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in the counsels of Kekaumenos. Both strategies also figure in the mid-tenth-century works knowQ as the Baak rif Geremanie.>and On tlze Administratian rif tlze Empire, compilations attributed to Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (sole rule 945-39). In these texts it is obvious what is offered and what is received, but in many cases where we have only an object unaccompanied by such specifications, it is difficult to know whether it was a present from or to the emperor. If it is dear that the so-caed David Casket in the Palazzo Venezia in Rome (fig. 19) was given to the sovereign (and his spouse) - the inscription on the lid, above an image of Christ blessing them and the donors saluting this event, speaks of the 'couple ofservants [who] adore as they should, the imperial couple' - it is far from certain whether a dismembered object like the leaf shoving Constantine the Great2 and probably alluding to his tenth-century successor denotes his demonstratian of piety before the lost central membel' of a triptych presented by him or a gift to him celebrating this attitude . Such problems are inherent in many instances of this sart and teing in the ambiguity they present since theyattest to value s ideally shared by the ruler and his court. In other words, it is less important whether a piece originated at the emperor's or an aristocrat's behest than that both parties to the artistic transaction participated in a comman ideology. Central to this body of thought was the ruler's we-being, for on this depended that of the empire over which he ruled. His longevity, divinely protected physical health and ability to defeat his enemies were seen as concomitants. These beliefs are linked on an ivory diptych, the two parts of which are now divided. On the leaf in Venice (eaI.75), as on anather in Dresden,3 SS. John the Theologian and Paul are said in the epigram at the top to protect an emperor Constantine - almost certainly Constantine VII - from harm, while
who seems to have been a highly placed military governor, counselled his peers:
If someone revolts and prodaims himself emperor, do not support his scherne but stand a!oof from him ... Prcserve fealty to the emperor in Constantinople and you won't fai! in your expectations ... i beseech you ... to side with the emperor and to keep serving him, since the emperor who has his court in Constantinople must always win.'
More than a moralising plea for loyalty, this piece of adYice implies that the reader might take the opposite course and move against the emperor ~ a possibility frequently realised in the long history of Byzantine conspiracy and usurpation. Both fealty and expectations characterise the nature of those objects that we have, works of art that in one way or , another may be associatea with the Byzantine court as things emanating from, or presented in, this milieu. As against the long-Iost physical . environment and decoration of the Great Palace,
Fig. 'g The 'Da_id Casket', cnd of ninth century.
["ory,
x
10.3 16.1
these thihgs sti speak of the pretensions and ambitions of those who made use of them. The offering and reception of gifts (and titles), and broad suspicion as to the motives underlying such gestures, play a sizeable part
8.+
cm
i :11'1"
ni" !e \' enice !c"L no\l' n \ icnn" "nCi Pe[er are eksnilxd p"cihc. oratorieal stam'l' as to
,\ndn'' \Hlnl's
,'S
a "ictan'
hrst-called
1.1
.\
111>11' c:
li "
L i' complenent<rity
,I ,IIC
appears
on a triptych,
are considereel
(fig. :20).
( III
\ ing the legenel eleclares th<t, with the ruler in Venicc" -- possibly iootecl by the Latins from the Great Palaee or the Church emperor Romanos. of St Sophia Fig.20
likcly Constantine
IliGht - a sentimenr
i i
i"
on the foot of which divine aid is invokecl for an Ancl on the even more richly at Limburg an cler on the by Basil the proedro5 (a highgem-stuclclecl cross-rcliquary Lahn,7 sponsorecl ranking
ln))"'y, Qo.8
lll,, ll"I"
ur Basil
JI
i '(iII
nilitarv saints (fig. s), where the central to iVlary for from all to his
111;11'1\ r
civilian clignity), an inseription (VII) ancl Romanos as Christ shatterecl the twdfth
frame asserts that, with the help of the Cross, Constantine the barbariam (I or II) ensh the gates of century sole reign, He ancl,
cluring Constantine's
oceur on ieos in a variety of materials. masqueracles the Proclromos plaque as the first emperor (Forerunner)
11l;11[11
topos in Il'hich the sponsor to have be en its incleecl, is clescribecl in a of other crali:smtn." Yet,
of that name,
unekrstoocl htantine,
crownecl by Christ, in the pose use cl to depict as he baptiscd ivan' on a \\'oocl :i"
IIT
d'
'(O] f'\-
Christ in the Jorclan," in Moseo\\' King Abgar rceei\'ing panel at i\Iount see, he appears
il
i
\\Il("
in \\'hieh Christian
Sinai." Rcpealcdl),
,i, is so
Fi~.
