nu i gsesc uor un loc de munc, aflndu-se n defavoare fa de studenii din mediul urban cu aproximativ 20% puncte. Doar tinerii absolveni ai unei coli profesionale i gsesc de lucru
Adrian MIROIU (coordonator), Vladimir PASTI, Cornel CODI, Gabriel IVAN, Mihaela MIROIU, nvmntul romnesc azi. Studiu de diagnoz, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1998;
3

mai uor dect cei din ora iar acest lucru se datoreaz dezvoltrii reelei SAM dup aplicarea msurii de extindere a duratei nvmntului obligatoriu la 10 ani. Mediul rural romnesc prezint deficiene foarte mari n ceea ce privete sistemul de nvmnt - n satul romnesc nu ajung reformele, nu ajung nici resursele necesare dezvoltrii capitalului uman, nu se creeaz locuri de munc pentru absolvenii unei coli, pentru 44, 8 % 4 din populaia Romniei coala doar se ajusteaz i din cnd n cnd, atunci cnd se dezvolt o nou reform ncearc din nou un progres ateptat de zeci de ani. Concluzii: Conform datelor Raportului asupra Strii Sistemului Naional de nvmnt n anul 2007 au fost alocate nvmntului 17% procente din totalul cheltuielilor publice, acesta fiind unul dintre serviciile publice cel mai nalt finanate. Rezultatul este discordana grav dintre resursele alocate nvmntului rural romnesc i incapacitatea sistemului educaional de a utiliza optim resursele disponibile. Satul actual romnesc, prin prisma sistemului de nvmnt este n mare msur decuplat de la realitile i cerinele nceputului de mileniu trei. O simpl analiz evideniaz o serie de probleme ascunse n spatele unor discursuri despre modernizare, eforturi, grij i revoluionarea nvmntului. Zeci de coli nu au bani de nclzire pe timp de iarn, sute de coli se
4

Anuarul statistic al Romniei, Institutul Naional de Statistic 2007.

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prbuesc pe elevi i profesori, cadrele didactice au salarii mici, in colile din mediul rural predau profesori necalificai, copiii parcurg distane uriae pe jos pn la coal iar n prezent se vorbete despre disponibilizri de personal didactic i despre diminuarea alocaiei pentru copii. Este necesar s recunoatem c starea real a nvmntului rural actual se poate caracteriza mai degrab prin incertitudine, improvizaie i provizorat dect prin linititoarea credin c n structurile de profunzime problemele nu sunt att de grave, c odat cu fiecare nou lege acesta se va reforma rapid i corespunztor pentru evoluia societii rurale i implicit a ntregii societi romneti. Daca se poate vorbi pe viitor n mod excepional i puin probabil despre o reform care s rspund nevoilor nvmntului, aceasta trebuie fcut n mediul rural. n condiiile n care o societate depinde n cea mai mare msur de resursele sale umane iar sistemul educaional Referine: 1. Anuarul statistic al Romniei, Institutul Naional de Statistic 2007; 2. Miroiu Adrian (coordonator), Pasti Vladimir, Codi, Cornel Ivan Gabriel, Mihaela Miroiu, nvmntul romnesc azi. Studiu de diagnoz, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1998 3.Raportul asupra strii sistemului de nvmnt, Ministerul Educaiei, Cercetrii i Inovrii, 2009.

este principalul productor de resurse umane socialmente modelate, construirea unor politici bugetare i sociale n funcie de necesitile educaionale din mediul rural pe termen mediu i lung ar putea reprezenta o nou perspectiv asupra programelor de guvernare. Acestea ar trebui s in cont n primul rnd de faptul c sistemul de nvmnt creeaz piaa forei de munc, care este elementul esenial al dezvoltrii unei societi. n contextul dat populaia rural trebuie s devin o parte activ a procesului de educaie, prinii i cadrele didactice trebuie s fie ascultate, copii trebuie s se regseasc n curricula colar, trebuie s se regseasc ntr-un sistem de nvmnt care s i orienteze n viaa privat, profesional i social. Toate acestea ar trebui s debuteze cu diminuarea inegalitilor sociale i a srciei pentru c altfel sistemul de nvmnt nu i va putea justifica poziia prioritar n portofoliul strategic al Romniei.

Pagini web: 1. http://www.edu.ro/index.phphttp:// www.blog.lucianshome.nl/2010/01/dr -funeriu-fata-in-fata-cu-reforma/ 2. http://www.radicalonline.info/201 0/02/22/%E2%80%9Cdaniel-funeriucel-mai-slabministru-aleducatiei%E2%80%9D/ 3. http://www.revista22.ro/numarulcurent

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Deficiencies of the educational system in the rural environment as compared to the urban one Masters degree candidate Simona MIHAIU University of Bucharest
simonamihaiu@yahoo.com

It is only through education that man becomes human. E. Kant


Abstract: This intercession proposes itself to intercept in a descriptive manner the definitive issues of the Romanian teaching from the rural environment by comparison to the urban one. The hypothesis starts from the discrepancies of the educational system with regard to the two resistance environment currently the rural is an area of teaching weakness. Social inequalities, pauperization, very weak study results, lack of employment chances, political, social and cultural isolation are representative for the situation of the youth in villages. This analysis presents data from the Report regarding the State of the National Education System1 correlated with the data achieved following a case study in Slveni, a village from the Southwest Romania. The main indicators had in view are: the gross rate of inclusion in the preschool education, the gross rate of inclusion in
Annually, the Ministry of Education, Research and Innovation presents a diagnosis of the Romanian education system based on specific indicators. The report also presents the guidelines and ways of development in accordance with the achieved results the respective year. The data used in this research are taken from the Report regarding the Educational System State from the year 2009. The report is given to publicity;
1

the primary and gymnasium education, the graduation rate in the primary and gymnasium education, the gross rate of inclusion in school in the high school and vocational education, the gross rate of inclusion in the tertiary and non tertiary post-secondary education, the results achieved at the national and international evaluations, the rate of unemployment among youth aged between 15 - 24 years old, the rate of school abandon. The described indicators have the role of stressing out a reality which cannot be found on the priorities agenda of the institutions of the state in charge, this is only the ordinary humans reality, that of children who cannot afford to buy writing materials, of children who are forced to give up school in order to earn their living, of youth who are forced to practice unskilled activities although they graduated from a faculty this is the Romanian village. Key words: rural teaching, education system precariousness, pauperization, social politics.

Romanian education system between urban and rural comparative analysis In Romania the practical issue of teaching is in a deep contradiction to the theoretical one: although the school mission is presented within a set of general standards interpreting the beneficiaries expectations,

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actually it can be felt the lack of interest for development, for creating fair chances when considering futures challenges and the teaching from the rural environment is the main disfavorised field. The concern regarding the rural teaching analysis looked at from the perspective of unfair chances, of poverty and of lack of interest is inscribed in an already established trend, especially since the Europeanization and globalisation attempts after the year 1989 triggered out a series of deep changes. These changes have turned upside down the life of Romanian villages, people were forced to adapt themselves to life conditions which are not specific to a decent living and many times much below the expectations as compared to the efforts made a situation which is specific to the current educational system. The precariousness which is specific to the rural environment teaching is caused by the lack of development guiding and by the indifference of the Romanian political forces to develop affirmative projects, since actions are focused on the short financing issues, instead of focusing more on a fair use of the already existing financing, despite this being also quite short. Pupils from the rural environment give up school over the study years The data in the Report regarding the educational system state from the year 2009 shows the fact that more and more children in villages were enrolled to kindergartens, the rate of inclusion being between the years 2001 and 2009 over 1% for the benefit of the 263

rural environment. Although the statistic data point out an evolution with regard to childrens education and training, fact is that sometimes poverty and social inequalities play a crucial part. In Slveni village, a village in which people earn their living working in their own house stead or performing unskilled, occasional activities, there are families who send their children to kindergarten to benefit instead from an allowance granted by the state in amount of 42 RON or even from a piece of bread and a bottle of milk: We have three children, we work our own land and if sometimes we find an opportunity, we work by the day in the village but even like that, we dont have enough money to eat, so we have sent all our children to kindergarten, state would give us allowance and our children would eat their breakfast there, too said C.R. while preparing his child to go to the kindergarten. In the school year 2008/2009 all children in the village aged between 3-6 years old went to kindergarten but the pedagogue sincerely considers that most of them are sooner participating to the fight for survival than being enrolled in the teaching system. Attendance to the primary school and gymnasium courses should be assured for all children because the social and professional developments are in tight connection to these levels of education but in Romania there have not been set up educational systems which could assure fairness and evolution, regardless of the social, cultural or economic conditions. In the school year 20082009 the gross rate of inclusion in the primary and gymnasium education

their childrens care. In the school was 106.3% in the urban environment year 2008/2009 only 82.6 % of and in the rural one it reached a figure children aged between 3-15 years old of 91.6%. The discrepancy increases were enrolled within a type of every year for the disadvantage of the education. Irregular number of pupils rural environment and the every year is due also to the migration explanations of the teaching staff and from villages to cities and the reverse, of parents are tightly related to case in which children are transferred poverty, to the fact that starting with a to other schools. Also, the school certain age children need to work and abandoning is a fact; in the year they have no longer time to attend 2008/2009 2 pupils abandoned the school, especially since many parents gymnasium education. are forced to go abroad to find a job there and let their farm stead under Assignment of pupils enrolled in the primary and gymnasium education
Education level I II III IV V VI VII VIII I II III IV V VI VII VIII I II III IV V VI VII VIII Number grades 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 of Number pupils 13 16 17 19 16 16 11 25 13 11 17 17 19 14 15 10 12 10 10 16 17 19 14 16 of Total

2006/2007

133

2007/2008

116

2008/2009

114

Source: Archives of Slveni School, Olt County The rural environment, lacking growing even poorer because of lack school in the actual meaning of the of education and of pressure to send word and enough incomes so as to their children to work as soon as send their children in town to study, is possible. Thus, for many children in

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villages, going to school becomes a challenge and abandon becomes an often met reality in the school year 2007/2008 the rate of school abandon was 1.7% with children in the urban environment and 2.2% with those in the rural environment. Under the given conditions the rate of graduation from the primary and gymnasium education keeps a trend of stressing out discrepancies, more exactly of 24% points for the disadvantage of the rural environment. At 4 km distance from Slveni village there is a hamlet where once there was a school which 6 years ago was turned into a pub. In this hamlet, 17 children aged between 3-23 years old live. Of all, 11 children go to school in Slveni and 6 children are not enrolled with any of the education levels. For 4 of all the children, their parents have no money to buy the necessary things for school,

for the family of one of them the school is too far and he would need to walk 4 km round, 4 km return, and 1 child of 8 years old lives together with his grandfather and he needs to attend the work in the farm stead. Poverty and lack of decent conditions to attend education courses turn the human resources in the rural environment into victims of a life deprived of the chance to evolve as all of us would be entitled to. A relevant indicator for the current context is the rate of passing the capacity examination by the present pupils: between 2006 and 2007 at the national level the capacity examination was passed by 86.4% of pupils in the urban environment and 72.8% of pupils in the rural one. For the same indicator it is further presented the situation in Slveni village.

