UNESCO

Research Centre, Delhi

STATUS IN CHANGING

IMAGES INDIA.

A STUDY BALED ON Two SUWEYS CONDUCED BY DR A. BOPECAMAGE

Gokhale Institute

of Politics

and Economics,

Poonu

and DR P. V. VEERARAGHAVAN .
South In& Textile Research Association, Coimbatorc

Foreword

by

JANUSZ ZIOLKOWSKI

MANAKTALAS

BOMBAY

P.

C. 6

MANAKTALA Fair Field,

Road

AND SONS PRIVATE LTD No. 4, Churchgate, Bombay - 1

First Published.

1967

UNESCO

RESEARCH

CENTRE,

DELHI,

1967

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THE

enquiries which form the substance of this book may be regarded as a first attempt to probe into the ideas on status phenomena in India. The uniqueness of the approach lies in the incorporation of the opinions of a cross section of populations who are in two stages of development and on different social levels. In doing so, a number of peculiarities in views on how status is changing and what it constitutes have been elicited varying from region to region, from layer to layer, and from urban to rural communities. Data on the peoples own status feelings, their aspirations for social climbing, their attitudes towards others strata, have in particular shown the richness of the images as a field of study.

FOREWORD objective criteria of assessment is a well established and highly important branch of sociological studies. Subjective assessment, though a relatively novel approach to the study of status, is, however, by no means less important. In 1965 Dr (Miss) M. 0. L. Klein, Associate Expert at this Centre, prepared a research design for the study of subjective assessment of status among Indian rural and urban communities in the context of industrialization. Subsequently, two studies were made in 1965-66, one in Coimbatore by Dr P. V. Veeraraghavan of the South India Textile Research Association, and the other in Poona by Dr A. Bapegamage of the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics. This. Centre made grants available to these research institutions topartly finance these studies. We have now great pleasure in presenting to the public the two studies in the form of a book which also contains introductory and concluding chapters prepared by us at this Centre. The introductory chapter states the problem and the importance as well as novelty of the approach. It is followed by the Coimbatore and Poona studies which stand as two independent contributions. The concluding chapter brings out the salient features and most significant conclusions of the two studies. This Centre expresses its warm appreciation of the scholarly efforts of Drs Veeraraghavan and Bopegamage. Their dedication to work has been responsible for the completion of the two research projects in a short period of time. The authors as well as this Centre want to express their warm thanks to The Asia Foundation, New Delhi, for a generous grant which has made publication possible. Finally, I would like to express my thanks to the publishers for bringing out the book at very short notice and for producing it well.

HE STUDY OF social status employing

Delhi 6 October 1966

UNESCO Economic

JANUSZ ZIOLKOWSKI DIRECTOR

Research Centre on Social and Development in Southern Asia

CONTENTS Foreword by JANUSZ ZIOLKOWSK~ L.i.sf of Illustrations ..

INTRODUCTION . . .. .. .. v

..
..

.
*.

..
..

xi
1

Stratification and Social Change The Objective Approach .. Subjective Assessment of Status .. Research Strategy .. . . Questions
REFERENCES .. ..

.. .. .. .. ..
..

.. .. .. .. ..
..

1 5 6 9 11 13

REPORT I: SUBJECIWE ASSESSMENT OF STATUS IN A RURAL AND URBAN SETTING ( POONA REGION) BY DR A. BOPEGAMAGE

Acknowledgements
I.

..

..
..

..
..

17 19 19 29 30 41 41 42 46 49 49 51 52

THE INVESTIGATION .. .. The Universe and the Sample The Interview .. .. Occupational Categories ..
PERCEPTION OF SOCIAL STRATA ..

.. .. ..
..

.. .. ..
. .

II.

.. .. .. Identification of Self ., .. Identification of Status Groups Status Criteria .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Styles of Life .. Life Style and Status, as seen by the Villagers Life Style and Status, as seen by the Urban Factory .. .. .. .. People .. Manners in the Rural and Urban Milieu JII.
SUBJECTIVE MOBILITY ASSESSMENT .. OF SOCIAL .. STATW .. AND Soc~iu. .. ..

Subjective Subjective Climbing Optimism

Status and Caste .. Status and Occupation the Social Ladder .. of the Lower Strata
vii

.. ., .. ..

.. .. .. ..

53 53 55 56 60

Vlll

...

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA .. ..

IV.

RANKING OF STATUS CHARACTERISTICS

63 63 66 66 67 67 68 68 68 72 77 77 79 83 83 84 85 87 87 89 90 91 93 94 96

Significance of Education, Character, Social Service .. .. .. as Scale Variables Income .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Caste .. .. Housing .. ** Neighbourhood .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Dress and Food .. Recreation and Mode of Transport .. A Rank Order of Requirements to Rise in Status .. .. .. Grading of Occupations V.
ATTITUDES AND OPINIONS ,. .. ..

.. .. ,. Social Distance of Castes .. .. Sentence Completion Test .. People who are highly regarded are those with . . . If I were to choose another Occupation, I would like .. *. .. .. to be . . . The best thing for the Scheduled Castes would .. .. .. .. be . . . .. .. My Son should become. . . ,. .. The Brahmins nowadays are. . , .. If I were given a years income I would . . . .. .. After Independence castes have. . . .. .. To obtain Power one needs . . . .. .. I want my daughter to marry a. . . .. People working in Factories are usually , . . .. .. Indias Progress depends on. . . .. .. To become Rich one must . . .

REPORT II: SUBJECTIVE ASSESSMENT OF STATUS IN A RURAL AND URBAN SETTING (COIMBATORE REGION) BY DR P.V. VEERARAGHAVAN

Acknowledgements I. THE INVESTIGATION Introduction Definitions

..
..

..
..

..
..

..
..

101 103 103 104

.. ..

.* ..

.. ..

.* ..

CONTENTS

ix

Sampling Procedure The Interview II.

THE STUDY SETTING

..

.. ..
*.

.* ..
..

.. ..
..

105 106 109 109 112 113 114 115 119 122 123 124 131 131 133 138 138 140 144 146 147 148 148 153 154 154 157 157 158 159 161 163 166 167 167 167

.. Coimbatore, Location and Population .. .. .. The Communities .. .. .. .. The Industrial Pattern .. .. .. The Urban Respondents .. .. .. The Village Vadavalli Caste Distribution of Rural and Urban Population .. .. .. Occupational Categories .. .. .. Income .. .. .. Characteristics of the Sample
III. PERCJE~TION OF STATUS ..

.. Identification of Self The Perceived Status Structure .. Rural-Urban Differences Overlapping of the Status Groups .. .. Styles of life .. Occupation and Status Occasions when the Status Groups Get Changes within the Status Groups Self Placement in the Status Groups Status Climbing .. .. .. Position of Women Manners of the Status Groups Distinctions within Status Groups IV.
RANKING OF STATUS CHARACZ-EFUSTICS

.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Together .. .. ,. .. .. .. .. .. . .. ., ..
.. .. ..

Ranking of Status Criteria .. Required Characteristics for Rising in .. Ranking of Occupations Social Distance among Castes Social Distance among Status Groups Leadership in the Community V.
ATTITUDES AND OPINIONS ..

.. Status .. .. ..
..

.. .. .. ,. .. ,.
..

The Sentence Completion Regard for People ,.

Test ..

.. ..

.. ..

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

Occupational Preferences .. Scheduled Castes Job Aspiration for Sod * :: Position of the Brahmins .. Use of Money .. .. Changes in Castes after Independence To obtain Power .. .. Marriage of Daughter .. Factory Workers .. .. Indias Progress .. .. .. To become Rich
APPENDIX I

.. :: .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

168 169 171 172 172 174 175 176 177 178 179

Summary Sheet-Assessment
APPENDIX II

of Status

..

181

Tables

..

..

..
..

..
..

..
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189 195 195 197 201 206 297 212

DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS

.. .. The Value of the Studies .. .. Changes in the Position of Status Groups How the Industrial differs from the Agricultural . . .. .. .. Regional Variations Some Social Perspectives regarding Status Criteria
REFERENCES *. .. ..

LIST

OF

ILLUSTRATIONS
REGION

POONA

I. II. III.

Map of Poona District Malthan .. Map of Malthan Malthan Village

Showing Poona City and .. .. .. .. Settlement) .. ..

.. .. ..

22 24 26

Village (Main

COIMBATORE

REGION

1. Location 2. . 3. 4. 5. Location

of Coimbatore of Vadavalli Village

.. *. .. ..

.. .. .. ..

.. .. .. ..

110 116 118 149 150

Map of Vadavalli

The Seven-Step Status Ladder

Mean Status Score of Respondents-Rural Sample .. .. ..

and Urban ,, ..

INTRODUCTION Stratification and Social Change

THE economic-political sphere are likely to affect relations between those who are high or low in society, The processes of industrialization and urbanization in the 19th and 20th centuries have for instance changed the pattern of stratification in the West in many ways. Numerous references have been made by social scientists to the consequent emergence of new classes (in the Marxian or the Burnhamian sense) and the levelling of former class distinctions. Social investigations have, as a result of the shifts that occur in the social order, focused their attention on the measurement of upward and downward movements. In this context, the social mobility studies have been most noteworthy. Comparison of social mobility rates in Western societies has shown that the degree of such mobility between two or three generations in this century has been relatively high, especially from the manual to the non-manual occupations (Lipset and Bendix, 1959: 37). But a weak point in these studies is related to the categories that have been employed for comparison. The extent of social mobility will largely depend on such factors as whether the occupations have been grouped together in a rough or subtle way, and whether the categories so formed are to be regarded as having high, equal or low social status. Otherwise the frequency of the social shifts observed does not provide sufficient proof that they can be interpreted as an index of going up or down the social ladder. In India, social mobility studies have mainly been carried out in terms of departures from traditional caste-based occupations. A 1954 survey of Poona showed in this respect that the traditional relationship between caste and occupation had considerably changed; Brahmins were, for example, to be found in all grades

HANGES IN

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

of occupations except in unskilled, manual work (Ghurye, 1961: 273-6). Other studies show that although one may find various occupations within a single caste there still remain a number of castes which tend to follow a traditional vocation, as can be observed for those employed in handicrafts in Bengal (Mukherjee, 1965, p. 40). The material seems to suggest that deviations from the traditional caste occupations are most frequent among the highest castes while the tendency gets weaker as we move down the scale (Gist, 1955: 133; Chauhan, 1960: 1147-1148; Bose, 1958: 84). But here again we may not draw the conclusion that departures from the traditional vocations are an indication of upward and downward processes in a changing society, unless the old and new occupations are evaluated by the community concerned. Judging from the answers given to a question whether people consider their present occupations as higher, equal or lower to their traditional callings, some evidence has been found that the current occupations of the rural people were to a larger degree evaluated as being equal to their caste occupations than was the case with the urban people (Mukherjee: 1965, p. 39). No thorough analysis, however, has been made as to how the system of stratification has changed its face; that is, how former positions are being evaluated on account of these changes and how new occupations are being fitted into the old social structure. Some sociologists in the West have in this respect noted that the old frames of reference (e.g., the conventional one of the estates) are still used and happen to lag behind the social reality. We also find illustrations of the facts that the dividing lines between classes are getting more and more blurred and that new criteria for the placement of groups and individuals (such as achievement, consumption-style, pattern of leisure) have been developed. Income differences also tend to become more significant as status indicators in an industrialized society (Hoselitz, 1964: 247; Moore, 1963: 104). In short, the popular picture of the emerging system of social differentiation is often ponrayed as more mobile, more open and more complex. Ringing the fragments of empirical evidence together, one

INTRODUCTION

3 will have the following

may hypothesize that social change effects on the system of stratification:

1. A disintegration of ranking orders which formerly would coincide. - Speaking in ideal-typical terms the ranking orders in traditional societies based on such criteria as wealth, education, life style, etc., were likely to fit together. Groups enjoying a certain status in one order would to a large degree rate equally high in another order. But in societies undergoing social change, a disequilibrium can be observed between these orders, which is often prominent in the middle ranges of the hierarchy (when for instance the income is not backed by the level of education, or vice versa). The existence of such inconsistent ranking orders in transitional societies is particularly shown in cases where ethnic, religious, cultural, occupational and other criteria do not any longer constitute congruent categories. This has clearly bczn illustrated in the case of Mauritius (Benedict, 1962: 36). Disparties between the ranking orders are also demonstrated in a few Indian field studies. Thus it was found that several ranking orders were operative within the castes based either on productive roles (Silverberg, 1959: 152), or on power (Srinivas, 1962). Several data in this respect seem to point to a gradual dissociation of class and power structures from the caste system. As a result of the development of market mechanisms and the introduction of more differentiated power bodies such as panchayats and political parties, class and power tend no longer to be subsumed under caste (Beteille, 1966: 78). It is assumed that the new pattern of stratification will, on account of the discrepancies between the different systems of status evaluation, contain a number of floating groups whose status will be non-crystallized, as in the case of white collar workers, small entrepreneurs and independent cultivators (Cough Aberle, 1959: 124). 2. The emergence of new ranking criteria. - Ascriptionoriented criteria (hereditary) are likely to lose their importance to those based on achievement. This means that a person will no longer be entirely judged by the position he

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

or his family are born into but by the way in which he plays his individual role. A dissociation between social position, occupational role and performance will then be the result (Gould, 1960: 221). Such principles of stratification as status, prestige, esteem may become isolated yardsticks of appraisal. For example, ones status as a high ranked caste will be judged next to the prestige of the occupational role attached to ones position (let us say that of a landlord) while the performance of the role will in addition be judged in terms of esteem (a lazy or progressive landlord). Membership of collective bodies or correct political attitudes may become separate criteria in determining ones social standing (Wertheim, 1954: 163-165). The acquisition of status symbols, which produce new marks of distinction and which are derived from a culture other than ones own (western clothes, American gadgets, European table manners) will also gain importance. 3. A lack of consensus regarding the position of indiciduals and groups. -Where status positions are not questioned, and one has a fair understanding of another persons social behaviour, as in traditional societies, there is a consensus of opinion regarding those who occupy high or low positions. But where the community becomes segmented and shops, offices or factories are separated from the home, there will be ignorance and disagreement about the ranking orders in the different segments. As a result of this misunderstanding between the raters, social strata will not be perceived as clear-cut entities but rather as being fluid or noisy (to use Mandelbaums suggestive metaphor) ( 1958: 131). The abovementioned trends will produce a poly-hierarchic stratification in developing societies with its overlappings and gaps, its various sub-hierarchies and side-hierarchies. Agreements or disagreements between various social ladders, based on the new and old differentiating criteria, have, however, not attracted sufficient attention among social investigators in developing societies. The Indian system of stratification has in particular received a rather one-sided treatment from many scholars who have related the hierarchy mainly to the caste system and its underlying criterion of ritual purity.

INTRODUCTION

The Objective Approach The phenomena of social stratification has been tackled with a variety of methods and techniques. In the countries of the West, for instance, much stress has been laid on a quantitative approach, i.e., on the measurement of positions people occupy in a given social system and on the exact delimitations of the social layers. Through correlatin, (7 a number of status criteria, this approach has often resulted in the construction of intricate indexes such as Warners Index of Status Characteristics (1957: 35-42). The approach used in the stratification studies in a country like India is somewhat different. The type of research here is mainly descriptive based on the method of participant observation. And here the emphasis often has been on one status criterion alone viz. caste. But the investigations, whether done in Eastern or Western societies, show a similarity in this that the criteria are usually applied by the research worker himself. Such criteria may be labelled objective, since they are used independent of the opinions of the subjects of enquiry (although these criteria are in a way also based on a subjective assessment of the situation by the researcher). These so-called objective studies have met with some criticism. For instance, it has been doubted whether the stratification thus obtained does, in fact, reflect the social reality, since the research worker might be biased in his view of the social rank order. In this respect, mention has been made of the social investigators view as being one that is by and large held by the upper social classes (Pfautz, 1953: 406). Some social scientists aware of these dangers, take account of what people think about the social divisions in their society, by making use of some well-informed key figures or a small group of raters. However, the resulting picture is often one in which the views of the lower sections are under-represented. This lack may either be ascribed to the difficulties the lesser educated people face when they have to rank others (a procedure with which they are not familiar), or to the fact that the research worker has been socially too remote from them to grasp their views. It is further doubtful whether on the basis of the objective approach alone, one may speak of one pattern of stratification, since there does not seem to be a consensus of opinion among

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

the observers. Several examples show in this respect that unanimity is difficuh to obtain? because people will give themselves a rank different from that which is given to them by others. Some may attach more importance to a given criterion than others do. The conflicting views about certain groups will be greater than about others. It is only by taking into account such deviations that one as a social scientist may hope to arrive at a certain kind of objectivity. Also with regard to the Indian stratification studies, one is often left uncertain whether the social hierarchy presented is accepted by all the inhabitants. It remains an open question how the social researcher has arrived at the final picture: whether the objectivity is derived from the investigators insight and knowledge or whether it is based on a general consensus of the persons involved. A few critical voices raised here point to the fact that the hierarchy has been described from the official or the traditional point of view. This has led to the study of the Indian stratification within the Varna frame, resulting in an oversimplified caste system and a subsequently inadequate image of the status system, according to Srinivas (1962: 766). To put it in more general terms: field reports mix great traditional precepts, work deductively from books of Dharmashastra rather than inductively from the concepts of villagers (Marriott, 19591 96).
. . .

Subjective

Assessment of Status

It is for the reasons mentioned above that a subjective approach to the assessment of status is called for. This is an approach which will take into account the opinions of a representative cross section of society. Studies of this kind, which compare the status judgments of people occupying different social positions in a systematic way, are still a novelty. The well-known study by Centers on the identification of individuals with certain classes may be regarded as one of the first subjective studies (Centers, 1952: 304). The use of the term subjective here is restricted to the evaluation of ones own social position alone. The assessment of the status of other individuals and

INTRODUCTION

groups would in this context be more relevant, if one were to compose a reliable picture of the overall pattern of stratification. Some enquiries have dealt, although rather in an accidental manner, with this type of question. A classical example could be found in Davis and Gardners Deep South (1941: p. 64 ff.). They observed that the social classes of an American community in the South adopted particular ways in which they would make their social distinctions. The upper-uppers for instance tended to possess a highly nuanced picture of the stratification system contrary to those at the bottom of the social ladder. Findings of other studies also indicate that there are so-called class perspectives, that is, ways of viewing a hierarchy which differ from one class to another. (See among others, Himmelweit, 1952: pp. 148-172; Bott, 1954: p. 263 and Davis, 1956: pp. 154-165). In this respect, a fairly unploughed field of research, namely that of status perception, has come to the forefront. The Indian data, in particular the village studies, contain some references regarding the ways in which the villagers perceive the rank order in their little community. These cases primarily deal with the hierarchy in terms of caste rank. They show that a number of villagers do not agree on the status of certain castes. This lack of agreement is among some castes more conspicuous than among others. Unanimity of opinion tends to be greater among the higher castes than among those on the lower rungs (Gupta, 1956: 38), as the latter will seldom admit to belong to the bottom of the hierarchy (Mandelbaum, 1955: 244). Inconsistencies on the subjective ranking of castes are brought about by a variety of factors. They may have their source in history, as in the case of the ambiguous positions of the smiths in Mysore ( Srinivas, 1955: 24), the Sakka caste in U.P. (Gupta, 1956: 35), and the Anavils in Gujarat (Naik, 1956: 178). Dubious caste status may further be a result of character and morals of the caste-members concerned (Majumdar, 1958: 21), or of such elements of the community structure as: number of local ethnic groups, extra-territorial connections, centralized forms of social organization, etc. (Marriott, 1960: 55 ff). Several instances show that ambiguity in the position of castes, as expressed through the views of the villagers, can be explained in the light of changes in the socio-economic structure. This holds for the uncertain rank of the Chambhars in

STATUS

1lZIAGE:S

IN

CHAXiCINC,

INDIA

U.P. and the Boad Distillers in Orissa (Cohn, 1955; 53-78 and Bailey, 1957: 188-268). The drawback of the stratification studies done in the villages lies in the fact that the subjective rankings have taken place within one status-system, e.g., the caste hierarchy. By this approach however the other stratification dimensions such as class and power groups have often been neglected. Dubious caste rank for instance may very well be due to the unhappy co-existence of these dimensions. Stratifications based on either class (economic position on the labour market) or occupational prestige would then not fall into one pattern. In such a case the criteria on which these hierarchies are based do not happen to scale together. But how far this occurs with a stratification pattern in a particular community, with regard to which particular groups and under what circumstances, is still a little explored theme of research. Among the few investigations in which the subjective approach has been applied to urban respondents, we may mention a study concerning factors which govern status as se,en through the eyes of urban middle class climbers (Singh, 1958: 84, 88). From this study it could be deduced that the evaluation of status criteria varied according to the educational background of the subjects (the more educated placed lesser value on the caste factor in comparison with the less educated). Interesting and pioneering as this study might be, it was limited in its scope as to the views of those in the upper-middle ranges of society while the under-privileged sectors were excluded from its purview. The lack of subjective studies may in itself not suffice as a plea for future research along such lines. The reason why, in our opinion, a subjective approach to the stratification phenomena deserves more consideration is of methodological nature. Every society has its own ideas concerning the rigidity or flexibility of the social hierarchy. If people perceive the status system as one which is open or closed, regardless of the objective situation, it represents to them the social reality according to which they will govern themselves. Although these status images may be inaccurate , the very bias and type of error are a part of the facts under study and probably rank among the most important ones. (Levi-Strauss, 1963: 282)

INTRODUCTION

To sum up, the following arguments may be put forward to emphasize the need for a study of subjective assessments of status: 1. It may provide an insight into the criteria in terms of which people make social divisions in their society. 2. It may locate new social classes, castes and subcultures etc. which are on the move. 3. It may trace the perceived barriers or channels of social mobility. 4. It may reveal the frictions and conflicts between different social layers. Research Strategy The main objective of our enquiry may be stated as follows: To investigate the ways in which the stratification pattern changes under influence of the industrialization and urbanization processes, as seen through the eyes of different sections in the population. To deal with this problem in a satisfactory manner, a few requirements had to be fulfilled: 1. It was necessary to clarify the term stratification with the people concerned. In order to avoid the pitfall of limiting the study to one stratification principle alone, it was decided to apply the concept of status. The term status, because of its all-embracing character would be able to catch most phenomena which in some way or other are related to social inequality. Status, in accordance with Linton, Bierstedt and others, may be defined as a position in a given social structure. The use of the term implies an arrangement of groups (in socially inferior or superior terms), based on the degree of participation in the major values which are operative in a particular structure. As such, a status group (stratum or social layer) could be formed either by taking into account a persons privileges, material possessions, social behaviour etc. By asking people whom they consider as occupying a high or low position in their society, it is possible to get an idea what their principles of evaluation, viz. value systems are? It is then for the investigator to judge whether their frames of reference may be termed as: classes, castes, prestige groups etc.

10

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IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

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2. It was also imperative to create a situation which would be adequate to study the process of changes in status groups brought about by the industrial-urban process. In this context the comparison of two extreme situations was thought most appropriate: one in which the people had been in touch with the urban-industrial values and one in which the people had been least affected by them. It was for these reasons that two samples were selected: one, a sample of people participating in an industrial sphere in a large city and two, a sample of respondents belonging to a fairly isolated farming community. 3. As status perceptions are likely to vary from region to region, it was also considered important to set the opinions prevailing in different States of India against each other. Two research institutes, one in Madras and one in Maharashtra were found willing to undertake this type of study. Dr P. V. Veeraraghavan of the South Indian Textile Research Association in Coimbatore conducted the study in the Coimbatore region. Dr A. Bopegamage of the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics made the enquiry in the Poona region. Both institutions took a sample from the industrial population of large factories in the cities of Coimbatore and Poona, and one from a remote village in the respective regions. 4. Stress had also to be laid on the fact that the urban and rural samples to be chosen from the population of the two regions should show a great similarity, as regards caste composition. In other words, in the city and village sample there would have to be a sufficient number of Brahmins, service castes, and other castes to make a comparison feasible. The rural communities of Coimbatore and Poona preferably had to be multicaste villages with a similar agrarian economy and a reasonable number of households from which to draw the sample. 5. Since the type of questions to be put to the people selected for the enquiry would predetermine their assessments in a particular way, it became a basic requirement to use a technique whereby the same issue would be brought to their attention in a different phraseology and from a different angle. Thus a check could be provided as to whether an individual would have the same response if the question were worded differently. In this context, it was decided to make use of an interview schedule which would consist of two parts: an unstructured and

INTRODUCTION

11

structured section. The unstructured questionnaire contained free descriptions of the stratification pattern by means of such openended questions as: what status groups there are, what occupations belong to the observed sccial divisions, what changes have taken place etc. These free descriptions would to some extent counteract the difficulty which the lower sections experience when they have to commit themselves to ranking of certain groups with which they may not be familiar. In the structured part of the interview, the response categories were already determined. It primarily emphasized the ranking of a given set of occupations, and the evaluation of a fixed number of status criteria. An additional section of the interview was also covered by a dozen sentence completion tests, which were mainly designed to get an idea of the attitudes of the people towards certain issues concerning status and social change. The sentences were semi-structured, since they would direct the interviewees reaction half-way, but would leave him free to finish the sentence in his own vocabulary. Questions
Assuming that the urban-industrial values affect the pattern of stratification in several ways, the hypothesis is that it will have the following consequences on the subjective systems of evaluation: 1. There will be a lack of consensus on how to rank people socially. The lack of consensus between the subjective assessments will be more marked in an urban community with a high degree of industrialization than in a rural community with no industrialization. 2. The subjective assessments of the higher status groups will be less traditional (less ascription oriented) and more differentiated than that of the lower. 3. The status evaluations of those participating in an industrial urban (achievement sphere will tend to be more elaborate and modem oriented) compared to those living in a village. Within this hypothetical framework the following questions appear to be relevant : - What frames of reference are used when stratifying society? (Class, power, caste etc.) - What criteria happen to be most decisive? - How do the rank orders based on the different criteria coincide? - Are the perceived status groups distinguishable by a certain life style? - Where are the nebulous strata, about which there is least consensus?

12

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INDIA

- Are new classes perceived and if so, where are they fitted (and how do they place themselves) in the traditional status system? - Are there any indices of a more democratic outlook on the part of the urban people as compared to the rural? -What are the attitudes towards social climbing? Are there differences in views on social mobility channels, among the respondents of different social layers in the village as well as in the city? - How are the traditional and modern occupations ranked? -What new status symbols are perceived? What follows are reports on two exploratory inquiries which make an attempt to find answers to the questions posed above. The materials on which these reports are based afford us a glimpse into the variety of the images of social status in changing India.

REFERENCES Bailey, F. G. Caste and the Economic Frontier, Manchester, 1957. Bose, N. K. Some Aspects of Caste in Bengal, Man in Indiu, 38, 1958. Bott, E. The Concrpt of Class as a Refcrrncc Group, Human Rehtions, 7, 1954. Benedict, B. Stratification in Plural Societies, American Anthropologist, 64, 1962. Beteille, A. Caste, Class and Power, Changing Patterns of Stratification in a Tanjore Village, Bombay, 1966. Bierstedt, R. Social Order, New York, 1957. Centcrs, R. The American Class-Structure: a psychological analysis, Readings in Social Psychology, New York, 1952. Chauhan, D. C. Caste and Occupation in Agra City, Economic Weekly, 12, 1960. Cohn, B. S. The Changing Status of a Depressed Caste, in: Village India, Ed. McKim Marriott, Chicago, 1955. Davis, G. A. Status Symbols and the Measurement of Status Perception, Sociometry, 19, 1956. Davis, M. and Gardner, A. Deep South, 1941. Ghurye, G. S. Caste, Class and Occupation, Bombay, 1961. Gist, N. Occupational DiEerentiation in South India, So&Z Forces, 33, 1954-1955. Gould, H. A. Caste, Outcastes and the Sociology of Stratification in: lnternationa.! Journal of Comparative Sociology, I, 1960. Gough Aberle, E. K. Criteria of Caste Ranking in South India, in: &fan in India, 39, 1959. Gupta, R. Caste Ranking and Intrrcaste Relations among the Muslims of a Village in N. Western U.P., Enstern A?lthropologist, 10, 1950. Himmelweit, H. The Views of Adolescents on some Aspects of the Social Class Structure, Brftish Journal of Sociology, 3, 1952. Hose& B. F. Social Stratification and Economic Development, International Social Science Journal, 16, 1964. Levi-Strauss C. Structural Anthropology, New York, 1963. Linton. R. The Study of Man, New York, 1936. Lipset, S. M. and Bendix R. Social Mobility in Industrial Society, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1959. hlajumdar, D. N. Caste and Communication in an Indic/fl Village, Bombay, 1958. Mandelbaum, D. G. Concepts and Methods in the Study of Caste in: Regional Seminar on Techniques of Social Rcscnrch, Unesco, 1938. 13

14

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

Mandelbaum, D. G. The World and the World View of the Kota, in: Village India, Ed. McKim hlarriott, Chicago, 1955. and Attributional Theories of Ranking, Marriott McKim Interactional MaA in India, 39, 1959. >4arriott, McKim. Caste Ranking and Community Structure in jive Regions of India and Pakistan, Poona, 1960 Moore, W. E. Social Change, New Jersey, 1963. hlukherjee, R. The Sociologist and Social Change in Indh today, New Delhi, 1965. Naik, T. R. Social Status in Gujarat, Eastern Anthropologist, 10, 1957. Pfautz, H. W. The literature on stratification, American Journal of Sociology, 58. 1953. Silverberg, J. Caste-ascribed Status 0ersu.s Caste-irrelevant roles in: Marl in India, 39, 1959. Singh, Baljit. Urban Middle Class Climbers, Lucknow University, 1958. Srinivas, M. N. The Social System of a Mysore Village, in: Village India Ed. McKim Marriott, 1955. Warner, W. L. Social Class in America, Massachusetts, 1957. Wertheim, W. F. lndonesian Society in Trunsition, A Study of Social Change, The Hague, 1956.

REPORT

SUBJECTIVE STATUS IN URBAN

ASSESSMENT A RURAL AND SETTING

OF

(POONA

REGION)

A. BOPEGAMAGE

GOKHALE

INSTITUTE

OF POLITICS POONA 1965 4

AND

ECONOMICS,

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS of the UNESCO Research Centre on Social and Economic Development in Southern Asia, New Delhi. It is based on a field survey done between August-October 1965. I am thankful to the authorities of the UNESCO, especially to Dr Leslie Palmier, Acting Director and to Dr (Miss) M. 0. L. Klein, Associate Expert, for taking keen interest in the study. I am very much grateful to Professor D. R. Gadgil, Director, Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, for entrusting the work of this project to me, for his wise counsel offered in the course of the work and for making arrangements to meet a part of the finances. I also thank Shri D. P. Apte, Registrar of the Gokhale Institute for providing me with all administrative facilities during the course of this project. I also owe deep thanks to Shri G. M. Gare, M.A. and Shri T. K. Attarde, M.A. for carrying out the field investigations and also tabulating the data. Deep appreciation is also extended to the UNESCO for meeting a part of the finance. Finally, I express my sincere gratitude to the managers, officers and workers of the two factories, Cooper Engineering, Ltd. and Ruston Hornsby Ltd., Poona and to the members of the Panchayat and other people of Malthan village for the interest they showed in our study. Without their cooperation, this study could not have been made.

HE PROJECTS UNDER study was carried out at the invitation

Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Poona 4. 3 February 1966.

A. BOPEGAMAGE

17

I.