II
.J udeo-Chrisan
Tripeveh \Vith
Crucifixion and saints, mid-tenth cCIHury.
to the person nar the time of Constantine VL This ruler's marriage to Helena, daughter of his predecessor Romanos (920-++), lent new impetus to the long-established image of Constantine the Great and his mother Helena, do were regarded as archetypal defenders of the faith. They stand together at the foot of the Crass on a magnificent ivory in the Cabinet des ~Iedailles, Paris (fig.21), thus supplementing the traditional iconography of the Crucifixion represented by the Borradaile triptych (cat. 78). If size and excellence in carving are evidence
koryo 20.8 x 7.6 cm dcft \Ving);23.6 x 1+2 cm (central plaquc); 20.9 x 6.9 cm (right wing).
C,lhIU:1 dt'~ ~kd:.iJl{"!>. l~ibJiIHht;ql('
Fr;1I1CI'.
naionaie
ele
P,ri.~
Fig.22
The siekbed of King Hezekiah, folio H6v of he Paris Psalter, mid-tenh century. Tempera and gold on parehmetlt, 20.3 x 18.1 cm.
Cabict des
of imperial sponsorship, then [he triptych in Paris is just such a creatian, most likely fram the reign of Romanos II (959-63).10 Besides a repository of ancient ideas, the Palace was evidently a storehouse of ancient artefacts, both Christian and secular. These trophies were braught out in their original state, as were the silver 'lordanes' plate, the 'Likinios' and other minsouria of the fourth to sixth centuries. i Near the sickbed of King Hezekiah in the mid-tenth-century Paris Psalter (fig.22) stands a chemiboxeston (washing set) with a ewer of fifth- or six[h-century type. More often, early materials were incorporated into new creations, as in the case of the already-mentioned chalice of Romanos, the gadraoned bowl of which is a sardonyx vessel of Late Antique, if not Classical, origin. New life was similarly given to the massive rack crystal known as the 'Gratta of the Virgin' which in Venice, if not earlier in Byzantium, was mounted on a base now understood to be a votive crawn ofLeo Vi (886-912; cat.064) and itselfan artefact in which the emperar is presented as isapostalos, the equal of the Apostles and Evangelists who surraund him. Between the ninth and the eleventh century the re-employment of ancient hardstones seems to have inspired Byzantine craftsmen to exploit newly mined ~aterials of this sart. Within this
~lcdai{s.
Il.lion.ic Paris
Bil)tim!lequc dc France.
\\
, ,1'1111<'1:111 ;111 ;''';tt' patt'n i P;lris.'C' illlO i, ,-, I ' I ii i' ,''I ,i LTIIIal 1'01In(lcl (kpilting he
11< '
ret'orckd
in the ({'rl'i!', hook: hese sihTr during the same e\Tnt inlaid gold nosses, The in of of the trcasUl\' ancl other oHicials symbols \ITre thus elements a saned compac
erosses \('re a\l'arded lo as the prcket precious-metal aritual of-lcred to the emperor
1,,1'1"llpp"1
lll' i i'''' l, i : harisic Imnion I;~l'1 "I,IIL,I,'r c:\aple i' 1'ipi,11"r"clhin. lj(' !l' l' 1\!il'l a hall~length
Christ
in the
of gilt exchange.
cal. this is ny
allegianees
hat cold stay the Hu:\ of loyaltes and all too the cra, in the politicil historyol'
I' "il ," i "ice LOthe liturgiC'al instruction .. I)11 IL r'pe,"" 1)\ ()rhoc!ox ancl other priess LO this
11;1\,
()Ij('
"i'
"n' ol'these
sumptuous
i"d 1\1,1111,111' coe from a churC'h or ciapel i !e (;1".11 P;1ace or from St Sophia:
0/
Lddl/Old'"
i. ehapters
I,
g) describes
and affecting an object that may be assumed to hm'e been associated it is this \'estiges of Byzanine
'111c! on other leasts, the emperor ancl t\l'O patens on the alta IS) ofcrowns,
i'
(;r''11 (:Irh,
di
The same text tclls repeateclly chains, silver book the in from the to adam and enamelled churches
Cro" or le Emperor, Ron:no; II .ncl B",il [i. 9(io 03, Sillcr. 7+ x '-'.9 cm.
i. Ch;ptcr
art with activities of the court, first because that it mentiom; focus' on 'public' between imperia!