The number of pupils who graduated from the primary and gymnasium education, pass of final examinations included
School year Number of pupils enrolled in the 1st grade 13 13 12 Pupils having graduated from the primary level 10 12 11 19 17 Number of pupils enrolled in the 5th grade 16 Pupils having graduated from the gymnasiu m level 12 14 15

2006/2007 2007/2008 2008/2009

Source: Archives of Slveni School, Olt County The situation can be no better with regard to the gross rate of inclusion in school in the high school and vocational education; the gap between the two environments was 265 kept at a high level, although improvements were continually recorded from 2001 till 2009 from a difference of 35% in the year 2001/2001, to the disadvantage of the

rural environment, to 26% in the last year (the lowest value). There are very large differences with educational stages: in high school there are constantly admitted over 30% more children in the urban environment but in the vocational education the difference is this time for the benefit of the rural environment - between approximately 2 - 12 %, with maximum value in the last school year over the reference period. Although the trend recorded by this rate of inclusion in the secondary education is positive, the large difference between the indicators levels by residence environments remains another difficult issue: attendance of pupils from the rural environment to the high school level remains low (approximately 75%, as compared to over 100% in the urban environment), therefore in the school year 2008/2009, 86.8% of pupils in cities who graduated from gymnasium went to high school while among their colleagues from rural environment only 54.8% went to high school. According to the data in the archives of Slveni school, of the 15 pupils who graduated in the school year 2008/2009 from the gymnasium level, 6 pupils achieved very good marks at the capacity examination and went further to high school and 9 of them scored averages around the mark 7 and went to the vocational school, in the nearest town. With regard to the tertiary and non tertiary post-secondary education for the academic year 2007/2008 (the first year when data lacking cohesion were collected by residence environments) the discrepancy between rural and urban was 37% that 266

is, at the cities level, 67% of pupils (aged between 19 and 23 years old) who graduated from the high school or vocational education went further to the next educational level, while in villages the report was only 30.9%. In 2008/2009 this difference decreased to 29 %, as consequence of keeping an up-going trend for the population originating from the rural environment, simultaneously with the decrease of inclusion rate for youth in the urban environment. The school in Slveni does not hold accurate data about the tertiary and non tertiary post-secondary education or about the results of professional training on the labour market. According to the data of the Statistics National Institute, the gross rate of inclusion in the higher education system was in the school year 2008/2009 62.8% students originating from the urban environment and 33.9% students from the rural one. These figures should become the main element of the educational policies because behind them there is no incapacity of youth in villages to learn but in the first place there is social inequality. We seldom understand the real discrimination behind the constitutional equality which is so often called by the leaders of the educational establishments. Pupils in the rural environment score worse and worse results both within the national and international evaluations A very important indicator with regard to the quality of the Romanian education system in the rural environment is the one of the results within the international evaluations. The program for the international

Romanias case 10 years of evaluation of PISA pupils is a compulsory study) on three basic comparative international research levels: reading/lecturing, mathematics developed by the Development and and sciences. Romania ranks on Economic Cooperation Organisation, position 47 of 57 countries, and the beginning with the year 1997. The difference between the urban and the mentioned research has the purpose of rural environment is a very large one: measuring pupils basic skills, pupils who find themselves at the finish of the compulsory studies, (in Pupils average scores, depending on the environment where the school is (PISA 2006)
village Small town Middle town Large town City Reading 350 356 396 410 426 Mathematics 402 371 414 429 442 Sciences 388 375 416 436 440

Source: Report regarding the National Educational System State, Ministry of Education, Research and Innovation, 2009 Apart from the fact that this indicator also, is to the disadvantage of the rural environment, which is an alarming thing is that, for instance, in Slveni village teachers havent even heard that such evaluations are practiced, which proves that the level of keeping updated and involvement in the educational system evolution in villages is a very low one. Evaluation of PIRLS is also relevant the research which is organised every three years has as purpose measuring the ability to read and interpret a text by the pupils having graduated from the fourth grade. Romania ranked the 36th of the 45 participating countries and depending on the residence environments, if we relate with the international average score of 500 points, pupils in villages scored 462 points as compared with pupils in the urban environment who scored 515 points. Also the results achieved with the national evaluations record major differences of performance to the benefit of the urban environment: on the occasion of the national evaluation from the end of the fourth grade pupils in the urban environment scored averages a quarter to third higher than those in the rural environment. The greatest difference can be found with the native tongue. The pass rate for unique thesis topic, by residence environments, stresses out lower results for pupils in villages. For instance, with grades 7th and 8th, the most obvious differences are recorded with the Romanian Language and Literature, for grade 8th differences to the benefit of the urban environment varying between 10 and 13%. The smallest differences by residence environments between the pass rates of pupils in the 8th grade were recorded with following

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subjects: history and geography, where pupils in the rural environment scored results closer to the urban ones, the difference being approximately 1-2%. 2 If in some schools from the developed countries and even in many schools in Romania nowadays it is had in view new dimensions derived from the reality of the contemporary world (nutritional, sexual, political, juridical education), in other Romanian schools the very concept of formal education is not known to pupils. The Romanian educational system is not what it appears to be or what it has been trying to become for many years now, the reality of this field is a rather sad one where inequalities, indifference and frustrations are an obvious proof. The rate of unemployment in the rural environment follows an upgoing trend The relationship between poverty and educational system goes to both directions. First of all, poverty reduces the access to education and cuts very short and therefore dramatically the length of the scholar period and the level of the school graduated from. Then poverty is directly related to the achieved educational level, so that the lack of education entails poverty. In brief, the existing poverty entails an even more intense poverty, having as main vehicle the educational system, as essential factor in determining an individuals value on the labour force

market and of his/her chances to find a paid job3. It is even more difficult for the youth in the rural environment with no studies finished whatsoever to find a job than for those in the urban environment who did not graduate from any educational level. The same issue is encountered both by youth having finished gymnasium studies and by those having finished high school studies, the difference between them and youth in cities being 13% points when they are seeking for a place of work. It is almost the same situation with students having finished higher education and live to the country side, namely they cannot easily find a place of work, thus being disadvantaged as compared to students in the urban environment by approximately 20% points. Only the young graduates having fished the courses of a vocational school find a job easier than those in the city and this is due to the SAM network development after having taken steps of extending the compulsory education period to 10 years. The Romanian rural environment shows very serious flaws with regard to the educational system reforms are not applied in Romanian villages, there are not enough resources as required by the human potential development, no places of work are created for the graduates of a school level, for

Report regarding the Educational System State, Ministry of Education, Research and Innovation, 2009;

Adrian MIROIU (coordonator), Vladimir PASTI, Cornel CODI, Gabriel IVAN, Mihaela MIROIU, nvmntul romnesc azi. Studiu de diagnoz, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1998;

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44.8 % 4 of Romanian population, school is only adjusted and from time to time, and when a new reform is being developed it is actually attempted again a progress awaited for thousand of years. Conclusions: According to the data of the Report regarding the National Education System State in the year 2007 there was assigned to the educational system 17% percentage of the lump sum assigned as public expenses, this being one of the public services with highest financing. The result is the serious misconcordance between the resources assigned to the Romanian rural education and the incapacity of the educational system of finding the best manner to use the available resources. The current Romanian village, looked at through the educational system is to a great extent unplugged from the realities and requirements of the third millennium beginning. A simple analysis indicates a series of issues hidden behind speeches about modernization, efforts, care and educational system revolutionizing. Thousands of schools have no money for heating during winter time, hundreds of schools fall over pupils and teachers, teaching staffs have small salaries, unskilled teachers teach within the rural environment schools, children walk enormous distances to school and currently they speak about teaching staff dismissals and about decreasing the allowance granted to children. We need to admit that the real state of the current rural education can
4

Romanias Statistic Directory, National Institute of Statistics 2007.

be rather defined by uncertainty, improvisation and temporariness than by the comforting faith that at the bottom of structures issues are not that serious, that with each new law it shall be quickly and appropriately reformed so as to achieve evolution of the rural society and implicitly of the whole Romanian society. If looking into the future, we can exceptionally and unlikely speak about a reform which can meet the educational systems needs this should be applied to the rural environment. Under the conditions in which a society depends to the greatest extent of its human resources and the educational system is the main supplier of human resources socially modelled, building some budgetary and social policies depending upon the educational demands from the rural environment on average and long term might represent a new perspective over governing platforms. These should consider first the fact that the educational system creates the labour force market which is the essential element of a society development. In the given context, the rural population needs to become an active part of the education process, parents and teaching staffs need to be listened to, children need to identify themselves with the school curricula, and they need to be identified with an educational system to guide them through their private, professional and social life. All these should commence by reducing the social inequalities and decreasing the level of poverty because otherwise the educational system shall not be able to justify its priority position in Romanias strategic portfolio. 269

References: 1. Romanias Statistic Directory, National Institute of Statistics 2007 2. Miroiu Adrian (coordinator), Pasti Vladimir, Codi Cornel, Ivan Gabriel, Miroiu, Mihaela, Romanian Educational System Nowadays. Diagnosis Research, Polirom Publishing House, Iai, 1998 3. Report regarding the Educational System State, Ministry of Education, Research and Innovation, 2009 Web pages: 1.http://www.edu.ro/index.php 2.http://www.blog.lucianshome.nl/20 10/01/dr-funeriu-fata-in-fata-cureforma/ 3.http://www.radicalonline.info/2010/ 02/22/%E2%80%9Cdaniel-funeriucel-mai-slab-ministru-aleducatiei%E2%80%9D/ 4.http://www.revista22.ro/numarulcurent