THE

INVESTIGATION

The Universe and the Sample HE SOLU~ON OF the problem set by the hypotheses mentioned in the general introduction to the two studies, required the systematic gathering of synchronous data from people living in two contrasting situations, namely those who have been largely exposed to the urban-industrial values and other forces and those who have been the least affected by them. For the former, we took a sample from those engaged in large-scale industries in Poona city and for the latter, we took a sample from a village called Malthan which had not been subjected to the sphere of industrialization and urbanization. Poona is but one of the many places in India where people of a deep orthodox cast of mind with a close knit traditional culture have been drawn into a new way of life by the expansion of industry. Poona is situated in one of Indias highly industrialized belts. It is the second largest city in Maharashtra State, 192 kilometers away to the south-east of Bombay and located along the railway and the highway running from Bombay to central and southem regions of India. In 1961 it had a population of 7,72,178 persons. Till recent times, Poona was well known as a regional centre for modem education, military training, government administration, household industries and commercial activities. A thin edge of modem industrialization began to appear in Poona only after the First World War with the establishment of an armament factory, a biscuit factory and a textile mill. A water pump manufacturing plant and a few government factories were established during and immediately after the Second World War. However, rapid industrial growth took place in the beginning of 1950s when the former Government of Bombay decided to decentralize the existing industry in Greater Bombay area and

19

20

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

open up newer expanding units outside it. Within the period of the last 13 years, nearly 45 large-scale manufacturing units were opened with a working force of about 30,000 persons. According to the 1961 census, Poona has a working population of 55,000 engaged in manufacturing plants other than household industries and 95,000 engaged in other services. The manufacturing workforce consists of 23 per cent of the total working population (235,636) of the city. Compared to the state population engaged in the manufacturing sector (7 per cent), this percentage is very high. Many of these industries fall under the broad groups: engineering and metal manufacturing - lathes, boilers, water pumps, machine tools, X-ray plants, sugar cane machinery, electric cables, foundries and others. Outside these two broad groups there was an increasing diversity of other new industries, many of them ancilliary to the developing major industries. New financial institutions like banking also grew up to serve the more complex structure of trade and industry. There is only one big spinning and weaving mill and one chemical industry in the whole complex. All the industries except the two last mentioned ones are more capital intensive units than labour-intensive. In addition to this, we note a very high percentage of heterogeneity in the social characteristics of the community. A representative sample survey of Poona city conducted by the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics in 1954-55 shows that only 30 per cent of the people are natives and the rest are all migrants who had come to stay in Poona permanently or temporarily. A fairly high number of these migrants hail from the contiguous regions and a smaller number from distant places like Madras, Hyderabad and Gujarat. 1 We also note that the city runs five newspapers in the regional languages and two papers in English while the newspapers published in Bombay in English and the regional language, Marathi, also come to the city every day. As commonly found in the other bigger industrial cities of India, there is a smaller number of females than males in Poona. In 1961 the female population consisted of nearly 46 per cent of the total population. The highest disproportion among the sexes is found in the working force in the age-group between 15-59 years. In the bigger machine and engineering factories 1 Sovani, N. V. et al: Poonu: A ResuruerJ, (Poona), 1956.

THE

INVESTIGATION

21

in Poona, a few females work and that too as clerical servants. Richard Lambert in his survey of five factories in Poona found that only 3.4 per cent consisted of female workers.2 About the mother-tongue of the people in the city, Marathi was spoken by nearly 72 per cent of the population till recent times and the rest spoke other regional languages like Hindi, Gujarathi, Tamil, Kannada and Telugu. As to the level of education, nearly 30 per cent had no education, nearly 40 per cent were educated upto the 7th standard either in Marathi or any other language and nearly 25 per cent between 7th and to the matriculation level; the rest were graduates and other diploma holders. Poona has a University with several colleges and research Institutes affiliated to it. There are also three technical Institutes run by the Government. Poona is situated in the midst of the Deccan agricultural tract. It shows a high proportion of castes whose traditional occupation has been agricultural activities (the Marathas and the Malis). The second largest group in the region consists of Brahmins, mainly because of politico-historical and cultural reasons. They were the literati, priests and the rulers of Poona region till recent times. The third highest group consists of the depressed castes, specially the Mahars, the Chambhars and the Mangs. This picture is clearly reflected in the study of the Poona resurvey referred to earlier in footnote 1. The percentage distribution of Maharashtrian castes ran as follows: Brahmins 28.50 per cent, Marathas and Malis 36.3 per cent, village artisans 9.53 per cent, village servants 4.32 per cent, backward castes 14.26 per cent, depressed castes 5.33 per cent and Advanced Hindus like C.K.P. 1.74 per cent. According to the census of 1931, out of a total population of 1,078,468 persons in Poona District 47.1 per cent consisted of Marathas as a single caste group, the second highest single caste groups was the Brahmins. The picture gets again reflected very clearly in the study of the factory labour force of Poona by Richard Lambert and also in the data collected by us from two factories for the selection of a sample. Our data from two selected factories were as follows: Brahmins 28.01 per
2 Lambert Richard, Workers, Factories and Social Change Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Poona, 1963. in

India,

3 Ibid.

NASIK-

MAP

MAP

OF POONA POONA

DISTRICT

SHOWING

AHAMADNAGAR . 2 19

CITY

& MALTHAN

0
I

- . 40

MILES

SHOLAPUR

1
14

SATARA 76

THE

INVESTIGATION

23

cent, Marathas 54.98 per cent, artisan castes 3.19 per cent, service castes 2.35 per cent, Backward and Tribals 0.85 per cent, depressed castes 8.27 per cent and allied castes like Wani, C.K.P. etc. 2.35 per cent. The occurrence of a high representation of Marathas may be due to the size of the smaller universe only. The deficit among the backwards is because of the great demand that these factories make for literate persons. It was somewhat difhcult for us to choose a village least affected by modem industries and urbanism. Almost all the villages found in this region form a sort of a middle term in the equation of folk-urban continuum. On the one hand they resemble the preliterate societies and on the other, they belong to the modem urbanized world. We find that a majority of the villages in the region are linked up today with the nearby big market towns or directly with Poona by bus services and by radios, newspaper and postal services also. After scrutinizing carefully the data of 30 socioeconomic surveys of villages conducted by the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics during the course of the last ten years, our selection fell upon one village which could satisfy the requirements. This village was Malthan, a fairly isolated village nestling in a valley and not having a direct communication link up with the city of Poona either by motor or by telephone. Malthan is about 10 to 15 miles to the interior from the major highways running from Poona, one to Nasik and the other to Ahmednagar (see Map I). It is 54 miles by road from Poona city. For four months during the year, July to October, the motorable routes to this village from the outside world get cut off by the swelling waters of the big streams that flow into a river called Ghod Nadi passing by a spot about 2% miles to the north of this village. The people here are not so machine-minded as is shown by the comparatively small number of mechanically driven machines, radios and others. This village is linked up with the taluka towns (local administrative centres) Sirur and Wed by buses running five times daily at each direction. Urban views, ideas and values filter to the village through the radio, newspaper, and the few migrants gone to Bombay for work. One copy of each of the three dailies published in Poona

MAP

II

MAP
SHOWING THE 0

OF MALTHAN
MAIN SETTLEMENT] 1

VILLAGE
AND HAMLETS

2 A MILES TOONE MILE

SCALE

ONE

INCH

GARWAO AMRAI VASTI

co 1

@fJ? c --=

MOTORABLE SETTLEMENT STREAM VILLAGE

ROADS

BOUNDARY

24

THE

INVESTIGATION

25

started reaching the village recently and there are also four radios. But even with these, much news travels by word of mouth.4 Today 68.4 per cent of the people are completely illiterate, 28.9 per cent have read upto the 7th standard in Marathi and 2.7 per cent have studied above the 7th standard. The society of Malthan consists of landholding families depending economically on agricultural products, specially cereals like Jowar and Bajra and a very small extent, on pulses, vegetables and oilseeds. Nearly 78.4 per cent of the families depend solely on agriculture and agricultural labour, 14.56 per cent follow traditional occupations like blacksmithy, goldsmithy and tailoring and other works like stone cutting or sheep rearing and 7.05 per cent depend on business and other services. A large portion of the people live in settlements called vastis or wadis located in the midst of fields. Each of these vastis mainly consists of members of the extended families, sometimes the whole settlement is named after the name of the oldest settler of the extended family like Dandawate vasti, Thorat vasti, Shinde vasti, Gitawadi and others as shown in Map II. For the spatial distribution of the caste groups see Map III. The main forms of the rural society are still found here. Nearly 45 per cent of the families are joint laterally or lineally, which is an important rural characteristic in India. The members of these families feel, according to the information gathered that the family should be large enough to run the farms without too much hired labour from outside. It was found that this village also had the representatives of almost all the important caste groups. It came to 22 in number. These include those in the service group also. One of the chief characteristics of rural Maharashtra and of northern rural India is the existence of a traditional village service system, called the baluta system or the jajmuni system. Here the village servants serve the agriculturists in various activities for which they are paid in kind. In a Maharashtrian village, the village servants following the traditional service
4 When Dr B. R. Ambedkar, the well-known politician and the leader of the scheduled castes died in the latter half of 1950s the news reached the village by word of mouth passed on by a person living in the Taluka town.

t-

._ _. _.

THE

INVESTIGATION

27

system number 12 and they are called Bara Balutedars.5 In this village we found almost all these service castes but one, the washerman (Parit). Even now they render their hereditary services to the landholders and for these services they are paid some amount of corn, depending on the extent of services performed by them, during the harvesting seasons6 Even today, in this village, the recreational activities centre either round the family or among the caste folk. The only modem type of recreation that they enjoy is the radio, one of which is found in the village Panchayat office. Two are owned by private families and another owned by the people of Lakewadi. The radio in the Panchayat office is operated only an hour in the morning and an hour in the evening. It is mostly playing music and some other variety programmes conducted for the farmers. Very rarely a person goes to see the cinema at Sirur, the taluka town. When the travelling talkie visits this town some young men cycle the distance of 10 miles in the evening, sleep on the way side in the night, and return to the village next day in the morning. There are rituals and festivals that are indigenous by nature and on various occasions and natural calamities like famines, draught, and in sickness, they still hold magico-religious ceremonies in honour of some deified aspects of the environment: big trees, big stones, with peculiar shapes are still believed to be the abode of some spirit or deity and they worship them. At the same time, they worship the chief Brahamanic gods of the Hindu pantheon, Mahadeo, Bhairava, Rama and Hanuman ( Maruti). They entertain interesting beliefs like the shouting of the peacock in the evening is a sign of oncoming rain, hooting of the owl is the sign of a bad omen or impending trouble, the appearance of a comet in the sky would bring untold sufferings and pestilence to the people and so forth. For the purpose of selection of a suitable sample, with a view to obtaining a good picture of the social life of the people it
5 Altekar A. S., A History of village communities in Western lndia (Bombay, 1927), pp. 88-90; Berdelman Thomas O., A Compuratiue analysis of the Jaimani System, New York, 1959. 6 These servants are carpenter, blacksmith, washerman, barber, potter, silversmith, idol dresser, water carrier, shoe maker, rope maker, messenger and butcher. See Table 1.

28

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

was felt, after considering the availability of time and finances, that a number of 150 interviews from each community would be sufficient. For the selection of this number, quota sampling method was followed assigning caste and occupation as independent controls. It was also decided to take two groups matching in many respects except differing in the independent variable, long exposure to urbanization and industrialization. The matching was done on the basis of religion, caste, age, sex and language. According to this procedure the informants selected from the urban and rural areas were as follows: Religion, Hindus; mother-tongue, Marathi; males between the ages 18 and 65 from common castes. On the point of selection of castes for the study, as there was an insufficient number of persons in each caste group except in three castes to give a representative picture either in the factories or in the village, various castes were classified into functional categories based on a status ranking as found in the region .7 They were, Brahmins; Marathas and Malis; further the blacksmith, silversmith, carpenter, tailor, as artisan castes; castes such as barber, potter, dhobi, water-carrier as service castes; stone cutter, shepherd, snarers as backward castes and messengers and skinners, shoe-makers and rope makers as depressed castes. (See Table 1). It should be noted that traditionally, the social status differences and distances between the above-stated functional categories were more than the differences found between the castes falling in each functional category. Advanced Hindu castes like the C.K.P., Wani, Marwari were left out from the sample as there were insufficient numbers of these castes, mostly in the urban sample and also some of them in the rural sample. Further these groups except the C.K.P. were mostly immigrants who came within the course of the last three to four generations. The sample was also limited to the above-stated age-range as it was noted that in the factories all employees came within this age range. Moreover, people aged 65 and over found it very inconvenient to sit for answering such a long questionnaire and also some suffered from infirmities such as deafness or poor eyesight. It was found that with the available data no uniform sample could be drawn. Hence it was
7 Ghurye, G. S., Gadgil, D. R., Poona, A socio-Economic Swoey. Caste and Class in India, Bombay, 1957 pp. 1-2. Parts I and II, (Poona 1946 and 1952).

THE

INVESTIGATION

29

decided to take at least 10 representatives for each group as the minimum number and in cases where the size was small a larger sample was drawn and a smaller sampe was drawn in cases where the size of the group was large. (See Table 2). In the city, this was the case with that of the Marathas, and the Brahmins, and in the village it was the case with the Marathas, the depressed castes and the backward groups. The least number in the village was always found among the service and artisan caste groups and the Brahmins. These short-comings in the sample could not vitiate the purpose of the work. For the selection of the sample from the village, a quick socioeconomic survey to obtain the preliminary information of all the households was carried out and based on the knowledge of this survey, the 150 interviewees were selected. The total rural universe was 671 adult males (See Table 3). In the urban areas only two factories were selected, one manufacturing machine tools and the other, manufacturing water pumping engines. Both these factories had more than 50 per cent employees whose mothertongue was Marathi, and who call themselves born and brought up in Maharashtra. The utiiverse from the factories from which 150 persons were drawn was 1064 persons. All the available information about the person such as birth-place, education, age, job, salary, etc. were gathered from his personal card. No information about the persons caste was available. Hence this caste information of many persons was obtained by looking into ones personal file where his original application submitted at the time of joining the factory, was kept. In those cases where there was no information available about the caste, the person concerned was interviewed or some other person who was working on the same machine or in the same section where that person was working. In some cases the members of his tea or lunch group were consulted. Thus it was possible for us to reduce the error on the information of caste to about 1 per cent without making a person to person interview. For the educational level of the two samples see Tables 4 and 5. The Interview After the selection of the sample, the investigation was conducted under the authors close supervision with the help of the ques-

30

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

tionnaire by two specially trained interviewers from the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics. Both of them held postgraduate degrees (M.A.) in sociology. The administering of the questionnaire8 was done to almost all except the managers of factories, in Marathi. At the request of the managers only, we administered the English version. The informants were contacted in their homes during the period August-October 1965 and the interviewing lasted nearly 1% hours to 2 hours in duration. Occupational Categories

In classifying the informants according to occupation, the five categories from the industrial sample and three categories from the rural sample listed below were employed. Many of these categories are familiar and require little explanatory comment. In the factory sample the categories form a hierarchy in terms of status, according to responsibility or the role the person plays in the total economy of production. 1. Factory managers includes all those occupations calling for highly specialized experience, carrying responsibility to initiate and implement policy in the factory. Nowadays they draw a basic salary of more than Rs. 1000 per month. 2. Technical, supervisory and non-manual upper grade. They are called senior officials in industrial parlance. They do not hold so much responsibility as in No. 1 category, but have some authority over others in production, accounts, etc. They draw a basic salary ranging between Rs. 400 and Rs. 1000. They include engineers, chief accountants and senior supervisors. 3. Technical, supervisory, non-manual etc. lower grade are those who are engaged in pure routine work such as correspondence, inspection etc. Here authority over others is restricted, but the nature of job involves a measure of responsibility. Inspectors, supervisors, with some technical experience and white collar workers come under this group. Their salaries vary from Rs. 175 to Rs. 400. 4. Skilled workers are those who have acquired special training and experience in the operation of a particular machine, and hold responsibility for the whole process and material in which s A pretest of this questionnaire was carried were made before launching the final survey.
out and a few modifications

THE

INVESTIGATION

31

a man is engaged. Their salaries range between Rs. 1.50 and Rs. 400. 5. Under this category come the manual workers. They are persons who have no direct training in one of the specialized fields. They handle, lift goods and do other odd jobs in the factory. The rural respondents were grouped into three broad categories as agriculturists, artisans and allied services and labourers. One interesting point here is that nearly 30 per cent of the families in the village were owner-tenants: persons who OWTI about two to five acres of land and at the same time cultivate other fields as tenants. In the artisan group also it was found that almost all followed their traditional occupations but at the same time they did some agricultural activity as a secondary occupation. This is also the case with those persons who have been classified as labourers. Most of their income depended on labour, although they did cultivate a small plot of land themselves.

TOTAL

POPULATION

TABLE 1 OF MALTHAN

VILLAGE

(1965) S to the total population 8

Functional groups I 1 Brahmins

Caste 2 Chittanawan

Traditional occupation 3 Priest, Astrologer Writers

No. of
households 4 2 3 5

iMales 5 5 3 8 4 18 1 23 671 305 976 4 17 9 11 41

Females 6 2 5 7 5 7 12 673 259 932 7 23 4 14 48

Total population 7 7 8 15 9 25 1 35 1344 564 1998 11 40 13 25 89

0.49

Advanced

Hindus

Marwadi Gujarathi Wani

> Traders

1 5 1 7

-~ _ 1.17

Maratha and allied ( Slalis)

Maratha

Agriculturists Gardeners

183 73 258

63.58

Village Artisans

Sonar Shimpi Lohar Sutar

Goldsmith Tailor Blacksmith Carpenter

3 9 3 6 21

--

2.97

TABLE 1 2 Nhavi Kumbhar Gurav Joshi Koli Barber Potter Temple Service, 1 1 2 11 6 Backward & Tribals Castes Vadari Dhangar Lonari Ramoshi Gosavi Bharadi Phase Pardhi Earth Cement & Stone work Makers 16 4 7 8 2 3 2 80 -. 2 4 6 37 58 150 19 35 8 6 6 34 44 141 22 29 5 10 7 71 102 291 41 64 13 16 13 540 1 3 5 3 7 11 Idol Dresser Fortune telling, begging Water Carrier 3 .5 Village Servants 5 2 19 6 19 6 38 12 4 5 6 7

1 (Continued) 8

2.37

Shepherds Watchman h1endicant Beggary and dancing

-____
282 258 17.99 22

11 6 12 49 t .\luslims Christians

32 82 :30 144

30 83 34 147

62 165 64 91 ____~~ 9.70 .--~. ~______ I .57 0.16 _____.__ 1.7s 100.00 -

Butcher ~lisccllanf~ot~s jolx .-

7 2 9 i.40

2 2 24 ,53.5

25 3 -8 1466

47 5 32 8001

TABLE

CASTE

AND TIIE

OCCUPATIOSAL URB-\S

DISTRIBUTION SA\IPLE Occtrpcltiowl

OF IXFORXIASTS (148 PERSONS)

IN

IX\1)USTRI.%L

Cotcgories

~~_____~--.-_ 18 11 3 1 1 7 12 16 8 2 8 18 6 1 16

_____-~ 40 44 20 13 4 3

34

53

41

14s

PRIMARY

OCCUPATION

OF MALES

TABLE 3 BETWEEN

18-65 YEARS

IN MALTHAN

Caste

Agriculture

Traditional and Associated occupation 2 1 1 9 4 9 23 2 8 2 1 1 14

Labour

Business, sertice and other occupation 4 5 1 6 1 1

Total

Sample selected __--

1 I II Brahmins Marathas Sub-total III Artisan castes & allied (II) Sonar Shimpi Lohar Sutar (III )
KOli

3 16 10 26 -

5 IO 309 1% 437 2 10 4 9 2.5 2 9 3 1 1 16

6 lo*

9 Maratha Mali 288 117 405 1 -_ 1 1 1 Nhavi Kumbhar Gurav Joshi (I\)

40

Sub-total IV Village servants

20

1 1

Sub-total

20*0

custe V Backwarcl Tribals & Vadari Phase Par&i Gosavi Dhangar Lonari Ramoshi Bharadi

1 4 35 6 11 1 57 Chambhar Nav Buddha or hiahar Mang 2 1 23 496 73.92 60 39.73

2 22 2 2 20 2 48 14 14 100 14.90 51 33.77

3 13 5 18 8 13 21 65 9.69 40 26.50 of Malthan

4 2 2 10 1.49 called Kanhur.

5 22 2 6 68 6 16 3 123 14 32 14 60 671 100.00 -

-~~
VI

Sub-total Depressed castes

(V)

31

-~Sub-total (VI) Grand Total Percentage Sample selected Percentage

30 151 100.00 151 100.00

* This number includes six adult Rrahmins from a nearby village ** Four village servants are from Kanhur village.

lhxdm~ins

10

Artisan

casks

:i

16

20

TABLE

LITERACY

(URBAN-INDUSTRIAL

SAMPLE) Education

Caste group

No e&cation

up to 7th standard

up to S.S.C.

Above S.S.C. u;ith diplom or degree 28 8 2 2 2

Total

-__--Brahmins Mxratha Artisan & Mali castes 7 8 to the tot;11 1954-55 percentage ri.4 30.1 1 11 5 e 17 60 40.5 39.3 1 38 5.7 4.4 4 8.4 6.0 3 9 18 7 8 40 44 0 1.5 4 2.5 148 100.0 100.0

Service castes Backward Depressed Total Icrccntagc Poona city castes & Trilxds castes

II.

PERCEPTION

OF Identification

SOCIAL of Self

STRATA

points which we wanted to explore on the first instance was the way how a person would identify himself to the social world in which he lived. This idea arose from the fact that such an identification could also be influenced by his conception of still other groups of which he is not a member, apart from any interaction he may be having with them. With a view to knowing whether his frame of reference was casteoriented or class-oriented or not oriented at all, we asked the question: How would you identify yourself to a visitor to the village or the factory area? Further, we asked him to give the identifications in order of importance. In the rural sample we could note that caste became the first point of reference for nearly 60 per cent of the persons, while the rest gave the name of residence. For instance, they went on telling, I am a NaoBuddha, or I am a Gurav or I am a Brahmin. In this way the individual identiiied himself as a member of a certain status group. From here we found that he stepped on to localize himself, by telling I am from Lake Wadi or I am from Malthan. In the urban sample, on the contrary, only three out of 144 persons who answered this question, indentified themselves within the caste frame of reference and all these three persons were NaoBuddhas working in the factory as labourers. Answers given by 67 per cent of the informants in the industries showed that they give their names first and then their occupation and place of work. They would say for example: I am an inspector from Cooper, or I am a fitter, or I am a machine operator, or I am an accountant from Rustom.. . . We found that in the rural area a persons frame of reference did not go beyond his caste

NE OF WE important

Q Johnson

Harry

AI., Sociology,

London, 1961.
41

49

STATUS

IhlAGES

IN

CHANGING

ISDIA

worker it aplxars and village. I n tl le case of the urban-industrial that the frontiers of his frame of reference extended from his name and occupation to the factory, then to the factory area, and then to the city. (See Table 6).
TABLE 6

SELF

IDENTIFICATION HllU!/ perco1tagc 57.62 20.53 11.26 9.27 1.32 61.59 14.37 11.9 7.28 0.66 3.08 9.27 7.93 6.62 4.64 1.:32 70.20 Ur1mr /Krwlltag~ :,.:ig 66.99 9.38 12.16 4.78 8.78 0.68 ___--1~.84 28.38 17.57 2.09 8.11 27.70 3.37 8.11 8.78 0.68 7.48 3.41 22.30 47.m

ItEentificufion

of Stutus Groups

In order to make things a little more concrete we attempted to locate the status groups which the villager and the urbanindustrial worker perceive. We put the question, Which groups in your town or village have a high status or low status and are there any other groups besides these? From our earlier experiences we knew that even the most illiterate person was able to identify the persons of a group belonging to these polar levels. In the rural sample the identification was done in the following manner: (SW page 43).

1' E 1% C Ii 1' T I 0 N 0 F PERCENTAGE DlSTRlBUTlON THE VARIOUS GROUPS

S0 C I A L

S 'I' 1{ A 'I A WlIO IDENTIFIED STATUS LEVEL .-

-43

OF INFORMANTS IN THE UPPER

Hum1 SampEe ( 151 persons) 1. Gite, Thorat, Dandavate factions, Mali and \Iaratha, and village leaders 2. 1 + Businessmen and Brahmins 3. Village officials and Panchaydt llreliibcrs 4. 1 + 3 + Dhangar 5. 1 + Brahmins 6. Educated and rich landowners 7. 5 + Dhangar 8. l+ Businessmen 9. 3 + Businessmen 16. Others .TOTAL Urban Industries 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 0. 7. 8. 9. Sample ( 118 persons)

Percentage 30.3 19.8 11.9 10.6 7.3 6.6 5.3 5.3 2.6 1.3 100.0 Percentage 50.1 10.8 9.5 6.8 5.4 4.1 4.1 3.7 6.5 100.0

Professionals, lawyers, doctors, engineers and professors; big busincssmcn and some social workers, political leaders Iudustrialists, businessmen and social workers Professionals, businessmen, social workers and government officials Brahmins, Marathas, Malis, Jams, C.K.P., all educated and rich Well-educated people, skilled workers Industrialists, big managers and executives and big businessmen Professionals, lawyers, cloctors, engineers and professors Professionals, educationists and l)ig agriculturists Others TOTAL

From the above figures we could note that a majority of the villagers identify certain castes and caste factions as groups I~elongin~q to the upper stratum. From our field d,lta vvc could see that it is from these groups that the village leaders came. One person from each of these factions is a member of the Village Panchayat today, and Shri Gite is the Sarpanch (Chairman). These groups are also numerically large and some members of these groups are wealthy. The above-mentioned factions belong to the Maratha and Mali castes except Shri Gite who is a Lonari. It is interesting to note here that a good number of persons

44

STATUS

IhfAGES

IN

CHANGING

IKDIA

still holds the view that the Brahmins in the rural areas, though not well off economically, belong to the upper status layer. From the urban-industrial sample it could be seen that the identification of the upper status level follows a definite pattern of occupations like the industrialists, the businessmen, the professors, the doctors and the lawyers. Only a very few persons felt that the members of such castes like the Brahmins also folm members of the upper status level. Some of the informants have gone as far as to distinguish three levels in the highest status category as upper, middle and low and another three similar levels in the middle category, but not in the lower one. While making this distinction, everyone was unanimous in pointing out that big industrialists like Shri S. K. Kirloskar belonged to the level, reputed academicians like Shri D. R. upper-upper Gadgil, M. M. D. V. Potdar, and that elderly politicians like Kakasaheb Gadgil, the present Vice-Chancellor of the Poona University, Shri S. M. Joshi the leader of the Praja Socialist Party, and some well-known doctors and lawyers were part of the middle-upper-group. Factory managers, some doctors, a few professors and lawyers were mentioned as those belonging to the lower-upper-level. In the second part of the status level identification we asked the informants to name the groups having low status level. The following table gives a summary of the answers stated by the rural and the urban-industrial informants: From the data given below one could note that the rural people
PERCENTAGE VARIOUS RuraE Sample 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. DISTRIBUTION GROUPS OF PERSONS TO LOW WHO STATUS IDENTIFIED LEVEL

BELONGING

(151 persons) .- .___--

Mahar, Mang, Chambhar only or Joshi, Bharadi, Vadars and Ramoshi 1 + B&ta castes 1 + Labourers and poor people 1 .;- 3 + Dhangars Brahmins -.--__TOTAL l+

PERCEPTION

OF

SOCIAL

STRATA

45
Percentage

Urban Industries 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Sample

( 148 persons)

Labourers, Class IV and Class V servants and lower white collar workers Labourers and depressed castes Illiterates. poor people, capitalists and big businessmen Depressed castes Labourers and agriculturists 1 + Anti-social elements, depressed castes Other groups Tc;T\L

52.70 20.27 13.51 6.75 3.38 3.33 3.03 100.00

still define the low status level in the framework of low castes, specially those castes which were traditionally treated as untouchable castes. The interesting point that we could make here is the placing of the Brahmins in the low status level by the rural folk. But this number is very small. In the urban sample all occupations like labourers, peons, watchmen and lower white collars are perceived as members of low status level. It is quite remarkable to find that some industrial workers also named the depressed castes in this connection. It appears that the traces of caste group identifications in the low and the high social layers are still lingering in the minds of the urban dwellers. Those who placed capitalists and big businessmen at the bottom mostly belonged to the lower occupational categories. They may have been distrustful of the motives of the members of these so-called uppers. After this we asked our sample to define any other groups that they knew of which could be placed between these polar levels.
NUMBER OF PERSONS WHO IDENTIFY THE MIDDLE-STATUS LEVEL ( 151 persons) GROUPS AS

Rwol 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Sample

Percentage

--

Poor agriculturists, All Baluta castes, like Sutar, Nhavi, Lohar, Sonar, Shimpi, Joshi, etc. I + Brahmins Mali, Maratha, Lonari 1 -f Poor Malis, hfarathas etc. Others TOTAL

80.9 5.3 4.6 4.0 5.2 166.66

46

STATUS

IllAGES

Jh-

CHANGING

ISDIA

Urhnn Industries 1. 2. :3. 4. 5. 0. 7.