,lllkl;1l1 d, pt'arl-studdcd
text rare!y enters into detail about the objects and, second, ,e;iven its deliberate events in this setting, because to relationships tokens kinsmen and women, it
\LI,!.!;llar;1 ;ci oher parts of the palac" when from ab road were received. objccts in rarc of olcl be to distort the picturc of their circulation, T" '\ r"s only unique
\i
19nores those things that penain exchange d as markers the most important, flagranly withdrawn, One example littlc-known obverse,
]\Ilore habitual
lll' prest'ntation
cross-reliquary
,iln
cr, '''c,s saicl in the Ceremonies book g, :22) to have been bestawed on a variety of dignitaries :\lothcr ofCod ofthc in the Pharos by
bar" except for its gold and ename! of the T rue Cross; as an offering to This a in gold, bears an inscription of Eden'
Clurl "I'he
"ii
LI\('il-;1Slof St Elijah and other occasions. ,'-il presents are probably exemplified Oaks (fig.23). the the
this 'branch
the Virgin of '~Vlaria, bom in the purple'. princess \l'as a daughter and Empress lrene Doukaina,
,i
011 illl'
the bu st of Christ,
in Constantinople, cleath in
dicl i, inH)ked for 'Basil the Despot bom niclloed legends make clear \I'ere Romanos bet\l'een
and daughter
i i
i i IIt, prpie',
111;11
8.
l" rlns
in question
II and
g60
de\'oid of politica] GontenL these relics proclaimed the piety of 'purplc-borri' e\'en \I'hile the epithet
l\;,illl.
do not tel! us is
;pplied to ~Iaria Komnene sen'C.d to ollset the fact that her father was a usurper. Clearly, Alexios I, noted for the distibution of partieles of the 'Holy Wood' to foreigners and to monasteries overseas,14 did not exelude members of his own elan. The Paris Psalter (cat. 60), an exceptionally large and lavishly decorated version of the book that served the Byzantines as a moral and literary primer, may fittingly conelude these remarks on art at court. Quite possibly prepared at the order of Constantine VII for the edification of his son Romanos, 5 the bodyol' the text is surrounded by an elaborate apparatus of patristic and other commentary. But it is the design and content of its fourteen full-page miniatures that best rehearse manyol' the themes outlined above. Even the omament in their frames, notably the 'virtual' cabochons that stud the images attached to the Odes of Moses (faL.149v) and Isaiah (fo1.435v),echo or anticipate the encrustation
of the precios-metal vessels and reliquarics that we have considered, while those of the opening David cyele (lois w--p) reflect motifs used in mosaic decoration and enamel inlays of the period. Best known for the personifications of Classical and Christian virtues celebrated in various Byzantine 'Mirrors of Princes' - figures like Ischys (power) in the scene of David's slaughter of the lion and bear, and Praotes
(mildness) who attends his anointment by Samuel - the images refer no less directly to rclics i preserved in the palace, as in the case of the rod ~ that Moses wields as he crosses the Red Sea, an object which was said to have been brought to Constantinople during the reign of Constantine the Great and which, together with the 'sceptres of the Romans' (manifest perhaps in the scene of David's coronation, faL.6v), according to the Ceremonies book (II, Chapter 15),was displayed to Arab emissaries visiting the court. "Vhether or not the final miniature of the ailing Hezekiah (fig.n), whose life is extended by God acting through the Prophet Isaiah, cannates the illness and absolutian of Constantine VII, to which there seems to be an allusion in the epigrams on ivories (cats 74, 75), there is little doubt that a number of objects depicted in the psalter allude to proud possessions of the Great Palace. Taday, there are many scholars who reject the picture of a society racked by conspiracy, usurpation and suspicion, attested by Kekaumenos and in the writings of Byzantine chronielers of life at court. These doubters may well turn for comfort to contemporary works of art, a bodyol' production from which such dysfunctional features are elided or combated with visual strategies darkly concealed within difficult, coded references.
58
Icon of the Archangel Michael
Comtal1tinople, enanC, ,,"elflh century stones, Silver g-ilt on \Vaad, gald doisonne
prC(iOS cm
46 ..1 x 1) x 2.7
59
century,
+-
37 x 265 cm
6i
--77
'l
i
, 1.
~
Class, dark violct in eolour, gildcd and paincd, silvcr g-iltand glass
(';bochons. height 17 cm; cliamctcr
63
,j,
64 -.
The Virgin's Grotto
Constantinoplc- Vcnice: temple, fourth-fifth century (?); diadem, ninth-tenth century; statuene, thirteenth century Rock crystal, silver gilt, gold
clnisnne cnamel, precious stones,
65
Casket
Byzantiun, tentl clc\'cth cclltllries, with latcr altcratol1s Bone on a wooelen core, \\"ith brass c1asps, 16.1 x 2+ x i:-).6 en
mid-tcnh
century
x 40.5 x 16 cm
()~
hox ii ith l'pl'1'ors riclig ;ncl iut111O" .-.,
(:;lIy('ci
r('ll . (.;n"cd
~lll\\
.1. (jr
{'It-. \ 'tll
i 1 et'!lll!]"\"
. . '-aid \"ny.
ran"
01'.,.'1 i'
.-.' (
pI.IITllH'lt.'
'.