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Aspecte ale migraiei romanilor n Marea Britanie


Drd.Cristina ILIE Universitatea din Bucuresti cristin_il@yahoo.com
Rezumat: Toate rile Uniunii Europene au o migraie pozitiv net, dei modelul de migraie rmane diferit, sursele de migraie fiind diferite pentru fiecare ar. n ultimii caiva ani, migraia net din Marea Britanie a crescut semnificativ. n 2007, Uniunii Europene i s-au alturat 2 ri: Romania i Bulgaria. Migranii din categoria A2(romanii si bulgarii) au ntampinat n Marea Britanie restricii pe piaa muncii. Interviul cu Cristina Irimia din ziarul The Guardianconcepia englezilor despre romani este urmtoareaCeteni de categoria a doua Cuvinte cheie: migraia romanilor, Marea Britanie, ziarul The Guardian

Aspecte ale Uniunii Europene ce au legtura cu migraia Istoric vorbind, originea i cursul migraiei n rile europene, a depins pe lng constrngerile legii, bineneles- de relaiile statelor cu fostele colonii, de recrutarea forei de munc extern n perioadele de dup rzboi, cnd aceasta era deficitar, i de distana cat mai mica fa de zonele afectate de rzboi. rile europene care fuseser odat srace (Irlanda, Italia, Grecia, Portugalia i Spania) erau n mod tradiional rile de emigrare, n timp ce fostele naiuni imperialiste din nord (Belgia, Frana , Germania, Olanda i Marea Britanie ) au primit un mare numr de migrani dup al doilea rzboi mondial. Dezbaterile academice i

politice pe tema migaiei i dezvoltrii ei, au avut tendina s penduleze nainte i napoi, de la optimismul evoluionist din anii 1950- 1960, la pesimismul i scepticismul structuralist i neo-marxist, din anii 1970-1980, la influenele mult mai nuanate asupra cercetrilor, pe care noua economie a migraiei muncii o are, legate de abordri ale mijloacelor de trai i de modificrile transnaionale care au avut loc n studiul migraiilor n anii 90. Din anul 2000, a avut loc o renatere brusc a opiniilor optimiste, n special n cadrul dezbaterilor politice i totodat o perioad de avnt n munca empiric asupra migraiei i dezvoltrii.1 Avansurile empirice i teoretice n studiul migraiei i dezvoltrii , au provocat determinismul nerealist, att din perspectiva funcionalist (optimist), cat si din cea structuralist( pesimist). Aceasta a creat o perspectiv mult mai subtil, n care, n funcie de contextul dezvoltrii specific, sunt posibile att rspunsurile la dezvoltarea pozitiv , cat i cea negativ. Recentele demonstraii empirice, au confirmat n mod general propunerile legate de noile economii ale migraiei muncii(
1

Hein de Haas, Migration and Development: a theoretical perspective, COMACD (Center on migration, citizenship development), Arbeitspapiere - Working Papers, No. 29, Bielefeld, 2007, p. 67-68

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NELM) i a fcut legtura ntre abordrile naionale i transnaionale, toate subliniind abilitatea real a indivizilor i a comunitilor de care ei aparin, de a preveni rspndirea riscului asupra veniturilor, de a mri ctigul financiar i de a preveni constrngerile asupra dezvoltrii locale cum ar fi slbirea pieei i a altor instituii n procesul migaiei. 2 Dar acum, toate rile Uniunii Europene au o migraie pozitiv net, dei modelul de migraie rmne diferit, cu sursele de migraie diferite pentru fiecare ar. rile scandinave, Belgia i Luxemburg, au n cea mai mare parte migrai europeni strini. Imigranii din Frana proveneau, n mod tradiional din nord, din Africa de Nord, de la sfritul anilor 50, nceputul anilor 60, i acest lucru a rmas valabil pana in zilele noastre. ( 64% din imigranii actuali, provin din afara Uniunii Europene). Portugalia, care recent a nceput s simt impactul imigraiei ( datorat numrului mare de populaie emigrant), a atras muli locuitori din Cape Verde i din Brazilia. Germania a fost martora a celei mai mari creteri, discutnd n termeni absolui, datorit valurilor de imigrani din Europa central i de Est, dinaintea unificrii Germaniei. Dar, n ciuda diferenelor, rile Uniunii Europene , au fost din ce n ce mai afectate de factori obinuii, cum ar fi conflictele din Bosnia i Kosovo sau creterea recent a solicitanilor de azil. Cu o atitudine relativ restrictiv fa de migraia economic legal, rentregirea familiei, a evoluat n multe ri, ca un mijloc legal de a

ptrunde n ara respectiv. 3 Tendine noi ale migraiei n Marea Britanie n perioada ultimilor ani, migraia net n Marea Britanie a crescut semnificativ. Acest lucru pare s reflecte urmtorii factori:4 - globalizarea economic, care are, ca i exemplu important de succes i dezvoltare oraul Londra. Pentru a-i recrea capitalul intelectual, oraul cere o infuzie continental de noi talente, precum i schimburile cu alte centre precum New York-ul. Globalizarea, reduce de asemenea costurile transportului i tranzaciei, fcnd mai accesibila micarea oamenilor dintr-un loc n altul; totodat mbuntete i crete fluxul de informaii, aducndu-le oamenilor la cunotina oportunitile din alte ri; - din toate aceste lucruri rezult integrarea economic crescnd i n particular, mobilitatea muncii n interiorul Uniunii Europene. - Globalizarea a produs totodat instabilitate crescut ntr-un numr de ri( att n Europa Central i de Est, cat i n Africa). Scderea care a avut loc n costul tranzaciilor, fcnd transporturile mai ieftine, autorizeaz stabilirea reelelor sociale i logistice , i n schimb, le permite oamenilor s vin aici, n mod legal, sau altfel. - Marea Britanie are o pia a
Stephen Glover, Ceri Gott, Anais Loizillon, Jonathan Portes, Richard Price, Sarah Spencer, Vasanthi Srinivasan and Carole Willis; Migration: an economic and social analysis, RDS Ocasional Paper no.27, London, 2001, p. 11 4 Ibidem, p. 10
3

Ibidem , p. 62-63

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muncii relativ puternic ( n comparaie cu majoritatea rilor din Uniunea European). Acest progres s-a nregistrat n rndul tuturor categoriilor de migrani din strintate, nu doar pentru persoanele care cer azil sau pentru deintorii unor permise de munc. Analiza din punct de vedere economic, arat c a fost ndeaproape corelat cu dezvoltarea economic, att pentru termenele scurte ( piaa muncii din Marea Britanie) cat i pentru cele pe termen lung (creterea fluxurilor comerciale i de capital). Migraia din Romania i Bulgaria n 2004, zece noi state membre au aderat la Uniunea Europeana, din care opt sunt ri est-europene, ce au nivelurile veniturilor, cu mult sub media rilor vest-europene( adesea referindu-se la aceste ri ca fiind rile A8).5 n 2007, alte doua ri s-au alturat : Romania i Bulgaria( rile cunoscute sub denumirea A2). Aderarea la Uniunea European aduce dreptul la libera circulaie ntre statele membre6, lucru care a dus la apariia unui val de migraie fr precedent i neateptat de mare. Aproximativ 1,5 milioane de muncitori au venit n Marea Britanie
rile A8 sunt : Polonia, Cehia, Estonia, Letonia, Lituania, Ungaria, Slovacia i Slovenia. Ciprul (nu Ciprul de Nord) i Malta au aderat n aceeai perioad, dar ele erau ri foarte mici cu venituri medii mai mari 6 Restriciile pentru piaa forei de munc a cetenilor noi ai Uniunii Europene sunt retrase n timpul unei perioade de tranziie dup aderare
5

din rile A8 din mai- 2004 i numrul de rezideni naionali n Marea Britanie a crescut cu 700.000. Emigranii din Europa de Est, sunt diferii de celelalte grupuri imigraioniste non- europene, din Anglia: faptul c sunt ceteni ai Uniunii Europene conteaz. Emigranii din rile A8 nu au nevoie s aplice pentru obinerea unei vize de lucru n Marea Britanie. Ei pot lucra n orice domeniu i pot cltori n ara natala relativ ieftin. Emigranii romani i bulgari au cteva caracteristici comune cu omologii lor din rile A8. Ei sunt n marea majoritate tineri: aproximativ 60% au vrstele cuprinse intre 18 i 35 (din punctul de vedere al vrstei, nu exist diferena statistic fa de rile A8). Au niveluri de educaie similare (vrsta medie la care un muncitor emigrant A2 a prsit educaia full-time, a fost de 19 ani n 2008). De asemenea, ei au o rat sczut a omajului i au o participare crescut a forei de munc (Migration Advisory Committee, 2008). O diferen decisiv , este aceea c emigranii din rile A2 lucreaz n profesii ce au nevoie de o calificare mai nalt, dect emigranii din rndul rilor A8. Ca i restul de emigrani ce nu provin din rile A8 i precum muncitorii nscui n Marea Britanie, majoritatea muncitorilor din rile A2 practic meserii care se afl n primele doua ( din patru) grupuri de meserii, dintr-un top al meseriilor(Migration Advisory Committee, 2008). Aceasta este probabil o consecin a restriciilor impuse pe piaa muncii cu care emigranii din rile A2 se confrunt. Cum ei nu pot lucra liber n toate sectoarele, ci sunt limitai n primul 273