Smrnple ( 148 persons)

Percentage

\Vhite collar workers, pcnlty olficvrs, skilled workers, slqmvisors, teachers, etc. \\hite collar workers, school teachers. and small shopkrcycrs Skilled Skilled workers and shopkeepers workers, agriculturists

3Q.8 2.1 12.4 6.8 0.4 -15

hlnrathas, Malis and Ball&n Castes Industrialists and smne professors Others (cutrs + profrssiom~ls + intlnstri;llists lmsinessmen )
TOTAL

-1. 11.0 100.0 -

Tables on pages 45 and 40 gives a s~nnmnry of the identification of the groups. From the above table it can be seen that almost all the intermediate caste groups of the village are described as middle-status groups. At the time of the interview \&en we asked them to mention the names of these groups, the informants went on stating the names of castes beginning from Sutar and ending with Joshi or Gurav. Some of course have tried to include economically poor Rrahmins, hslarathas and Malis also in the middle-status level. Rut their number is very small. In the urban sample it is the white collar workers, school teachers, small shopkeepers and skilled workers who are considered to belong to the middle stratum. A comparison between the low and the middle status level shows that the white collar workers hold an equivocal position in both the groups. We found that the top managers of the factories used to include the white collar workers in the lower category, while the lower groups placed them in the middle. Hence their ambiguous position.
Status Criteria

After allowing the informants to define the various status levels as they understood them, we approached next to study the criteria used for including the various castes and occupational groups as high or middle or low status levels in the rural and the urban samples. An examination of the answers shows that the rural people named several factors to identify a person as belong-

1ERCElTION

OF

SOCIAL

STRATA

17

ing to the upper level. They were income, leadership, good behaviour, character and respect. They do not put too much emphasis on income alone however for those classified as uppers. The answers given by the urban-industrial people are also similar. Here too, many do not think that income alone is sufficient to label a certain group or a person as having high status. The data show that they combine several criteria such as income, ones education, ones achievement in a special field, social service and good character to place a person either in the high status or the low status category. Many of the informants in the urban sample felt that ones own caste or occupation was not an important factor without the possession of other qualities for placing a person in the upper status groups. The criteria used to identify the people with low status indicate that the villagers combine castes, who are traditionally treated as low with poverty. Among the industrial workers the most obvious answers put forward by the largest number of the informants is poverty and lack of education. A good number of informants put stress also on the bad behaviour of persons which lnings danger to society and the nation, while some apply moral or evaluative references to those persons who are poor and have no ambition or responsibility in life. One has to know that in the industrial sample, income and education in combined form are the two most important criteria used by people to place a person in the high status level or in the low status level. And in the rural area it is ones poverty or wealth and caste that are the most important criteria used by persons to place others in the low or high status category. The criteria used to identify the persons in the middle group are qrlite interesting. The outstanding featlue here is the overwhelming attachment to cvcrything that is moderate; moderate cducntion, moderate income and so on. Among the other factors, the rural folk attach more importance to the honour and respect that one receives from the people and also the quality of the caste. They feel that the balutn castes always occupy a status level between the upper and the lower. Tn the industrial sample ones achievement and also styzle of life form important criteria. Here income and education play an important role, but not ones caste, which was mentioned by none of the urban respondents. In conclusion we could state here that according to the opinion

48

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

of the rural people, the high caste members who are economically well off, numerically high and who are also village leaders, form groups in the high status level. The criteria used to define them are high income, leadership, good behaviour and traditional reverent treatment. The bulk of all the service castes in the village form the groups in the middle status level and the criteria used to mark them out are moderate income, moderate respect given by the villagers and ones caste. All the depressed castes in addition to the very poor labourers form groups in the lower level. The criteria used to place them as such are bad behaviour, poverty and low treatment received by them traditionally. In the urban sample, industrialists, doctors, lawyers, professors and other highly educated people and those who have achieved something in their special field compose largely the upper status groups. The criteria used to mark them out are wealth, progressive views held by them, good education, refinement or social service and achievement in the field of specialization whether as a doctor, lawyer, professor or industrialist. We could see from our data that white collar workers, petty officers in industries and government service, school teachers, skilled workers in the factories, and small businessmen form groups in the middle status level because they are moderately educated, they are moderately rich and their interests in life are moderate. We could also see that all labourers, Class V servants, illiterate people and anti-social elements form the lower status level groups. This is mainly due to their poverty and lack of proper education and bad behaviour. One of the interesting features we could observe from some rural informants is the placing of the Brahmins in the low status level. It may be due partly to two reasons: the first is that nowadays, though traditionally Brahmins are regarded as high in social status, they have no longer the proper economic stronghold in the rural area and secondly, as they had better education they occupied better positions in the country and thus became a group of exploiters. And another phenomenon we could note was that a few in the industrial sample placed the industrialists and businessmen as members of the low status groups and as anti-social elements. This may be mainly due to an outcome of the economic unrest prevalent among the white-collar workers and other workers in the factory and also due to constant propaganda carried on by union leaders against the industrialist

PERCEPTION

OF

SOCIAL

STRATA

49

as a whole, saying that they are exploiters and live on the sweat of the workers. Styles of Life After making our informants define the various status levels that they recognize in their society, our purpose was to know whether they see any style of life associated with each status group that they defined. Ones acceptability of another for various kinds of social interaction would depend upon a number of qualities and performances. In the western industrialized societies every social layer seems to have a life style of its own, distinguishing it sometimes sharply from the other layers. In many societies the style of life becomes distinctive with respect to the following items like, facial and body decoration, posture, grooming, gesture, speech pattern, type and quality of clothing, type of residence, pattern of family life, membership of associations, taste in various modes of communication and even the area of residence. Here in our study we have two types of societies: one where the life is traditional, where ones requirements are more or less fixed and where a person would earn enough for his living but nothing extra with a view to saving and investing in another enterprise. On the other hand, there is the other type of society where the person is thrifty and has the motive to save and invest it for better returns. In our study we noted that in the rural area as well as in the urban industrial area all the informants were able to make a good distinction of the style of life between the upper and the lower level but not of the middle level. And further, me noted that this distinction became more sharp among the urban-industrial workers than among the rural people. Life Style and Status, as seen by the Villagers Everyone in the rural sample stated that the people in the upper groups usually wear clean and neat and expensive clothes and that their women and children wear good quality garments. At the time of marriage the women wear very costly jewelry and we were told that the elderly women of the upper level still wear the long nine-yard saree, one end of which is folded, taken behind between the legs and tucked on the waist. This description of the womens clothing more or less tallied with the type of traditional dress worn by the upper caste people. However, the young

50

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

women nowadays do not wear it and hence people find it difficult to differentiate between the upper caste women and the lower. The elderly men usually wear a clean cap as the headgear or sometimes a Pagdi and as footwear, a good pair of chappals or shoes. One of the major distinguishing signs is that these upper level people have several pairs of dresses. The food consists mainly of cereals like jowar, bajri, little rice and wheat. But in the preparation there is difference. These people use ghee or butter for preparing all types of food and on festival occasions they prepare a kind of sweet bread called Puranpoli in which jaggery is used. Many of them dwell in big houses with cemented floors, stone or brick walls with a roof made of good type of * imported tiles. Many of these buildings are storeyed structures and each has five to six rooms. For recreational purposes these members of the upper level come together, talk or play cards and many a time they sing Bhajans, (religious songs) to the accompaniment of music. Once in a while young men pay a visit to a nearby town with their family members to see the cinema. For higher education they send their children outside, specially to the cities like Poona or Bombay. Many of these people mentioned the case of the late big landlord Pawar whose children received convent and college education in Poona. About the style of life of the middle status people many of our rural informants were not able to distinguish them either from the upper or lower status groups, in their clothes, ways of living and the type of food eaten. However, they went on to speak of the better mud or stone-walled houses and the education given to their children in local schools. As regards dress and food, many were not able to describe any particular features found in them. But they just said that everything was moderate. Our informants however were able to give us a good description of the style of life of the lower status people. They dress shabbily and sometimes the clothes are completely torn. No stitching of the clothes is done properly, they possess only one pair of clothes, cook their food mostly in clay pots. Food consists of cereals like jowar but no ghee is used to prepare it. Very rarely their food includes vegetables. As for housing, their dwellings are low small cottages mostly covered with straw and for recreation purposes, they play cards whenever they get an opportunity in the chowdy (community centre) or just chitchat.

PERCEPTION

OF

SOCIAL

STRATA

51

Life Style and Status, as seen by the Urban Factory People On the style of life of the upper status people in the urbanindustrial sphere, our informants were able to give us a far better picture than the rural ones. With regard to dress, they wear costly clothes, always neat and tidy and the material is silk, woollen or terylene. They are always ironed. Their dress is highly westernized and they own a dozen pairs of clothes. The food they eat provides necessary nutrients and consists of western type of food, non-vegetarian food, fruits, milk, rice and sometimes vitamins. All food is prepared out of vegetable ghee or butter. The dwellings where they live are big bungalows with a very big garden around it. The houses are well-furnished and consist of all modern amenities and electrical apparatuses for all types of homework to be made easy. Some houses where they live are air-conditioned, For recreation purposes, they use the radios at home to listen to music and talks, see cinemas regularly with their family members. Many of them are members of the Race Club, Rotary Club or Lions Club. For travelling purposes, they usually use motor cars. Many send their children to English schools or better schools and they read various newspapers and journals. About the lower group people, many urbanites believe that they wear very shabby clothes. Main items of clothes are shirts, pyjamas and sometimes pants with a pair of slippers worn on the foot. There is no proper headgear, except a white cap. Recently, some of these persons of low level have taken up to wearing teryIene shirts and pants that are costly. Frequently they take their food from hotels and if cooked at home, the items of food consist of Bhakari (locally prepared thick hard type of bread), and nonvegetarian food. Their houses are rented out and consist of only one room and a kitchen, locally called the chawl. Some of them possess radios. Their recreational activities include gossipping, playing cards, and seeing cinemas. Usually they occupy the lowerpriced seats in the cinemas. They also do gambling and drinking very frequently. They live in slums. The style of life of the urban middle status groups is generally moderate. However, they wear terylene shirts and pants these days and some woollen suits. Food consists of chapaties and rice prepared out of ghee or vegetable oils, and as fruits, they take

52

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

plantains frequently. Houses are rented ones and consist of two to three rooms. It was said that some of the upper-middle status level people own also small buildings consisting of two to three rooms. Electric lights and radios are very popular among them. And for recreational purposes they attend cinemas or dramas. Lots of reading too is done by them. For travelling purposes they use cycles, buses and sometimes motor scooters. The upper-middle level possess these vehicles of transport. Manners in the Rural and Urban Milieu About the manners and habits, the rural people were able to make some clear distinction between the upper and the lower status levels. For instance, when meeting face to face on the road it is the low status level man who retreats to a side of the road, stops and salutes the upper status level person by raising the hand and saying Ram Ram. The upper level person acknowledges by gestures, by shaking his head or just repeating Ram Ram and proceeds. The lower level person generally sits on the floor in the Panchayat house and other public places and if he is seated on a bench, he stands as soon as the upper status level person enters and more often the lower level man retreats to a corner. Even in the village tea shop, when the upper status level person steps in, the lower status level person, if there is any at the time, stands, up and moves out and on other occasions if he finds the upper status people seated in the tea shop, the lower level person requests for a cup of tea standing outside, drinks it and goes away. Among the industrial people too, the informants were able to make a sharp distinction between the manners and habits of the upper and the lower status people at the time of meeting. The lower status people salute them by holding their hands and saying Ram Ram. Many upper status people note it carefully but do not acknowledge even by raising the hands. If the low status people are sitting, they stand up as soon as the person of high status appears before them. It matters very little to what caste these upper status level people belong. We were informed that nowadays there is constant propaganda carried on by labour union leaders in factories asking the low status people not to show any gestures of honour and respect to the upper status level people, stating that workers form a mighty force today. A fairly good number of them heed to these appeals.

III. SOCIAL

SUBJECTIVE STATUS

ASSESSMENT AND SOCIAL

O:$? MOBILITY

Subjective: Status and Caste to identify the various status levels and groups found in each society we made an attempt to understand the subjects own estimate of his social position. It is only by this method that we would be able to relate functionally an individuals ideas and attitudes, to his own definition of the social situation. It is this subjecti\,e identification of individuals and the psychological consequcnccs of those identifications that convert social class from an abstract category into a social reality. In our interview we asked the informant, \Vhere would you place yourself in the status groups mentioned earlier and for what reasons? The responses showed that only 24 informants out of li31 of our sample in the rural area have claimed the upper status level. On castewise basis we note that this includes: 5 Brahmins out of 10, 9 hlarathas out of 40 and 1 Sutar out of 20 and 7 Dhangars out of 35. The rest (2) belong to the Gosavi and Lonari castes. The Lonari is at present the Sarpanch of the Village Panchayat and he is a well-to-do agriculturist also. It is rather interesting for us to find a good number of Dhangars (backward caste) who are traditionally treated low, claiming themselves as members belonging to the upper status category. We observed that a few of these Dhangars today are well-to-do landowners; one of them is also a Panchayat member. A fairly good number (9 out of 24) still considers that they carry high status because they are traditionally treated high and belong to a high caste. Only very few persons take the economic criteria as a justification for their belonging to the upper status layer. In terms of caste these few persons were the traditionally low ones. In the industrial sample we found that only 9 out of 148 persons

FTEW ALLOWISG TIIK informant

53

54

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

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(6.1%) evaluate themselves as members belonging to the upper status level. On the basis of caste, 4 of these persons are Brahmins, only 1 comes from the Maratha-Mali group, 3 belong to the artisan castes and 1 to the backward castes. Out of the 3 members of the artisan castes, 2 belong to the Sutar caste and 1 to the Sonar (Vaishya Sonar) lo caste, members of which claim that they were Brahmins once upon a time. We could further n&ice that a majority from each of the caste groups (except the depressed caste members) assess themselves as persons belonging to the middle level. The majority of the depressed caste persons put themselves on the lower level. Another point we have to note here is the case of one Brahmin w!lo evaluates himself as a person with low status. His low subjective status is due to the fact that the Brahmins have no place in the present society and that his life in this world is not meant for profiteering. Three persons out of 9 who stress on achievement, high thinking or administrative powers in addition to income and education for regarding themselves as high are in fact the Brahmin factory managers, and the other single person who combines education with style of life, tradition and income is also a Brahmin engineer. The rest of the persons (6) think that they could claim high status because of their education, thinking power, or because they are traditionally high. From our sample we find that 86 persons out of 151 in the rural area (56 per cent) have declared themselves as belonging to the middle status level. Here the largest number (80 per cent) consists of persons from the Maratha, Mali and the artisan and service caste groups. Only 6 from the untouchable caste thought that they belonged to the middle status groups. One of them was a teacher. The criteria used for regarding themselves as occupying a middle position are for more than half of them, moderate income or ownership of land. Here too we would also find that some of the respondents (24 out of 86) take caste as a criterion to consider themselves as members of the middle stratum. In the industries sample we observed that the bulk of the informants (nearly 75 per cent) claimed for themselves an intermediate status. On the basis of caste, these consist of: 35
10 They claim to be descendants of the Vedic Brnhmin artisan Vishwakarma.

SUBJECTIVE

ASSESSMENT

55

persons out of 40 Brahmins, 32 persons out of 44 Maratha-Malis, while the rest belongs to the service and artisan castes. It is interesting to note that 10 persons out of 25 members of the untouchable caste also declared that they belonged to the middle status level. It was shown that for the majority of the informants (65 out of 108), values attached to employment, education and moderate income play a very important part in placing themselves in the middle status position. In this respect only two persons feel that caste could be such a criterion. As regards the lower status level, we observed that in the rural sample more than 25 per cent have viewed themselves as belonging to the lower status level on caste basis. A major& of them were members of the untouchable and the backward castes. In the urban sample, nearly 25 per cent of the informants form those who put themselves on the lower status level and here too the overwhelming majority were the untouchables. The criteria used by the rural folk to assess themselves as people of lower status, are mainly poverty and caste. The people of the industrial sample blame such factors like povertjr, lack of education and position of job for their low social position. One is of the opinion, that the capitalists have placed us as such. Subjective Status and Occupation

We also made an attempt to show the relationship between the peoples present occupational status and their own assignments to the different status levels. In the rural sample, we find that the bulk of the population of agriculturists (58.3 per cent) claim themselves as belonging to the middle status level and a fair number (35 per cent) to the upper status level. In the case of the artisans and other followers of traditional occupations like stone cutting, etc., the majority (70 per cent) consider themselves of middle status level. Among these occupants, there are quite a number (26 per cent) who give themselves low status. The agricultural labourers fall largely (65 per cent) into the lower status level, while more than a quarter put themselves one level higher (32.5 per cent). The persons in the labourers grade and the skilled workers grade

56

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

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INDIA

who feel that they belong to the upper status level are those who think that they are traditionally respected and honoured, though hy occupation they do manual work. Among the industrial interviewees, we notice that by selfevaluation of ones status the bulk of the factory population (73 per cent) feels that they belong to the middle status level, although their occupations differ. The largest number of persons (90 per cent) who place themselves on the middle status level are the technical persons of the low grade and the white collar workers. The self evaluation of the unskilled workers is almost evenly divided between the middle and the low status levels (for each level about 48 per cent), although many of them are engaged in low type of jobs. The majority of the skilled manual workers feels that they are on the middle level (80 per cent). Those who are in the managerial category are virtually unanimous, (except 2 out of 5) in their self-rating as persons of high status. The data prcscnted above show that in the rural area, the selfevaluation of social status goes more or less along caste and occupational lines whereas in the urban-industrial area the assessment of ones position is done more or less along occupational lines. Further one could see that specially in the industrial area there is a tendency either conscious or unconscious for those in the labourers occupations to upgrade themselves in their own estimation to the middle status group. Climbing the Social Ladder

Here \ve shall make an attempt to locate the informants own position on the status ladder and the mobility as he perceives it in the dimension of time, i.e., the present status, his past status, his future status and his aspired status in time to come. We use the term mobility here to mean the change of status or rank and hence it is equated with vertical social mobility and not with horizontal mobility which is a change of social position without change of social status. In our inquiry we showed the informant a picture of a ladder with 10 rungs in it and explained to him that the top rungs referred to the upper status level and the bottom ones to the lower status level and the middle ones to those that stand between the

SUBJECTIVE

ASSESSMENT

57

two polar types. We then asked the informant to point his present position on the ladder, the position five to ten years back and the position he expects to attain within five to ten years hence. Further he was asked about his aspiration to climb the status ladder. The following two tables show the various answers given by them on the basis of rural and urban samples.
STATUS LADDER (RURAL) Not answered Present position 5 - 10 years before 5 - 10 years hence Aspiration 15.9 9.9 7.9 23.8 59.6 60.3 9.3 9.3 23.2 27.2 2.7 0.7 1.3 2.6 80.1 66.2 Total percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Siatus lcoel

Middle

Lower

STATUS

LADDER

(URBAN) Not Total percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Status lecel Present position 5 - 10 years before 5 - 10 years hence Aspiration 4.0 2.0 16.2 49.3

Middle 79.7 66.2 58.1 33.1

Lower 14.9 29.8 1.4 -

Answered
1.4 2.0 24.3 17.6

We noted that although many of them were able to show the status levels they occupy as high, middle or low, some were not able to mark out exactly the rung of the ladder that they occupy in each status level. Hence for the llresentation of these data and also to diminish the errors that would creep into it, we condensed the ten smaller sub-levels on the ladder into three bigger levels as high, middle and low. According to this condensing, the first three rungs of the ladder form the upper status level and the last three rungs form the lower status level and the middle four rungs represent more or less the middle status level. In the rural sample we note that about 5 to 10 years back, there

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were nearly half the present number who belonged to the upper status level. Out of them more than half again belonged to the upper castes such as Brahmins, Marathas and Malis, and the rest were members of the Dhangar and Lonari castes. Today the number in the upper status level has gone up. But it appears that the increase has taken place only within the same caste. Specially we find that the number of Vadar caste people who feel better off economically today, also feel that they have risen in status. In the lower level we also note that a fairly sizeable number belonged to the lower level 5 to 10 years ago, but that a good number of them today has climbed up the ladder to the middle level. One of the major reasons that could be presented here is that a fairly large number of the untouchable caste in this particular village and also in the other villages nearby, embraced Buddhism about 8 to 10 years ago, and stopped eating meat of dead animals and skinning them which was a traditional occupation of some of these caste people. By this change of religion and the change of their impure occupational activities which were abhorred by the upper caste people, these people feel that they have gained more status. Further, there are a number of families of these depressed castes whose members had migrated to the cities to work in factories and who are now economically better off. About the social status position that these people would occupy within a period of 5 to 10 years time, a high percentage (60 per cent) expressed that they would not be able to say anything about their future. With reference to their future aspiration to rise up in social status level, we found that nearly two-third of the informants failed to give any definite answer while a few believed that they would not entertain hopes as future decisions are left in the hands of God. From those who answered, the majority came from the middle and the lower caste people, expressing their desire to go up to the top level so that they would get wealth, honour and respect from the people. Two of these informants had hopes to go up the ladder by getting elected to the Village Panchayat. All these informants who answered think that with the progress of education offered to their children now and also as a result of the economic development programmes that are being carried out by the Government, they would be able to move up the ladder. All the informants (except four) belonging to the depressed castes expressed these high hopes to

SUBJECTIVE

ASSESSMENT

59

go up, although the majority (77 per cent) could not tell what would be the exact position on the ladder. The four informants declared in a dejected and fatalistic manner, How could we go up on the status level when God (Parameshwar) has placed us in the present level (caste) and made us poor? Another said, Everything lies in the hands of God. We hope to go up to the top, but our Karma (Action) binds us to this level. In the urban-industrial sample we found that some of our informants were the fastest status ladder climbers, who entertained high ambitions and levels of aspiration. Many of those who were in the lower steps of the ladder 5 to 10 years back, had climbed to a middle level by various means: getting better education, learning skilful jobs and learning the art of working on machines and others. There were a few cases where some had joined the factory first as an unskilled labourer and then risen up in the occupational grades to reach the level of an inspector, supervisor or even sometimes of a skilled worker. It appears that many persons, Brahmins and Marathas, who are in the middle status level are perpetually dissatisfied with their accomplishments and expect again to climb up to the upper level in the course of the next 5 to 10 years by improving their position in the job that they are doing at present. It was observed that this aspiration to rise up in ones occupation and thereby get better status, had led some persons to become highly mobile, many taking a chance to leave their original factories and join other factories, not in the old occupational grade but in another grade for which they received better pay and a better status. It appears also that a fairly large number aspire to move up to the upper level through various means, like getting technical education, better training and becoming more responsible in handling technical and other administrative matters in the factory. We found too that the untouchable caste members who were unskilled labourers by occupation and who degrade themselves as members of low class, hold high aspirations with regard to changing their status for the better. We also could note from our informants that there is some limitation to ones intensity in aspirations to rise after reaching a particular status level. For instance, all the managers of the factories expressed that they had reached the highest possible rung on the ladder, that is the second or the third, and that they entertained no hopes of going further up.

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Optimism of the Lower Strata On the point of future hopes and desires of the lower ranked people, it appears that our evidence goes against the findings of several scholars in the T1estern countries. For instance, there are several independent studies, of widely different samples of individuals, by K&l, Knupfer and Hyman and a few others who come to a common conclusion by inferences from answers that the lower classes in the IVestern inclustrialized societies have little or no aspiration at all in order to make life tolerable. They keep away from over-aspiring themselves. Marx taking up an extreme stand on this point feels that they have no fixed or It is readymade Utopias or ideals to realize in the future. rather difficult to agree with these conclusions and the explanations offered by them to show why these low class people aim so low. They fail to take into account the success-goals that are heavily emphasizcd by the schools or other socializing agencies and the cultural variations between different societies. For instance, according to Hinduism and Buddhism a person is expected to build up hol>e for a better future world by accumulating merits. It also could help him to get born into a better caste in the next world. We found that among our informants the sky was the end of their hopes. It may bc that frustrated in the past to achieve their end-goals in life, these people stem to expect compensations in the future or project it on their children.: (See also the results of the Sentence Completion Test, Chapter V). 1Ve give below a few statements made by some of the informants who are low by caste and also by occupation. Rrud Sample: Morld is progressing, so there will be progress in us also. To go up brings us mental satisfaction. Desire to go up for the betterment of our children. Everybody goes up and why should we lag behind?
11 Kahl Joseph A., The American Class Structure (New York, 1961) pp. 511-512; Knupfer Genevieve Portrait of the underdog in Class, Status and Pouzr (ed.) by Bendix R. and Lipset S. hl.; Hyman Hubert II., The value systems of different classes: A Social Psychological Contribution to the Analysis of Stratification in ibid.; Bober M. M., Karl Marxs Interpretation of History (Cambridge, Mass., 19X)), p. 111. 12 Morgan Kenneth W., The Religion of the Hindus (New York, 1953). 13 Merton Robert S., Social Structure and Anomie in: Social Theory and SociaZ Structure ( Illinois, 1957).

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61

We hope that past days would not dawn again. Forget past days, how long should we remain poor? We want to get honour and respect from society. Urban-industrial Sample

I want to get my children educated by going up to the upper level. Do not like to lie low and poor in the whole life. Me must go forward, we do not want to lag behind. For social and economic betterment. Before concluding this chapter we may point out here that our evidence is collaborated by the findings of Lamberti4 in his study of Poona factory workers. He finds that in all the factories more workers expect to be promoted than the frequency of promotions in the past would seem to justify, so that in one sense aspiration levels are unrealistically high.

14 Lambert

Hichard,

op. tit, pp. 221-222.

IV. Significance

RANKING OF CHARACTERISTICS
of Education,

STATUS

Character, Social Sewice as Scale Variables

asked in our structured part of the questionnaire was to indicate the extent to which a particular given variable determined social status. The variables were: caste, character, dress, education, food, housing, income, neighbourhood, recreation, social service and mode of transport. A four-point scale was given to the informant and he was asked to rate each of the variables and after the completion of all ratings he was again asked to rank each rating in order of importance from each point of the scale. For instance, when an informant answers that caste, education, income, rate in the first point of scale, i.e., very much, these three criteria will be selected again and the informant will be asked to rank them in order of preference. When the ranking of criteria in the first point of scale is done, the criteria mentioned in the second point of scale are taken for ranking and the same procedure is followed. Thus one of the criteria mentioned in the point of scale very little will become the last criterion in the order of ranking. In this manner we let the informant rank every criterion in a descending order according to the importance that is attached to it by him. With a view to bringing all responses in their varying degrees of importance into one general scale, a score was given to each of the ranks with the first rank getting a score of 11 and the last one a score of 1. Then, we obtained the mean rank value of a given criterion by totalling the sum of ranks and dividing them by the number of informants ranking the criteria; the final rank represents the position of a mean rank of a given criterion relative to all. other mean ranks. The criterion is subjective as various variables have been
63

NE OF THE questions

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given a role in the detcrminntion of social status according to the opinion of the informant in his order of importance.
THE MEAN RANK OF STATUS AND Rural Education Character Social service Income Caste Housing Neighbourhood Dress Food Mode of transport Recreation URBAN Mean 1 2 9 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 CRITERIA EXPRESSED BY RURAL

INFORMANTS Rank Urban-Industrial Education Social service Character Income Housing Neighbourhood Caste Ihss Food Recreation Mode of transport

From an analysis of the various responses it could be observed that for nearly 43 per cent of the rural informants, education was the important criterion on which status depended. On the basis of caste, it is the hlarathas, artisan castes and the depressed castes who feel that education is the most important. Many of these persons feel that with education, they or their children would be able to secure a better occupation and hence they value education as an important determinant of social status. And furthermore many of the rural people build up the image of the Government official as a person who reached the high position by getting good education. On the basis of occupation, it is the middle artisan groups and a few agriculturists who feel that education is more necessary to determine social status than any other occupational categories of the rural sample. In the urban-industrial sample, education also became the most important criterion on which status was based, especially for the functional caste groups. Among the occupational categories it is the low industrial non-manual workers, skilled and also the unskilled workers who regard eclucation as an important status determinant. The informants employed in these occupations feel that the Top Bosses in the factories have risen upto

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that level mainly because of their education and cleverness. On the other hand, the managers feel that the three qualitieseducation, income and character-have helped them to attain their social status. In both the rural and the urban samples, we noticed that the criteria character and social service got the second largest positive response. Not a single person in both the samples has stated that these determinants are the least required. This finding agrees with the evidence arrived at by Baljit Singh in his Cawnpore Survey .16But it is rather difficult for us to agree wholly with his explanation offered to show why about 95 per cent of his Cawnpore informants stated that status depends mostly on character and social service. He points out that this is done because the interviewee would be feeling that a negative response is likely to be interpreted by the interviewer as a personal reflection on his own integrity. If that is so our data too would have shown a very high percentage. But we have only 27 per cent and 25 per cent of the rural sample and 15 per cent and 12 per cent in the urban sample informants who feel that Character and Social Service respectively are the most important criteria that determine social status. The rest of our informants feel that they are of secondary or tertiary importance. Usually in a two-point scale which Baljit Singh adopted for his Cawnpore Survey, no chances are given to the informants to express their views in a balanced way. It has to be remembered here that these criteria, according to the Hindu Ashrama Dharma, are some of the ideal virtues that a good Hindu should cultivate to attain the world of Brahma and oneness with him. He has to be charitable and sympathetic to the unfortunate, and compassionate towards all beings.16 In the village, people are always reminded of the development of these moral ideals by the daily or weekly readings of the sacred books Pothis or the singing of religious poems (Kirtans). In the Kirtans, epic stories of Ramayana and Mahabharata, which illustrate Hindu ideals, are retold to the accom15 Singh Raljit, 1958. Urban Middle Class Climbers, (mimeographed) Lucknow,

16 Dandeker R. N., Role of men in Hinduism in The Religion of the Hindus (ed.) by Morgan K. W., New York, 1953, pp. 117-153; RndhaKrishnan, Hindu View of Life, London, 1927, p. 77; Kapadia K. hi., Alnrrin+yc and Family in India, Rombay, 1952, pp. 34-36.

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paniment of music. One observes that hardly a single day in the village passes by without holding a meeting for reading sacred books or devotional songs. We also noted that for a large number of Brahmins and also service caste people character and social service stand first rather than education. In the industrial sample, nearly 27 per cent think that character and social service are more important than any other quality to rate status. White collar workers and skilled workers also feel the importance of these qualities. On the basis of castes, it is the urban-industrial Brahmins, (nearly 46 per cent of the informants, more than any other caste members) who feel that character is even more important than education. Income In both the samples, we could note that income takes the fourth important rank among the criteria, while not a single person has declared it as the least important. According to caste, only one of ten Brahmins and not a single depressed caste informant has declared it as the most important criterion for determining social status. In the industrial sample a few informants from each of the functional castes had stressed the importance of income. As we have stated in one of the earlier chapters, income alone is not enough to distinguish various status levels as upper, middle, lower but it becomes an important variable in addition to others in order to acquire status. Caste About caste as a status determining criterion, we note that for the rural man it still occupies an important place. But this is to a lesser degree applicable to the industrial man. According to the rating in the rural sample, caste occupies the fifth place and in the urban-industrial sample it occupies the seventh place. Three persons out of 31 backward caste members, and 2 out of 40 Marathas and Malis feel that caste is the important determinant of social status and for the rest they are the intermediate castes. In the industrial sample only 2 out of 147 informants feel that status primarily depends on caste. One of them is a labourer and the other is a skilled worker. Four out of 41 labourers regard income the most important criterion.

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67

H outing We noted with interest that the standard of housing plays a fairly important part as a criterion in determining social status. It becomes however more important to the industrial man than to the rural man. Housing is placed on the sixth rank in the rural sample, and takes the fifth rank in the industrial sample. In the urban area many of the informants feel that as soon as one occupies a good position in the factory and gets a reasonable income, one should go in for a big house and for other residential facilities, whereas a substantial income in the rural area does not affect so much the type of housing. Yet they feel that the upper status level people live in big houses with roofs, covered with imported tiles as shown in our section on Style of Life. According to caste, only one member of the intermediate castes finds that housing is the most important criterion for social status, while two other members of the same group feel that it is of least importance. The data based on caste and occupation in the industrial sample show that housing is to some degree important as a determinant of social status for nearly 60 per cent of the informants. Neighbourhood In our samples, neighbourhood did not figure very high as a social status determinant. However, a comparison between the two samples shows that for the urban-industrial man, it is a more significant status determinant than for the rural man. A few of our informants in the urban sample tried to associate neighbourhood or residential area with various status levels. For instance, they tried to identify Deccan Gymkhana in Poona as an area where high status people reside and various slummy, crowded localities like the Bhavani Peth as the area where low status people live. The above-mentioned areas in Poona city are the natural areas, where people following a particular style of life, stay. A manager and higher technical officer of a factory emphatically stated that the neighbourhood definitely determined social status. As one put it: We do not like to live in dirty localities where poor people live. We can pay high rent and live in a good house situated in a good locality.