III
I'orlt'l' ;j.1
l'('ircCl11t'llh.
~l;.-+
q "n
(jg
h ,r\
\i
iil C:ostatinc
wd 1)\'
it
Clrsl
'J
,pi',
j{
..-
h.>\
,I,
q.,")
"r
;0
\'atiH' plaquc "ith Clrst blessing Empt'ror Oa il (067 - 83) and Emprcss Thcoplano \982 83)
h"Ory.
Ir.HT;" n'
rrd po~t'hrtJny.
n.,i x o.t) rm
( :i,11'i,ldIIIHI11!t'.
)ii
\ \ ( 'I
- ; 1 ;:;: II
()
1 11
ci ~) [ '1
X '2 ('lll
I,,
'1'\.
i.
i (L
ii
Ikli. , ".-,"li
71
.-
72
--.
-;1 )
j.)
"r\
ii
. il ( l ,
i i 'i
74
Ivory panel \Iith ss_ Andrew and Peter
(;Olhl.tIltiIl)pi<:. CTIlury CIl' 1(1)1).'"
:2+6 ;.<
75
miC-cIHh
J~L)CI11
mid-{I:nIJ
ko;:.
c()l)..,
i ~ ''
i. ,,]. .
1'." 'I' il
"'ll;
\.
'IL.-. 1 '1.1L
i:
,L.
.,1
d \ "
.'"1 .
""'!"
76
Triptych with Deisis and Saints
ConstanLoopie, c. 000
x 33 x 2.9 cm (opeo)
/ i
111,1 i
\lllI
(
LI
i Jd\'i1Ic' tript\"ch
l l"tiJH . i tle
Ilo!
{jrj.~'i.l.
,lllcl
{Ttll'l'
78
hory triptych with Crucifixion and saints (The Borradaile Triptych)
Coswntinoplc, In)};'. panel;
rif{ht
27.2
tenth century
x 15.7 cm (central
81
,\Ja!Ja,n jl<lI< witl Cli,!
COI1"I.tlilll'pl,
ii
!I'IJlI
('r'<
I-~jl.
l'lWK
cry":l.
;.)( .III"'.II'II""'lt'l,'I,;lH'!.
111011111.
Byzantill11,
I:t<, It'IHh
n'IHlri(';-'
\\()od.
L';:rl~ d'\"l'llll
(;iklvd
7'iklT /lll
"jth pcarb cm
g:ld
ad
1']Oi"OllIH' (,Ilamd".
At Church
monastic use; others were fumled by groups of individuals, sametimes villagers. Very many were monasteries. Although large-scale and impressivc churches were built throughout most of the Byzantine period, many were small struetures, intimate and confined. Inside the church, architecture, decoration and sacred objects came together in a cclebration. of the divine. Art historians often talk of the 'decorative scheme' of Byzantine churches. Church art, however, was considerably more than decorative. Because the ClLlrchwas regarded as heaven on earth, each part of the church, its decoration and fixtures and fittings, refiected its part in this role, as well as their own specific function. As a result, the architecture of a Byzantine church was both utilitarian, relating to the forms of worship that took place within it, and symbolic, carrying a deeper spiritual meaning.4 Unlike a v'"estern medieval church, where the worshipper is directed in a linear fashion, west to east, the Byzantine church is centralised. By perhaps the tenth century, the most comman plan of a Byzantine church was the cross-in-square church with a central dome (figs 32, 33). The most popular version of this plan placed the dome on four columns within a square, but variations on the theme were multiple. The congregation tended to enter the nave, or naos, via aporch, called a narthex, at the west end of the church. The naos itself was square or rectangular in plan, but often divided by columns and piers. It was roofed by adome, and the effect of that was to create a centralised, focused space, a vertical axis rather than a horizontal one. This was the space for the congregation, men on the right and women on the left. At the east end of the church, the sanctuary was clivided into three, a central area where the altar was located, fianked by two smailer side areas, one to the north, where
empire, Orthocloxy unitecl people otherwise unconnectecl by language, ethnicity or culture. It was a sharecl iclentity: an Orthoclox believer from Constantinople coulcl enter an Orthoclox church in Kiev or Alexanclria or Sicily and immecliately feel at home; a mosque or a \Vestern church were both equally alien. As Gregory i\Ielissenos, the confessor to Emperor John VIII Palaiologos, put it: 'When i enter a Latin church, i Canot revere any of the saints who are there because i Canot recognise them.'z Everyone was involvecl in religion in same way, whether as Orthoclox, heretic or unbeliever. Religious disputes over the right ways to conceive of ancl worship Gocl, Christ, the Mother of Gocl ancl the saints punctuate Byzantine history, provicling a constant narrative of Orthodox belief versus heretical challenge. The winners \Voulclalways take the title Orthoclox ancl brand their opponents as heretics. The feasts and saints' days of the Christian calendar marked out the rhythms of claily life; images of the divine were everywhere in daily life, from stamps of the Cross on loaves of bre ad to the Mother of Gad on coins. As a result, church was the most important building in the life of any Byzantine, the place where the rituals of faith were conducted, and the setting for humanity's communion with the divine, God's dwelling place on earth.3 That churches mattered more than any other type of building is apparent from the number that still exist, the quantity of sUrvving ecclesiastical objects and the sheer mass of textual references. Anyone who could afford it could buiCa church - and a surprising number clici,for such buildings were both a sign of one's devatian to Gad and a perpetual prayer for salvation. Churches coulcl be very personal foundations: many were built by individual patrons for their own family or personal