rnd la ocupaii ce au nevoie de o supracalificare i la liber-profesioniti ( munca ce are nevoie de cele mai nensemnate calificri este permis, dar totodat limitat de cotele din Schema de Baz Sectorial i din Schema Muncitorilor Sezonieri din Agricultur), nu este surprinztor c distribuia lor ocupaional difer de cea a emigranilor din rile A8. Oricum, restriciile de pe piaa muncii trebuie s fie ridicate pan n 2014, i la acel moment , populaia din noul val migraionist A2 , s-ar putea s ajung s semene mai mult cu populaia din rile A8. (Migration Advisory Committee, 2008).7 Percepia englezilor asupra romanilor Ceteni de categoria a doua interviul din ziarul The Guardian cu Cristina Irimia The Guardian , din data de joi, 20.10.2006, gzduiete un testimonial valoros al unei romnce care, de apte ani de zile, ncearc sa schimbe percepia eronata pe care britanicii o au despre noi. Cristina Irimie, editor al publicaiei "Roman in UK", care apare la Londra, este unul dintre sutele de conceteni care infirma modelul terifiant pe care mass media si politicienii britanici l acrediteaz in ceea ce ne privete. Va prezentam in cele ce urmeaz articolul Cristinei Irimia: Planul ministrului de interne John Reid, de limitare a accesului muncitorilor romni i bulgari, ne-a luat prin surprindere pe noi, romanii din Marea Britanie. Masurile anunate
The UKs new Europeans: Progress and challenges five years after accession, Equality and Human rights Commisiosn, Manchester, 01.2010, p. 21
7

de la 1 ianuarie 2007, acompaniate de caricatura reprezentnd romanii, publicata in presa britanica, ne-a ntristat foarte mult pe noi, cei ce deja ne aflam aici. Am sosit in Marea Britanie acum apte ani, ca studenta, pentru a-mi termina studiile. Aveam 16 ani si la acea vrsta a fost dificil sa accept percepia pe care am gsit-o aici despre tara mea. Pe vremea aceea, Romnia nsemna Ceausescu, Dracula, orfani si igani ceretori. Tabloidele britanice au reuit, intre timp, sa modifice aceasta percepie, prin campania susinut mpotriva romanilor. Drept rezultat, percepia publica s-a schimbat, si nu in bine. Romnia este acum sinonima cu afluxul de neoprit al muncitorilor necalificai. Ei invadeaz aceasta tara, furnd locurile de munca ale britanicilor si suprasolicitnd serviciile sociale. Ca roman trind in Marea Britanie, vine un moment in care te simi obosit. Oboseti ncercnd, de unul singur, sa schimbi imaginea tarii tale, oboseti sa fii privit cu superioritate doar din cauza naionalitii tale. In 2004, speram ca Europa si Marea Britanie vor fi mulumite cnd vom adera la Uniunea Europeana, in 2007. Speram ca vom fi tratai cu respect, ca vom beneficia de aceleai drepturi cu ceilali membrii ai Uniunii. Acum simim ca suntem tratai ca ceteni de categoria a doua. Ni se fac cunoscute obligaiile ce ne ateapt, dar ne este dificil sa vedem in ce constau drepturile noastre. Propunerea domnului Reid exclude aproape toate categoriile de muncitori. Cele cteva permise de lucru anunate ca disponibile in ianuarie 2007, pentru emigrani 274

supracalificai, nu ajuta la nimic. Statisticile arata clar ca slujbele cutate de romani sunt in cu totul alte domenii, in special in agricultura. Este o ironie faptul ca una dintre putinele categorii de lucrtori acceptai este cea a liber profesionitilor. Confirma ideea ca suntem ateptai sa contribuim, nu sa beneficiem. Constructorii din Romnia sunt deja binecunoscui Ministerului de Interne britanic. Ei sunt posesorii vizelor de afaceri, una dintre putinele modalitatea prin care poi tri legal n Marea Britanie. Din cauza acestui statut, de liber profesioniti, ei nu au aceleai drepturi cu cetenii britanici la concediu de odihna pltit si concediu medical pltit, fiind supui unei nesigurane mult mai mari in ceea ce privete locul de munca. Noile restricii vor afecta sute de romani care triesc deja aici. Ei au venit in Marea Britanie sa ocupe locuri de munca pltite cu mult sub nivelul lor profesional, spernd ca, odat cu 1 ianuarie 2007, vor putea solicita noile permise de munca si vor ocupa posturi adecvate pregtirii lor. Odat cu anunul ministrului Reid, speranele lor s-au prbuit. ntre timp, acei romani care plnuiau sa vina n Marea Britanie vor alege, cel mai probabil, o alta destinaie. Cnd nu eti dorit intr-un loc, in cele din urma renuni. Este trist ca Marea Britanie, renumita pentru democraia sa, a ales s introduc o asemenea msur discriminatorie. Este de asemenea trist si faptul ca o anumita parte a presei britanice continua sa promoveze o imagine falsa despre romni, influennd astfel ceea ce se ntmpl n lumea real, o lume care m tem ca nu va deveni 275

mai prietenoasa cu compatrioii mei. Muli dintre ei doresc sa munceasc aici legal si sa i aduc propria contribuie la societatea britanica. Dar ntrebarea, la care nu am un rspuns, este: cum se poate integra un roman intr-o societate care, evident, nu dorete sa accepte romani?- Cristina Irimie, Editor Roman in UK Bibliografie selectiv: 1. Andreescu, Daniela, Emigraia n scop de munc a romnilor dup 1990, Editura YES, Bucuresti, 2004 2. Bulai, Tereza, Fenomenul migraiei i criza familial, Editura Lumen, Iai, 2006 3. Glover, Stephen, Gott, Ceri, Loizillon, Anais, Portes, Jonathan, Price, Richard, Spencer, Sarah, Srinivasan, Vasanthi and Willis Carole; Migration: an economic and social analysis, RDS Ocasional Paper no.27, London, 2001 4. Hein de Haas, Migration and Development: a theoretical perspective, COMACD ( Center on migration, citizenship, development) Arbeitspapiere- Working Papers, No. 29, Bielefeld, 2007 5. Irimie, Cristina, The Guardian, Thursday 26 , October 2006 6. Preti, Luigi, Imigraia n Europa, Traducere de George Lazarescu, Editura Tehnica, Bucureti, 1993 7. Rusu, Valeriu - Migratia fortei de munca in Europa, Editura Arvin Press, Bucuresti, 2003 8. The UKs New Europeans: Progress and challenges five years after accession, Equality and Human rights Commisiosn, Manchester, 01.2010

Aspects of the romanian migration to the United Kingdom


Ph.D.St.Cristina ILIE University of Bucharest
cristin_il@yahoo.com

Abstract: All countries in the European Union have positive net migration, although the patterns of migration remain distinct with the sources of immigration differing by country. Over the last few years net migration to the UK has increased significantly. In 2007 UE were joined by two other countries: Romania and Bulgaria. A2 migrants face a labour market restrictions in UK. English people perception about romanian Second-class citizens interview with Cristina Irimia from The Guardian Key words: Romanian migration, United Kingdom, The Guardian

EU aspects concerning migration Historically, the origin and flows of migration to European countries have depended in addition to policy constraints, of course on the countries relationships with former colonies, recruitment for outside labour during shortages in the postwar era, and proximity to war-torn areas. The once-poor European countries (Ireland, Italy, Greece, Portugal and Spain) were traditionally countries of emigration, while the former imperial nations to the north (Belgium, France, Germany, The Netherlands and the UK) received a large influx of migrants after World War II. The scholarly and policy debates on migration and 276

development have tended to swing back and forth like a pendulum, from developmentalist optimism in the 1950s and 1960s, to structuralist and neo-Marxist pessimism and scepticism over the 1970s and 1980s, to more nuanced views influenced by the new economics of labour migration, livelihood approaches and the transnational turn in migration studies as of the 1990s. Since 2000, there has been a sudden renaissance of optimistic views, in particular in the policy debate, as well as a boom in empirical work on migration and development.1 Empirical and theoretical advances in the study of migration and development have challenged the unrealistic determinism of both the functionalist (optimist) and structuralist (pessimist) perspectives. This has given rise to a more subtle vision, in which, depending on the specific development context, both positive and negative development responses to migration are possible. Recent empirical evidence has generally confirmed the propositions of the new economics of labour migration (NELM) and related household and transnational approaches, which all
Hein de Haas, Migration and Development: a theoretical perspective, COMACD ( Center on migration, citizenship, development) ArbeitspapiereWorking Papers, No. 29, Bielefeld, 2007, p.67-68
1

stress the real ability of individuals and the household to which they belong to overcome spread income risks, increase income and to overcome local development constraints such as failing markets and other institutions through the process of migrating.2 But now all countries in the European Union have positive net migration, although the patterns of migration remain distinct with the sources of immigration differing by country. Scandinavian countries, Belgium and Luxembourg have mostly European foreign migrants. Frances migrants have traditionally been from North Africa since the late 1950s and early 1960s and this remains true today (64% of todays immigrants are from outside the EU.) Portugal, which only recently began to feel the impact of immigration (due to its large emigrant population), has attracted many Cape Verdeans and Brazilians. Germany experienced the largest increase in absolute terms, due to waves of immigration from Central and Eastern Europe before German reunification. But despite these differences, EU countries have been increasingly affected by common factors, such as the Bosnian and Kosovan conflicts, and the recent rise in asylum seekers. With relatively restrictive attitudes towards legal economic migration, family reunification has increased in many countries as a legal means of entry.3

Recent trends of the migration to the UK Over the last few years net migration to the UK has increased significantly. This seems to reflect the following factors:4 economic globalisation, the most important example of which is the success and growth of the City of London. To refresh its intellectual capital, the City requires a continual infusion of new talent, as well as interchange with other such centres like New York. Globalisation also reduces transport and transaction costs, making it easier for people to move back and forth; and it improves and increases information flows, making people more aware of opportunities in other countries related to this, increasing economic integration, and in particular labour mobility, within the EU globalisation has also seen increased instability in a number of countries (both in Central and Eastern Europe and Africa). The fall in transaction costs, making transport cheaper, enables the establishment of social and logistical networks that in turn allow people to come here, legally or otherwise Britains current relatively strong labour market (compared to most other EU countries). The rise has been in all categories of migrants, across the board, not just in asylum seekers or work permit holders. Econometric
an economic and social analysis, RDS Ocasional Paper no.27, London, 2001, p. 11 4 Ibidem, p. 10