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Dress and Food Food and dress occupy the same rank for people of both the areas. In the rural area a fairly good number, 12 per cent to 13 per cent approximately, state that these criteria form the least important ones for social status evaluation. In the industrial sample nearly 17 per cent of the informants think that food is the least important one; to dress however they assign some importance as a status indicator. They say that upper status people wear clothes that are neat and tidy. Recreation and Mode of Transport These two criteria have the least importance as social status determinants for the rural as well as for the urban-industrial respondents. However, the two groups differ in their degree of judgment. For instance, for the rural informant mode of transport stands a better chance than recreation, but for the urban-industrial informant it is vice versa. This could be noted from their answers. For instance 52 per cent of the rural informants feel that recreation is the least important one for determining social status, but in the urban-industrial sample it is only 22 per cent. On mode of transport there are more urban-industrial informants that consider it unimportant than rural informants (36.7 per cent against 21.5 per cent). In the rural areas, there are no commercialized recreational activities like cinemas or formal associations like clubs. Hence the rural man feels that it is the least important one as a social status determinant. In the urban area, cycles, scooters, motor cars like taxis and buses are common vehicles of transport which could be used by anyone for travelling, but to be a regular member of a club like the Lions Club, Rotary or the Race Club or even to go to cinemas one needs enough leisure time and also money. It is only the upper status people that can do such things. A Rank Order of Requirements to Rise in Status

As a second step we asked our informants to rank a set of qualities, according to degree of importance if one wished to rise in social status. The qualities put before him were caste, courage, cunningness, education, honesty, intelligence, money,

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perseverance and who you know. Some of these qualities like, education and money and who you know, are attributes of an achieved status system, since they are not assigned to individuals by birth, but acquired through competition and individual performance. A quality like caste is a requisite of ascriptive naturer We followed the procedure as in the previous section. The degree of importance was measured by means of a four point scale: very great, great, slight, and not at all. The qualities marked in each point of scale starting from very great were again repeated before the informant and then we asked him to rank them in the descending order of importance. After the ranking order was over, to facilitate computation and bring them into a single scale, the responses were assigned scores and then the mean rank order was composed. By this method the mean rank order of qualities stood as follows for the two samples, rural and urban-industrial.
TIIE MEAN RANK OF QUALITIES NEEDED TO RISE IN STATUS Urban-Industrial Education Intelligence Honesty Perseverance Money Who you know Courage Cunningness Caste -

Rural Education Intelligence Honesty Money Caste Cunningness who you know Courage Perseverance

Mean rank

Here too we note with interest that the informants from both the rural and the urban-industrial communities attach great importance to the achieved attribute, education followed by intelligence and honesty. In the rural sample we find that nearly 53 per cent of the informants have stated that education stands foremost to all, whereas in the urban sample it is only 38 per cent. On the basis of caste, it is the members of the depressed castes
17 Linton Ralph, The Study of Man, New York, 1936, p. 115; Parsons Talcott, A Revised Analytical Approach to the Theory of Social Stratification, in Bendix R. and Lipset S. M., op. cit., p. 95.

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and also to a certain extent, the artisan castes like Sutar more than any others, who feel that education is the basic requirement. In our rural sample, we find that 24 out of 30 informants (80 per cent) of the depressed caste people declare education as the most important one for rising in social status. In the urban-industrial sample, while a good number of Brahmins stress the importance of intelligence and money, it is mostly the depressed caste members and also to a certain extent the Marathas and Malis who feel that education is the most important one. From our census data, it was shown that the majority of these people in the rural as well as in the urban areas are persons who are either illiterate or only educated upto 4th standard. They always have the feeling that education is the portal to more dignified and honoured occupations; it enables a person even if he has no wealth, to move out into a prestigeous employment according to his qualifications. In the rural sample, after education comes intelligence, and in the urban sample more emphasis is put on perseverance and courage as some of the most important qualities which should go with education to go up in status. On the basis of caste, we note that for rural Brahmins, honesty and intelligence are of secondary importance when compared with education, if one wants to acquire more status. Only 2 out of 10 Brahmins, have stated that honesty is the most important one. In the urban sample, honesty and money are as important as education for a person to rise in social status. For the depressed castes in the rural as well as in the urban areas, honesty and intelligence are also of secondary importance compared to education. Only 2 out of 30 of the depressed caste members in the rural sample and 5 out of 25 in the urban sample have declared that these qualities are the most important ones necessary to gain higher status. They were given the second and third place of importance. For the rural man, caste also plays an important role in his evaluation of qualities necessary for moving higher up. In the rank order it occupies the fifth place in the rural sample, whereas in the urban sample it is closer to the last rank of importance. Eight per cent of the rural people have declared that caste becomes a foremost quality in status climbing, while 14.7 per cent have declared that it stands last. In the urban sample on the

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other hand caste becomes the least important quality for rising in status. In our sample, more than 70 per cent ranks it the last place in the order of evaluation of qualities. On the basis of castes, we find that not a single rural Brahmin has stated that caste takes the first place. It is the Marathas and the allied castes and the members of artisan castes who feel that caste is important as a prerequisite to rise in social status. In the urban sample, almost all the castes except a few Brahmins have stated that it has some or no importance at all for rising in social status. Out of 148 of our urban sample, only 2 Brahmins and 2 MarathaMalis gave caste the first rank. The rest have stated that its rank is comparatively low, almost on the bottom of the scale. On the basis of occupation, we find that for the labourers education is more important to rise in status than for the agriculturists or followers of traditional and associated occupations. According to the answers, nearly 63 per cent of the rural labourers rate education first among all the qualities necessary to climb in status, whereas a lesser number (49 per cent) of the agriculturists and 50 per cent of the accociated occupations and services do so. About the importance of money for rising in status, only 18 per cent of the agriculturists and 29.4 per cent of the service caste people and other followers of traditional occupations have stated that money ranks last, but it is not so to the rural labourers. Qualities like perseverance and who you know are of little importance to the rural folk. Among the urban-industrial workers, it is the white collar group, skilled and unskilled workers who think that education is the most important quality for rising in social status. The percentage distribution of those in each occupational category who think that education stands first are: 29.4 per cent for white collar workers, 35.8 per cent skilled workers, and 58 per cent labourers. Almost all, except four persons feel that caste has no significant value nowadays if one wants to move up. Many of those in the categories of factory managers, the higher technical group, white collar and skilled workers feel that honesty and intelligence are more important besides education. They feel that these qualities are even more important than money for rising in status. Here we could see that the rural man feels that the achieved attributes like education and money are as important as ascribed

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characteristics like intelligence, honesty and caste. For the urban industrial man education, money, intelligence and honesty, all go together but not caste. For him caste occupies a very insignificant place in the requirements for attaining higher status. Further it appears that there is a tendency for those who are illiterate and engaged in low income occupations like field labour in the rural sample and unskilled labour in the urban sample, to place more value on formal education as the most important prerequisite. Grading of Occupations In an attempt to describe the status structure of a society one has to put great emphasis on the occupations that the people follow, since performance and capacities in the modem world are valued by people in assigning status as against the traditional, ascribed occupations. Further we feel that this attempt could also work as an independent method to compare the subjective assessments given by the informants. For all these purposes, the opinions of our informants were tested as to the relative prestige of a number of important occupations. We selected only 12 of them which, in our opinion, were representative of those local occupations best known to the people in the rural and the urban areas. Some of them ranged from occupations demanding exceptional qualifications to general activities requiring no skill or training all. We asked our informants to rate each occupation mentioned on a four-point scale of social standing and then to rank the occupations again in descending order within each point of the scale, starting from very high. At the time of the interview, whenever there was a vague description of an occupation we offered some explanation about it, like industrialist as big factory owner, shopkeeper and an ordinary tradesman. Also in the previous sections, in order to facilitate computation and bring every answer to a general scale, the responses were assigned scores and then the mean rank value of a given occupation was constructed.ls At the end, the mean ranks stood as follows: (See page 73). 18For occupational ranking some scholars use the median as the rank
and the others the mean. We have adopted here the latter method with a view to comparing them with other studies at the end. (See Allingham, John D., On the Measurement of Occupational Prestige, The Australinn and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, Vol. 1, pp. 53-61).

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OCCUPATIONAL
--__

PRESTIGE
rank Urban-industrial Industrialist Engineer Doctor Agriculturist Teacher ( Primary School ) Artisan Money lender Industrial labourer Shopkeeper Clerical worker Agricultural labourer Priest

Rural

Mean

Agriculturist Doctor Industrialist Engineer Teacher ( Primary School ) Money lender Clerical worker Artisan Agricultural labourer Shopkeeper Industrial labourer Priest

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

A study of the above ranking order based on occupational prestige, reveals a fair amount of similarities between the two groups of informants, rural and urban-industrial; yet some differences seem to appear. We find that the same occupations in both the areas occupy the Srst four status ranks with a little internal variation in their position: the agriculturists having highest status rank among the villagers and the industralist holding the first rank among the urbanites. For the urban-industrial workers, the doctor and agriculturist occupy the third and the fourth position in the ranking order, whereas for the rural man, the industrialist and engineer occupy the third and the fourth place. The status given to the primary school teacher is also similar in both the groups. He is placed in the middle of the ranking order. Then in both the samples the status of the priest is the lowest among all the occupations mentioned by us. No important differences seem to appear in the ranking by both the interviewed groups regarding the occupations which require no training or good education; they are the artisan, agricultural labourer, factory worker, shopkeeper, the money lender and the priest. They all occupy positions in the lower part of the ranking order. However, we could see the following minor differences. In the case of the clerical worker, the rural man feels that his position is somewhat higher than it is for the urbanindustrial man. For the latter the prestige of the agricultural labourer is just above the priest, whereas for the villager the

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industrial labourer ranks low and stands just above the priest. The small shopkeeper also holds a low status position in both the areas. On the basis of absolute answers given by the two groups of interviewees some differences in occupation-evaluation were evident. For instance, we find that a fairly concentrated block (70 per cent) of the rural informants rank agriculturist first, whereas in the urban-industrial sample the ranking is a little more diversified. Here 52.4 per cent rank industrialist as first and side by side with this we get another 25 per cent who rank agriculturist as first. It is the similar case with the rank of the artisan. The industrial man still feels that the artisans occupational prestige is high, for the rural respondent however the artisans status is lower than that of the industrialist. Could this be a picture that we obtain from an agrarian society which has accepted industrialization recently? On the basis of caste, in the rural sample five out of ten Brahmins have ranked the agriculturist at the top and only one has ranked the priest first. Further, five out of ten declare the priests rank as occupying the bottom position in the scale. Only a few informants, belonging to the Maratha and allied castes rank the engineer on the top. Nearly 86 per cent of the depressed caste members rank the agriculturist first. In the urban sample, we see that 62.5 per cent of the Brahmins assign the industrialist the top rank, while only 7.5 per cent rank the agriculturist highest. But we could notice that more or less an equal number, 44 per cent, of Marathas and allied castes respectively, give the industrialist and agriculturist the top position, as is also the case with the artisans and the service castes. A relatively high percentage (60 per cent) of the depressed caste informants rank the industrialist on the top, whereas only 24 per cent regard the agriculturist as having the highest prestige. Even in the urban-industrial situation it is the traditional agricultural castes like Marathas and Malis who give a higher rank to the agriculturist side by side with the industrialist. On the basis of occupation we could note that in the rural sample a fairly good number of those people who follow nonagricultural occupations rank the agriculturist on the top and interestingly enough, a good number of agriculturists, (nearly 40 per cent), consider non-agricultural and professional occupa-

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tions like that of the engineer, the doctor and the teacher as top occupations. Among those who are mainly agriculturists by occupation, only 61 per cent have ranked the agriculturist on the top whereas 74 per cent of the artisans and associated services and 78 per cent of the labourers have done so. For all the others, except for the agricultural labourers, the position of the priest is the lowest among all occupations. Nearly 66 per cent of the agricultural labourers themselves feel that their status is higher than that of the priest. Ordinarily, it is anticipated that the occupation of a person doing the ranking, places his own occupation consistently higher than the others do. But in the case of the artisans and labourers many rank their own occupation low. Their feeling is that nowadays such occupations generally do not carry prestige at all. Also, the general picture that emerges from the industrial sample is that the non-skilled labourers and the lower technical and the white collar workers rate their own occupation lower than that of the others. Persons of all occupational categories are unanimous in giving the top position to the industrialist and then to the engineer and doctor. About the rank of the agriculturist, it was shown that people in the lower grade give a higher rank to the agriculturist than those in the upper grade. For example, the percentage of persons who are ranking the agriculturist first are: managers 0 per cent, higher technical and non-manual 6.7 per cent, lower technical and non-manual 23.5 per cent, skilled workers 30.0 per cent and unskilled labourers 30.0 per cent. It is rather difficult to make a comparison of the various occupational prestige ranks given by our informants with those of other countries because of the small number of occupations we have selected for ranking and also because of the small size of the sample and the differentiation in the wordings. However, an attempt made by us indicates some features that run common to other agricultural and industrialized countries as well. Some of the studies conducted in the United States, Great Britain, Poland, Australia, Japan and Philippineql show that the profes19Tiryakian Edward A., The Prestige Evaluation of Occupations in an Underdeveloped Country - The Philippines, American journal of SOCIOLOGY, Vol. 63, 1957-58, pp. 390-399; Green, T. L., and \Vickramasuriya Chitra, The Vocational Attitudes of Ceylonese Graduate Teachers, University of Ceylon Review, Vol. XI, 1953, pp. IO-66; Smith, M., An

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sionals like the engineers, the doctors, the lawyers and the professors get the overall high ranking position which is also quite true in our studies, except in the case of the agriculturist. In our study, the agriculturist comes within the range of the first top four ranks according to the judgement of the rural as well as urban-industrial respondents, whereas in the countries mentioned above the agriculturist usually occupies the middle rank. Even in an agricultural and underdeveloped country like the Philippines the position of the farmer is in the middle range of ranks. Further we could see that in the other the clerks, teachers, agrarian artisan and urban skilled occupations are found in the middle ranks. Interestingly enough, in an agrarian society like the Philippines and in an industrialized society like the United States, the prestige rank of a priest is fairly high, whereas in ours it is the lowest. It appears that the priest has lost his prestige which he enjoyed in bygone days,

Empirical Scale of Prestige - Status of Occupations, American Sociological Reoiew, 1943, p, 185; Sarapata Adan and Wesolowski Wlodzimieres, The Evaluation of Occupations of Warsaw Inhabitants The American Journal of Sociology, May 1961, pp. 581-591; Taft Ronald, The Social Grading of Occupations in Australia, The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. IV, 1953, pp. 181-187.

V.

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Social Distance of Castes

identify the various social status levels still largely along caste lines, while the urban-industrial people view them, to a greater degree, in occupational terms. Here our purpose will be to see whether there is any psychological difference between these status levels with special reference to their attitudes and aspirations. For this purpose, we will examine here the data regarding the respondents attitude towards several selected aspects of interaction between the status groups. The special technique that we have adopted for this study is a modified form of the one used by Emory Bogardus on social distance. We formulated seven types of social relationships in an increasing degree of social distance. These were arranged in a vertical column and a given list of castes and communities in a horizontal column. The informant was then asked whether or not he would be willing to admit members of a particular caste or ethnic group to each of the social relationships mentioned. Further, we asked him to give his first reactions towards them. Our assumption was that the first emotional reaction could reveal ones attitudes better than anything else. Each of the castes (See Table 7) represent the traditional status groups on the basis of caste. The Sutar (carpenter) represents the Baluta (service) group and according to the traditional system this caste was treated by everyone as having higher status than any other castes of the Balutas. In our village of study a Sutar caste man is the headman (Patil) of the Baluta caste Panchayat. The table ascertains the percentage number of persons in the total sample who are willing to accept members of defined strata in various social relationships. Referring to the first column on
77

N ONE OF the earlier chapters we have seen that the rural people

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marriage, we could see that the feeling about inter-caste marriages among the rural people is deeply conservative. Among the urbanindustrial people there is some relaxation in this relationship, but here too it was observed that some clement of conservatism prevailed in the minds of men towards marriage. In this act of marriage also it is the upper caste people, specially the Brahmins and Marathas and also the artisan and the service castes who are not favouring any type of material relationship with the other castes except with their own. We could also notice that it is in the middle ranges where people prefer to marry within their own group. In the depressed castes it is the Nao-Buddhas who are ready to go out of their own caste and establish marital relations \T-ith the others. On the basis of castes, we see that in the rural sample all the ten Brahmins express their willingness to marry within the Brahmin group only, whereas in the urban-industrial sample there are 37.5 per cent Rrahmins who express this readiness with castes like the Marathas, the Wars and a few others, but not with the depressed castes. Among the rural Marathas and other allied groups 7 per cent of the informants and, in the urban sample 55.8 per cent of the informants express their wish to marry outside their own castes. Almost all, except two informants among the artisans, service and the backward castes of the rural sample express their wish not to marry outside their own group. But in the urban sample we see that 44.4 per cent of the artisan, service and the backward castes express their readiness to marry outside their own group. It is only among the untouchable castes specially the Nao-Buddhas in the rural as well as in the urban sample, that members in considerable numbers are willing to marry outside their own group. Nearly 50 per cent of each of these, are sympathetic towards intercaste marriages, if the other castes people are ready to give their daughters to us in marriage. There are a few persons, specially in the urban sample, who have a rigid attitude against marrying Christians and Muslims. On the problem of inter-dining, the data showed that the attitude held by upper caste people against inter-dining with lower castes are still strong specially with the untouchables and also with the Christians and the Muslims, But in the urban sample we do not find any strong opposition held by the informants against eating with other people of different communities and

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castes, Among the other social relationships, the attitude against keeping an untouchable caste man and also a Muslim and a Christian as a guest in the house or as a domestic servant is also quite strong. In the urban areas it is not so rigid. It appears that a few of these urban people still observe a dislike to keeping an untouchable caste man or a Muslim but not a Christian as a guest or a servant in the house. It is also seen that more than 75 per cent of the people in the rural sample show a disliking to have untouchables, Christians and Muslims as servants. And about 50 per cent of the informants do not like to have them as neighbours. In the urban sample, such dislikings could not be rigidly marked out except in the case of urban Brahmins (57.5 per cent) and Marathas (72.9 per cent) who do not like to have untouchables as neighbours. Specially the Brahmins express their wish not to have meat-eaters in the neighbourhood although they admit that they have no abhorrence against such eating habits. Acceptance of other caste people for various other social relationships like joint recreation or as a fellow worker, is generally found among all the caste groups. But these attitudes too are more relaxed among the u&an industrial people. (See Tables 7, 8, 9). An example of some of the objective evidence which gives expression to ones mental attitudes towards another status group based on caste is shown in the use of separate wells by various caste groups in the village under our study. Here, there is one well which is mainly used by the untouchable castes in the village. In another case the untouchable caste men, the Chambhars, are only allowed to take the water of a well used by the upper caste people. They are not allowed to draw the water. A high caste man has to pull it out for him from the well, and pour it in to his pots or tins kept a few feet away from the steps of the well. Sentence Completion Test

The vital question concerning the future of the country is whether the people will be ready to accept the values and new tasks that industrialization and urbanization bring in. Are the different social strata discussed earlier ready to accept this new social order forgetting all their past differences? The answer to all these questions depends on the opinions and aspirations held by the people of the present generation, some of whom have

TABLE 7 PERCENTAGE OF PEOPLE SELECTED \1ILLINC CASTES TO ADMIT AND OTHER IN TIIE ETHNIC DESIGNATED CROUPS ( RURAL SAMPLE ) WAYS

CASTES Relationship __1 f\!arriage Eating together house 12.58 51.00 76.8 45.70 90.07 87.42 95.36 2 23.18 72.19 82.12 69.34 94.70 92.71 91.39 3 11.92 63.51 73.51 66.23 94.04 90.78 90.73 Bruhmins Mar&ha
sutar Untouchables

OTHER 4 11.92 2450 32.45 1.19 69.51 45.34 89.40

CROUPS Muslims 6 5.30 23.18 33.11 16.56 66.23 49.01 88.74

Christhns .5 5.96 25.17 29.80 17.88 67.55 46.46 89.40

own groups only 7 58.28 16.54 9.27 15.89 3.31 4.64 -

As guest in your As a domestic Joint recreation As a neighbour As a fellow See Footnote worker

scnrant

of Table 8 for explanation.

TABLE 8 PERCENTAGE OF PEOPLE SELECTED WILLING AND TO ADMIT OTHER IN THE DESIGNED WAYS SAMPLE) Own groups only** 7 23.64 CASTES ETHNIC GROUPS (URBAN-INDUSTRIAL OTHER Maratha 2 42.56 93.92 96.62 95.27 98.65 95.95 99.32 Sutar 3 20.95 90.54 92.57 85.81 98.65 95.95 99.32 Untouchables 4 15.54 75.00 70.27 52.03 93.92 74.32 97.97 CROUPS Mu.slhn.s 6 4.05 65.54 63.51 40.54 88.51 70.72 92.57

CASTES Relationship Brahmins 1 Marriage Eating together As guest in your house As a domestic servant Joint recreation worker As a neighbour As a fellow 42.57 95.27 96.62 84.46 99.32 97.97 99.32

Christians 5 6.76 71.62 71.62 95.27 91.89 76.35 97.30

5 The percentage figures given in each cell are worked out of the total number of persons in the sample. The figures include all those members who like to admit the members of their own group as well as others also. For example, figures in each cell of column ( 1) include all the Brahmins in the sample as well as other caste members who expressed their wish to admit Brahmins for various relationships. ** This column includes mentioned in the table. all those people who expressed their wish to admit the members of their own caste which are not

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TABLE 9 NUMBER OF PERSONS WHO MEMBERS TO MARRIAGE WOULD (RURAL SAMPLES) ADMIT ONLY THEIR CASTE AND URBAN-INDUSTRIAL

.~

Caste Brahmins Marathas Artisan Service Backward Depressed and Malis Castes Castes and Tribals Castes

RUd
10 (10) 37 (40) 19

Urbnn 33 (40) 36 (44) 13

(20)
18

(20)
11 (15) 3 (4)

(20)
20 (31) 17 (30) GRAND TOTAL PERCENTAGE TO TOTAL SAMPLE Figures in parenthesis 132 87.9

109 73.6 of persons in the sample.

give the total number

already participated partly in it. To discover some unconscious motives we used the Sentence ,Completion Test. Here instead of applying a scale to indicate ones viewpoint, one permits a free response to a given issue from the informant and thereby gives him an opportunity to answer in his own terms and in his own frame of reference. The answers given to such an open-end question could throw some light on the attitudes of various castes or status groups towards others in some selected social interaction processes. This also might show us the difference of attitudes between rural and urban-industrial people towards some particular behavioural aspects of life. The sentences and the distribution of responses are given on page 83 in a summary form with a few comments made on each answer. The answers given again indicate, as mentioned earlier,

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83
WITH. . . . . :

PEOPLE Rural

WHO

ARE HIGHLY

REGARDED

ARE THOSE

Percentage 43.7 30.4 7.3 7.3 6.0 3.9 1.4 100.0

Urban-Industrial Good behaviour Money Good qualities Social status Social service Honesty Intelligence Miscellaneous TOTAL

Percentage 50.7 10.1 6.8 6.8 5.4 2.7 2.0 9.4 100.0

Good behaviour and conduct Good qualities Humanity Education & Money Money Miscellaneous Not answered -_ .___ TOTAL

that the rural and also the urban-industrial people value, foremost of all, ones behaviour and good character more than anything else to hold a person in high esteem. Achieved qualities like education and money are also important. To study ones preferences of occupation we put the second sentence as follows:
IF I WERE TO CHOOSE ANOTHER TO BE Percentage 47.7 26.5 11.9 10.6 2.6 0.7 OCCUPATION . . Urban-lnduxtdal Engineer An independent occupation Service Factory worker Agriculturist Big business or shopkeeper Follower of traditional occupation Teacher or Professor Doctor hliscellaneous TcrrAr. I WOULD LIKE

Rural An agriculturist Follower of traditional occupation Businessman In service Miscellaneous Not answered

Percentage 20.9 12.9 10.8 10.8 10.8 13.5 7.5 2.7 2.0 8.1 100.0

T0.1.x

100.0

From these answers one could see that nearly half of the rural informants prefer agriculture and other traditional occupations to any other work, whereas in the case of the industrial man the

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job preferences are many and mostly urban, except those mentioned as an agriculturist. In the rural sample it is the artisan and service caste people and also the Vadars who show the preference for a traditional occupation more than any others. In the urban-industrial sample, a majority of those persons who prefer agriculture as an occupation are Nao-Buddhas who are working in factories as unskilled labourers. In both samples we could see that some have a preference for service and in the urban one it is mostly the white collar workers who have shown this preference. In the third sentence with a view to studying the mental attitude of various castes towards the untouchables we gave the following sentence to be completed.
THE Rural BEST THING FOR THE SCHEDULED CASTES WOULD BE. . : Percentage 71.0 6.8 4.7 13.5 4.0 100.0

Percentage 48.4 34.5 4.6 3.6 8.4 100.0

Urban-Industrial

To get a good job Get educated Follow traditional occupation Break up tradition Miscellaneous TOTAL

Get educated Improve behaviour Follow independent occupation Improve themselves occupation Give up traditional TOTAL

From the statements given above one could note that the people do not show any dissociative attitudes towards the scheduled castes in the rural as well as in the urban-industrial sample. The majority feels that they should improve their condition by getting educated or getting a good job and by improving their behaviour. However, when it comes to the question of rural-urban differences we could see that the rural man insists on the point that a scheduled caste member should move into a good occupation impure occupation of skinning by giving up the traditional animals, leather tanning or other unclean practices. These suggestions are mostly given by our informants who are Brahmins, Marathas and also by a few artisan castes. The urban-industrial man puts the emphasis on the cultural improvement of the depressed castes. Here one could note the importance that the urban man attaches more than anything else to an achieved attribute like education. The adoption of a favourable attitude for the improvement of the scheduled castes, specially in the

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rural area, is mainly because of the constant propaganda that has been carried on by the Government, that is the legal enactment of various laws against untouchability,O and also because of the improvement of educational facilities in the rural areas. However, we could still get two or three people who follow the old view that scheduled caste people should be damned or have no place in society. The next sentence that we put to the informants was to study the mobility values, specially the dimension with regard to the job aspiration for their children in the rural and the urban-industrial situation. The sentence ran as follows:
MY SON SHOULD Rural BECOME. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage

Percentage

Urban-Industrial Professionals (Doctor, Engineer, Professor, Scientist) Low Professionals (School teacher) High Administrative Job Social worker Armed Forces Independent occupation Others like farmer, businessman, etc. TOTAL

Clerical and low professional (Talathi, Teacher, Clerk) Higher Administrative job (District Supdt. of Police, Collector, Governor, etc. ) Agriculturist Businessman Traditional Service Social service Other occupation TOTAL

46.4

63.6 10.2 9.4 4.0 2.7 2.7 8.1 100.0

31.1 11.3 3.3 2.6 2.0 3.3 100.0

From this table one could note that a very large number of people expect a much higher job achievement by their sons. In the rural sample although a large number (77 per cent) hope for medium or higher type of non-manual jobs, some still expect their children to be agriculturists, whereas in the urban-industrial sample, very few expect them to do manual work in factories or become good farmers. On the basis of castes, we could see that in the rural area there is a difference in their aspiration levels. The upper castes aspire that their children should be higher professionals, while the lower castes aspire their children
20 The Bombay Harijan (Removal of Social Bombay Untouchability (Offences) Act 1955. Disabilities) Act 1946 or

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to become low and high professionals. Among our informants it is the Malis, the artisan castes and the untouchable castes who aspire their children to hold lower white collar or high administrative jobs, while the Brahmins and the Marathas mostly expect their children to be in the higher professional or administrative services. In the urban sample at one end we have a good number of Brahmins (50 per cent) and a large number of Marathas (72 per cent) who desire higher professional jobs for their children. At the other end, it is the members of the untouchable castes who except their children to be higher professionals. The artisan and service castes in the urban-industrial sample want them to become engineers. On the basis of occupation, a majority of agriculturists in the rural area like to see their sons as higher professionals. The labourers have a variety of occupations in mind, such as low and high professionals like the Talathi (village clerk), clerk, school teacher or engineer, lawyer and doctor. In the urban-industrial sample we could see that irrespective of the type of occupation that one held, almost everyone entertained high hopes for their childrens future. For instance, it is the manager, the higher technical staff, a few skilled workers and labourers who wish their sons to become high professionals like engineers and doctors. We could see that the majority of the informants expected their children to hold better jobs than their own. It appears that what they fail to achieve in their own life, they tend to project on their own children. (See the discussion on Status Ladder Climbing) .21 Next we wanted to study the attitude towards the present status of the Brahmins. We have mentioned earlier that some of our informants placed the Brahmins in the low status level in their subjective evaluation of the social status levels. The upper caste people, notably the Brahmins in Maharashtra as well as in other parts of India, have had advantages till recent times of many sorts. They have long been the educated people in the country and because of it they were always eligible to receive desirable positions. Because of this the other castes look upon them as exploiters. To study this attitude our sentence to be filled in was as follows: (See page 87).
21 We note similar findings in the studies conducted by Richard Ccnters and Robert M&on. (See Centers R., op. cit., p. 147; Merton R. op. hf., p. 159).

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THE Rural

BRAHMINS

NOWADAYS Percentage 51.7 29.1 13.9 5.3 100.0

ARE.

. . . . . . . . . . . . .. Percentage 62.8 14.2 13.9 6.9 2.2 160.0

Urban-industrial Valueless or fallen down Risen up Alright (Socially and economically) No status at all Not changed TOTAL

Valueless or fallen down Alright (Socially and economically) Risen up Miscellaneous TOTAL

In the rural sample we could note that more than 50 per cent from each caste group including the Brahmins themselves feel that the Brahmins have no status at all. Those who feel that they have acquired a better status position are few in number and they are the Marathas and the Malis and a few service caste groups. In the urban-industrial sample also more than 50 per cent are the Brahmins themselves and further the Marathas and the depressed castes who feel that the position of the Brahmins in the society today has gone down. Those who assume that they have moved up are a few Marathas and Shimpi caste people only. These informants think that a majority of the upper technical jobs are mainly held by Brahmins and hence their status must be high. Twenty-three per cent of the urban Brahmins also feel that they have no status position in the society today. On the basis of occupation, it is the low white collar workers and the skilled workers who hold such views about Brahmins. Life styles, specially in the realm of purchasing goods and articles for consumption purposes, are shaped as much by economic as well as status needs in industrialized societies. With a
IF Rural Spend on agricultural development (well, cattle, implements, land etc.) Start a new business Improve traditional occupation I WERE GIVEN A YEARS Percentage INCOME I WOULD. . . . . . . Percentage

Urban-Industrial

49.3 22.6 13.3

Invest in industry or open a workshop Purchase land for agriculture Repay loans and educate children Save in a Bank

48.0 10.8 10.9 9.5

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(Continued) Rural Building a house Repay loans and educate children Miscellaneous Percentage 6.6 4.5 3.7 Urban-industrial Start business Start subsidiary occupation Build a house Miscellaneous (Charity, go abroad, buy grains, etc. ) TOTAL Percentage 8.1 4.7 2.0 6.0

TOTAL

100.0

100.0

view to knowing whether there is any such tendency in the expenditure pattern of the people, we asked the informants to fill in the following sentence: (See pages 87 and 88). From the above table may be read that the rural man is interested in spending money mostly on agricultural development and improving the traditional occupations whereas the urban-industrial man wishes to invest in industries. It appears that people who are indebted are comparatively higher in the urban area than in the rural area. Another interesting feature that emerges from this is the idea that people put money in banks, which is a common habit among the urban people. The rural mans savings are found in the form of property like land, cattle, carts and agricultural implements. Among the urbanindustrial people there is still a group that likes to purchase land for agriculture. On the basis of caste and occupation, in the rural sample more than 50 per cent of Brahmins and Marathas who are agriculturists wish to develop agriculture by purchasing bullocks, cattle, fields and others. Almost all the artisan castes like the Star, the Lohar and also the Chambhar who have been following the traditional occupations, like to spend the money to improve their traditional occupations. In the urban sample, nearly 75 per cent of the managers in the factories and also the officers of the higher grades who are Brahmins by caste wish to invest the money in industry. It is the lower white collar workers and a few skilled workers (Brahmins and also Marathas by caste) who state that they would pay their debts and also give education to their children. Those persons who said that they would spend on travel and also build houses are by occupation higher officers of the technical and administrative side, About 50 per cent of the un-

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skilled labourers express their wish to purchase agricultural lands and by caste they are Nao-Buddhas. Our next point was to examine the degree of caste awareness in the various spheres of activities in the rural and the urbanindustrial situations. One of our main hypotheses formulated in the beginning was that under the impact of various economic forces and Western ideas, the caste system would play a lesser role in group cohesion and tensions. For this purpose we asked the informants to finish the following sentence.
AFTER Rural INDEPENDENCE Percentage 43.7 29.1 17.9 8.6 0.7 CASTES HAVE. . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage

Urban-Industrial

Improved socio-economically Lessened in their differences and importance Economically gone down Remained as before Miscellaneous

Lessened in their differences and importance 76.4 6.8 Increased in differences Changed in status 5.3 3.4 Become one 2.0 No change in the status 6.1 Miscellaneous (Castes have given unnecessary importance, no unity, etc. TOTAL 100.0

TOTAL

100.0

In the above table it is shown distinctly that the urban-industrial man feels that there has been some lessening in caste differences after independence. On the other hand, it is the villager who still feels that the problem of caste differences has remained as it was before independence. The urban-industrial man is of the opinion, that for the appointment in various jobs in factories, caste is no more a consideration. Instead, the factories take into the account ones earlier experiences in the job, his training, education. We also could get objective evidence to prove this point. In the rural sample it is the majority of the untouchable castes and artisan castes who are following traditional occupations. Those families in the sample however whose members have accepted jobs in factories in Bombay regard the castes as socioeconomically better off nowadays. Next to this a few agricultural Brahmins and Marathas and Malis and some Nao-Buddhas who are also by occupation agriculturists, share the same view.