I""'pinl "i
"IH' LO
homilil's
ITslm'llls
as ii !lc
to hl' EUl'harisl, bu i he USl'd hl're Ic)r sen'ilTi 'as hu!t annnci or thl' C1l'rg:' [i'on the ippearanl'l'S
11IJlI"1I
Ic)r
c!isp!aI'ng hl' Gospl'1s <nci he saeranl'nts. In sl'mbolie terms. the pans or the chrch a spritua! has traclitiona)' These IIlTe clil'icled hoth l'('rtcay anclhorizonay ancl e:cl part coulcl be gin'n meaning. Vertica)', enphasis bin on the inages ilthin hal'C long been understaacl
ciil'inl' speetack.
i
"i
ii
'lll' Il's.'icrac (nhes urgla.'iSI ",il'. On c10se inspectio, St Andre' (fig':3+) shlll's ho' an
the ehurch.
iii.:.!.;
registers. At the highest Ic\'cls, the cupolas and apses are Cecoraled Il'ith Christ, Gocl ancl ange!s. Bela\\' are scenes from the life of Christ, o[(en Cidieel a 'festil'a! cycle' because they hal'e been see n ;s scenes representing T\I'eh'e Great feasts of the Orthodox Finay, the lowest [eye! is made up of saints, LsuaHy shown as single standing figures. heave
Fi~:-, 3~ 33 ["terior ,clpbn
his created
ing, reftcctedlight.
l il iill
i lt"
the
"i ,i'
i
Church.5
II
i
i
tl disphy,
;iiation of l1aos as 'centralised as:1I1 area set apart rdated religios sen'ices. their activities. andthe couk! listen to the
i \
Tn this way, the top levcl represents occupieel by Christ whose presence, not visib!e to worshippers to look right up, nevertheless
On thc Certain
and, indeeel, the central dome is most of ten though un!ess they chose hung over them
or til('
early
dlTCllth-
clurcl of Ho,i",
Loukas.
11t'.l\"
deliverl'af
Di~tomo. in Boeotia
beyand their sight. Rather, they macle Christ's life present ancl visible as an eternal witness to Christian truths and a reassurance to believers. Finay, the saints, both on the walls and as ico,. on the lowest level, closest to the worshippers, physicay surrounded the \iewers in the naos. They gazed out at worshippers, seeming to meet their eyes, acting as the first focus for worshippers on entering the church, as Cathe icons ofTheodore Tiro and Stlames. The worshipper's first act was to make a circuit of these images, often the special saints of each church, displayed on stands (known as pros/ynetaria), venerating the m through kissing them, lighting cancUes in front of them and touching them.6 This corporeal contact with tl . saints enabled the faithful to share their power, as the likenesses were not understoocl by the Byzantines simply as pictures but as images which contained the authority of the divine figure. At the start of the liturgy, congregarian and icons alike were censed and, in this way, both became equal participants and equal presences in the liturgy, forming a part of the communion of saints. Russian envoys to St Sophia in the tenth century were convinced that the angels descended from the mosaics to join in the celebration.7 So images within the church
Fig34
The nterior of the monastcry church of Hasos Loukas
throughout their time in the builcling. In the apse, the Mother of Gad, bearing the Child, served to illusrate the Incarnation, proving that Gad became Man, was bom of a Virgin and saved humankind. Below this, the scenes from the life of Christ could be understood in several ways. A comman view is that they acted as books for the illiterate, a teaching tool for those who came to worship but who could not read. This is a convenient interpretation of the meaning of pictures in churches but it does not always match the reality, which is that such scenes were often uncomfortably high above worshippers and even
drew the spectator into contemplation of the divine events and, beyand that, into participano in divine worship.8 Icons filled churches. Over time the interior of the Byzantine church went through a series of significant changes, stimulated by the desire to increase the sanctity of the altar and to emphasise the power of icons. In the Early Byzantine church the laity could visually participate in all the stages of the liturgy performed by the priests behind a law chancel barrier between the nave and the altar. But this graclually changcd, and in the sixth century the Church of St Sophia at Constantinople was
elihalil tL ,'~, , , , ii 'i 11('11.n Iront ot tle altar. i hs type Il'p Io, . (LI' ,cT"1I \\ ,I' ii )ucl III oher dlllrdes belre
l(lllUl
" i \\ il
,I
\I'as
'11'111 ,.