Ibidem , p. 62-63 Stephen Glover, Ceri Gott , Anas Loizillon, Jonathan Portes, Richard Price, Sarah Spencer, Vasanthi Srinivasan and Carole Willis; Migration:
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analysis shows that it has been closely correlated with economic developments, both short-term (the UK labour market) and long-term (the growth in trade and capital flows). Migration from Romania and Bulgaria In 2004, ten new member states joined the European Union (EU), eight of which were eastern European countries with income levels well below the western European average (often referred to as the A8).5 In 2007 they were joined by two other countries: Romania and Bulgaria (the A2). EU membership brings rights to freedom of movement between member states6 and these accessions led to a wave of immigration that was not only unprecedented, but highly unexpected. About 1.5 million workers from A8 countries have come to the UK since May 2004, and the number of A8 nationals resident in the UK has increased to about 700,000. The new migrants from eastern Europe are different from the UKs other, non-European, immigrant groups: their European Union (EU) citizenship matters. A8 migrants do not need to apply for a visa to work in the UK; they can work in any
The A8 countries are: Poland, Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia. Cyprus (not northern Cyprus) and Malta also joined at the same time, but are very small countries with higher average incomes. 6 Restrictions to new EU citizens labour market access are allowed during a transitional period following accession
5

occupation, and they can travel from their home country relatively cheaply Romanian and Bulgarian migrants share several characteristics with their A8 counterparts. They are predominantly young: about 60 per cent are between the ages of 18 and 35 (the distribution of ages is not statistically different from that of the A8). They have similar education levels (the median age at which workingage A2 migrants left full-time education was 19 in 2008). And they also have low unemployment rates and high labour force participation (Migration Advisory Committee, 2008). One crucial distinction, however, is that A2 migrants work in more skilled occupations than the A8. Like non-A8 immigrants and UKborn workers, the majority of A2 workers perform jobs in the top two (of four) occupational skill groups (Migration Advisory Committee, 2008). This is most likely a function of the labour market restrictions that A2 migrants face. Since they cannot work freely in all sectors, but are limited primarily to highly skilled occupations and self-employment (lowerskilled work is permitted but limited through the Sectors Based Scheme and Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme quotas), it is not surprising that their occupational distribution differs from that of A8 migrants. However, labour market restrictions must be lifted by 2014, and at this point the population of new A2 migrants may well come to

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resemble the A8 more (Migration Advisory Committee, 2008).7 English people perception about romanian Second-class citizens interview with Cristina Irimia from The Guardian The news-paper The Guardian from Thursday 26 October 2006, it contains an important interview of a romanian woman , that from seven years is trying to change the bad perception that the english people has about the romanian people. Cristina Irimie, is the editor of the newspaper Roman in UK, that is published in London and is one of the hundreds of citizens that invalidates the terrifying model that mass-media and britsh politicians accredits in the matter conerning our nation. This is the article: When John Reid announced his plans for restrictions on Romanian and Bulgarians working in Britain, it took Romanians living in the UK by surprise. The measures to block workers from January 1 next year, and the accompanying caricature of Romanians in the British press, greatly sadden those of us already here.8 I came to the UK seven years ago, as a student, to complete my education. At the age of 16, it was hard to put up with the perception of
The UKs new Europeans: Progress and challenges five years after accession, Equality and Human rights Commisiosn, Manchester, 01.2010, p. 21 8 Cristina Irimie, The Guardian, Thursday 26 October 2006 Source: http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfre e/2006/oct/26/comment.politics
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my homeland that I found here. At that time, Romania meant Ceausescu, Dracula, orphans and begging gypsies. However, the tabloid media has managed to change this through their persistent campaigning against Romanians. As a result, public perceptions have also changed - and not for the better. Romania is now synonymous with the unstoppable flow of unskilled workers. They are invading this country, stealing jobs from the British and overburdening the social services. As a Romanian living in Britain, there comes a moment when you feel tired. Tired of trying to rebrand your country on your own, tired of being given superior looks just because of your nationality. In 2004 we were hopeful that Europe and Britain would be happy when we joined the EU in 2007; hopeful that we would be treated with respect and given the same rights as other members of the EU. Now we feel that we are being treated like second-class citizens. We are made aware of the obligations we will have, but it is very hard to see where our rights lie. Mr Reid's proposals debar almost all kinds of workers. The few work permits that he announced would be available in January for highly skilled migrants do not help. Statistics show clearly that the jobs sought by Romanians are in other fields, particularly in agriculture. It is ironic that one of the few categories of workers that will be accepted is the self-employed. It confirms the idea that we are expected to contribute, but not to benefit. Selfemployed builders and cleaners from 279

Romania are already well known to the Home Office. They are the holders of business visas which have been one of the few ways by which you could live legally in Britain. But because of this enforced selfemployment they do not have the same rights to holiday and sick pay, and experience far greater insecurity. The new restrictions will affect many thousands of Romanians who live here already. They came to the UK to work in low-paid jobs well below their level of qualification, with the expectation that, come January, they would be able to apply for newly available permits to carry out more skilled work. Now the home secretary has made it clear that will not happen. Meanwhile, those Romanians who were planning to come to the UK will most probably choose another destination. When you are not wanted by a place, you give up trying sooner or later. It is sad to see that Britain, renowned for its democracy, has chosen to introduce such a discriminatory measure. And it is likewise sad that elements of the British press continue to peddle a false image of Romanians. These decrees and headlines influence what happens in the real world, a world which I fear is not going to become any more friendly towards my compatriots. There are many people who want to work here legally, and bring their own contributions to British society. But the question I cannot answer is this: how can a Romanian integrate into a society which obviously doesn't want to accept Romanians. - Cristina Irimie, Editor Roman in UK.

References: 1. Andreescu, Daniela, Emigratia n scop de munc a romnilor dup 1990, Editura YES, Bucuresti, 2004 2. Bulai, Tereza, Fenomenul migraiei i criza familial, Editura Lumen, Iai, 2006 3. Glover, Stephen, Gott, Ceri, Loizillon, Anais, Portes, Jonathan, Price, Richard, Spencer, Sarah, Srinivasan, Vasanthi and Willis Carole; Migration: an economic and social analysis, RDS Ocasional Paper no.27, London, 2001 4. Hein de Haas, Migration and Development: a theoretical perspective, COMACD ( Center on migration, citizenship, development) Arbeitspapiere- Working Papers, No. 29, Bielefeld, 2007 5. Irimie, Cristina, The Guardian, Thursday 26 , October 2006 6. Preti, Luigi, Imigraia n Europa, Traducere de George Lazarescu, Editura Tehnica, Bucureti, 1993 7. Rusu, Valeriu - Migratia fortei de munca in Europa, Editura Arvin Press, Bucuresti, 2003 8. The UKs New Europeans: Progress and challenges five years after accession, Equality and Human rights Commisiosn, Manchester, 01.2010

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Reforma social a regelui Romei antice, Servius Tullius Lect.univ.dr. Mdlina STRECHIE Universitatea din Craiova
madalina_strechie@yahoo.fr

Rsum : Servius Tullius a t un roi

trusque qui a fait des transformations majeures dans la socit romaine, par son rforme qui a trace les principales lignes de la vie politique romaine pendant des sicles. On peut dire que sa rforme a prfigur tantt la forme rpublicaine, mais aussi celle impriale de gestion de l'tat romaine. L'organisation sociale mise en uvre par le roi rformateur tait fonde sur la richesse, mais elle n'excluait pas les mrites personnels. Les centuries institues par Servius Tullius avaient un double rle dans la socit romaine: civile et militaire. L'essence de la rforme servienne peut tre exprime par la formule l'administration de l'tat=la dfense de l'tat. Mots cls : rforme servienne, la socit romaine, centuries, la vie politique

Importana domniei lui Servius Tullius n statul, nc nceptor, al Romei ne-o dau reformele nfptuite de acesta n epoca lui, considerate i mult dup aceea ca o veritabil constituie servian.1 Tradiia, n special cea consemnat de Titus Livius, atribuie regelui acestuia dou reforme capitale. El este cel care a creat
Iohanna arambei, Nicolae arambei, 99 de personaliti. Lumea antic, ediia a III-a, Editura Artemis, Bucureti, fr an, p. 243.
1

organizarea centuriat n vederea recrutrii armatei, repartiznd populaia dup sistemul censitar n cinci clase, fiecare divizat la rndul ei ntr-un numr de centurii. Astfel, cei mai bogai slujeau n 18 centurii de cavalerie. Ei furnizau cele mai multe efective militare, 80 de centurii de infanterie grea, cu un echipament foarte scump pe care l suportau din cheltuiala lor. La captul opus erau proletarii, care formau o singur centurie format din capites censi, scutit ns de serviciul militar. ntre aceste dou extreme erau repartizate alte patru clase, cele mai srace, fiind uor narmate, pentru c fiecare clas i pltea efectivele militare (ntreinerea acestora s.n.).2 Pentru a nelege mai bine criteriile reformei censitare trebuie s aflm ce era censul i care era conotaia lui social. Potrivit definiiei date de Dicionarul de termeni ai instituiilor romane aflm: census (lat.), avere, liste de recensmnt, termen ce provine din censeo, ere - operaie de nregistrare a cetenilor pe baza propriilor declaraii i de organizare a corpului civic (n centurii, pentru epoca republican, n aa numitele ordine sociale, n epoca imperial).
Marcel Bordet, Istoria Romei Antice, Traducere de Maria Ivnescu, Editura, Lider, Bucureti, fr an, pp. 30-31.
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Potrivit tradiiei, primul care a organizat acest tip de activitate a fost regele Servius Tullius, censul acestuia fiind rennoit, dup alungarea lui Tarquinius Superbus Recenzarea este n acelai timp egalitar i ierarhic, afirmnd statutul juridic personal i, respectiv, plasarea ceteanului n coordonate precise, din punct de vedere public. Aceast din urm finalitate, care se adaug uneia evident demografice, prezint trei aspecte: militar, financiar i politic. Pe baza propriei declaraii (professio), ceteanul era repartizat ntr-una din cele cinci clase censitare, organizate, la rndul lor, pe centurii... Rezultatul acestei operaii este o egalitate proporional, expresie a relaiei dintre drepturi i obligaii, mrimea i calitatea primelor fiind dat de mrimea i calitatea ultimelor...3. Guvernarea acestui rege etrusc a fost o guvernare luminat. El a nfptuit marea reform militar, social i administrativ n acelai timp, care a stat la baza viitoarei organizri. Numai cei care fceau parte din Comiiile centuriate puteau vota, ceilali continuau s rmn exclui.4 Servius Tullius a acordat cetenie libertinilor, adic fiilor sclavilor eliberai i a abolit cele 30 de curii, mprite n cartiere, iar n
Cf Instituii romane. Dicionar de termeni. http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/olariu/0.ht m 4 Indro Montanelli, Roma, o istorie inedit, Traducere de George Miciacio, Editura Artemis, Bucureti, 1995, pp. 3637.
3