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In the urban sample, more than 50 per cent of the Brahmins who are higher technical and administrative officers, more than 88 per cent of the Marathas who are white collar workers and also skilled workers, and a majority of Nao-Buddhas who are labourers or skilled workers feel that the caste differences have lessened after independence. These informants apparently had in mind the absence of any preference given to castes in job appointments in factories, the interdining and living in mixed neighbourhoods, when completing the sentences of the test. The 6.8 per cent of the informants who said that the intercaste relationships have completely deteriorated, were probably referring to the political elections in the areas where they lived. Some felt that caste members would vote for their own casteman. Out of 10 per cent who answered thus, 7 were Brahmins and they were higher technical officers. Social status partly depends upon the power that one enjoys in society. The power may be economic or political. With a view to knowing what criteria are necessary to achieve power we asked the informants to fill the following sentence. TO OBTAIN Rural Money and land Good behaviour Education, ability and intelligence Social service Organization ability Miscellaneous Not answered POWER ONE NEEDS.. . . .. . . . . . Percentage 26.4 22.3 10.9 9.5 8.9 6.8 2.7 12.5 100.0

Percentage 43.3 18.5 10.6 7.9 7.6 9.7 2.4

Urban-Industrial

hloney Good qualities like character, intelligence, honesty, etc. Bad qualities like hypocrisy, favouritism Public support Money and qualities like intelligence, etc. Physical power Organization ability Miscellaneous TOTAL

TOTAL

100.0

From the above table one can read that both the groups feel that wealth including money could be a major condition to obtain power. There is further a comparatively larger number in the rural area who share this opinion as compared to urban. Both the groups equally consider good behaviour and other qualities also a necessity.

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On the basis of caste, the majority of the Marathas and Malis and the Brahmins in the rural area who are agriculturists by occupation regards money and wealth to be more important for the attainment of power. A few artisan castes engaged in traclitional occupations also think similarly. In the urban-industrial sample, it is the Marathas who are by occupation white collar workers and skilled workers and also Nao-Buddhas who are by occupation unskilled labourers, who feel that money and wealth are very important. Nearly 25 per cent of the Brahmins (mainly higher technical and administration officers) mention that public support is also necessary to gain power and status. About 5 per cent of the Brahmins who are high technical officers by occupation and 3.5 per cent of the Marathas also following the same occupation feel that qualities like courage combined with knowledge and money also could lead a person to get power. A few Marathas and also Nhavis (4 per cent) who are skilled workers as well, think that physical power like revolutionary spirit is also a requirement to gain power. From these data one may derive that those who are in the middle range occupations in the urban and rural setting, stated that money and wealth were most important. By the means of the Sentence Completion Test we again wanted to test the attitudes towards marriage of the children of our informants. Earlier, in the social distance technique we also tested the attitudes of various groups towards different types of social relationships, one of them being marriage. Here we gave
I WANT Rural Own casteman Any educated Not answered person MY DAUGHTER Percentage 92.1 6.0 1.9 TO MARRY A . . . . . . . . . Percentage

Urban-Industrial

Own casteman 70.9 Unmatching boy 6.8 6.1 Boy of her liking 5.4 Progressive young man 2.7 Educated Hindu boy Other reasons (Engineer, Factory owner, Independent occupation etc.) 5.4 Not answered 2.7 TOTAL 100.0

TOTAL

100.0

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an open sentence for the informants to complete. It read as follows: (See page 91). As shown clearly nearly all the informants in the rural sample are still very conservative in their attitudes towards the marriage partner of their children. We arrived at the same conclusion in the social distance test too; the results arrived at do not show any major difference between the two tests. Almost everyone prefers to marry them to members of their own caste group. Here caste according to our informants really means the sub-caste of the informants. For example, if the respondent is a Brahmin he may think of a member from his own sub-caste like Deshastha, or Konkanastha. In the urban sample also, we could notice as before, that there is some relaxation in the rigidity towards the marriage pattern of their children, We found this idea prevailing mostly among the urban Brahmins who are higher technical officers. Even the majority of the NaoBuddhas in the urban sample want to marry among themselves, whereas in the village we find that nearly half of them have a liking to marry their daughter outside their own group, preferably to some one from the upper castes. This is one of the ways how one could rise in social status. Boy of her liking and an unmatching boy or progressive young man indicate that there is a somewhat liberal attitude towards marriage with some of the urban-industrial informants. On the basis of occupation we could see that it is only six Nao-Buddhas who have some of their relatives working in factories in Bombay and also who are agriculturists by occupation who state that they would like their daughter to marry an educated person. In the urban sample too it is the high technical officers and also a few white collar workers who express their views to get as a marriage partner a progressive young man or an engineer or a serviceman, though from their own sub-caste. In this instance we find that skilled and unskilled workers are more conservative than the persons holding other occupations. With a view to understand the sentiments regarding the process of industrialization and the people who are involved in it, we wanted to know what the informants think about the persons working in industries. The opinions that they hold could throw some light on the question in how far the people would be able to accommodate to new styles of life, and other social values

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OPINIONS

93
. . . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage

PEOPLE Rural

WORKING

IN FACTORIES Percentage

ARE

USUALLY.

Urban-industrial

Good qualities (good, rich and happy, intelligent, hard working etc.) 65.7 Not well-to-do or always in difficulties 10.8 Bad qualities, (drunkards wasting, luxurious, etc.) 7.9 Miscellaneous 7.7 Not answered 7.9

Good qualities (good, hard working, clever, honest, industrious, etc.) Bad qualities (arrogant, idle, bad habits, sheepish, etc. ) Skilled and efficient Emotional and dissatisfied Miserable and poor Ordinary Middle status Not answered TOTAL

47.4

13.5 10.8 10.1 6.8 4.7 2.7 4.0 100.0

TOTAL

100.0

related to them. To elicit an answer for this we put the following sentence for completion: People working in factories are usually.. . . It is shown that a majority of the people in the rural and also in the industrial areas hold a good opinion about the people working in industries. For the rural man it may be hearsay, but still he believes that those engaged in industries are better off. From a comparison of the two groups of answers it appears that the rural man feels less bad about the industrial workers than the industrial workers feel about themselves. Of course, here one builds up a case on another situation by means of views of others communicated to them through those people who have gone to work in the industries or visited cities. The other who looks down at his own group critically is the one who usually has experienced reality with his own job followers. On the basis of caste, only one out of ten rural Brahmins feels that the men working in industries have good qualities. The rest sees them as always economically poor. It is the members of the Marathas and Malis castes, service castes, backward castes and a majority of the untouchable castes who think highly of the industrial workers, In the urban-industrial sample, the Brahmins (more than half: 52 per cent) feel that the industrial workers are bad, irresponsible and idle. However, more than SO per cent of each

94

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

of the Maratha and Malis and the untouchable castes think the contrary. On the basis of occupation, in the rural area 70 per cent of the agriculturists and almost 80 per cent of the artisans and other associated services and labourers feel that they are rich and good. In the urban-industrial sample we could note some differences of opinion held by persons belonging to different occupational groups. While a fair amount of the unskilled workers (63.4 per cent) and a good number of skilled workers (54.7 per cent) and a majority of the higher technical officers hold the view that the industrial workers are hard working, there is a small group of higher technical officers who think that they are just idle, arrogant, irresponsible and a dissatisfied lot. Next we made an attempt to examine ones likings and dislikings for important social and economic factors that could bring progress to the country. To examine this we put the following sentence for completion:
INDIAS Rwal Agriculturists Good people Education Rain Govermnent Industrialization Hard work Military Agriculture and industries Other reasons Not answered TOTAL PROGRESS DEPENDS ON. . . . . . . . Percentage

Percentage 66.2 4.6 3.8 3.3 3.3 2.0 2.7 2.0 1.3 6.0 5.3 100.0

Urban-Industrial

Agriculture and industry 28.0 Industrialization 27.4 Farmers 8.5 People (workers) 15.7 Good qualities of people (hard work, honesty, etc. ) 5.0 Self dependancy 2.7 Educated able man 3.2 Other reasons like business, artisans, leaders, military, etc. 7.0 Not answercrl 2.1 TOTAL. 100.0

Here one could observe that a majority of the rural people stress the importance of agriculture for the progress of the country while the urban man is for a mixture of agriculture and industry. We would raise the same question as put earlier, whether this could be a feature of an agricultural country which has accepted industrialization. In the urban sample we could note

ATTITUDES

AND

OPINIONS

95

a good number of people stressing again the importance of good qualities and good people for Indias progress. In the rural sample nearly 70 per cent of the Marathas and Malis, a similar number of persons from the service and artisan castes and nearly 65 per cent of the untouchables put agriculture as a precondition. Only 3 Brahmins out of 10 feel that agriculture is more important and the rest of the Brahmins stress the importance of education and hard work. A very few people, who are Marathas by caste and agriculturists by occupation, think of such favourable natural conditions like rain as a prerequisite for progress. In the urban sample it is the majority of the Marathas (60 per cent) and the Brahmins (57.5 per cent) who say that Indias progress depends on a combination of the two important factors, agriculture and industry or industry alone. At the other end an equal number of Nao-Buddhas feel that the progress could depend on either agriculture or industry and not on a combination of these two factors. On the basis of occupation nearly 70 per cent of the agriculturists and 65 per cent of those engaged in traditional and other associated occupations and 70 per cent of the labourers, regard agriculture the most important factor for the progress of the country. In the urban sample while all the five managers stressed the importance of industries combined with agriculture, nearly 60 per cent of the unskilled workers feel that next to it, agriculture is also important. This is due to the fact that many of these unskilled labourers are people who have left their small farms to take up jobs in factories and have apparently not lost their attachment to agriculture. We could see that there is a sizeable number, specially among the urban-industrial workers who think that progress depends on the workers only. They feel that this is an emerging force that could form, in time to come a mighty one-as one of the young workers said-that would topple down the capitalists in the country. This is mainly due to the influence of all sorts of propaganda that is being carried out by the Labour Union Leaders in order to convince that the workers could form a powerful force as in the U.S.S.R. to bring about a revolution in the country. These are some of the new ideas and views that filter down to the people with the coming of industrialization. In the last sentence we wanted to judge the degree of im-

96

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

portance that various traditional status groups and occupational categories put on the factors which help a person to become rich. To test this idea we asked the informants to complete the following sentence:
TO Rural Money or wealth Occupation Agriculture Hard work Get education Other reasons Not answered BECOME RICH Percentage 38.9 24.2 16.9 6.3 5.0 4.8 3.9 ONE MUST.. . . . . . . . . . . Percentage 37.5 20.8

Urban-Industrial Money or wealth Hard work Possess good qualities (honesty, ambition, industriousness, perseverance, etc. ) Own factory Education Ability and skill Agriculture Business Not answered TOTAL

16.2 11.8 4.7 3.4 2.0 2.0 1.6 100.0

TOTAL

100.0

We can note that a majority of the informants in both the areas stress the importance of money or wealth for a person to become rich. On the one hand, while the rural informants speak of occupations or agriculture as a means to become rich, the urban informants think of qualities like hard work, industriousness, ambition and skill. This corroborates the general contention that in modem industrialized societies ones status and success much more depends on ones performance. Here we see that for the urban-industrial man, hard work and good qualities are as equally important as money or wealth for success in life. On the basis of caste, it is the members of the rural service, the backward castes and also those of the untouchable castes who feel that money is more important than any other factor to become rich. A majority of the Brahmins, the Marathas and the Malis and also a few artisan and service caste members said that one must be engaged in a good occupation to become rich. In the urban sample more than 50 per cent of the Marathas and nearly 70 per cent of the Nao-Buddhas are of the same opinion,

ATTITUDES

AND

OPINIONS

97

whereas SO per cent of the Brahmins insist on the importance of various good qualities like perseverance, hard work, industriousness and some others. On the basis of occupation almost all those people of the rural sample engaged in traditional occupations and also labourers stress the importance of money while a good number of agriculturists regard a good occupation as important. For the ordinary agriculturist, good farming or home gardening or even a traditional occupation would bring him a sufficient income to satisfy the demands of his family and live happily. In the industries sample, 4 out of the 5 managers and 8 out of 15 high technical officers primarily think of such good qualities like perseverance, hard work and not chiefly of money to become more affluent. Similarly, a majority of the lower white collar workers (60 per cent) mentioned the importance of good qualities like intelligence, combined with hard work and honesty. Among the skilled workers, nearly 56 per cent stress the importance of money and wealth or business to become rich. The rest spoke of the importance of good qualities like honesty, intelligence and hard work. For 50 per cent of the unskilled workers however the money factor is most important. But the rest except 2 per cent feel the need of good qualities combined with education to become prosperous. while only three persons said that riches depends on
a good job.

REPORT

II

SUBJECTIVE STATUS IN URBAN

ASSESSMENT A RURAL AND

OF

SETTING REGION)

(COIMBATORE

Y. V. VEERARAGHAVAN

TIIE

SOUTH

INDIA

TEXTILE

RESEARCH

ASSOCIATION,

COIMBATORE 1965

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

by the UNESCO. The research design for the study was formulated by Dr (Miss) M. 0. L. Klein of the UNESCO Research Centre on Social and Economic Development in Southern Asia, Delhi. Dr Leslie Palmier, Deputy Director of the UNESCO Research Centre has contributecl valuable suggestions on the methodology and sampling procedures. Helpful suggestions were also offered by Dr A Bopegamage of the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Poona. I am particularly indebted to them for their critical comments and assistance. I wish to record my special debt of gratitude to Shri K. Sreenivasan, Director, SITRA for his sympathetic advice and assistance in enabling this project to be undertaken and for the special interest evinced by him in the project. For assistance in the collection, tabulation and analysis of data, I am particularly indebted to Messrs M. S. Balakrishnan, S. Sethuraman and A. Shanmughasundram. I wish to thank especially Shri M. S. Balakrishnan for his able assistance at various stages in the preparation of the report. My colleagues at SITRA, who generously gave their time at various stages of the survey are too numerous to be thanked individually. I am very grateful to Shri V. K. Palaniswamy for typing the final manuscript with great skill and patience. I must not fail to mention that in carrying out the project, I had the interest and willing cooperation from the Management of Messrs Coimbatore Spiinning & Weaving Mills Ltd., Messrs Textools Company Ltd., and the District Government officials. Finally, I wish to thank all those who furnished valuable information.

INANCIAI. SUPPOKLbog this research project was provided

101

I.

THE

INVESTIGATION Introduction

111s HEPORT IS one among a series of research studies sponsored by the UNESCO Research Centre on Social and Economic Development in Southern Asia, Delhi. The general object is the exploration of the changing patterns in the social structure as related to economic development. A number of field enquiries have been launched in cooperation with various research institutions and university departments. As part of the overall objective, an enquiry into the social stratification with special emphasis on status distinctions, was conducted in the Coimbatore District of Madras State in India. The study was conducted by the Human Relations Division of the South lndia Textile Research Association, Coimbatore. The South India Textile Research Association (SITRA) is a non-profit making cooperative research institution sponsored by the textile industry of South India and supported by the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research of the Government of India. The aim of SITRA is to apply scientific methods to the problems of the textile industry and thus enable the industry to produce better textiles at lower costs, taking into consideration at the same time the well being of those who work for the industry. In keeping with these objectives, the work of SITRA has been devoted to the application of science to the solution of industrial problems. This work has been concerned not only with technological research but also with problems of management and human relations. Such an integrated social science approach has resulted in a better utilization of the findings of technology. The objective of the study was to investigate and report on the changes in social stratification that have taken place in Indian . . society by processes like industrialization and urbamzatlon. Various measures have been taken to remove social barriers, but

103

104

STATUS

I;\fAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

it is not known as to how these changes are interpreted by the people. This study compares the opinion of those affected by the industrialization-urballizatioll processes with those not affected by them. Definitions Status is gcncrally described as a position in the social structure. It is created by the opinion of others in the community. Status is an abstraction, a description of ones place in a social group relative to other positions in that group. A person has as many statuses as he has group affiliations. Economic status may be defined by the size or source of ones income. Economic status alone does not insure social prestige, which rests partly on wealth, but may also be determined by religion, caste, family lineage, education, occupation and other factors. Status could be ascribed or achieved. In ascribed status, the individual is evaluated by fixed characteristics which are given 1)~ birth, e.g. caste. Achieved status refers to an individuals accomplishments or achievements, e.g. his occupation, education. The extent to which status follows from ascription or achievemcnt in a given society depends on the cultural norms. In a democratically oriented society, there is a tendency to extend the chances of achievement of status and roles and to restrict ascription.3 Some of the criteria by which status is judged are leadership, dominance, ability, accomplishment, occupation or other means of recognition designated by title, degree, membership, dress, behaviour or other devices for securing attention. Barnard found that status has three functions in organizations. k First, status facilitates communication and co-operation. Second,
1 Fairchjld H. F.. et. ol., DictioutrrrJ of Sociology untl Helrrtetl Scimccs, Iomx Littlcfeld, Adduis Sr Co., 1939. 2 hlcClellancl D. C., The Achieuirlg Sockty, Irinccton, 1). Van Nostrand k Co., 1961, p. 185. :: Young K. ancl Mack R. W., Sociology crnd Sock1 Lift, New York, American Rook Company, 1959. -) Rarllarcl c. I., F~tnctiotu of tile l<xccutic;e, Cambriclgc, Harvard University Press, 1938.

T I-1 E

I N V I2 S T I <: A T I 0 N

105

status can be used as a form of incentive and motivation; people are then taught to desire and seek higher status. Third, status imposes and fixes responsibility by formal, positional means. Sampling Procedure The object of the study was to compare and contrast the opinions of two extreme groups of people viz., those who had been to a large degree exposed to industrial-urban values and those who had been least affected by them. It was therefore decided to select a sample of people participating in an industrial sphere in a large city or town and a sample of respondents belonging to a fairly isolated farming community. The industrial sample was drawn from among those engaged in large scale industrial enterprises of Coimbatore town in Madras state. Coimbatore has a large number of industries and a high proportion of the labour force is employed in large scale industries. A detailed note on Coimbatore is given in Chapter II. Two concerns-a large textile mill and a large machinery manufacturing unit-situated within Coimbatore town were selected for the study. Data on caste, occupation, income and education of the employees in the two firms were gathered from the personnel records. The total number of employees in the two plants during April 1965 amounted to 4,761, consisting of 3207 employees from the machinery manufacturing unit and I554 employees from the textile mill. It was decided that the industrial sample would consist of a minimum of 150 employees stratified by caste, occupation and household income. A total sample of 160 employees was finally selected. The sample formed approximately 3.36 per cent of the population size. The agricultural sample was drawn from a village which had not been subjected to industrialization or urban influence. After careful deliberations, analysis of the District census reports, consultation with the District Revenue officials and people who have had a wide knowledge of the villages in the District, the village of Vadavalli situated in Pallaclam taluk was finally chosen for the investigation. The village has a traditional agrarian economy. There was active cooperation and interest in the study by both the village population and Covcrnmcnt officials. ~lle caste

106

STATUS

IMAGBS

1N

CHANCING

INDIA

composition of the village population was similar to that of Coimbatore town. These were additional factors that weighed in favour of the selection of Vadavalli. As in the case of the urban sample, the rural sample was also stratified by caste, occupation and income. Since only the population and sex composition figures were available from the official census publications it became necessary to conduct a full scale census of the village. A brief census schedule was prepared and administered to all the households in the village during April 1965. Eight teachers employed in the village schools were enlisted for conducting the census. The census revealed that the village had a total population of 2,751 consisting of 1,404 malts and 1,347 females. The male adult population in the village amounted to 768. Among them, a sample of 166 was drawn stratified along caste, occupation and income. The sample formed 21.61 per cent of the total male adults living in the village. Adequate precautions were taken to ensure similarity in the caste composition of the rural and urban samples. The total sample size was 326 consisting of 160 from urban and 166 from rural areas respectively. The scope of the study has been restricted to the adult male population of Vadavalli and the industrial population employed in two large scale industries of Coimbatore town. The study was confined only to Hindus. The Inter&w The interview was conducted by trained investigators. Three investigators were employed for the study. They had Masters Degree in Social Sciences and considerable experience in interviewing people for social surveys. They were given a weeks refresher training on interview techniques and thorough explanation of the various items in the questionnaire. The interview was conducted during August-September 1965 for the rural study and during October-November 1965 for the urban study. In the village, the interviews were held mostly
5 Messrs R. Karuppanaicken, Srinivasan.

S. Chellam, M. S. Jaganathan,

Chinnaswamy, K. Kamalasekharan, N. Rangnswanly, \. Samuel and

K.
C.

THE

INVESTIGATION

107

during evenings and nights at the Panchayat Office, village school or respondents residence depending on convenience. For the urban study, the interview was conducted within the factory premises during working hours in a separate room provided by the management. The respondents were given time off with pay for participating in the study. The response to the interviews was on the whole very encouraging, though there were a few cases of non-response. There were twelve cases of non-response among the rural sample and five cases among the urban sample. The non-respondents were mostly from the illiterates. Suitable replacements were made to cnsure the adequacy of sample size.

II.

THE

STUDY Location

SETTING and Population

Coimbatore,

IS AN inland District in the South of Madras State. It is bounded in the north by Mysore State and Salem District, in the east by the Salem and Tiruchirapalli Districts, in the south by Kerala State and Madurai District and in the west by Kerala State, the Nilgiris District and Mysore State. (See Figure 1). The District covers an area of 6,024 square miles and consists of nine taluks: Avanashi, Bhavani, Coimbatore, Dharapuram, Erode, Gobichettipalayam, Palladam, Pollachi and Udamalpet. The northern part comprising of portions of Gobichettipalayam and Bhavani taluks are 2,000 and 3,000 feet above sea level with hill ranges. The southern part is a mountainous region covered with forests and pasture lands. Except for a small area in the west, the rest of the District is that of a plain with an average elevation of 900 sloping gradually towards the east and southeast. The plains are in general surrounded by lofty peaks on the north, south and west, but for the interruption of a few low lying hills like the Chennimalai hills of Erode Taluk and Sivanmalai Hills of Dharapuram Taluk. The District has generally a dry climate. The average maximum temperature is 98 and the average minimum temperature is 61. The South West Monsoon extends from June to September and North East Monsoon from October to June. Rains are widespread in the North-East Monsoon and divided in the other Monsoons. The average annual rainful is 32.6 The soil in the district is not fertile and the rainfall is generally very low. Its agrarian economy is therefore dependent on its hard working agriculturists. The economy is sustained by cottage

OIMBATORE

(i Ramalingam R., The Coimbatore und Nilgiris Director!/ Popular Hindustan Publications, Coimbatore 1958.

1957-58,

The

14

.._

Figure

Location

of Coim batore

110

THE

STUDY

SETTING

111

industries like handloom weaving which is practiced on a large scale in the district. Coimbatore handloom sarees are popular throughout the country. Coimbatore, the headquarters of the District is the second most important city in Madras State. It is listed in the Census of 1961 as having a population of 2,86,305 but has grown much since then. The population of Coimbatore City during 1941, 1951 and 1961 is listed in Table 1.
TABLE 1 POPULATION OF COIMBATOHE CITY Percentage decntlr~ z;ariation + 51.71 + 44.78 lx - Jlatlrcm: District Ccnscts Hand-

Year 1941 1951 1961

Population 130,348 197,755 286,305

T7ol.

Source: Census of It&l 1961 book, Coimbatore, Vol. I p. 98.

Coimbatore City has special metropolitan features. Only a little over 56 per cent of the city population originally belonged to it. The rest is the result of immigration from various regions. Analysis of these immigrants as per the 1961 census revealed that persons born within the District but not in the city, persons born outside the District but within Madras State and persons born outside the State, accounted for 18.6 per cent, 10.8 per cent and 13.6 per cent respectively. Salem (29 per cent ) , Madurai ( 20 per cent) and Tiruchirappalli (1 per cent) have contributed to the major share of migrants into Coimbatore District. Out of the total population in Coimbatore District, 29.01 per cent have been counted as urban in 1961. In Madras State, the urban population formed 26.69 per cent of the total population. Thus Coimbatore is ahead of other Districts of the State in urban development. Next to Tamil (55.5 per cent), Telugu (26.4 per cent) is the mother tongue spoken in Coimbatore Taluk. Next in importance are Kannada ( 15.9 per cent) and Malayalam ( 1.6 per cent).

112

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

Coimbatore has a well developed system of communication. It is connected by broad gauge railways with Madras, the West Coast and Ooty. It is also comlected with Madurai by a metre gauge railway. Coimbatore has also an air port because of its industrial importance; the volume of air travel has steadily increased. Daily services connect the place with Madras, Bangalore, Cochin, Trivandrum and Bombay. The town has a large number of educational institutions. Among the higher institutions for learning in greater Coimbatorc mention may be made of three Engineering Colleges, two Polytechnics, three Arts Colleges for men, two colleges for women, two training colleges, an Agricultural College, Forest College, and College for Physical Education. Owing to the interest taken by various private agencies and measures taken by the Golrernment, education has made rapid progress. The Communities Vellala Gounders and Kamma Naidus are the two large agricultural communities in Coimbatore District. Vellala Gounders formed 30 per cent to 35 per cent of the population. They are essentially agriculturists. Kamma Naidus though migrated from Andhra Pradesh to Coimbatore, are as much the people of the land as Vellala Gounders. They are agriculturists, specialized in cotton cultivation and are found mostly in the black cotton soil areas. From cultivation, they turned to cotton trade, ginning, spinning and weaving. They now control most of the textile industry in the District.7 They constitute the largest entrepreneurial class in Coimbatore. Another important agricultural caste in the district are the Okkiligas. Brahmins have been prominent in education, Government services and the professions. Chettiars constitute the largest trading community in the District. Arya Vaisya Chettiars are found mostly in towns, engaged in jewellery trade, cloth and provision shops. Chettiars are also found in banking business. Coimbatore has a large number of handlooms and the weaving community consists mostly of Devanga Chettiars.

THE

STUDY

SETTING

113

Of the numerous artisan communities, Oddars are engaged in stone cutting, well-sinking and road-laying. Asaris form another large artisan community. They are mostly goldsmiths and carpenters. Then, there are such village servants like the Washerman and Pandaram (Temple Servant). The scheduled castes in the district consist of Pariahs or Adi-Dravidas and Chakkilians. The Industrial Pattern

Coimbatore has a unique place in India for its fast growth of industrialization. The chief reasons for its development are moderate climate, availability of labour-both manual and technical-transport facilities and a high level of initiative among the local population. The industrial development of Coimbatore received a sudden spurt during the 1930 and the boom followed the post independence period. Apart from cotton textile industry, there are many other industries in the District. Chief among them are cement factories, coffee curing, button manufacture, manufacture of textile machinery, electric motors, switchgears, pumpsets, rubber and plastics, light engineering industries, etc. Of these industries, cotton textiles occupies the most prominent place. The industry has played an important role in the textile industry of the country and compares favourably with other major textile centres like Bombay and Ahmedabad. Coimbatore Spinning and Weaving Mills was the first textile plant established at Coimbatore. It was started in 1888 by an Englishman, Mr. Stanes. Twenty years later Kaleeswarar Mills was founded by Shri Devakottai Somasundaram Chettiar. In 1910 Lakshmi Mills started functioning. After 1933 when the Pykara Electric Power Station was commissioned, the textile industry grew rapidly. In 1941 there were 27 mills. The profits earned by these mills during the Second World War was invested again in the industry and this resulted in quick progress. Though a large number of mills exist in the District, they are mostly owned by a few families or groups, each group owning three or four mills. Of the 133 mills in Madras State, 79 are located in Coimbatore District. Most of the mills are situated in the immediate vicinity of Coimbatore City, in Singanallur, Ganapathy and Uppilipala-

114

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

yam. The cotton industry remarkable speed.

GROWTH OF TEXTILE

has developed
TABLE 2

during

1951-61 with

MILLS IN COIMBATORE 195141. 1951 32 8.1 lakhs 2,400 24,000

DISTRICT

Particulars Textile Mills Spindle Looms No. of labourers

1961 79 18 lakhs 9,366 52,000

employed

James J. Berna writes, Since 1949 the textile industry has been expanding in Coimbatore area. Approximately forty new mills have been built in that region alone since 1950. As a result, the population of the City has risen sharply, as persons from surrounding areas have come to the City in search of jobs. The building boom has contributed to the establishment and growth of many small engineering units, such as structural workshops, machinery repair shops and small manufacturers of textile machinery parts.* The Urban Respondents The urban study was conducted on a sample of respondents drawn from Coimbatore Spinning and Weaving Mills and Textile Company Ltd. Details regarding the two concerns are given in the following pages. Coimbatore Spinning and Weaving Mills Ltd.: As mentioned earlier, this is the first textile mill established in Coimbatore. The factory complex is situated in the heart of the city. Most of the workers employed in the mills reside in the City, within the municipal limits. The company has both Spinning and Weaving units attached to it. The authorized capital for the company is Rs. 25,00,000 and the subscribed capital Rs. 20,76,900. The company manufactures grey and bleached cloth and a11 counts upto lOOs, both single and double. The total amount of installed spindles is 80,832 and of
8 Fcma, James J., ibid., pp. 24-25.

THE

STUDY

SETTING

115

looms 407. The total number of permanent employees in the mill amounted to 1554 during 1965. Textool Company: Textool Company Ltd., at Kanapathi near Coimbatore town is a major producer of textile machinery. The company is a pioneer in the manufacture of tools and machinery for the textile industry. The factory, a family managed private enterprise was established in 1944. The authorized capital for the company is Rs. one crore and subscribed capital Rs. 60,72,000. The firm manufacturers a complete range of machinery for textile mills such as spinning frames, carding engines, drawing frames, fly-frames, ring spinning frames, reeling machines, bokh hand-operated and power-driven, bundling presses and spares. Apart from textile machinery, the factory manufactures internal combustion engines, electric motors and railway signal equipments. The main factory had 3,207 employees during April 1965. The Village Vadavalli Vadavalli is predominantly an agricultural village situated about 30 miles south-east of Coimbatore town. The village has a Panchayat coming under the jurisdiction of Sultanpet Block of Palladam Taluk in Coimbatore District. The Panchayat covers four hamlets-Akkanaickenpalayam, Velappanaickenpalayam, Vadavalli and Thottipalayam. The total area of the village is 6.72 square miles. The village is covered by black soil in which dry crops, mostly millets (Cholam, Ragi and Kambu) and cash crops like tobacco and cotton are grown. The village has an average annual rainfall of 11% inches. Water for agriculture is drawn from irrigation wells. The total area of land utilized for cultivation during 1965 was reported to be 4,312.86 acres.Q The nearest Railway Station to the village is Sulur situated about 18 miles from the village. Nearest telegraph office also seems to be in S&r. The village has a post office at Velappannickenpalayam hamlet. Three buses-one from Coimbatore to Kamanaickenpalayam and two from Coimbatore to Udamalpetpass through the village daily. The village has one elementary school and one higher ele!I Source: Sultanpet Block Development Officer. It was reported that there arc 82 wells in the village irrigating about 1437 acres during 1985.