their choice of saint: the ie!i\'ielual patrolis, l\'lx of monk. the type of ehureh been signifieant
Q)I' ,
IlO:'l
, iiLi, ii
'1 l(olJ.' IltTe laid O\Tr the top of the 11 .' lik' ile !ean on :'Tount .\thos \I'ith
Sueh \as the settig for the liturgy. \I'hicl lI'as itself a performanee appropriatc ehureh the norning trappings \Ithin the space of tle took place early n liTre oen and
le Transfiguration, 'olunns
of the templon,
"1'('
graclually inserted.
As a result of
small and re/atiH ly dark, As a result, ligh ting was of great importance, typika (foundation Candles glitering chanddiers, that liturgical key liturgical inventories rcgularly eliscms
1H"t' ,lrti('IIIl(".
lr ik; ,l' le ill\'isible holy of holies in the drTI ,Illll .llming him to make entrances le clurcl
;11
the Iighting devices in their particular artificial light; they might be suspendeel candelabra (ca ts 170, 171) and or plaeed in candlesticks.
building. in
e!r;m1atic moments
in the liturgy.
rl'acled i>; llIlal stage with the thirteenth-century of the high ieonostasis, ('()\I'ITd \\ ih ieons which totally concealed altar ul'" he central ih a .\llLll1eiation, The i('oo'asis
The importance
vesse/s and books were valued vessels were the chalice, paten and the associated vessels the
doors (usually decorated as cat.281) were opened. a whole range of icons the Deisis, the patronal and might
included
(ca ts 20, 80) anel asterisk (for the Eucharistic wine and bread), for the preparation flabellum, church. employed
of the Communion,
drcl. ae! other saints and prophets, !l' SlmHlllltee! with a crtlcifixion. LIl'I church dilTrsc eollcetion appears
or fan, the censer used throughout altar and crosses (cats go, g) were of the dergy Altar tables
iD
of saints. Asaint
;!lllos a\ where on the walls of a church, a rage of clates in the liturgieal .\Ihough i has been suggested 'Jr.gaiSl'd by ran k, function cakci;r of the Church, calendar.9
and went before the Gospe/-book. too could be precious \Yere all co\'ered themselves
They, the bread and wine, the chalice and patl'n vith appropriate textiles. often for each strip silks heavily embroidered had vestnents in golel. The priests appropriate
Thogh saints \Iithin the Church Irn ddiee! groups - prophets, sucl
;1\
service. The epitrachelion was an embroidereel of doth worn arounel the neck that all priests were obliged to wear when approaching sanctuary, embroielered the
"l .\ne!re\',
E\angclists.
1I;lrrioJ. s.illts, hretler saints - the apparently arbi 1';1 1'\ nalure of the ciaice of ineli\'ielual ,aints suggests that the il'Jl'I!',1"l lI'ihin each church
wlile the eJ}(gonntio was a stiff goldpiece of dorl that hung from the
Books were especiay holy because they contained the word of Gad. Consequently, they were often lavishly deeorated and sumptuously bound, sho~ving proper respect to Gad. The liturgy is an e1aborate interweaving of texts from psalms, both read and sung, of passage s from the Gospels and Epistles or Prophets, of a large number of prayers, same chanted, of short readings about the saints whose day it is, and of hymns. All of these needed books. Liturgical texts were not assembled into one book but in fact spread across several volumes. The prayers said by the priest in Iiturgy were uniquely written on a long scroll rolled to the eorreet place and held up by the deacan for the priest. These serolls tended not to be heavily illuminated: the Patmos liturgieal roll has an elaborate frontispieee
showing St Basil the Great celebrating the liturgy inside an claborate marble building, but the re,t of its iustrations are initials, botl religious and secular. Gospel texts were arranged in a lectioary, where they \,ere divided into sets of lessons ananged according to the day of the year on whieh passage was to be read. The Gospel-book (eat. 205) playcd an active part in the liturgy, for it was earried out into ehurch from the prothesis, and taken though the sanctuary doors into the bema, or sanctuary, where it was placed on the altar. This aetion symbolised. among other things, the entry of the Word of Gad into the world. As a result, Gospel-books frequently had impressive cavers and less attention might be paid to their internal L