locul acestora a instituit clasele de cens fr a ine seama de domiciliu.5 Clasei I-a de cens i aparineau cei care posedau un minimum de 100000 de sesteri, iar din ultima cei care posedau 12500 de sesteri. Diferenierile economice leau determinat i pe cele politice. n curii toi erau egali, cel puin n mod formal iar votul unuia valora ct al celuilalt pentru c se vota pe centurii. Cu toate acestea nu toate aveau un numr egal. Prima clas avea 98 de centurii din 123 din totalul centuriilor, astfel nct majoritatea politic era asigurat de prima clas, celelalte chiar dac se coalizau, nu puteau s nfrng prima clas de cens. S-a creat astfel un regim politic plutocratic, ncurajndu-i pe cei cu avere mai mult dect pe cei cu proprieti funciare care se aflau n Senat.6 Reforma censitar a generat i o schimbare a instituiilor politice romane. Se nate o nou Adunare a poporului i anume Adunarea centuriat. Comitia (lat.), organe constituionale ale statului roman, n competena crora intrau votarea legilor, alegerea magistrailor, unele sarcini administrative, juridice i religioase; se deosebesc de simplele adunri de dezbatere care se numeau contiones. Hotrrile adunrilor populare erau luate prin vot, care rezulta nu din majoritatea voturilor individuale, ci din aceea a grupurilor (curii, centurii, triburi), care alctuiau aceste adunri; n cadrul grupului, votul era determinat de
5 6

Ibidem, p. 37. Idem

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modul n care se exprimase majoritatea. Comitia centuriata: adunarea poporului roman narmat, organizat pe baza censului, are principalul rol legislativ i electoral n stat, ordinea de vot fiind aceea n care poporul mergea la lupt.7 Ea era convocat pe Cmpul lui Marte n afara pomerium - ului i era bazat nu pe cadrele gentilice, ci pe avere.8 Cele 98 de centurii ale celor bogai aveau armament greu i cuprindeau 18 centurii de cavaleri i 80 de centurii de infanterie greu narmat. Ceilali ceteni distribuii n clasele urmtoare de cens i formau 25 de centurii.9 Pe de alt parte, Servius Tullius a mprit Roma n patru regiones un fel de arondismente, cu un caracter teritorial. Crearea regiunilor va merge n acelai sens bazndu-se nu pe un criteriu plutocratic, ci pe unul topografic: Palatinul, Esquilinul, Subura (Caelius) i Colina fiind prima regiune nou, celelalte trei evocnd triburile romane. Aceste msuri reprezentau politica regal, de altfel, foarte logic, viznd integrarea n cetate a elementelor ignorate de gini pentru a le slbi. Regiunile aveau oarecum criterii etnice Ramnes latinii, Tities - sabinii i Luceres care locuiau n cartierele nou formate. Teritoriul agricol al Romei a constituit pe acelai criteriu nc 17 triburi.
Cf Instituii romane. Dicionar de termeni. http:// ebooks.unibuc.ro/ istorie/ olariu/ 0.htm, 8 Marcel Bordet, op. cit., p. 31. 9 Iohanna arambei, Nicolae arambei, op. cit., p. 243.
7

Primele clase de cens, cele mai bogate erau ns cele mai puin numeroase, astfel nct centuriile nu mai cuprindeau acelai numr de ceteni. Fiecare centurie era mprit n seniores i iuniores; exista i o centurie prerogativ, n fapt, o centurie pe care tragerea la sori o desemna s voteze prima. Votul ei putea avea influen asupra urmtoarelor, deoarece romanii i atribuiau valoarea unui semn. Votul n comiii nu era individual, ci colectiv, adic fiecare centurie nu avea dect un vot.10 Reforma censitar a lui Servius Tullius a avut implicaii adnci n progresul statului roman. Ele au fost de ordin militar i politico-social. n domeniul militar, precizarea n funcie de avere, deci de posibiliti, a obligaiilor populaiei, a dus la ntrirea considerabil a armatei, care se ridica la aproape 20000 de ostai ncorporabili la nevoie.11 i organizarea politic a fost transformat n structura ei, dac ne gndim c Servius Tullius a schimbat aproape ntreaga reprezentare politic a Romei. Organizarea social, politic i constituional bazat pe familii, formate pe criterii de nrudire care erau conduse de pater familas. Prin comitia centuriata el oferea cetenilor organizai pe centurii o adunare unde puteau vota.
10

***Larousse. Dicionar de civilizaie roman Jean-Calude Fredouille, profesor la Universitatea Paris X-Nanterre, Traducere de erban Velescu, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 2000, p. 58. 11 Marcel Bordet, op. cit., pp. 31-32, p.244.

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Servius Tullius a diminuat astfel influena gentilic, prin cea datorat averii. Constituia servian a marcat ntrirea puterii pturilor avute, deoarece n cel mai nalt forum de decizie, comitia centuriata, ele erau cele i impuneau legile. Roma a intrat i datorit reformei lui Servius Tullius n era Republicii.12 Titus Livius i atribuie acestuia i multe inovaii de ordin administrativ i edilitar, cum este marele zid care nconjura cele apte coline ale Romei i avea o mare valoare strategic. Alte lucrri edilitare au fost sistemul de drenaj al Romei, numit i Cloaca Maxima precum i celebrul templu al lui Iuppiter Capitolinus.13 Pomerium-ul, incinta sacr a Romei, mrginit de o fie de teren lipsit de construcii, unde erau consultai haruspicii, a fost organizat tot de ctre Servius Tullius.14 Servius Tullius este primul care, potrivit tradiiei, a impus anumite nsemne ale statului roman. El s-a nconjurat cu o gard narmat care s-i poat apere persoana mpotriva ruvoitorilor, i-a pus pe cap o diadem de aur, i-a procurat un tron de filde i un sceptru cu o acvil n vrf.15 Ca un om politic nelept, regele etrusc a ncercat pentru prima dat integrarea plebei. Tradiia i mrturiile istorice atest primele progrese fcute de plebei n perioada domniei sale. Una din reformele sale
12

a fost aceea de a li se acorda pmnt plebeilor, nu din ager Romanus, ci din teritoriile luate de la dumani. n plus, el a publicat legi pentru plebe, cele mai multe referitoare la obligaiile plebei de a putea contracta cu patricienii o cstorie. Potrivit legilor sale plebea, care nu intra n vechile triburi, dup reforma censitar este inclus n triburi datorit teritoriului ocupat.16 Mai mult, impactul social al reformei lui Servius Tullius asupra plebei a fost acela c aceasta s-a constituit ntr-o categorie social care va lupta pentru drepturile ei care au culminat cu publicarea de legi scriseLex XII tabularum, obinerea de magistrai proprii-tribuni plebis, iar n secolul I a generat o alt reform social, cea agrar. Abilitatea politic a lui Servius Tullius a fost aceea c a instituit reformele la momentul oportun pentru Roma. El a creat noi forme politice i n acelai timp le-a restructurat pe cele vechi pe baze noi. Servius Tullius a intuit valoarea armatei n societatea roman, care trebuia reformat din punctul de vedere al structurii. Pentru a o reforma armata unei societi era necesar s fie reformat i societatea prin msuri politice. ntr-o er n care majoritatea lumii cunoscute era nc organizat gentilic, Servius Tullius punea bazele
16

Ibidem, pp. 244-245. 13 Ibidem, pp. 32-33. 14 Jean Nol Robert, Roma, Traducere de Simona Ceauu, Editura Bic All, Bucureti, 2002, p. 61. 15 Indro Montanelli, op. cit., p. 38.

Fustel de Coulanges, Cetatea antic. Studiu asupra cultului, dreptului i instituiilor Greciei i Romei, vol. II, Traducere de Mioara i Pan Izverna, traducerea notelor de Elena Lazr, prefa de Radu Florescu, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1984, pp. 133-134.

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unei societi romane moderne att politic, militar, administrativ, ct i economic. Reforma sa censitar nu a nsemnat ncurajarea unei conduceri oligarhice, ci a unei elite politice competente. Cine avea avere, avea o anumit educaie i n acelai timp o anumit obligaie fa de stat. Mai mult, clasele centuriate al primului ealon ofereau i cele mai multe legiuni pentru efortul de rzboi i n acelai timp pe plan politic votul su era unul n cunotin de cauz. Prima clas de cens avea cele mai mari privilegii, dar n acelai timp i cele mai multe responsabiliti. Faptul c regele etrusc a tiut s integreze plebea n cadrul societii romane a fost un succes social al acestuia. Datorit acordrii de pmnt plebea a devenit un partener al celorlalte clase de cens. El, Servius Tullius a sedentarizat plebea i prin aceasta a emancipat-o, inaugurnd n acelai timp i politica de colonizare a Romei. Servius Tullius a intuit c, pentru ca Roma s evolueze, era nevoie de o schimbare. El a fost omul politic inspirat care nu numai c a gndit aceast schimbare, dar a i pus-o n practic. i datorit lui Roma va deveni un stat politic model. Valabilitatea social a reformei serviene se va dovedi pe parcursul istoriei Romei antice, supravieuind i regimului republican, dar mai ales celui imperial. Armata era cea care a mprumutat centuria ca unitate social, reformei serviene, de aceea nu ntmpltor cele mai eficiente organisme socio-administrative imperiale erau cele militare. Ordinul ecvestru, statul major al armatei 285

romane era n acealai timp i puterea executiv imperial. Prin membrii si marcani precum prefectul Pretoriului reprezenta un fel de ef al guvernului pentru mprat i n acealai timp era omul doi ca importan politic. Unul din principiile de baz al reformei serviene, acela de conducere a statului de ctre cei care l apr, a fost mereu actual n viaa social politic a puterii mondiale din Antichitatea european, Roma. Bibliografie selectiva: 1. Bordet, Marcel, Istoria Romei Antice, Traducere de Maria Ivnescu, Bucureti, Editura Lider, fr an 2. Coulanges, Fustel de, Cetatea antic. Studiu asupra cultului, dreptului i instituiilor Greciei i Romei, vol. II, Traducere de Mioara i Pan Izverna, traducerea notelor de Elena Lazr, prefa de Radu Florescu, Bucureti, Editura Meridiane, 1984 3. Grimal, Pierre, Civilizaia roman, vol I, II, Traducere, prefa i note de Eugen Cizek, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1973 4. http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/ol ariu/0.htm, Instituii romane. Dicionar de termeni 5. Montanelli, Indro, Roma, o istorie inedit, Traducere de George Miciacio, Bucureti, Editura Artemis, 1995 6. ***Larousse. Dicionar de civilizaie roman Jean-Calude Fredouille, profesor la Universitatea Paris X-Nanterre, Traducere de erban Velescu, Bucureti, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2000