State Highway \, Tiruchirapalli

to

i i :
RAI LWAY LINE

\i 1 I !

VADAVALLI

Figure

2 : Location

of VadavaIli

THE

STUDY

SETTING

117

mentary school. The nearest dispensary for medical aid is situated at Chandrapuram which is about I% miles away. There is a cooperative credit society with a membership of 113. The village Panchayat consists of 15 members of whom three represent Harijans and Scheduled castes and one woman member. There is no organized industry in the village. The village has electricity facilities for agricultural and domestic use. The nearest place where a cotton ginning factory and a small workshop are located is Sultanpet about four and half miles from the village. The weekly shandy is held on Thursday. Certain discrepancies were noticed in the census figures relating to the village. In order to get a correct picture a fresh door to door census was undertaken by SITRA. This gives the total population of the village as 2,751 consisting of 1,404 males and 1,347 females. The total number of households was 584.
TABLE 3 OF VADAVALLI ACCORDING SOURCES POPULATION Source 1951 Census 1961 Census* * 1965 April SITRA Census Total 2728 2087 2751 Males 1342 1050 1404 Females 1386 1037 1347

POPULATION

TO DIFFERENT

Total number of households 515 413 584

* Superintendent of Census Operations, Madras, 1951 Census Handbook Coimbatore District, Government Press, Madras 1953, p. 123. O* Superintendent of Census Operations, Madras, Census of lndia 1961 Handbook, Coimbatore Vol. II, Director of Stationery & Printing, Madras 1964, p. 641 & 650.

On an average there were 4.7 persons per household. In the remaining pages, all inferences have been drawn on the basis of the SITRA Census. All except 13 households (occupied by Christians and located at Akkanaickenpalayam) belonged to members of the Hindu religion. Nearly 53 per cent of the households belonged to the agricultural castes (Naidu, Gounder, Yadhavar, etc.), 22 per cent to the Scheduled Castes, 10 per cent to the middle group (trading

VADAVALLI

VILLADE

, /ffq&ga I 0 ____------ I r-I-------

Frgure

MAP OF VADAVALLb

VILLAGE

THE

STUDY

SETTING

119

community) and others consisted of village artisan, village servant and Brahmin households. Tamil was spoken by 56 per cent of the inhabitants and Telugu by 38.5 per cent. Approximately 70 per cent of the village population were illiterates; 22 per cent had elementary school education, 5 per cent higher elementary, 2 per cent high school education and only 1 per cent were Matriculates. With the exception of about 17 per cent of the total population, all were natives of Vadavalli village. The immigrants into the village have come mostly from the neighbouring villages within Coimbatore District. In contrast, about 2.5 per cent of the population emigrated out of the village-most of them for jobs at nearby industrial centres like Coimbatore, Tirupur, Pollachi, Sulur and Udamalpet, all within Coimbatore District. One of the villagers is serving in the Army and another working for the Steel Plant at Durgapur. Most of the emigrants left the village around 1956s and later years for factory employment as mill workers. Caste Distribution of Rural and Urban Population

The population for the rural study consists of all adult men aged 18 years and more. Of the total adult male population of 1,404 in the Village, there were 768 who could be included under this definition. In the sections that follow, whenever reference is made to the rural and urban population, they will refer to the 768 male adults in the village and the 4,761 male adults employed in the two urban firms. The scope of the study was restricted to various caste groups among the Hindus. The caste distribution of Hindus in the population is given in Table 4. For purposes of convenience, the various castes were castes: grouped into six main groups: Brahmin, agricultural middle group, village artisans, village servants and scheduled castes. Brahmins represent the highest caste as per the traditional caste system in Hindu society, comprising of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra. In the rural community 1.32 per cent of adult

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men were Brahmins and the corresponding industrial community was 3.03 per cent.
TABLE 4 CASTE DISTRIBUTION IN THE RURAL

figure for the urban-

& URBAN

POPULATION

POPULATION Caste Freq. Brahmin Agricultural Gounder Yadhavar Naidu Mudaliar Pillai Caste: 172 146 111 22.72 19.29 14.67 9.38 833 56 770 230 162 222 86 46 17 16 26 309 58 22.76 1.53 21.04 6.28 4.43 6.07 2.35 1.26 0.46 0.44 0.71 8.44 1.59 10 RURAL Percentage 1.32 URBAN Freq. 111 Percentage 3.03

Middle Group: Chettiar Thevar Nadar Ahamudiar Reddiar Village Boyan Asari Udayar Kollan Artisans:

71 -

16 16 13 2

2.11 2.11 1.72 0.26

Village Seruants: Navithan Vannan Pandaram Valayan Scheduled Caste: hfadari Adi Dravida Pannadi Arunthathiyar Devendra Other Mixed Castes Total

16 8 2 13 156 5 757

2.11 1.06 0.26 1.72 20.61 0.66 100.00

25 26 40

0.68 0.71 1.09 -

46 147 295 52 29 58 3660

1.26 4.02 8.06 1.42 0.79 1.58 100.00

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TABLE 4 (continued)

Hindus from other Regions Christian Muslim Not available TOTAL

11 768

182 252 84 583 4761 a total of 756 for

Rural

* Percentages have been worked out from population and 3660 for Urban population.

Agricultural castes consisted mainly of those who have been traditionally agriculturists. Gounder, Yadhavar (also known as Konar), Naidu, Mudaliar and Pillai were classified as belonging to the agricultural caste groups. Gounders who worship Siva constituted the largest single caste in the rural (22.72 per cent) and urban (22.76 per cent) population. There were four subcastes among the Gounders-Vellala Gounder, Pooluva Gounder, Kurumba Gounder and Anuppa Gounder. Konars worship Lord Krishna, an incarnation of Vishnu and they were one among the major castes in the rural (19.29 per cent) though not in the urban industrial community ( 1.53 per cent). They were engaged mostly in agriculture, dairying and marketing of milk and milk products. Four sub-groups among the Konars were noticedThemaliyan Kootam, Yadhava Kulam, Kundadathan Kootam and Sangu Konar. Under the Varna system, Naidus originally belonged to the Kshatriya community. The Naidus in both the rural and urban population were a Vishnavite Telugu speaking group. Though their mother tongue was Telugu, their reading and writing were mostly Tamil. There were also sub-castes among the NaidusKammavar, Kavara, Baliga, Uppilia and Ashtandra. Mudaliar and Pillai were not found in the village where the study was conducted, but they constituted nearly 10.7 per cent of the urban-industrial population. Two sub-castes Kaikolar and Sengundhar were reported among the Mudaliars. The intermediate castes comprised of Chettiars, Thevars, Ahamudiar, Nadar and Reddiar. Chettiars were mostly businessmen, money lenders and traders. They were the Vaisyas of the

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Varna system. There were Telugu, Tamil and Kannada speaking Chettiars in the sample. Kannada speaking Devanga Chettiars were mostly handloom weavers. Other Chettiar sub-castes were Kongu, Konuthi, Einoothan, Vaniga, Nagarathar and Nattukottai. Most of the Chettiars were Saivaites. Thevar, Ahamudiar, Nadar and Reddiar in the urban population were mostly those who have migrated from other districts of Madras State i.e., Madurai, Ramnad and Tirunelveli. Maravar and Ahamudiar were sub-castes among the Thevars. The middle group category was devised only because these castes could not be classified along with the other groups. Village artisans consisted of Boyan ( Mason), Asari ( carpenter, goldsmith or blacksmith), Udayar (potter), and Kollan (blacksmith). Those constituting the village servants group were Navithan ( barber), Vannan ( washerman), Pandaram ( temple attendant) and Valayan (one who assists hereditary village officials in revenue collection). The Madari, Adi Dravida, Pannadi, Arunthathiyar and Devendra belonged to the scheduled castes or Harijans. Subgroups among the Madaris consisted of Kundadathan, Konga and Thottiyar. Madaris constituted nearly a fifth of the rural adult population whereas Pannadi and Adi Dravida constituted the bulk of the scheduled castes in the urban population. There were in addition, people from other regions or States and other religions, e.g., Christians and Muslims but they were excluded from the scope of the study. Occupational Categories

Rural population: Rural occupations have been classified for purposes of convenience as owner cultivator, tenant farmer, agricultural labourer, artisans, servants, petty traders and village officials. Only the main occupation of the individual was taken for purposes of classification. Shepherd and those who raise cattle were having agriculture as their main occupation and they have been classified according to their standing as tenant farmer, agricultural labourer and the like. Artisans included carpenter, blacksmith, potter, weaver and mason. Washerman, barber, cart driver, tailor, priest, cobbler, etc., were classified as servants. Petty

THE

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12.3

traders consisted of small business people, cloth merchants, tea shop-keeper, etc. Approximately a third of the rural population comprised of owner cultivators while another one third were agricultural labourers; artisans, servants were represented by 9 per cent and 7 per cent respectively. Urban population: In the urban-industrial sample, there were managers, technical supervisory staff, clerical staff, skilled, semikilled and unskilled workers. Managers included executives and departmental heads. Under technical supervisory staff were classified the spinning-weaving assistant, chemist, foreman, etc. These were mostly technically qualified people holding supervisory positions. Various nomenclature used in the designation of operatives were classified as skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled as per the Wage Board Award. For example, skilled jobs included carpenter, fitter, planer, moulder, turner, miller, shaper, driller, grinder, electrician machinist, etc. Semi-skilled jobs included spinner, hammerman, conewinder, roving doffer, piecer, etc. Unskilled jobs included sweeper, cartman, attender, helper, coolie, etc. Unskilled workers (45 per cent) constituted the bulk of the industrial population followed by skilled workers (22 per cent), semiskilled workers ( 16 per cent) and technical supervisors (9 per cent). income The figures relating to income should be interpreted with a considerable amount of caution. For the rural group, information regarding income was collected at the time of the census. The respondents themselves furnished the information and the income related mostly to cash income. Whenever there were doubts, necessary corrections were made by comparing the figures given by reliable informants viz., village revenue and panchayat officials. The limited data on income so obtained, did however give a fair picture of the income distribution in the village. For the urban group, income distribution was arrived at from the monthly salary register maintained in the factories. This information was more reliable because it was obtained from authorized records. However, it failed to take into account other

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sources of income of some of the respondents, through subsidiary or part time occupations, income from family property and the like. The minimum annual income for the rural population was Rs. 200 while it was Rs. 1,009 for the urban population. There is the Wage Board Award for workers employed in factories in urban areas and hence the high income for urban workers. The total annual income of 91 per cent of the rural population ranged from Rs. 200 to Rs. 2,600 whereas the range was from Rs. 1,000 to Rs. 3,000 for 95 per cent of the urban population. Characteristics of the Sample

Mention has already been made that the rural and urban samples were drawn on the basis of random sampling techniques stratified for caste, occupation and income. The total sample size for the study was 326, consisting of 166 rural respondents and 160 urban respondents. Caste Distribution: The caste distribution of the respondents in the sample chosen for the study is given in Table 5. The criteria adopted for the selection of the sample were that there should be a minimum of 15 respondents for each caste group in both rural and urban areas and that as far as possible they should be matched for income and be representative of the population.
TABLE 5 CASTE DISTRIBUTION IN THE RURAL AND URBAN SAMPLE (in Percentage) PERCENTAGE Caste Rural N: 166 3.61 Urban N: 160 12.50 Total N: 326 7.98

Brahmin Agricultural Castes: (Gounder, Yadhavar, Naidu & Mudaliar hliddle Group: (Chettiar & Thevar) Village Artisans: (Boyan, Asari & Udayar)

39.76 16.27 15.66

37.50 12.50 10.00

38.65 14.42 12.88

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TABLE 5 (continued)

Village Servants: ( Navithan, Vannan, Pandaram & Valayan) Scheduled Caste/Harijans: ( Madari, Adi Dravida Pannadi) TOTAL

12.05 & 12.65 100.00

10.63

11.35

16.87 100.00

14.72 100.00

Mother Tongue: Tamil was the mother tongue of a majority of respondents in the sample (59.2 per cent). Telugu was mentioned next in order and it was spoken mostly by Naidus, Madaris and some Chettiar castes (32.2 per cent). Kannada was spoken by Devanga Chettiars (8.3 per cent). Though, the mother tongues were different, all the respondents have been living in Tamil areas of Coimbatore and its environs for over a very long period of time. They are predominantly Tamils in their cultural background. Age Distribution: The age of the respondents ranged from 18 to 87. The average age for the rural sample (40.7 years) was more than the average age for the urban (35.6 years) sample. This may be due to the fact that in the urban sample, a retirement age of 60 years was normally fixed by the industries and as such there were less informants aged over 50 years compared to the rural sample. The majority of the respondents fell in the age group 21-50. Place of Birth: Most respondents (98 per cent of the rural and 86 per cent of the urban) hailed from within Coimbatore District. Among the respondents from rural areas, only 20 reported that they were born in places other than the village. The following were among the reasons for migrating to the village: purchased lands in the village, in search of employment, matrimonial alliance and to be of assistance to relatives. Migrants into urban areas were mostly from the adjoining districts of Madurai, Salem, Tiruchirappalli and Palghat and they had moved in search of employment. Rural respondents reported that they had lived an average of 37.9 years in rural areas. Urban respondents had lived in urban areas for an average of 32.9 years. These figures can be compared with the average age of rual and urban respondents-

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40.7 years and 35.6 years respectively. The inference appears to be that rural residents in the sample had about three years of urban influence and urban residents had about three years of rural influence. E&cation: Illiterates accounted for 39 per cent and 21 per cent of the rural and urban sample. Also 29 per cent of the urban respondents and 6 per cent of rural respondents had completed high school education. The average number of years spent in formal education was 2.6 and 5.7 for the rural and urban sample and 4.2 for the combined group. Analysis of the educational attainments by caste groups, revealed the following: Brahmins had the highest education followed by the middle group castes and agricultural castes. Scheduled castes had the lowest level of education. Within the same caste, urban respondents had higher education compared to their counterparts in rural areas. Marital Status: Among those interviewed, 86 per cent of the rural respondents and 84 per cent of urban respondents were married. There was a slightly higher percentage of married people in rural areas. Occupation - RuraZ Sample: A little more than half (53 per cent) of the rural sample consisted of owner cultivators and agricultural labourers. In the village, these two occupational groups had accounted for nearly two thirds of the total. As regards other occupational groups their proportion in the sample was given a higher weightage compared to their corresponding
OCCUPATION TABLE 6 OF RESPONDENTS - RURAL RURAL -.-~~--Frequenag 48 11 40 30 15 13 5 4 166 SAMPLE SAMPLE Percentage
28.92

Occupation
.__---__ Owner cultivator Tenant farmer Agricultural labourer Artisan Servant Petty trader Village Official School teacher TOTAL

6.63 24.10 18.07 9.03 7.82 3.01 2.41 100.00

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proportion in the population. This was done mainly to ensure adequate sample size in each occupational group. In rural areas, analysis of caste groups by their occupation revealed that Brahmins were working as owner cultivators, village officials and school teachers. The middle group were mostly businessmen and traders. Members of the scheduled castes were working mainly as agricultural labourers. Occupation - Urban Sample: Mention has already been made that unskilled workers constituted the bulk (45 per cent) of the urban population. Since this does not give a correct picture of the process of industrialization which requires more of skilled and semi-skilled workers, technical supervisors and managerial personnel, a higher weightage was given to these occupational categories in the selection of the sample.
TABLE 7 OCCUPATION OF RESPONDENTS - URBAN VRRAN Occupation Unskilled* Semiskilled1 Skilled t Technical Supervisory Clerical Managerial TOTAL Frequency 14 50 52 19 14 11 160 SAMPLE SAMPLE Percentage 8.75 31.25 32.50 11.87 8.75 6.88 100.00

* Unskilled: Sweeper, cartman, attender, helper, watchman, coolie, etc. t Semiskilled: Hammennan, spinner, cone winder, roving doffer, piecer, marker, etc. $ Skilled: Carpenter, fitter, planer, moulder, turner, miller, shaper, drillers, grinder, electrician, machinist, etc.

In urban areas, the Brahmins were mostly employed in skilled, supervisory, clerical and managerial jobs. The agricultural castes, the middle group and artisan castes were predominantly found in skilled and semi-skilled jobs. Those belonging to village servant and scheduled castes were doing semi-skilled jobs. Inter-Generational Diferences in Occupation: Analysis of the occupation of the respondent, his father and grandfather re-

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vealed interesting inter-generational differences in the occupational pattern. Rural Sample: - In the rural sample, there was a tendency for the number of owner cultivators to decrease and the number of agricultural labourers to increase over a period of three generations. However, the total number of people engaged in agriculture remained almost the same. Owner cultivator, tenant farmer and agricultural labourer together accounted for 59.65 per cent of the grandfathers occupation, 62.05 per cent of fathers occupation and 62.05 per cent of respondents occupation. Handloom weavers tended to give up their traditional occupation, perhaps at a faster rate. Urban Sample: - Agriculture was the occupation of 49.37 per cent of the grandfathers and 33.75 per cent of the fathers of the urban respondents. The drop is more perceptible because all the respondents in the urban sample have taken to industrial employment. Approximately half of the urban respondents belonged to families that had agriculture as their traditional occupation. As in the case of the rural sample, handloom weavers were found to give up their traditional occupation and take to other occupations. Respondents income: The average annual income of the urban respondents (Rs. 2,273) was higher than that of the rural respondents (Rs. 1,463). The median income of the urban sample was in the class interval Rs. 1,500-Rs. 2,000 and for the rural sample it was Rs. 500-Rs. 1,000. Family income: In addition to the individual income earned by the respondents, there were also earnings by other members of the household. The total of these two sources of income have been termed as the family income. The mean annual family income of the rural sample was Rs. 1,794 and for the urban sample it was Rs. 2,839. Expressed differently, other members of the family contributed on an average Rs. 326 to the income of the rural sample and Rs. 566 to the urban sample. A high correlation was observed between education and income especially in the urban areas-the higher the education, the greater was the income. Per-capita incbme: The average number of members per family in the rural and urban sample was 5.04 and 5.14 respectively. The urban sample had slightly more members in the family. The per

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capita annual family income was arrived at by dividing the annual family income by the total number of members in the family. The distribution of per capita family income is presented ill Table 8. The mean per capita family income for the urban sample was Rs. 587.59, for the rural sample Rs. 401.46 and for both combined Rs. 492.82.
TABLE

8 INCOME-

l~ISTl~IBUTION

OF PER CAPITA ANNUAL, FASIILY RURAL AN11 URBAN SAMPLE Percentage ill the ----~ ____--HI~IYI~N: 166 Urbnn N: 160 12.05 34.34 23.50 6.63 6.02 c3.01 3.61 1.81 1.81 1.81 1.81 1.20 1.20 1.20 100.00

Ivf-Ctrpita ltrconte 50 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800
900

Atmrcctl in Rs. 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 9OCl 1,000 1,500 2,000 3,000 4,000

Strmplc

Total N: 326 6.13 0.25 20.86 14.42 11.35 5.52 4.91 3.37 3.68 2.15 2.45 2.15 2.15 0.61 100.00

-----

5.65 18.13 22.50 16.88 8.13 6.25 5.00 5.62 2.50 3.12 3.12 3.12

1,000 1,500 2,000 :3,000

TOTAL

100.00

III.

PERCEPTION

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STATUS

CHAPTER DEALS with the respondents evaluation of the status structure. The unstructured open-ended questions included how people identify themselves, how they described the high, middle and low status groups in their society, what criteria are used to distinguish one group from the other, what life style (dress, food, residence and recreation) is associated with the various groups and their occupations, their self placement in the status hierarchy, the distinctions made within the group, the changes that have taken place, etc.

HIS

Identification

of Self

Considerable differences are noticed in the identification of self by individuals. A simple question, Who are you? evokes a wide range of responses. People tend to identify themselves by their personal name, as a relative of so and so, as a resident of such and such a place, as working in such a farm or factory, by their caste, occupational or professional group or membership in political, civic and cultural organizations. To find out the self identification of respondents, they were asked, Suppose a person visiting your village/city meets you and asks Who are you? how would you identify yourself to him? The respondents were requested to give three alternatives to the open-end question. The question evoked immediate response though a little hesitancy was noticed among the rural illiterates. Their usual response was: I do not know, What can I sayn. Almost all respondents gave a reply to the first identification. There was a progressive decline in the number of responses to the second and third alternatives. Rural respondents gave more replies compared to urban respondents (Table 9). Caste identification was most common with the rural group.
131

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Their usual reply was I am a Naidu or a Chettiar or a Gounder. References were also made to the sub-caste, eg., Kammavar Naidu, Kavara Naidu, Devanga Chettiar, Kongu Chettiar. Vellala Gounder, Kurumba Gounder, Pooluva Gounder, etc. A second common mode of identification was by their place of birth or place of adoption. They used to say, I belong to Vadavalli, I am a native of Thottipalayam, or I am a native of such and such a place but I am here now, etc. Others mentioned their profession, eg., farmer, carpenter, barber, handloom weaver, agricultural labourer, industrial worker, engineer, etc. Still others, described that they are related to so and so in the village, e.g., son or grandson of so and so, brother or brother-in-law of so and so. etc. The emphasis was on establishing their identity as the relative of some already wellknown or influential person in the community. Membership or positions held in political, civic and cultural organizations were also emphasizecl in the self identifications, e.g.. Member of Congress or Communist Party, Member of the Panchayat Board, President of Agricultural Cooperative Society, Harijan Sangh, Dramatic Society, etc. Significant differences were noticed in the pattern of self-identification by the rural and urban groups. The rural group generally laid more stress on the family background or ascribed status symbols. References to caste and family connections were more pronounced in the rural areas as compared to the urban areas.
TABLE

1DENTIFICATION
Identify by

OF SELF BY RURAL AND URBAN SAMPLE

Pcrcentuge Rural N: .I66 Altemotive
1 2

Mentioning --___Urban N: 160 Alternative

I.

3 1.25 0.36 7.50 0.&3 5.00

Caste 40.96 Relative of so & so 10.24 Occupational or professional group 19.28 Personal name 4.82 Belonging to such & such a date 20.49

16.87

15.06 24.10
10.8.4

,3.61 3.01
10.85

11.25

5.00

1.88
18.74

3.12
16.87

1.81
S.61

13.13
21.88

10.00
14.37

14.46

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133
TABLE

-Belonging to such & such a farm/ factory Membership in Political, Civic or Cultural organization hliscellaneous No response ___TOTAL

Q (continued)

0.60 0.60 0.60 2.41

4.22 2.41 0.60 11.44 100.00

3.61 4.22 1.81 67.47 100.00

30.62 2.50 100.00

21.88 1.88 3.13 23.75 100.00

1.25 83.74 100.00

100.00

Achieved status symbols like identifying oneself as an employee or supervisor or manager of a factory were emphasized more by the urban group. This group also laid greater stress on identifying themselves by their personal names. The normal pattern of identification for the rural group was to mention their caste, their occupation and place of residence. For the urban group, the pattern was the place of work, their occupation and place of residence. With industrialization and urbanization, the importance of caste tends to get diminished. On the other hand, distinctions based on the place and nature of work, get more importance. It is apparent that industrial society puts more emphasis on achieved status, whereas ascribed status symbols are more prevalent in rural communities. The Perceived Status Stwcture Classically, the status structure of a society has been described as a single hierarchy. We have been inclined to speak of persons as having high, intermediate, or low status. This unidimensional view is unrealistic, for people play a number of roles and each one is rated. Still no harm is done by the single categorization if the several statuses are highly correlated, which is usually the case. The situation is different where there are contradictions of status, as in the case of the highly educated man with a very low income, the business executive with limited education.l
10 Hughes, Everett., Dilemmas and Contradictions of Status, Americun Journd of Sociology, 50, March 1945, pp. 353-359.

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In order to find out what people think about the social divisions in their society, the subjective opinions of a fair cross section of the rural and urban population were collected. The individuals were asked, Which group in your village/town has high status? Similar questions were asked to identify the middle and the low status groups. The question was an open-end type and the respondents were free to describe the characteristics of the various status groups. Analysis of the responses revealed that people tended to describe status on the basis of four major criteria, i.e., income or economic standing, caste affiliation, education and profession or occupation (See Table 10). Often, multiple criteria were used in the description of the different status groups. The High Status Group: The people with high status were usually the industrialists, the landlords and the rich moneyed people. In the urban community they were mostly owners of textile mills, owners of foundaries and workshops, transport and fleet owners and big businessmen earning over Rs. 5,000 per month. In the rural community, they were predominantly the prosperous owner-cultivators, having large land holdings-over 20 acres of land. Naidu as a community was found to have high status in both rural and urban areas. Chettiars also have a high standing. There is a high correlation between wealth or economic standing and Naidus and Chettiars as distinct caste groups. In the rural area, Naidus are prosperous agriculturists. The majority of the textile mills and industries in and around Coimbatore are owned by members of the Naidu Community. They constitute a very progressive group of entrepreneurs in the District. Chettiars on the other hand have distinguished themselves in business as traders, money lenders and big businessmen. They manage a considerable number of wholesale and retail cloth shops, jewellery shops and textile mills. Chettiars in the village were big tobacco traders and money lenders. Brahmins were also included in the high status group. In the village, the Brahmins are rich landlords and in the urban community, they are highly educated and hold executive positions. People engaged in business, Government officials, professionals like engineer, scientist, physician and lawyer and leaders in civic and political affairs were perceived as having high status.

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When questioned about the reasons for grouping people as having high status, the replies were as follows: They own large
TABLE

DESCRIPTION

OF HIGH, MIDDLE THE RURAL AND

10 AND LOW STATUS URBAN SAMPLE Percentage mentioning Middle Rural A: 166 4 Urban N: 160 5

GROUPS

IN

Status grout,
Response Rural N: 166 1 Economic standing: Industrialist/ Millowner Landlord/Owner cultivator Rich/Moneyed 2 High Urban N: 160 3 Low Rural N: 166 6 Urban N: 160 7

13.25

38.13 2.50 32.50 -

1.25

3.01 people Small property owner Tenant farmer Income between Rs. 200 & Rs. lOOO/per month Low income/ Poor people Caste : 69.88 Naidu 27.11 Chettiar 6.63 Gounder 0.60 Konar 3.61 Brahmin Sludaliar Artisan Castes (Asari Udyar, Boyan ) Servant castes (Vannan, Pandaram, Navithan, Valayan ) Harijans (hladari, Adi Dravida)

22.89 9.64

1.88 7.50

30.06 6.88 5.00 0.63 0.63

2.41 1.20 11.45 14.46 34.34 27.11 -

22.50 0.83 1.88 4.38 8.13 0.63 1.25 10.00

7.85 1.20 0.60 6.02 1.81 -

11.88 0.63 0.63 0.63 0.63 -

3.61

1.88

12.05

1.88

0.63

9.04

9.18

1.20

0.63

61.44

33.13

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TABLE 1 Cccupation: Dusiness Engineer/ Scientist Physician/Doctor Lawyer Government Official Icacher Managerial Job Clerical/ Supervisory Jobs Agricultural/Factor) M70rkers Artisans Small Industrialists Salaried Jobs Daily \Vage Earners Beggars Leaders in Civic & Political Affairs lldflcatiofl: Educated Uneducated .\fiscellaneotrs: Cultured Bad Characters Unemployed 2 3 4 3

10 (continued) 6 7

06.60 0.60 3.61 6.60 2.41 .--

6.25 2.50 1.88 0.63 500 0.63 0.63 3.1:3 5.00 0.m -

4.82 -0.60 6.02 0.60 1.20 -

17.50 O.BS OX23 4.38 3.75 3.7s 22.50 11.25 1.25 3.13 6.88 0.63 5.63 1.25 -

__. 29.52 6.02 4.22 -

0.@3 1.88 s6.2s 0.63 31.25 3.13

1.81 -

2.50

2.4 1 6.02

:I . 1r, -

property, factories, prosperous business, etc., They command all comforts, They have lots of money, Many arc dependent on them for jobs, They render help to many, They constitute the majority caste in the community, They wield considerable influence and power, etc. Other attributes, of the high status group included well educated, cultured, and decent. Economic standing, education and professional employment as lawyer, physician, etc., have a higher status value in the urban community. In the rural community. caste affiliation and land ownership tends to possess more importancr!. The Middle Status Group: Owners of small property, tenant farmers and people earning salary between Rs. 200 and KS. 1,000 per month were classified as those constituting the middle group.

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137

Gounders and Konars formed the middle caste groups. In terms of occupation, the middle group consisted of small business people, employers in clerical and supervisory positions, Govemment employees, teachers and those who work for salaried jobs. When questioned as to the reasons for categorizing the middle group, the usual response was, These people have moderate income, They own small property, arc educated and employed, are civilized, do not have much money, but dress and appear like moneyed people etc. They have less than Rs. 50,OCjoworth of property in urban areas and in rural areas own less than 10 acres of land. In the case of salaried employees, their monthly income was between Rs. 200 and Rs. 1,000. The uliddle group in the rural commlmity was usually the small property owner, the Gounder and honar, whereas in urban areas they were the monthly salaried group, educated, holding clerical and supervisory positions or the small industrialists and businessmen. The Lou; Status Groc~)1: Poor people and those with low income cxmstituted the bulk of the low status group. In urban areas. these were people earning less than Rs. 150 per month. They comprised mostly of daily wage earners, employed 21s agricultural labourers of factory workers. Rad characters, uneducated urban residents and unemployed rural residents \\YVY also classified as belonging to the low status group. Harijans, artisan and servant castes had very low status in the community. Harijans consisted of Adi Dravidas and Madaris, who were employed mostly on menial jobs as scavengers and sweepers. Artisan castes consisted of Asari (carpenter). Utlnyar ( potter ) and Hoyan ( Mason). Some members of these castes h&l middle status depending on their economic standing. Servant castes were mostly Vannan ( dhobi), Pandaram (lo\\, class priest), Navithan (barber) and \alayan ( agricultural labourers). Among the reasons mentioned for grouping people in the low status group the following \vere given: They have low irregular income, have insecure jobs, dependent on their wages for daily living, not clean, dependent on others for job, uneducated, belong to the depressed castes, lazy, do not want to worli, poor for generations, they have to lnnintain

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a distance from other caste people and cannot mix easily, God has created them like that etc. Rural-U&an Differences

A hypothesis assumed for the study was that the subjective social ranking of those participating in an industrial-urban sphere will tend to be more elaborate compared to those living in the village. Analysis of the description of the various status groups by the rural and urban population reveals that the distinctions made were indeed more diversified in the urban sample compared to the rural sample. Table 11 gives the number of criteria used for the subjective assessment of the social layers:
TABLE

11 FOR SOCIAL
Group

NUhlBER

OF CHITEHIA

USED

DISTINCTIONS

Status Sumple

____---~Rural Urban

High 12 18

Middle 16 27

Low 13 17

Total 41 62

The number of criteria used for the status differences was much higher in the urban than in the rural group. This finding was true of all status groups-high, middle and low. The lack of cousensus in the subjective ranking system was further more marked in the urban-industrial community than in the rural community. It was also observed that the lack of consensus was more marked with regard to occupational and economic distinctions than was the case for the caste or educational tlistinctions. Overlapping of the Status Groups

Overlapping of status groups was noticed among the agricultural and middle group castes. They were identified as high? middle or low depending on their economic standing. In general, Naidus, Chettiars and Rrahmins were classified as high or middle status groups. Gounders were distributed in all the three status groups. Konars and Mudaliars formed the middle group. Harijans, servant castes and artisans were largely in the low status group.