deeoration. Indeed, there is a ease for suggesting that same of the most elaborately deeorated Gospel-books in Byzantium were never aetually used but may have simply sat on the altar as representations of Christ's inearnate wisdom, just as the bread and wine of the Eueharist were his body and bload. However, hundrecls of illustrated Gospel-books survive, showing a variety of ways of iustrating the narrative. Same use frontispieees with Gospel seenes, same have narrative stips between bloeks of text; most have Evangelist portraits. Leetionaries (eats 61, 304) eontained liturgical readings drawn from the Bible for the Eueharist, and from saints' lives, the Church Fathers and the Couneils of the Chureh for other serces. The psalter was perhaps the most important book in Byzantine daily life, to the extent that children leamed to read and write from it or even, as in the biling.al psalter here, Westem adults might leam Greek from it (eat. 177). In ehureh, psalms were sung throughout the Iiturgy. In parish ehurches, they were seleeted for relevanee to that day's feast; in monasteries, they were sung in biblical order over the eourse of the serviees. Bothmonks and lay singers must have
.IJI
"
iiLi
p,a!ln
1)\, he~lr(
;IS,
pmhably,
represellll'd
pmi!\',
Prplc staii,~ or pages or llot onl\' a llCrl'aSl' i prilT oll il11pl'rial stats. prplc eolom resel'\Td for the
IIJlil.1I psalers slIlYin' aC 110 t\1'() are . ,;', i 1I11straecl in \'arious k' 1lllllwr"lIS inevretaions, li ('lll1ll'ltaries "pi,' .\' i \dieh
e111peror. .\licro-1110saie ieons \ITH' a highly partindarly eostly Itrn or 111osaic: to \lork on he b'c1 and detail or skill needed indi\'idalh' in position,
on the psalns, SuvrisinglY, the psal111s \ITre used in to reHect heir biblical oder. or the psalns, one and each are
I l'lp ks in the recitation ),.dn' i,,' p,;d :11' 1",\(1' ,,,'re organised Ahi,lill, '.ri/hi, ii ,'a h containing
ih, ;1'
inlaid in ename! perhaps gilded, and deeorared appropriate Supper mattcred. [nction: LlSed for Eucharistic is depicred
to their lise, as with the Riha Paten bread, where the Last (cat. 20). And size always to be
,;r 1t'lIn llI1~ their lesser place in the liturgy. 11](' B""k ,)[Job, pp!;r, .cl O\Tr twelye iustrated 'lIl'\l\T, The 111llreh was alsa a place where people IJli!.(lll11I;lkeindividual offerings, Same took the the Mother
ii rn ol' \Oiye gifts left for Christ,
it related not only to cost, but alsa to sm all books were often intended
read in private. 'Vithin including materials, translating heaven, the ehurch, architecture, imagery, 'the liturgy, as well as sights, sounds and smells, voices, incense, a combined smakl' and candle-wax. floors, gli ttering to create the effect of into a sphere beyand the church into heat and bodies, hard, polished the worshipper
or in thanks for
Iwdi, received (cat. 198), Relics of saints were pl'('('io'. ofIering the faithful a direct contact
ii
ih 1J(' ;nual,
tangible
,uppmnlk
eontaincd
le Trc Cross (ca ts 182, 188), encased l(' hol' hcad or a hand of asaim. ')('cial r 'lies alsa actcd as magnets
LLL
for pilgrims
he \rch. Tllf' materials used to ereatc to the patrons the images and the \I'as a
dilCi
"Iied'> at church
IT'IJlll'(TS a\'ailable
iplrl.llJlT of rcligion,
cl\ I c;i\'t, of the ir be,t to Gad. There Iin.r( 11\ (J[ matcrials: ,il\tT, 1)11)llze, bras;" copper; (;qld, 1"1' example,
170
Chanclclicr
Thircellth
(c!oro.)
li)t1ncl'1lI1 Cl'llIl1r~
:).-)0
Il'i!.dlt ,,"ithout
<:111
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i i
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l i Il\
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p(lh(,]]ci,"I()1l
!..,[lll1
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(i.-)n
~l
;1-11'1"
or
l' di,k
172
"
Clurch bcll
Serbia, '1 \lgUst I+12 CaQ brozt', hcight 7'2 cm; c1ianccT 55 rm
173 .,.
Radap's
Scrli:.:.?
belI
.-\ug" Lt:;:!
17 t
+-
l'mh
flr
176 --.
Perfume brazier in the form of a domed building
Constantinoplc Silwl', partiay or Italy, gilded, embossed end of the twelfth century and perforatcd, 36 x 30 cm
177
-77
Tempera
2+
cn1
or the.
(:;rt!;,:.!,\',
Peter anel
(:Ia;. :r/.~)
rr.lllW +.-i. cm
179
lt
(cnnr;; 12.:)
I1r;1
i<
6.7 cm
;1 \h. 11.1.-, 1-111.1
.,
.