7. Livius, Titus, Ab Urbe condita (De la fundarea Romei) vol. I, II, Traducere, tabel cronologic i note de Paul Popescu Gleeanu, cuvnt introductiv de A. Marinescu-Nour, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1976 8. Makin, N., A., Istoria Romei Antice, n romnete de Ion Parocescu i Anton Herescu, Editura de Stat, Bucureti, 1951 9. Robert, Jean-Nol, Roma, Traducere de Simona Ceauu, Bucureti, Editura Bic All, 2002. 10. Strechie, Mdlina, Oameni politici ai Romei Antice (Lideri, institui i mentaliti), Craiova, Editura Universitaria, 2008 11. arambei, Iohanna, arambei, Nicolae, 99 de personaliti. Lumea antic, ediia a III-a, Bucureti, Editura Artemis, fr an

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La rforme sociale du roi de Rome antique, Servius Tullius


Lecteur Mdlina Strechie Universit de Craiova
madalina_strechie@yahoo.fr

Rsum : Servius Tullius a t un roi trusque qui a fait des transformations majeures dans la socit romaine, par son rforme qui a trace les principales lignes de la vie politique romaine pendant des sicles. On peut dire que sa rforme a prfigur tantt la forme rpublicaine, mais aussi celle impriale de gestion de l'tat romaine. L'organisation sociale mise en uvre par le roi rformateur tait fonde sur la richesse, mais elle n'excluait pas les mrites personnels. Les centuries institues par Servius Tullius avaient un double rle dans la socit romaine: civile et militaire. L'essence de la rforme servienne peut tre exprime par la formule l'administration de l'tat=la dfense de l'tat. Mots cls : rforme servienne, la socit romaine, centuries, la vie politique

L'importance de la rgne de Servius Tullius dans l'tat encore prcoce de Rome nous donne les reformes raliss par celui-ci pendant son poque, considrs longtemps aprs ce moment, comme une vritable constitution servienne.1 La tradition, en particulier celle enregistr par Titus-Livius, attribue au roi deux reformes
Iohanna arambei, Nicolae arambei, 99 de personaliti. Lumea antic, ediia a III-a, Editura Artemis, Bucureti, fr an, p. 243.
1

capitales. Il est celui qui a cre l'organisation en centurie en vue de recruter l'arme, en repartissant la population aprs le systme censitaire en cinq classes, chacune son tour divise en un certain nombre de centuries. Ainsi, les plus riches servaient en 18 centuries dans la cavalerie. Ils fournissent le plus grand nombre des forces militaires, 80 centuries d' infanterie lourde, avec un quipement trs coteux de leur frais. l'extrmit oppose taient les proletarii, qui formaient une centurie unique comprenant les capites censi, toutefois, exempts du service militaire. Entre ces deux extrmes taient rpartis quatre classes, les plus pauvres taient peut arms, parce que chaque classe devait payer leurs troupes (leur entretien - sn).2 Afin de mieux comprendre les critres de la reforme censitaire il faut savoir ce que c'tait le census et quelle tait sa connotation sociale. Conformment la dfinition du Dictionnaire des termes des institutions Romaines nous apprenons: census( latin), les biens, les listes de recensement, terme qui viennent de censeo, re- l'opration d'enregistrement des citoyens en base de leurs dclarations et dorganisation du corps civique (
Marcel Bordet, Istoria Romei Antice, Traducere de Maria Ivnescu, Editura Lider, fr an, pp. 30-31.
2

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dans les centuries, l'poque rpublicaine, dans le soi-disant ordres sociaux l're impriale). Selon la tradition, qui a organis la premire fois ce type d'activit tait le roi Servius Tullius, le censeur de celui-ci tant renouvel, aprs l'expulsion de Tarquinius Superbus. Le recensement est la fois galitaire et hirarchique, affirmant le statut juridique personnel et, respectivement, le placement du citoyen dans des coordonnes prcises, du point de vue public. Cette dernier finalit, ajoute a une, videmment dmographique prsente trois aspects: militaire, financier et politique. Sur la base de leur dclaration (professio), le citoyen tait rpandu l'une des cinq classes censitaires organise, leur tour, sur centuries. Le rsultat de cette opration est une galit proportionnelle, expression de la relation entre les droits et les obligations, la taille et la qualit des premiers tant d'abord donne par la taille et la qualit de la dernire...3. La gouvernance de ce roi trusque a t une gouvernance claire. Il a ralis la grande rforme militaire, sociale et administrative en mme temps, qui se trouvait a la base de la future organisation. Seuls ceux qui faisaient partie des comit de centuries

pouvait voter, les autres taient encore exclus.4 Servius Tullius a accord citoyennet aux libertins, c'est a dire aux fils d'esclaves affranchis et il a aboli les 30 curies, diviss en districts, et au lieu de celles-ci il a institu les classes de recensement sans tenir compte du domicile.5 A la premire classe censitaire appartenait ceux qui avaient un minimum de 100.000 sesterces, et de la dernire classe ceux qui possdaient 12.500 sesterces. Les diffrences conomiques ont dtermins aussi celles politiques. Dans les curies tous tait gaux au moins formellement, et le vote d'une personne valait combien de l'autre, parce qu'on votait sur les centuries. Cependant, pas tous avaient le mme nombre. La premire classe comptait 98 centuries du total de 123, de sorte que la majorit politique tait fournie par la premire classe, les autres mme si elles s'alignaient, elles ne pouvaient pas vaincre la premire classe. On a cr un rgime politique ploutocratique, en encourageant plus ceux qui avaient des richesses que ceux qui possdaient des proprits foncires qui taient en Snat.6 La rforme censitaire a gnr un changement des institutions politiques romaines. Apparait une nouvelle Assemble du Peuple l'Assemble Centuriate Comitia (latin), organes constitutionnelles de l'tat Roumain,
Indro Montanelli, Roma, o istorie inedit, Traducere de George Miciacio, Editura Artemis, Bucureti, 1995, pp. 36-37 5 Ibidem, p. 37 6 Idem
4

Cf Instituii romane. Dicionar de termeni.


http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/olariu/0.htm,

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dans la comptence des quels tait le vote des lois, l'lection des magistrats, certaines fonctions administratives, juridiques et religieux; elles sont diffrents de simples dbats appels contiones. Les dcisions des assembles populaires taient prises par vote, qui ne rsultent pas de la majorit des votes individuelles, mais plutt des groupes (curies, centuries, tribus), qui composaient ces assembles; dans le groupe, le vote a t dtermin par la faon dont la majorit s'est exprim. Comitia centuriata: l'assemble du peuple roumain arm, organise en base du recensement, a le principal rle lgislative et lectoral dans l'tat, l'ordre de vote est celle dans laquelle le peuple allait la bataille .....7 Elle tait convoque sur le Champ de Mars a l'extrieur de pomerium et elle n'tait pas fonde sur les cadres gentiliques, mais sur la richesse.8 Le 98 centuries des personnes riches avaient des armes lourdes et comprenait 18 centuries de chevaliers et 80 centuries d'infanterie arms. D'autres citoyens rpartis dans les catgories suivantes de recensement reprsentaient 25 centuries.9 En outre, Servius Tullius a divis la Rome en quatre regiones, une sorte d'arrondissement, avec un caractre territorial. La cration des rgions irait dans le mme sens en tant fond pas sur un critre
Cf Instituii romane. Dicionar de termeni.
http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/olariu/0.htm,
7

ploutocratique, mai sur un critre topographique: Palatin, Esquilin, Subura (Caelius) et Colina- Hill tant la premire nouvelle rgion, les autres trois voquant les tribus romanes. Ces mesures reprsentaient la politique royale, en outre, trs logique, qui vise intgrer dans la ville les lments ignors par la gent pour les affaiblir. Les rgions avaient des critres ethniques Ramnes les Latins, Tities les Sabins et les Luceres - qui vivaient dans les quartiers nouvellement forms. Le territoire agricole de Rome a construit sur le mme critre encore 17 tribus. Les premires classes de recensement, les plus riches, taient les moins nombreux, de sorte que les centuries n'avaient pas le mme nombre de citoyens. Chaque centurie tait divise en seniores et iuniores, il y avait aussi une centurie prrogative-centuria prerogativa, en fait, une centurie qui tait dsigne a voter la premire par un tirage au sorte. Son vote pouvait avoir une influence sur les suivants, puisque les Romains lui assignaient la valeur d'un signe. Le vote in comitia n'tait pas individuel, mai collective, c'est-a-dire que chaque centurie avait un seul vote.10 La reforme censitaire de Servius Tullius a eu des incidences profondes sur les progrs de l'tat romaine.
***Larousse. Dicionar de civilizaie roman Jean-Calude Fredouille, profesor la Universitatea Paris X-Nanterre, Traducere de erban Velescu, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 2000, p. 58
10

Marcel Bordet, op. cit., p. 31 Iohanna arambei, Nicolae arambei, op. cit., p. 243
9