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Table 12 gives the mean education and mean per-capita annual income of respondents by caste. The mean education of respondents refers to the average number of years spent at school. Percapita annual income refers to the total income of the various adult members in the respondents household divided by the
TABLE

12 PER CAPITA ANNUAL INCOME

lIEAIL

EDUCATION

AND

MEAN

OF THE

RESPONDENTS Samvle

Caste8 _.-~__-1 Brahmin ~____~~ Agricultural Gounder Yadhavar Naidu MudaIiar

Urban N: 160 No. in sample 2 Mean edn. __-. 3 Mean*& income 4 1929 272 196 755 387 606 278 318 184 No. in sample 5 20

Hural N: 166 Mean edn. 6 12.5 3.7 4.8 0.2 6.0 6.9 7.5 6.1 4.3

___-. Mean**
iOCOllW

7 909 532 463 775 639 598 393 603 657

6 12.7 .-.___-Castes: 30 14 22 1.7 1.0 4.6 3.6 9.0 0.9 2.8 1.8

-__.--,\liddle Group: Chettiar Thevar

21 6 23 10 20 4 9 3

--

26 1 8 9 9

Village Artisans: Royan Asari Udayar Village Servants : Navithan Vannan Pandaram Valayan Scheduled Caste: Xlaclari Adi Dravida Pannadi

8 s 3 6 21 -

1.5 0.7 3.0 1.3 0.4

206 95 181 175 51.5 -

7 4 6 14 9 4

4.7 5.0 3.5 1.3 3.0 1.3

389 447 335 381 828 432

Mean education in years * * &lean per capita annual income

in rupees

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number of people in the household irrespective of whether they are earners or non-earners and adults or children. The mean annual per-capita income refers to the average of the per capita annual income of different caste groups. It will be noticed that Brahmins have the highest education and income compared to other caste groups. Naidn and Chettiar castes arc next in order of importance. Harijans who constitute the bulk of the scheduled caste groups have the lowest income and education in urban areas and the servant castes, lowest in rural areas. There is thus a high correlation between education, income and caste groups. Analysis of status groups by occupation revealed that businessmen WYX~classified either as high or middle, whereas artisans and factory \vorkers were classified as middle, or low. To 1~ cultured was associated with high or middle status and bad charactrr7 vxs always associated with low status. Sigles of Life Numerous variations were noticed in the style of life of the different status groups. Income, education and occupation lead people to share different norms and behave differently. But, within each group, their life-style differs. It is not just ones income, but the way hc spends it, not just his occupational status. but his attitude towards it - these become factors partially determining his status. Differences among the various status groups are reflected in their dress, eating habits, the type of residence they live in, recreation, how they behave and so on. The detailed description of the styles of life of people belonging to various status groups are given in the following pages. Morle Of Dtxss: Considerable observed differences wcrc noticed in the dress habits of high, middle and low status pcoplc in rural and urban areas. High status people usually dressed with expensive varieties of cloth like silk, terylene, nylon and fine mill made cloth (costing Rs. 5/- ant1 more per metre 1; Khadi cloth, made of handspun yarn being the dress of Congressmen also had a high status symbol. White varictics wwe geuerall~~ worn by upper class people.

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141

They had their clothes regularly washed and given to the laundry, \vhilc they dressed themselves neat and clean. They had more than ample stock of dresses and changed dress daily and to suit occasions. Four yard mill made dhoti, shirt and angavastram (upper cloth) were usecl in rural areas, whereas in urban areas tailormade dresses in latest style were in fashion. Dress of moderate cost was worn hy middle status people. Their dress was clean and nrsat. Costly dress \vas used only on special occasions. Unlike the high status people, the middle status ones used two yard dhoties and also clothes that were slightly torn. In urban areas, cotton pants and slacks or shirts constituted the middle status dress. Middle status women used voiles and medium comit sarees compared to the fine varieties used by high status women. Cheap and coarse varieties of handloom - and mill-made cloth were used by low status people. Their dress was often soiled, untidy, torn and inadequate. Two yard dhoties priced hctween Rs. 2 ancl Rs. 4 were common in rural areas. Shirts were used mostly by urban people whereas in rural areas, shirts were used only on special occasions. Dark and khaki coloured clothes were preferred since dirt would not be apparent. Low status people had at the most three or four sets of clothes and changed dress only once in ten or fifteen days. Food H&its: Rice, vegetables, fruits. milk and milk products were associated with the food consumed by high status people. Consumption of millets like Ragi, Cholam and Kamhu was more prevalent in rural areas among the low and the middle status groups. Persons interviewed in the rural sample stated that people from lligh status groups had a full meal at fixed hours with several side dishes. They invariably used rice of high quality (Kichili Samba). In addition, they had milk, ghee, sweets, varieties of vegetables and fruits. They had coffee with iddly (rice cake) or uppuma (rice or wheat preparation) for breakfast. They usecl Aska (white sugar) for coffee. The food of the urban high status group was rich and nutritious. They used less of rice and cereals and consumed more of meat -mutton, fish and eggs-and fruits. The food was served in western style on table and in company. Alcoholic beverages and

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drinks with nutritive content, e.g. Horlicks, Bournvita, etc., were also associated with the food of the urban high society. The food of the middle status group consisted of rice and cereals, millets like ragi and cholam, wheat, etc. A little curd, milk and vegetables were also consumed. The rural group consumed more millets and less rice compared to their counterparts in urban areas. Going to hotels to take food or tiffin was more prevalent among the urban people. The persons interviewed in the rural sample stated that the low status people took rice only on festival occasions. They used millets like ragi, cholam and kamhu prepared in the form of conjee or gruel. They cooked food only once and used it throughout the day. They consumed tea from tea stalls. The use of vegetables or meat was a luxury. In the urban sample, the low status category consumed more of rice prepared in the form of conjee. Occasionally a small quantity of vegetables and a little meat, usually beef were also consumed. They also visited tea stalls regularly. Their food was cheap and consisted mostly of a meal per day. Type of Residence: High status people in rural areas were described as living in large, spacious and strong cement mortar houses having five or six rooms besides store room, kitchen and hath room. The houses would be 100 feet long and 80 feet wide. They would be maintained clean and well white washed. The houses would be airy and well ventilated. Teakwood would he used in its construction, wooden ceilings and machine tiles used for roofing. The houses would have many windows and doors and furnished with many almirahs, chairs and tables. Most of the houses would be electrified while non-electrified houses would have petromax lights. Urban high status people were described as living in modem upstair bungalows worth over a lakh of rupees. Surrounding the bungalows would he a garden with garage and compound wall. Big gates lead one to the bungalow from the compound. The houses would all be electrified, provided with fans and some of the rooms would he air conditioned. The houses would also be well furnished. Houses occupied by middle status people in rural areas were described as decent and having moderate comforts. Usually the> had two to three rooms besides store room, kitchen and bath

PERCEPTION

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STATUS

143

room. The houses would be covered with machine or country tiles for roofing. The urban middle status people were described as living mostly in rented houses-the rent ranging from Rs. 30 to Rs. 60 per month. The urban houses generally had two or three rooms and provided with cement, concrete or machine tiled roofings. Mud huts with thatched roof usually made of palm or coconut leaves constituted the residence of low status people in rural areas. Country made tiles were also used for roofing in some of the houses. The mud huts would have an elevated mud phial at the entrance and just a room or two at the most. The low status urban group lived mostly in one room tenements or in thatched houses, some in huts constructed unauthorizedly on Government lands. The surroundings of the residence of low status group were generally crowded, unhygienic and dirty. RecreatiMz: Generally urban residents and high status people spent considerable time on recreational activities. The popular recreation in rural areas was simple chit chatting, reading newspapers and magazines, listening to radio, playing cards and visiting shandys. In urban areas: going to cinema or for a walk, visiting parks, playing games, listening to the radio, reading newspapers and magazines, and attending to household purchases were considered major recreational activities. In the eyes of many, the high status people in rural areas spend a considerable amount of time attending to agriculture and money collection. Discussing local politics, settling disputes in the village community and simple chit chatting were also considered their popular pastime. They read newspapers and magazines and listen to radio music. They go out visiting friends and relatives periodically. Playing cards was also done in their leisure. Just sleeping away the time and going out for a walk were also listed among the recreational activities of the rural high status people. In urban areas, more formal&d leisure practices were mentioned. There were recreation clubs, libraries, cinema houses, and parks. High status people in urban areas were members of leading recreation clubs and service organizations like the Rotary and Lions Clubs. They played games like tennis, billiards and golf, Some went out for races and hunting. Other recreational acti-

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vities consisted of going out for a walk or a t&\-c in the car. visiting parks and places of entertainment, cinema, music concerts, dance and drama. High status people also went to hill stations like Ooty and Kodaikanal and health resorts like Courtallam during seasons. 90 distinct recreation pattern for the middle status people especially in rural areas was perceived. They were mostly chatting with friends at home, attending to business and agricultural activities and household duties. They visited shandy regularly every week for purchase of household needs. In urban areas, going to the cinema was a major recreation. Other preoccupations were: going to the park, reading newspapers and magazines, visiting the library. listening to the radio, playing games like carroms and attending political meetings. -4 large proportion of the middle status people considered that attending to the weekly purchase of rationed commodities like rice, kerosene and sugar by standing in queue in front of ration-shops was itself a recreational activity. Low status people in rural areas spent their time in simple chit chatting and sleeping. They visited shandy once a week. During temple festivals, they participated in folk dances and similar activities. In urban areas, roaming aimlessly was considered a pastime. Otlier recreation habits of low status urban respondents included playing cards, gambling, discussing local politics, indulging in fighting and other anti-social activities. Occwpation and Status Industrialists, millowncrs, businessmen, landlords and bankers were occupations, considered to carry high status. In urban centres, high status groups were engaged as managing agents of textile mills, promoters of workshops and foundaries, fleet owners, directors of companies, cotton merchants and brokers, dealers in machinery and spares, large scale traders, etc. District collectors, other District officials, doctors. political and trade union leaders also represented occupational groups with high status. In rural areas, lligh status people were the prosperous tobacco merchants or money lenders. In the eyes of the urban interviewees the middle status group consisted largely of clerks, supervisors and factory workers who

PERCEPTION

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STATUS

145

TABLE 13 OCCUPATIONS STATUS FOLLOWED BY HIGH, hiIDDLE AND LOW GROUPS - RURAL AND URBAN SAMPLE Perccfltage mentioning Status Grow Occupation High Rural N: 166 Farming Industrialist/ hlillowner Business Banker Bus-Cinema owner Petty Trade/Shop Handicraft/ Weaving Professionals Govt./Factory official Clerk/ Supervisor Salaried hlanagerial job job 0.60 worker Physician, 94.58 3.01 35.54 5.42 Urban N: 160 hiiddle Rural N: 166 74.10 Urban N: 160 10.00 31.88 Low Rural N: 166 2.41 Urban N: 160 -

18.75 63.75 46.88 1.88 6.88 9.38 3.75 6.25 1.88 Engineer,

24.10 9.64 1.81 19.28 Lawyer,

12.50 2.50 11.88 5.63 36.25 32.50 1.88 20.63 Teacher, Police.

7.50 3.1:3 0.63 -

7.83 -

0.60 -

3.75 1.88 7.50

Low paid job Politician Agricultural Labourer Coolie Factory

6.6s 87.35 -

49.38 45.00

*Includes:

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TABLE Artisan (carpenter, blacksmith, potter )

13 (Continued)

mason, 8.43 4.38

Village servant (Dhobi, barber, cobbler ) Scavenger Beggar

8.43 -

4.38 7.50 4.38

were on monthly salaried jobs, petty traders, (e.g., provision stores, coffee shops, cycle shops) and small businessmen. The occupations having a medium position included engineers, doctors, lawyers, police officials and all those earning between Rs. 200/- and Rs. lOOO/- per month. In the rural areas, the middle status people were mostly handloom weavers, small land owners, tenant farmers, school teachers and village officials. Farming as an occupation was designated to all status groups. It was the extent of land ownership that determined the status level of the individual. Artisans (carpenter, mason and potter), village servants ( dhobi, barber, cobbler, cart drivers), scavengers, agricultural workers, handloom weavers constituted the low status occupations. These were mostly people earning Re. l/to Rs. 1.50 as their daily wages. In urban areas, low paid clerical and factory workers, street vendors and domestic servants had low status because of their poor earnings compared to other industrial workers in the city. Occasions when the Status Groups Get Together Marriage, death or funeral, festive occasions and temple festivals were reported to be the main occasions when people of different status meet together. In rural areas people got together for civic activities, elections, settlement of disputes in the community and whenever prominent officials visited the village. On the other hand, in urban areas, people met together for personal gains during periods of crisis and at places of entertainment.

PERCEPTION

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STATUS

147

About 14 per cent of the rural respondents mentioned that the high status people never meet together. In urban areas, high status people met at Millowners or Chamber of Commerce meetings, business or trade activities, recreation clubs, places of entertainment: drama, dance or music concerts-and whenever important dignitories visited the place. There was more of a get together in the urban community. They met usually in the evenings, at social functions and dinner meetings. Trade union and political meetings provided opportunities for the middle and low status people to get together. They also met at places of entertainment and while going or returning from work. Participation in strikes and processions provided another important occasion for the urban low status people to get together. Changes within the Status Groups

A question was asked as to what changes have taken place within the various status groups over a period of time. A major change mentioned was that people belonging to all status groups have more income than before. All have become more civilized. A greater interest is evinced in education and changes are being brought about in the occupational pattern. Greater interest in education is observed in the rural areas. In general, it was noticed that urban influence speeded up the process of change. High status people were described as having become more civilized, being more interested in education and community activities and also changing from their traditional occupation. They look more modem, dress themselves better and wear shirts. They educated their children including their daughters. They showed more concern for community welfare and public activities. Formerly they used to keep their money idle and in safe custody; now they invested it in business and purchase of machinery. High status urban people moved more freely with people of other status groups. However, the impresssion that the high status people exploited the poor was still prevalent in rural areas. The middle status people changed the least compared to the high and the low. More than half mentioned that the middle status people in rural areas had not changed much. About a

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third of the urban sample mentioned that the middle status group had not changed. Among the three status groups, the middle group in both rural and urban areas was reported to have shown greatest interest in education. Other areas of change noticed among middle status group were that they spent more than what they earned (it was not so before), were more politically minded and more prepared to go anywhere for jobs. They further gave respect to low status people. A major change that had taken place among the low status people was that they had become more civilized, that is they were more clean and wore better clothes. They also evinced greater interest in education and had become aware of their rights and privileges. Self Placement in the Status Groups \Vhen questioned as to where they would place themselves in the different status groups-high, middle and low-a little more than half considered themselves as occupying low status. About 5 per cent of the rural and 1 per cent of the urban sample considered themselves as belonging to the uppers. The difference between high or low was more marked in the urban area as compared to the rural. The urban sample also had a relativel) higher proportion of people considering themselves to belong to the middle status group.
TABLE 14

SELF

PLACEMENT

OF THE

RURAL

AND

URBAN Mentioning

SAMPLE

Percentage Status Group High Middle Low

TOTAL

Rural N: 166 5.24 38.56 56.02

100.00

Urban N: 160 1.25 44.38 54.37

100.00

Total N: 326 3.37 41.41 55.22 100.00

Status Climbing For finer discrimination of self-placement in the status hierarchy, a seven-step ladder was used-the top step representing the highest status and the bottom step lowest status.

PERCEPTION

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STATUS

149

Highest

Status

Lowest Figure 4

Status

The Seven-step

Status

Ladder

Respondents were requested to indicate their position in the status hierarchy on a time scale. They were asked to indicate their status at present, five years ago and five years hence. The ladder served the purpose of a seven point rating scale with score one indicating lowest status and score seven the highest. The mean status score of respondents five years ago, at present and five years hence is given in Figure 5. There was a definite trend for the status score to increase over a period of time for both the rural and urban sample alike. The absolute increase in the mean status score of the rural sample five years ago upon the present was of the order of 0.13 whereas from the present until five years hence it was 0.56. The corresponding increases for the urban sample were 0.12 and 0.57 respectively. The mean status score of the rural group was slightly higher compared to the urban group at all stages in the time dimension. The conclusion appears to be that the rural community considers itself slightly superior in status to the urban community and that both the groups perceive a similar rate of increase in status over a period of time. A high degree of agreement was noticed between the status

Five

Years

ago

I At present

Five

l2s.3 Years

hence

Urban

Combined

Figure:

Mean

Status

Score

of Respondents-

Rural

and

Urban

Sample

PERCEPTION

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STATUS

151

score of the respondents in the seven-step ladder and their own self-placement as belonging to high, middle and low status groups. The self placement of the respondents and their mean status rating on the seven step ladder is given in the table below.
TABLE 15 STATUS GROUP OF RESPONDENT & MEAN STATUS RATING and Low

Details

Status Group of Respondent Mean Status Rating High Middle

Rural: 5 years ago At present 5 years hence Urban: 5 years ago At present 5 years hence

5.44 6.22 7.00 6.00 6.00 6.00

3.22 3.36 4.01 2.90 3.29 4.07

1.81 1.83 2.33 1.83 1.72 2.08

It was noticed that ratings 5, 6 & 7 were used mostly by high the status groups, 3 and 4 by the middle status group and 1 and 2 by the low status group. All the three status groups indicated a rise in their status over a period of time. The rate of increase in status was found to be greater for the high ranked group than for the lower ones. A slight variation was noticed in the case of urban respondents of low status. They expressed a feeling that their status had come down from what it was a few years ago, although they were optimistic that it would improve for the better. An explanation could be found in the high rate of increase in the cost of living in the country during the last five years and its effect on the economic standing of those on the bottom of the status system. Brahmins had the highest status score and Scheduled castes the lowest in both the rural and urban community. In urban areas, the status score was lower for Brahmins, and higher for Scheduled Castes compared with their respective standing in the rural community. Caste hierarchy continues to have its

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position in society, but, with urbanization, there is a narrowing of status distance between higher and lower castes.
TABLE 16 MEAN STATUS SCORE FOR VARIOUS CASTE GROUPS

hiean Status Score Caste Group Brahmins Agricultural castes Middle group Village artisans Village servants Scheduled castes hfcan Rural N: 166 4.83 3.24 2.66 2.31 1.90 1.33 2.67 Urban N: 160 3.25 2.66 2.70 2.69 1.76 1.70 2.50 Total N: 326 3.62 2.97 2.68 2.45 1.84 1.54 2.58

Agricultural castes held a higher position in the rural area but not in the urban set-up. Artisan castes (employed mostly as skilled workers in industry) had a higher standing in urban industrial centres than in rural areas. Analysis of the mean annual family income of respondents by their rating on the status ladder revealed a high correlation between income and social status in the rural community. In the case of urban areas, income was found to influence status ranking in the lower levels but not in the higher. Perhaps, factors other than income operate at the middle and higher status levels in urban surroundings. A clue could probably be had from the analysis of the status score and education. The relationship between income and status holds good only for particular reference groups. What is considered low income in urban areas, may be viewed as middle income in rural areas and vice versa. Respondents with low status scores had lower educational attainments. The middle status group in urban areas consisted mainly of those who had completed high school education. The extent of formal education received was a major factor that distinguished the middle from the low group in urban areas. In rural areas, the level of education was generally low; caste

PERCEPTION

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STATUS

153

distinctions and economic standing had considerable status value attached to it. Analysis of the status rating of respondents with different educational backgrounds, however gave the correct picture of education as a determinant of social status. For both samples it was shown that the status score of the respondents increased with a corresponding increase in the level of education. Position of Women The respondents were asked to describe the position of women in the different status groups. The replies received were classified into major areas like mode of iiving, dress, education, employment, behaviour, appearance, etc. High status women were described as modern, sophisticated, educated, fair and good looking, clean and leading a comfortable life. In the rural areas, it was said that high status women rarely attended to any work. hlost of them had servants to do household work. Some supervised the work on their own agricultural lands. High status women moved mostly within their own group. They rarely went out of their residence and if they went out at all, they travelled in carts, not by walking. Listening to the radio was their recreation. They were described as beautiful and having red complexion. They bathed regularly and dressed in pure silk sarees. Use of soap, cosmetics--powder and snow, and flowers were common. Ornaments and jewellery especially diamonds were associated with rural women of high standing. In urban areas, the high status women were seen as leading a more comfortable living, sophisticated and modern in dress. They were educated and some among them were engaged in social service activities. They were beautiful, charming and dressed themselves in terylene and other expensive varieties of sarees. They participated in social functions, visited clubs and had servants in the home to attend to household duties. They travelled in cars and in company of other women of similar status. Women of the middle status group were doing household chores themselves. They were usually educated upto the elementary or higher elementary stage in rural areas and upto high school or college in urban areas. In rural areas, the women

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worked on their own lands. Women in urban areas went for jobs if opportunities came in the way. Their usual preference was for secretarial and teaching jobs. Some of them took interest in social and public activities. Middle status women in urban areas were considered more modern and sophisticated than their counterparts in rural areas. Their dress was decent even though their standard of living at home was low. A major recreation for women in urban areas was going to the cinema. Women belonging to the low status group were described as having dark complexion and not good looking. They worked as agricultural coolies in rural areas. In urban areas, women had a hard living. They worked as mill or building coolies or as domestic servants. The attribute of uncleanliness was associated with low status women. Often they were reported to be engaging themselves in public quarrels especially in urban areas. Manners of the Status Groups A question was asked about the manners of the people in rural and urban areas. Villagers were described as decent and good mannered compared to the urbanites. This was true of all status levels-high, middle or low. It was reported that the high status people behaved well within their own reference group - caste or professional group. They were generally of a reserved type. High status people were also seen as selfish and cunning. In urban areas, they were considered opportunists, who change according to the needs of the situation. Middle status people were generally viewed as a well behaved lot. In urban areas however, some thought they were opportunists. Relatively speaking the low status people were considered more honest and loyal than the higher ones, although a slight percentage also found them rude. Distinctions within Status Groups

Within the various status groups numerous distinctions were made depending on economic standing, caste and character. Economic distinctions were more pronounced in urban areas;

PERCEPTION

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STATUS

155

whereas in rural areas distinctions were based on caste and character. Among the village people of high status, the educational criterion was more used as a differentiating mark than in other status groups. Distinctions among the urban uppers were based on economic standing-the traditional rich 0er.su.s the newcomer-political affiliations and participation in community activities. People who gave time and money for community activities were held in high esteem. The middle and low status groups, generally made less distinctions within their respective groups. Differences based on profession or occupation figured prominently among these groups. Distinctions made among the middle status group included consumption pattern, spending habits and living standards. Caste distinctions were slightly more prevalent among low status groups.

IV.

RANKING OF CHARACTERISTICS

STATUS

the relative importance of various criteria associated with status and the qualities needed for rising in social status. Other topics discussed in the Chapter are: prestige ranking of occupations, social distance among various caste and status groups. Characteristics of leaders in the rural and urban communities, their status levels and areas of influence have also been presented.

HIS CHAPTER EXAMINES

Ranking of Status Criteria There are various ways to measure stratification. Self ratings and objective standards have all been used. A status grouping is ordinarily considered a subjective ranking affair. Income is a consideration, but style of life does not rest on income alone; education and attitudes affect it. In order to find out the relative degree of importance attached to various status criteria, the respondents were requested to rate and rank each criterion. Eleven status determining characteristics were used: caste, character, dress, education, food, housing, income, neighbourhood, recreation, social service and mode of transport. Respondents were first asked to indicate the extent to which each criterion affects status, on a four point rating scale. The points used in the scale were: -I Mu-vry Little Very much little After rating, they had to rank the various criteria in order of importance.
11 Schneider, Eugene V., Industrial New York, 1957, p. 374. Sociology, 157 McGraw Hill Book Co.,

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A very high significant positive correlation was obtained for the rank of ranks of the rural and urban sample. The rank correlation was + 0.94.
TABLE 17 RANK ORDER FOR STATUS CRITERIA - RURAL & URBAN SAMPLE

Rank of Ranks No. Status Criteria Rural N: 166 8 n 7 2 9 4 1 10 11 Ei 6 Urban N: 160 9 4 5 2 10 3 1 8 11 G 7 Total N: 326 8 3 6 2 10 4 1 9 11 5 7

1. 3. 3. 4. 5. 6 7. 8. 0. 10. 11.

Caste Character Dress Education Food Housing standard Income Neighbourhood Recreation Social service Mode of transport

Income was ranked first and education second. Recreation was ranked last. Urban respondents tended to emphasise the external status symbols like housing standard, dress and neighbourhood, whereas rural respondents laid greater stress on character and social service. Economic positions was found to be the important determinant of status. Benoit Smullyan* also contended that, although many elements go to make up ones status, economic position is the determining element. Required Characteristics

for Rising

in Status

The elements that go to make up status include income, education, the caste to which one belongs and occupation. In a competitive society, status is more than mere social climbing; it is directly associated with power drives
12 Benoit Smullyan, Emile., Status, Status Types and Status Interrelations, American Socidogical Reoiew, April 19-2.4, pp. 151-161. 13 Wilson L. & KoIb W. L. (Eds.), SocioZogicn2 Analysis, Harcourt, Brace & Co., New York, 1949, p. 554.

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To rise in social status, one needs courage, cunningness, perseverance, honesty, intelligence, contacts with influential people, etc. A list of characteristics, needed to rise in social status were presented to the respondents and they were asked to rate the degree of importance of each of the factors and rank them accordingly. The results are presented in Table 18. Money, intelligence and education were the first three characteristics ranked in order of importance. Caste and cunningness ranked among the least desired prerequisites. There was very good agreement (correlation +0.95) in the rank order of the rural and urban sample. It is interesting to note that both the rural and urban sample mentioned the people whom you know as having some importance for social climbing.
TABLE 18 CHARACTERISTICS TO RISE IN SOCIAL

RANK

ORDER

FOR

NEEDED STATUS Rank

IF ONE

WANTS

of Ranks
Urban N: 160 Total N: 326 8 6 9 3 5 9 1 7 4

NO.

Characteristic

Rural N: 166

1. 0. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Caste Courage Cunningness Education Honesty Intelligence Money Perseverance Whom you kno\v

Ranking

of Occupations

A list of 12 occupations were presented to the respondents and they were requested to rank them in order of importance. The rank of ranks for the rural and urban sample was obtained by totalling the rank value of a given occupation and arranging the total so obtained in the order of importance. For purposes of computation, the minimum value of the total obtained for a given occupation was classified first, the maximum value last, and other values in between in the order of gradation.

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A very high correlation was observed between the occupational rankings of the rural and urban sample. Industrialist was ranked first, followed by agriculturist and engineer. Agricultural labourer stood lowest in the prestige ranking for the rural sample and priest for the urban sample. The low ranking given to the priest in urban areas may be due to the anti-religious movement propagated by organizations like the Dravida Kazhagam. Money lender and primary school teacher received a slightly higher prestige in the rural area. Studies conducted elsewhere I4 have shown that the physician ranks first, whereas in the present study it is the industrialist. Physician was ranked fourth in order of importance by the Coimbatore rural sample and fifth in order of importance by the Coimbatore urban sample. The importance attributed to the industrialist may be because of the high income he gets compared to other occupational groups. It is also true that physician is interpreted by the local people in different ways. There are the physicians who practise ayurvedic and homeopathic systems of medicine and there are allopathic physicians who follow western medicine. Those who practise western medicine have high income and will be ranked higher in the occupational scale compared to the other physicians. This fact should be taken into account while drawing inferences. Agriculturists were given second order of importance by the urban and rural samples, whereas in the Philippines, U.S.A. and Ceylon they were ranked in the middle group. Agriculturists have security, a stable income and get enough food to eat-one of the primary necessities of life-and hence perhaps, the second order of importance under the Indian conditions. There was a considerable amount of agreement in ranking the clerical worker and primary school teacher in the middle group as among U.S.A., Japan and findings of the Coimbatore study. Factory worker was ranked among the lower rungs of the occupational ladder in the Philippines, U.S.A. and Ceylon, just as in the
14 Tiryakian, Edward A., The Prestige Evaluation of Occupation in an Underdeveloped Country: The Phillipines, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 63, 1957 - 58, pp. 390 - 399.; Green T. L. and Chitra Wickramasuriya, The Vocational Attitudes of Ceylonese Graduate Teachers, Uniuersity of Ceylon Reuiew, Vol. XI, 1953, pp. 10 - 16; Ramsey, Charles E. & Smith Robert J. Japanese and American Perceptions of Occupations, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. LXV, No. 5, March 1960, pp. 475 - 482.

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present study. Similarity was also noticed in ranking the agricultural labourer as constituting the lowest among the occupations. Priest was ranked almost on par with the agricultural labourer among the low prestige occupations in Coimbatore; whereas in U.S.A. he had high prestige and in Japan middle prestige. Prestige ranking of occupations depends to a great extent on the values of the culture which vary from place to place and from time to time in the same place, although over a limited period of time, the rankings tend to be stable.
TABLE 19 RANK ORDER FOR OCCUPATIONS-RURAL AND URBAN SAMPLE

Rank of Ranks
SO. Occupation

-1. 2. 0 i: a. 6. :s: 9. 10. 11. 13. Agriculturist Agricultural labourer

Rural N: 166 2 12 10 7 3 9 4 1

Urban N: 160 2 11 10 7 3 9 1 ; 12 6 8

--~

Total N: 326 2 12 10 7 3 9 1 4 5 11 6 8

Clerical worker Artisan Engineer Factory worker Industrialist lender Money Physician Priest Shop keeper Primary school teacher

1; 8 6

Social Distance among Castes The concept of social distance was first used by Parklj when he was describing that the relative intimacy and understanding between the members of the different groups vary. On this basis, Bogardus I6 developed a scale to measure social distance. He devised a list of statements representing various degrees of social
15 Park R. E., sociology, 1923 16 Bogardus E. Sociology, 1924 The Concept of Social Distance, 24, 8, 339 - 344. Social Distances, S., Measuring 25, 9, pp. 229 - 308. Journul Journnl

of Applied of Applied

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intimacy or distance and wanted the respondents to indicate to which of the relationships they would admit members of the various groups. The scale was found to be a useful devise to tap the attitude towards various out-groups. It was simple and easy to administer. A modified version of the Bogardus Social Distance Scale was used to study the social distance among castes in the rural and urban sample. Apart from Brahmins, three other castes i.e., Naidu, Asari and Harijan were selected as representative of the agricultural, artisan and the scheduled castes respectively. Two of the other religious groups-Christians and Muslims where also added. The respondents were asked to indicate the extent to which they would admit a Brahmin, Naidu, Asari, Harijan, Christian and Muslim to the following social relationships: (i) to kinship by marriage (ii) to take food in their dining room (iii) as guest in their house (iv) for joint recreation (v) as a neighbour (vi) as a fellow worker (vii) as a domestic servant The respondents were asked to indicate their preferences regarding each group as a whole, not with regard to any particular individual in the group. The assumption was that the greater the number of Yes responses to the group, the nearer is the relationship to it and the smaller the number of Yes responses, the farther the group. On the basis of the distribution of responses, Table 20 was drawn up. The table indicates the percentage of people mentioning Yes for a social relationship with members of different castes. It will be noticed that the urban respondents were more liberal than those from rural areas. The percentage score was last for kinship by marriage and highest for the relationship as a fellow worker. Naidus and Brahmins were accepted easily into ones social group, in both rural and urban areas. Harijans ranked last in rural areas and Muslims in urban areas. Urbanization was found to

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TABLE 20 RELATIONSHIPS WITH OTHER CASTE GROUPSPERCENTAGE hlENTIONING YES - RURAL AND URBAN Nature of Relationship As a As a Domefellow stic worker servant SAMPLE

CasteRural/Urban

I\larriage

Eating together

As n Guest

Joint Recreation

As n neighbow

Brahmins Rural Urban Naidu Rllral Urban Asari Rural Urban IIarijan Rural Urban Christian Rural Urban i\iuslim Rural Urban

10.24 34.38 14.46 33.75 10.24 27.50 18.67 32.50 6.02 38.75 6.02 18.75

78.91 96.88 80.72 95.63 56.6.3 90.63 30.72 75.63 33.13 83.13 30.72 61.25

84.34 96.25 87.95 95.00 76.50 89.38 49.40 68.75 53.61 79.38 48.19 71.88

97.59 100.00 98.19 100.00 95.78 98.75 78.31 94.38 90.96 99.38 90.36 96.25

97.59 99.38 97.59 100.00 94.58 98.75 57.23 86.88 74.70 96.88 72.29 93.75

100.00 99.38 100.00 100.00 99.40 99.38 89.16 98.75 96.99 99.38 97.59 98.13 mentioning

81.93 84.38 84.94 85.63 71.08 83.75 46.38 58.75 50.60 68.13 52.41 52.50 Yes.