,.f:',-
P~". !i ;-
80
,j,
Rcliquary sarcophagus
Byzantiul11, fiflh-sevenh century ~ larble a~gloncratc, 27 x 51 x '15-:') cm
Reliquary crucifix
Constantinople, lirst half of the tenth century, :\[onastery of St !I!ichael, Damokraneia (now Gzelce) Parially gilded silver crucifix holder, 36.4 x 237 cm
(The ertlcifix [above] and the sarcophag.s Dcft] are for illustrative purposes only and are not exhibited)
83
84
+-
Il).:)
cn
Double-sided panel
dosure
m,
87
Silver chalice
Syria, Early Byzantine,
sxth century Sih-er ,,ith nicllo and gilding,
18 x 26.6 x 16 cm
~!"_~-
'"
189 .(:llll"(i1lllirnplt'.
,'ltTeml
Cl'Jl!ll1Y !.1l1l11ll'rn!.
A.
j>11I1dHd. :11)
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o.:i clll
19
prnl>:,lk Bronz"
,j.
Processianal cross
HyZ<1I11 ilim.
I\\Tllil
l'llgl'an'd
,.,.nn!"\"
.lIld
L'll1bo~snl.
Cia x
+(j<~
x 'l.h cm
Bn
R'liq!. arthe
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J"
('l1ltll'
"ih,'j"
, :.11
l tl
nnn'
')P~lqlC
l,i\"fT p.~;l,
g
Processonal cross
Constantinople or north-western .\naolia. Iate ele\'enth or early twcmh century Silver, silver gilt, niello, iron core and bronze shart, 73 x 39 cm
g2
The Cross of Adrianople
L'lle tenth century Silver sheets, ",ith engraving, partial gilding and niello decoration. ri\'eted around an
ran core. 58.5 x 31 x 0-4 cm
\I'ith
'II
(Il
'(i i i serpton
\1 'lII14'ITalca. ,
-llllIY. '..... i) . .
.."":!'' <',II
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meltcng
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p 7.1
\ndth
'~Iil
p. g
i: .\ i ,,' : \~. '1', I"
1
19+
PCC(()I';1
re I, quary cross
.'1;'
~, t.'
~ i
198
....
\t,~\
,-I""
'
, J 1\1\\\ . ,"","1".
'i
13 x
.
LO
cm
if
.IUI. :\
. \\'il" .t
I,j .,1
\1)' \
.}O-
\i .
195
196
199 --.
Pectoral cross with Four Evangelists
Constantinople (Oh second half of the elcventh century Gold, fligrce, cloisonne and chample\'c enane, emerads,
tourmaline, pearls, 9 x 6 x
i
cm
"
,
, il
1'(4
i
i
in
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',Cl"!.'!",:
,.,
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23
Camea with Christ Pantokratar
Consaninoplc, century early thirteenh <'amca); Serbia. Pf'C
cenury (selting)
.Jasper green. ctltting; sih'er,
ham mc ring gilding; enamC Iblue and green); canelian, moher-o~ pear, glass pase. eameo length + cm; ",idth 3-5 cm: selting kngh 7.2 cm; width 6 cm
Rock ervsal, gold. preeious stones, pearls (mount), 6.1 x 6 x 1.2 cm linduding mounl)
20-!\l'lI
4
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25
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'ith
lr L, :-upper,
l(lo
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()i 'illI ,~i' J!
i
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cm
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27 --.
Hanelle of a stanelng censer (kado)
Com.tantinoplr.
clcCOrtll\T
(.1100
dcwii. :28.6 x
:21 cm
cm
29::.1
Plaque wth St Nketas
Tlirteenth c(,nury Bronze, hammercd, gilr!ccl, inci,cr!, 7.3 x 6.+ cm
2IO
Chalice veil
.Late hirteel1lh-early rourteenth
century
Silk embroidered ",ith ,iker and gilded sih-cr thread, 63.5 x 63.5 cm
213
\Va tilc with an image of St Nicholas
Probably C:onstamioplc.
{('llth
CoJoured
011
21
(:o!<Jlrcd
niL
:nd
Ir.Ubpdl'l'llt 17.2
~lal.l~
\\!ite
:r<mi"
x 17.1 cm
215
The Raising qfLazarus
Twelfth century Egg tempcra on \Vood. 21.3 x 24 cm
217
-.
f(Jlrteclh century
Incense burner
Serhia.Janjc\'o. Bronzc, ca:-.ting, opcnwork,
ii
x 12_.1 x 3.05 cm
Lstern ~lcditerrancan
(?)L
fiflh-sixh ccntury
Brass, '2.7x 7.9 cm
219
Oillamp
.J,
220
]'2'2
\I""i
.01" (
li
l I'ad
:1 III
,i
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