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Elles taient d'ordre militaire et politique-social. Dans le domaine militaire, la mention en base de la richesse, donc des possibilits des obligations de la population, a conduit un renforcement considrable de l'arme, qui s'levaient prs de 20.000 soldats qui pouvaient tre incorpores a besoin.11 Aussi l'organisation politique a t transforme dans sa structure, si nous pensons que Servius Tullius avait chang la quasi-totalit de la reprsentation politique de Rome. L'organisation sociale, politique et constitutionnelle fonde sur des familles, formes sur la base de la parent qui taient menes par pater familas, est chang aussi. Par l'intermde de comitia centuriata il donnait aux citoyens organiss sur centuries une runion o ils pouvaient voter. Servius Tullius a diminu de cette manire l'influence gentilique par celle due a la richesse. La Constitution severienne a marqu le renforcement de la puissance des couches, parce que dans le plus haut forum de dcision, comitia centuriata elles tait celles qui imposait ces lois. Rome est entr aussi dans l're de la Rpublique grce la rforme de Servius Tullius.12 Titus Livius attribuait a celuici aussi des nombreuses innovations d'ordre administrative et dilitaire, comme la grande muraille qui entourait les sept collines de Rome et avaient une grande valeur stratgique. D'autres uvres
11

dilitaires taient le systme de drainage urbain de Rome, appele aussi Cloaca Maxima et le temple clbre de Iuppiter Capitolinus. 13 Le Pomerium, l'enceinte sacre de Rome, bord par une bande de terre dpourvue de btiments, o taient consults les haruspices, galement a t organise par Servius Tullius.14 Servius Tullius est le premier qui, selon la tradition, a impos certains symboles de l'tat romaine. Il s'tait entour d'une garde arme pour tre en mesure de se dfendre contre des personnes malveillants, il s'est mis sur sa tte une couronne d'or, a achet un trne d'ivoire et un sceptre avec un aigle dans le bout.15 En tant que politicien avis, le roi trusque a essay pour la premire fois l'intgration de la plbe. La tradition et les preuves historique attestent les premiers progrs raliss par la plbe durant son rgne. Un de ses rformes a t celle d' accorder des terres a la plbe, pas du ager Romanus, mais des territoires conquises des ennemis. De plus, il a mis des lois pour la plbe, la plupart sur les obligations de la plbe pour pouvoir contracter un mariage avec les patriciens. En vertu de ses lois, la plbe, qui n'tait pas dans les anciennes tribus, aprs la rforme censitaire est incluse dans les tribus, d au territoire occup.16
13 14

Marcel Bordet, op. cit., pp. 31-32, p. 244 12 Ibidem, pp. 244-245

Ibidem, pp. 32-33 Jean Nol Robert, Roma, Traducere de Simona Ceauu, Editura Bic All, Bucureti, 2002, p. 61 15 Indro Montanelli, op. cit., p. 38 16 Fustel de Coulanges, Cetatea antic. Studiu asupra cultului, dreptului i instituiilor Greciei i Romei, vol. II, Traducere de Mioara i Pan Izverna,

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De plus, l'impact social de la rforme de Servius Tullius sur la plbe, a t le fait que celle-ci s'est constitue dans une catgorie sociale qui luttera pour ses droits qui ont abouti la publication de la loi crite Lex XII Tabularum, l'obtention des magistrats propres tribuni plebis, et dans le sicle I a gnr une autre rforme sociale, la reforme agraire. La capacit politique de Servius Tullius a t celle qu'il a tablit les rformes au moment appropri pour Rome. Il a cr des nouvelles formes politiques et en mme temps il a restructur les formes anciennes sur des nouvelles bases Servius Tullius a devin la valeur de l'arme dans la socit romaine, qui devait tre rform en termes de structure. Pour reformer l'arme d'une socit il tait ncessaire aussi la rforme de la socit par des actions politiques . une poque o la plupart du monde connue tait encore organise d'une manire tribale, Servius Tullius mettait les bases d'une socit romaine moderne tantt politique, militaire, administratif et conomique. Sa rforme censitaire n'tait pas destine encourager une administration oligarchique, mais une lite politique comptente. Qui avait des richesses, avait une certaine ducation et en mme temps une certaine obligation envers l'tat. De plus, les classes centuris du premier chelon offraient aussi les plus lgions pour l'effort de guerre et en
traducerea notelor de Elena Lazr, prefa de Radu Florescu, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1984, pp. 133-134

mme temps sur le plan politique son vote tait en connaissance de cause. La premire classe de recensement avait le plus grand privilge, mais aussi plus des responsabilits. Le fait que le roi trusque a t en mesure d'intgrer la plbe dans la socit romaine a t une vrai russite. Parce qu'il leur a donn des terres, la plbe est devenue un partenaire des autres classes de recensement. Servius Tullius a sdentaris la plbe et ainsi il l'a mancipe, en inaugurant dans le mme temps la politique de colonisation de Rome. Servius Tullius a devin que pour que la Rome volue, il leur fallait un changement. Il a t un politicien inspir qui pas seulement a pens ce changement, mais il l'a mis aussi en pratique. Et grce a lui, Rome serait un tat politique modle. La validit de la rforme sociale servienne se rvlera au cours de l'histoire de la Rome Antique, elle a survcu aussi du rgime rpublicain, et en particulier de celui imprial. L'arme a t celle qui a prt la centurie comme unit sociale a la rforme servienne, donc pas par hasard les plus efficaces organismes sociaux-administratifs ont t impriales. L'ordre questre, le quartier gnral de l'arme romaine tait en mme temps le pouvoir excutive impriale. Par l'intermde de ses membres reprsentent comme le prfet du prtoire, il tait une sorte de chef du gouvernement pour l'Empereur et en mme temps il tait le deuxime homme comme importance politique. Un des principes de base de la rforme servienne, celui de 291

gouverner l'tat par ceux qui le dfendaient a t toujours prsent dans la vie sociale politique du pouvoir mondiale de l'Antiquit europenne, Rome. Bibliographie: 1. Bordet, Marcel, Istoria Romei Antice, Traducere de Maria Ivnescu, Bucureti, Editura Lider, fr an 2. Coulanges, Fustel de, Cetatea antic. Studiu asupra cultului, dreptului i instituiilor Greciei i Romei, vol. II, Traducere de Mioara i Pan Izverna, traducerea notelor de Elena Lazr, prefa de Radu Florescu, Bucureti, Editura Meridiane, 1984 3. Grimal, Pierre, Civilizaia roman, vol I, II, Traducere, prefa i note de Eugen Cizek, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1973 4. http://ebooks.unibuc.ro/istorie/ol ariu/0.htm, Instituii romane. Dicionar de termeni 5. Montanelli, Indro, Roma, o istorie inedit, Traducere de George Miciacio, Bucureti, Editura Artemis, 1995 6. ***Larousse. Dicionar de civilizaie roman Jean-Calude Fredouille, profesor la Universitatea Paris X-Nanterre, Traducere de erban Velescu, Bucureti, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2000 7. Livius, Titus, Ab Urbe condita (De la fundarea Romei) vol. I, II, Traducere, tabel cronologic i note de Paul Popescu Gleeanu, cuvnt introductiv de A. Marinescu-Nour, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1976

8. Makin, N., A., Istoria Romei Antice, n romnete de Ion Parocescu i Anton Herescu, Editura de Stat, Bucureti, 1951 9. Robert, Jean-Nol, Roma, Traducere de Simona Ceauu, Bucureti, Editura Bic All, 2002 10. Strechie, Mdlina, Oameni politici ai Romei Antice (Lideri, institui i mentaliti), Craiova, Editura Universitaria, 2008 11. arambei, Iohanna, arambei, Nicolae, 99 de personaliti. Lumea antic, ediia a III-a, Bucureti, Editura Artemis, fr an.

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Nouti editoriale

Sociologia culturii. Antologie autori strini,


Dumitru Otovescu (coord.), Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010 Lucrarea readuce n prim planul preocuprilor tiinifice din ara noastr problematica cercetrii culturii i ofer argumentele relansrii sociologiei culturii, ca disciplin academic i ca domeniu de cunoatere. Ea ncheie proiectul Editurii Beladi de repunere n circulaie a textelor fundamentale dedicate culturii, naintea ei aprnd antologiile de Filosofia culturii romneti (2005) i Sociologia culturii romneti (2006). Cartea de fa reunete sute de texte, extrase din opera a mai mult de 70 de gnditori strini, cu contribuii semnificative n cercetarea culturii. Printre acetia se numr: Theodor Adorno, Daniel Bell, Ruth Benedict, Matthieu Bra, Franz Boas, Pierre Bourdieu , Denys Cuche, mile Durkheim, Clifford Geertz, Erwing Goffman, Antonio Gramsci, Jurgen Habermas, Abraham Kardiner, Alfred Kroeber, Claude Lvi-Strauss, Lucien Lvy Bruhl, Bronislaw Malinowski, Margaret Mead, Robert K. Merton, Talcott Parsons, Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown, Rudolf Rezsohazy, Edward B. Tylor, Jeffrey C. Alexander .a. n antologie sunt tratate temele fundamentale ale sociologiei culturii, fiind prezentate punctele de vedere i concepiile care au fcut carier n domeniu. Dintre capitolele crii, amintim: Perspectiva sociologic asupra culturii Cultur i societate Cultur i cunoatere Cultur, personalitate i identitate naional Cultur i subcultur. Tipuri de culturi Metodologia cercetrii culturii Interpretarea sociologic a valorilor Configurarea valorilor lumii contemporane Modernism i postmodernism

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Principalele probleme sociale ale comunitilor rurale din Romnia,


Dumitru Otovescu (coord.), Gabriel Pricin, Constantin Crioiu, Adrian Otovescu, Gabriela Motoi, Nicolae Panea (coaut.), Editura Beladi, Craiova, 2010 Cartea valorific rezultatele unui grant de cercetare CNCSIS, dedicat investigrii celor mai importante probleme ale ale comunitilor rurale din Romnia, cum sunt: srcia, declinul demografic, inadaptarea forei de munc la cerinele pieei de munc extra-agricole, calitatea sczut a nvmntului, inadecvarea politicilor sociale n raport cu nevoile populaiei rurale .a. Cartea trateaz problemele sociale cu scopul de a releva cauzele determinante, modul de manifestare, consecinele la nivelul sistemului social, gravitatea, gradul de destructurare i tendinele evolutive ale fiecreia. Cartea este structurat n opt capitole, cele mai importante fiind: Dezvoltarea social i diferenierea evolutiv a comunitilor rurale din Romnia Influena fenomenelor demografice asupra capitalului uman Disfuncionalitile proceselor demografice din mediul rural Caracteristici socio-economice ale mediului rural din Romnia Probleme regionale ale fondului funciar

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