Note: The figures relate to the percentage

of respondents

have a profound influence in narrowing the social distance between castes. (See figure 6) Analysis of the social distance, by the caste of respondents revealed the following: within the same caste, the preference score was low (below 700) in some cases because of sub-caste distinctions which affect kinship by marriage, eating together in the dining room etc. The general pattern of ranking in the social distance scale was: Brahmins followed by Naidus, Asari, Christian, Harijan and Muslim. Social Distance among Status Groups An attempt was made in the study to measure the social distance among the various status groups-high, middle and low. The

Figure:

Ruml

and

Urban

Sample

R u
HARIJAN

RU CHRISTIAN

R u MUSLIM

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165

scaling devise used was the same as the one for measuring social distance among castes. The terms high, middle and low were left unstructured. Analysis of the responses revealed that the middle status people were generally preferred for all kinds of relationships Table 21. The lowest preference was for high status groups. The order of preference was middle followed by low and high.

TABLE

21

SOCIAL

DISTANCE GROUPS

BETWEEN - PERCENTAGE RURAL AND

HIGH, URBAN Nature

hlIDDLE SAhlPLES.

AND

LOW

STATUS

MENTIONING

YES-

of Relationship As a As a cbmefellow stic worker servant

Status groups rural/urban

Marriage

Eating together

As a guest

Joint recreation

As a neighbour

HIGIl Rural Urban MIDDLE Rural Urban LOW Rural Urban

54.22 25.63

91.56 91.88

92.17 91.88

93.37 91.88

95.78 97.50

93.97 96.25

63.83 58.13

85.54 80.00

98.79 98.75

98.79 98.75

98.19 99.38

98.79 99.38

98.19 99.38

86.75 78.13

75.90 71.25

94.58 96.88

94.58 96.25

96.99 98.13

95.78 98.13

96.38 98.75 mentioning

93.37 91.88 Yes.

Note: The figures relate to the percentage

of respondents

Distinctions between high and low were more pronounced in the case of the relationship for kinship by marriage and as a domestic servant. For domestic servants, the low status group was preferred. A larger percentage of respondents from rural than from urban areas mentioned that they would like to have relationship by marriage with high status people.

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Leadership

in the Community

The theory advanced by Mosca17 is that if one looks closely at any society, one finds that the power is always exercised by a group and not by a single individual. The group is always small compared to the total population. Pareto called such ruling cliques elites. In order to locate the influential persons or elites and their areas of influence, the respondents were asked to name the leaders in their community. Thirty-three names were mentioned by rural and thirty-five by urban respondents. The material revealed that the important leaders in the rural community are people with wealth, large agricultural and commercial interests, educated, interested in social service and civic affairs. Finance, interest in social service and civic affairs were considered important in rural areas. All these leaders belonged to the high status group. They were also living in close proximity to each other in the village. There were only three people in the village who were considered as leaders in civic affairs despite their low financial standing. They were people with considerable organizational talent and persuasion in speech. The urban community also considered wealth as important for leadership. More than half of the urban leaders were identified with wealth, big business and commercial interests. Of the 35 urban leaders, 18 were industrialists and big businessmen, 5 labour leaders, 5 political leaders, 3 professionals (one lawyer and two doctors), one educationist, one Government official, one social service worker and one leader in civic affairs. No religious leaders were mentioned either by the rural or urban respondents. The data showed that in rural areas power was perceived to be in the hands of rich, leading agriculturists whereas in urban areas, it was with the industrialists, while political and trade union leaders also played an important role in the urbanindustrial community.

17 hloscn, Gaetano, 1939.

The Ruling

Chs,

AlcGraw

Hill

Book Co., New York,

V.

ATTITUDES

AND

OPINIONS Test

The Sentence Completion

SENTENCE COMPLETION TEST was made use of as a projective test to help identify assessment of status by the respondents. In this test, the individual was asked to complete a sentence wherein the first few words were given. The person was to responcl by the first words that came to his mind. The sentence completion test used in this study consisted of twelve items. There was no time limit to complete the sentence and the respondent was encouraged to use his imagination to make as free a response as possible. The response was taken verbatim. A major advantage of the sentence completion test is the quickness and ease with which it can be administered. Though most psychologists feel that it is somewhat limited to the scope of the material evoked, it affords a rough measure or classification of the status structure. Sentence completion is not as disguised as other projective tests because it is more structured than for example the Rorschach inkblots or the TAT picturestory situation. However, it has a definite advantage in that items can be developed specifically for a given status dimension. Regard for People: The first sentence used in the sentence completion test was as follows: People who are highly regarded are those with. . . . . . . .. Wealth, good qualities and education were the usual responses given both by the rural and urban sample. Wealth was considered as the main factor to regard people in high esteem. Money was mentioned by the urban respondents whereas rural respondents emphasized landed property. Rural respondents to a larger degree looked at ones character and good qualities for esteem. Almost all societies recognize differences in status as related

167

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to age. As Ralph LintonlR puts it, In the case of age, as in that of sex, biological factors involved appear to be secondary to the cultural ones in determining the content of status. It is surprising that none among the rural respondents referred to the aged, whereas it was mentioned by only a few ur-ban respondents. (See Table 22)
TABLE 22 PEOPLE RESPONSE TO SENTENCE COMPLETION TEST WHO ARE HIGHLY REGARDED ARE THOSE WITH. Percentage Response Rural N: 166 27.71 21.09 15.25 2.41 1.20 14.46 7.23 3.01 2.41 2.41 3.01 1.81 100.00 Mentioning Total N: 326 29.45 13.49 10.43 5.22 2.76 2.45 12.27 5.83 0.92 5.2 3.07 2.76 0.61 4.60 0.92 100.00 .

Urban N: 160 31.25 3. 63 7.50 8.13 5.62 3 . 75 I 10.00 4.37 1.87 7.50 3.75 3.13 1.25 6.25 100.00

Wealth Property/lands Wealth ie good qualities \Vealth and education \Vecllth and status Have all comforts Good qualities Education & intelligence Aged ones High status Perseverance & honesty Helping others Achievements in life 1Ve are dependent on them Dont know TOTAL

Occupational Preferences: The question, If I were to choose another occupation, I would like to be.. . . . . . . . . evoked the following responses from the rural group: an agriculturist, a businessman, a tobacco or cotton merchant, mill worker etc. The replies from the urban group were: farmer, a small industrialist, a businessman, an artisan, a skilled worker etc. (See Table 23).
18 Linton, Ralph, The New York, 1936, p. 119. Study of Alan, Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.,

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TABLEZ RESPONSE TO SENTENCE COMPLETION TEST. IF I WERE TO CHOOSE ANOTHER OCCUPATION, I WOULD LIKE TO BE.. . . . . Percentage Iies-ponse Rural N: 166 22.89 14.46 1.81 7 .83 17.47 2.41 14.46 1.20 1 .O mentioning Urban N: 160 18.13 5.00 1.25 10.62 3.75 10.00 12.50 7.50 4.38 1.25 0.63 1.25 1.25 3.75 0.63 1.87 1.87 14.37 100.00

Total
A: 326 20.55 9.38 1.53 9.20 1.84 13.80 7.36 11.04 2.15 0.61 0.92 1.25 0.61 1.84 0.31 1.84 0.92 14.42 100.00

Farmer Agricultural labourer/ coolie Shepherd Artisan (carpenter, mason, potter) Handloom weaving Business Small industrialist Mill/Factory worker Mechanic Mistry/supervisor Social service Lawyer/Physician Armed Forces Clerk Teacher Salaried job High income job Do cot want any other work TOTAL

1.81 14.46 100.00

Generally the preference was for occupations that have a middle class connotation. It is surprising that a high percentage of urban respondents (18.13 per cent) should opt to become farmer as compared to rural respondents (22.89 per cent). Approximately, one out of every six respondents in both urban and rural areas preferred their own respective occupations and did not want any change. Scheduled Castes: The response to the sentence The best thing for the scheduled caste would be . . . . . . is given in Table 24.

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TABLE 24 RESPONSE TO SENTENCE FOR THE SCHEDULED COMPLETION TEST. TIIE BEST THING CASTE WOULD BE. . . . . . . . . . . .

Rvrcd N: 166 Food Satisfaction of basic needsfood, dress and shelter Agriculture Lcnns to buy lands and cattle for agriculture lllsin:~s< C(;otl work/steady work Hcl-e&tory profession I akc to handicrafts I:n~toi),/Go~elnmc~nt jobs \1011cy Education Education and job Education & cleanliness Education and l~o~~scs Own houses and Ix& IIouses and jolt Good qualitic>s Cleanliness IIard work Character Unity Dont know TOTAL 7.23 7.23 12.05 13.25 1.20 12.63

U&in N: 160 2.50 11.88 6.25

Total N: 326 4.91 9.51 9.20 6.75 0.61 13.19 0.61 1.53 2.46 6.75 15.34 3.68 1.84 1.53 7.98 1.53 2.46 1.84 0.92 1.81 0.92 4.60 100.00

13.75 2.50 5.00 7.50 18.75 3.75 3.75 3.13 6.88 3.12 3.12 1.25 0.63 1.25 1.87 3.12 100.00

i.21
0.60 6.02 12.05 3.Gl -

9.04 1.81 2.41 1.21 2.41 6.02 100.00

Both the rural and urban sample emphasized education and good/steady work. In the rural areas, they wanted the scheduled castes to take to farming and wanted the Government to provide them with lands and loans for cultivation, purchase of cattle, etc. The urban respondents desired that the basic needs of scheduled castes (food, clothing and shelter) should be satisfied, they should be provided with houses, education and jobs in factories and Government employment. Other responses mentioned were that they should be clean, wear good clothes, be faithful, dependable, etc.

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MY SON SHOULD

TABLE% BESPONSE TO SENTENCE COMPLETION TEST. BECOME. . . . . . . . . . Percentage Response RWUl

N:l66

mentioning Urban N: 160 Total A: 326 8.59 2.45 3.37 1.23 1.54 10.12 8.28 1.23 5.22 3.07 0.61 4.30 3.37 5.83 3.37 2.76 3.07 7.36 13.19 2.76 2.76 1.84 3.68 100.00

16.87 Farmer 8 61 Businessman/Industrialist 4:23 Co\-crnment employee 0.60 District Judge/Collector 1.20 Police Inspector Engineer 4.82 6.02 Doctor/Physican Lawyer/Auditor 0.60 Teacher 8.45 Clerk 0.60 0.60 Armed Forces Mill/Factory worker 3.61 Doing some profession 3.61 Doing my own profession 7.23 Well employed/salaried job 3.61 Better off than me 1.81 Intelligent man 3.61 Educated man 6.02 Educated and prosperous 9.04 Bich 4.23 Useful to the community/ country 2.41 Decent & honest man 3.01 Dont know 4.23 TOTAL 100.00

1.25 2.50 1.87 1.87 15.62 10.63 1.87 1.87 5.62 0.63 5.00 3.13 4.37 3.13 3.75 2.50 8.75 17.50 1.25 3.13 0.63 3.13 100.00

Job aspiration for Son: The following incomplete sentence, My son should become. . . . . . was used to measure the job ambitions for children. People in both urban and rural areas mentioned that the son should become an educated and prosperous man, a professional engineer or physician. Farming, a preferred occupation in rural areas was not mentioned by urban respondents. Impact of industrialization and urbanization tends to make people get farther away from agriculture and give importance to professional (engineer, physician, etc.), white collar and skilled jobs. Other rural preferences in-

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eluded factory and Government jobs and the teachers profession. The general trend in the occupational preferences for their children appears to be one wherein considerable value is attached to education e.g., Govermnent and professional employment. There was a very low preference for children taking to business. The preference to join armed forces may have been influenced by the Indo-Pakistan conflict that occurred during the time of data collection. Wealth, usefulness to the community, intelligence and character were valued most by the rural group whereas education, prosperity, factory employment and professional jobs were stressed in urban areas. Position of the Brahmins: Approximately 17 per cent of the rural and 29 per cent of the urban respondents mentioned that Brahmins were in high positions. In the village where the study was conducted, the Brahmin families were well off economically and hence probably the 13 per cent of rural respondents mentioning that Brahmins are living in comfort. (Table 26). S. S. Nehru however points out, In India, the exigencies of life have brought about a situation, in which the Brahmin caste still rates highest in social status, but has been put in the seventh place in a national rating according to solvency and credit. Brahmins were perceived as well educated and holding good positions by more of the rural than urban sample. Rural respondents also described them as neat, clean and respectable. Urban respondents felt that Brahmins have changed quite a lot and are less religious nowadays. Both the rural and urban respondents expressed that Brahmins have been degraded in status. This raises the interesting question of how long the Brahmins traditional standing in the caste and status structure can persist. Use of Money: The use of extra income by the rural and urban sample revealed interesting differences. If a years income was given to them rural respondents wanted to buy cattle (22.9 per cent ), improve agriculture (22.9 per cent), meet family expenses (15.7 per cent), invest in business ( 10.8 per cent), buy cultivable lands (9.6 per cent), etc. In business, they wanted to
19 Nehru, S. S., Caste and Credit in the Rural & Co., Inc., New York, 1932, p. 15. Area, Longmans, Green

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OPINIOPUS

173

26 COMPLETION ARE. Percentage TEST ,

RESPONSE TO SENTENCE BRAHllINS NOWDAYS

Response

High pcsition Living in comfort Ordinary position Being degradctl Having no statrls Holding good jobs A changed lot - more freely with all I Iave not changed 12orking as teachers Priests Accountants \Vell educated Well educated & in good positions Neat and clean Having respect and character Less religious/orthodox Deceiving & exploiting others Dont know -.
TOTAL

Rural N: 166 -__-16.87 12.65 16.27 9.04 1.20 IO.24 4.22 1.20 2.41 2.41 7.8:3 6.63 1.20 3.01 0.60 1.81 2.41
100.00

mentioning ____ Urban N: 160 28.75 1.87 18.13 10.00 9.:38 .5.00 10.62 1.87 1.23 6.88 1.25 0.63

__Total TV: 326 22.70 7.36 17.18 9.51 3.21 7.67 7.36 0.92 0.61 1.84 1.23 7.30 3.99 0.9 7.53 1.2:3 1.23 2.15 100.00

1.87 0.63 1.87 -100.00

become dealer in grains, banker, building contractor, invest in pedal loom, etc. On the other hand, urban respondents mentioned that they would use it to meet family expenses (29.4 per cent), build a house ( 12.5 per cent), invest in bank-savings certificates ( 12.5 per cent), do business (8.8 per cent), start industries (8.8 per cent), etc. More urban than rural people reported that they would like to build or buy a house-probably because rural people already own houses and because of the pressure for housing accommodation in urban areas. In business, the urban residents wanted to invest in a cycle shop, workshop, powerloom, etc.

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27 TEST . . . . . . . . . .

RESPONSE IF I WERE GIVEN

TO SENTENCE COMPLETION A YEARS INCOME, I WOULD. Percentage

mentioning Urban N: 160 12.59 3.12 3.75 3.12 8.75 8.75 2.50 3.12 6.88 29.38 4.37 0.63 0.63 12.50 Total N: 326 8.28 13.19 6.75 12.88 9.82 6.13 2.15 1.53 4.60 22.39 3.07 0.31 0.31 7.89 0.61 100.00

Response Buy/build a house Buy cattle Buy lands for cultivation Improve agriculture Invest in business Start an industry Buy jewels Buy radio/cycle Repay loans Family expenses For marriage/education Go on tour Donate to Defence Fund Keep it in bank/buy savings certificates Dont know
TOTAL

Rural AT: 166 4.22 22.89 9.64 22.29 10.84 3.61 1.81 2.41 15.66 1.81 3.61 1.21 100.00

100.00

Other responses mentioned, were to buy clothes, jewels, radio, cycle, etc., to go on tour, use it for marriage, education of children, and for repayment of loans. Changes in Castes after Independence: Conflicting views were expressed regarding the changes that have taken place among castes after Independence. The general consensus was that caste differences have narrowed down because of the spread of nationalistic and democratic ideas. About the same percentage of the rural and urban respondents mentioned that caste differences have to some extent narrowed down after Independence. A very slight population of the rural as well as the urban sample thought that the lower caste people have come up in status. However, 28 per cent of the rural and 13.8 per cent of the urban informants maintained that castes have not changed. Among the rural interviewed people, about 17.5 per cent men-

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TABLE 28 RESPONSE TO SENTENCE COMPLETION AFTER INDEPENDENCE, CASTES. . . . Percentage Response Rural N: 166 TEST . . . . .

wlentioning Urban N: 160 13.75 41.87 26.25 2.50 2.50 3.75 8.75 0.63 Total N: 326 21.16 41.72 21.78 2.15 3.07 3.68 5.21 1.23 100.00

Have not changed They remain as they were 28.31 Differences have come down to some extent 41.57 17.47 Arc treated equally Differences still exist in villages, not in towns 1.81 Lower caste people have come up 3.61 Conflicts and problems have decreased 3.61 Conflicts and problems have increased 1.81 Do not know 1.81 TOTAL 100.00

100.000

tioned that all castes are treated equally while the corresponding figure for urban respondents was 26.3 per cent. Urbanization and spread of education seem to have altered the attitude of the people towards castes. Yet, the inertia of custom and tradition continues to be powerful. Caste differences still appear to be real in rural areas-the heart of Hindu social organization-though not so much in urban areas. Some urban respondents however mention that caste conflicts and problems have increased after Independence. To obtain Power: Power is intimately related to the status structure and also to the esteem dimension of the stratification system. Hence the similarity between the responses to the statement To obtain power one needs. . . . . . . and the earlier statement People who are highly regarded are those with. . . . .. Approximately one fourth of the rural and urban sample considered money a prerequisite to obtain power. Education and employment position were mentioned next in order of importance. Landed property, support of the people, character and social

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service helped one to obtain power in rural areas; whereas in the urban milieu it was education, employment position, ability and courage.
TABLE

29 COMPLETION TEST NEEDS. . . . . . . . . : Percerltage mentioning Urban N: 160 25.63 2.50 5.62 2.50 15.62 16.8i 7.50 S.1:3 5.00 0.6:3 8.73 5.62 0.63 100.00 Total N: 326 24.54 8.25 9.00 1.84 13.50 13.Fjo 4.91 4.60 3.37 2.45 4.91 6.14 2.15 0.61 100.00

RESPONSE TO OBTAIN

TO SENTENCE POWER, ONE

--R1rral A; I66 Xloney Propert) Support of people Supporting the rich and those in position Employment and position Education Education and money Intelligence status Social Service Ability and courage Good character Straightforwardl7Fss Dont know
TOTAL

23.49 13.86 12.63 1.20 11.4s 10.24 2.41 6.02 1.81 4.22 1.20 6.63 3.61 1.21 100.00

Marriage of Daughter: The incomplete sentence I want my daughter to marry a . . . . . . . . elicited a wide variety of responses. Marrying a boy who belongs to the same caste and preferably a close relative like the sisters son was emphasized by both the rural and urban sample alike. They wanted the traditional family and caste connections to be retained. Generally, rural respondents preferred a boy of the same status group , a boy of good character and conduct, an employed boy and a farmer. Urban respondents laid a little more stress on education, and a boy belonging to a higher status family. Boys in mill or factory employment or engaged in professions like that of the doctor or engineer were also preferred by the city dwellers. Giving freedom to marry a boy whom she likes was to a

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OPINIONS

177

TABLE SO RESPONSE TO SENTENCE COMPLETION TEST I WANT MY DAUGHTER TO MARRY A. . . . . . . . . . . : Percentage Response Rural N:166 27.72 16.87 13.86 6.63 4.82 2.41 4.82 1.81 0.60 3.61 3.61 0.60 5.42 0.60 1.20 5.42 mentioning Urban N:160 11.88 15.63 7.50 4.37 1.87 0.63 10.00 2.50 1.87 1.87 17.50 1.87 1.25 3.13 1.87 3.13 3.13 10.00 100.00 Total N:326 19.95 16.26 10.74 5.52 3.37 1.53 7.36 2.15 1.23 2.76 10.43 0.92 0.92 2.76 1.84 1.53 1.53 1.53 7.67 100.00

Good boy from my caste Boy from the family of my relatives e.g., sisters son Boy of good character and conduct Boy of my status Suitable boy h4iddle class boy Educated boy Rich boy Educated and rich boy Employed boy Boy whom she likes Engineer Doctor Farmer like me Mill/Factory worker Boy of any caste Boy from higher status Boy whom I choose Dont know
TOTAL

100.00

much larger degree prevalent in urban areas as compared to the rural. Factory Workers: Rural respondents described factory workers as modern, wearing new clothes, earning a good pay, leading a comfortable life, belonging to the middle group and being spendthrifts. To use a sociological term, factory workers had in their eyes better life chances. By life chances is meant the opportunity to acquire desirable things in Iife, including health, a high standard of living, education, power and so on. On the whole, factory employment was portrayed in an ideal light, which was not the case with the urban respondents. They

178

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IN

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INDIA

TABLE 31 RESPONSE TO SENTENCE COMPLETION TEST. PEOPLE WORKING IN FACTORIES ARE USUALLY.. . . . . . . . . Percentage Response Rural N: 166 mentioning Urban N: 160 8.1 24.38 28.75 10.62 ij.00 1.25 3.75 1.25 0.63 033 1.67 2.50 5.00 :;.75 2.50 ---100.00 __-----100.00 Total N: 326 26.38 16.57 14.11 M.44 5.21 6.75 7.06 2.45 0.01 0.92 1.53 0.92 1.53 3.07 2.15 1.23 3.07

Leading a better life49.97 a comfortable life Leading a moderate life 9.04 Leading a hard life Find it difficult to make 2.41 both ends meet Earning a good pay 10.24 In the middle income group 8.43 :\iodern, clean and wear 1265 good clothes Rackward/Wear dirty clothes 1.21 _Healthy Not healthy 1.21 Spendthrifts 2.41 Not educated United and revolutionary O.GO Disciplined and hard workers 1.21 Not much interested 0.W in work Sociable Dont know 6.03 .__ _____ ----~_ _...... ~--.-_TOTAL 100.00

were much more sceptical about factory workers as leading a hard or moderate life and finding it difficult to live within their income. Workers in industrial employment were by a few also described as disciplined, united and revolutionary. The latter description perhaps refers to the influence of the trade unions among workers. Indias Progress: Development of agriculture and unity among people were considered essential for the progress of the country. The general emphasis by both the interviewed groups was on economic development. Industrial development, cooperation between management and labour, improvement of productivity,

ATTITUDES

AND
TABLE

OPINIONS

179
TEST.
. . . . . . . . .

32 COMPLETION
ON THE.

RESPONSE TO SENTENCE
INDIAS PROGRESS DEPENDS

Percentage Response _-~.

mentioning Total N: 326

Rural Urban N: 166 N: 160 --___-___---__-.__ 23.13 14.38 7.50 6.25 1.25 14.38 5.00 3.12 1.25 3.12 3.75 2.50 4.37 7.50 1.25 1.245 ----.

Development of agriculture 25.30 Industrial development 6.02 Economic development 7.23 Educated/development in education 3.62 Uplift of the poor 4.82 Unity among the people 18.07 Efforts of the people 5.42 Monsoon rains 8.43 Politicians & political leaders 1.81 Moneyed and the rich 2.41 Government administration 9.64 1.21 Gods grace Armed forces 1.81 Improvement of productivity Cooperation between management and labour 0.60 Control of population Dont know 3.61 --I__.-.l.--__.
TOTAL

24.23 10.12 7.36 4.91 3.07 16.26 5.22 5.83 1.53 2.76 6.75 1.84 0.92 2.15 3.99 0.61 2.45

100.00

100.00

1oo.no

education and control of population were desired by the urban informants whereas the rural folk stressed the need of proper Government administration, monsoon rains and uplift of the poor. Concepts like productivity and population control appear not to have had their full impact in rural areas. To become Rich: Perseverance and hard work were mentioned as the best means to become rich. In rural areas, they felt that one could become rich by taking to business or engaging in agriculture in their own lands. The urban way of thinking on the other hand was to cheat others and indulge in malpractices. It is likely that the environment and exposure to different types

180

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IN

CHANGING

INDIA

TABLE 33 RESPONSE TO BECOME TO SENTENCE COMPLETION TEST RICH ONE MUST.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage Response Rural iv: 166 mentioning Urban N: 160 Total N: 326

Have perseverance, & strive hard 22.29 Take to business 34.34 Cheat others & indulge iii malpractices 3.01 Do agriculture in 19.29 own lands Save money by thrift 4.82 Be intelligent & educated 3.01 Have confidence & 0.60 courage Have luck 1.20 Seek the help of others, the moneyed & the rich 1.81 7.23 Dont know
TOTAL

28.75 17.50 22.50 3.13 4.37 1.87 3.13 3.75 5.62 6.25 lOO.QO

25.46 26.07 12.58 11.35 4.66 2.46 1.84 2.45 3.68 6.75 100.00

100.00

of experiences have made the respective groups to hold different views. The element of luck, help from the moneyed, confidence and courage was also mentioned by urban respondents.

APPENDIX

COIMBATORE SUMMARY

STUDY OF STATUS

SHEET-ASSESSMENT Status Group

Qtb&ion High Middle Low

Who

are they?

Naidu Small land Chettiar Industrialist Landlord The Rich

owner

Naidu Chettiar Mudaliar Gounder Konar Small land owner Below Rs. lOOO/income per month Business people Clerks and Supervisors

Harijans Artisan Castes Factory workers Daily wage earners Poor people

Reasons

Own factories, business & lands Own large property Have lots of money Have more income Self-dependent Render help to many

Own small property Moderate income Salaried-people

Depressed Castes Low, irregular income Daily wage earners Insecure jobs Not clean

Chestion

SUhlMARY SHEET-ASSESSMENT OF STATUS ----__ Status Group -___ --- ~~ ~ ~~ ,Middle High Nutritious & expensive diet Four to five side dishes Rice & cereals 14utton, fish, eggs, milk, curd & ghee Fruits, vegetables Coffee and tea Expensive silk, terylene, rayon, nylon, tweed & fine varieties Clean and neat Showy and gaudy Latest style Too much quantity Four yard dhoti Large & spacious Modem bungalow Cement mortar Moderate diet Rice and millets Ragi. Cholam - Kambu

(continued

) ---

LOW --___

Food

Habits

Cheap food Rice and millets Ragi, Cholam & Kambu

Dress

Habits

Irloderate Mill cloth & voiles Clean and neat

Cheap Gada, handloom cloth So&d, untidy & tom clothes Inadequate quantity Two yard dhoti

Types of Residence

Ordinary house Tiled house Rented house

Ordinary house Tiled house Huts, thatched roof Small house

SUhlLfARY --__

SHEET-ASSESSZIENT Status Group

OF STATUS

(continued)

Question High -Recreation Cinema Going to the park Playing games Reading newspapers Listening to radio Going out for a walk/drive Going to clubs Playing cards Picnics, hill stations Discussing local politics Cinema Going to the park Playing games Reading newspapers Attending to househoId duties Cinema Attending duties to household Middle LOW

Occupations

Farming Business Industrialists

Farming Business Coolies Industrial workers Petty traders Professionals Clerks and Supervisors

Coolies Industrial

workers

SUMMARY

SHEET-ASSESSMENT Status Group

OF STATUS

(continued) E

High

Middle

Low

Occasions when they get together

Marriage Death/funeral Festive occasions Temple festivals Elections Civic activities Millowners Assn. Meetings For settlement of disputes in the community For personal gains during crises Business activities Recreational activities Places of entertainment

Marriage Death/funeral Festival occasions Temple festivals Elections Civil activities Trade Union Meetings Political meetings

Marriage Death/funeral Festive occasions Temple festivals Elections Trade Union meetings

-.___
Changes within status groups Have more income Have become more civilized Have more income Greater interest in education

_-

-- ___.Have more income Have become more civilized Living has become difhcult

SUMMARY

SHEET-ASSESSMENT Status Group

OF STATUS

(Concluded)

Question

_____ High

-___ Low -

Middle
Modem living Moderately priced dress Work in their own fields Secretarial jobs Sophisticated and modem

Position Women

of

Comfortable living Expensive, attractive varieties in dress Not attending to any work Sophisticated & modem Too many jewels Bathe daily, clean, use of powders, flowers

Moderate living Low priced, not clean, tom dress Agricultural/mill coolie work No jewels Not clean Rarely bathe

Manner

Well-behaved with their own group Decent Proud/cunning Reserved Opportunists

Well-behaved Decent

with

all

Well-behaved Well-behaved their own

with all with group

Distinctions within status groups

Economic Character Political

Economic Occupation

Occupation Living standards Caste

186

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

SUMMARY

SHEET-SENTENCE

COMPLETION

TEST

Items in the Teat -------Regard for people ---Occupational Preferences-Self

Responses Mentioned by More Than 1& of the Sample (given in order of importance) ---__-. Rural CJrban ----.-~---__---. _-Wealth Wealth/Money Property Good qualities Good qualities -_ Farmer Farmer Business Industrialist Mill/Factory Worker Businessman Artisan Education Good/Steady work Satisfaction of basic needsFood, Education and Shelter _I.~ High position Ordinary position Changed a lot Being degraded Family expenses Keep it in bank Buy/build a house Invest in business/ industry Differences narrowed down Are treated equally Have not changed Money Education Empioyment position

.._ I

Best thing Scheduled

for Castes

Position of Brahmins

Loans Good/Steady Work Education Satisfaction of basic needs-Food, Education and Shelter _--______-. -~ High position Ordinary position Living in comfort Holding Govt. jobs Buy cattle Improve agriculture Family expenses Invest in business Differences narrowed down Have not changed Are treated equally

--.

Use of hloney

Changes in Castes after Independence To Obtain Power

-.

hloncy Property Support of people Employment & position Education Good boy from own caste Boy from the family of relatives Boy of good character and conduct

and

Marriage Daughter

of

Boy whom she likes Boy from the family of relatives Good boy from own caste Educated boy

APPENDIX

187
TEST (continued)

SUMMARY

SHEET-SENTENCE

COMPLETION

Items

in the Test -

Responses Mentioned by More Than 10% of the Sample (given in order of importance) ____Rural Urban Leading a comfortable life Modem, clean and wear good clothes Earning a good pay Development of agriculture Unity among the people Government Administration Take to business Have perseverance and strive hard Do agriculture in own lands Leading a hard life Leading a moderate life Finding it difficult to make both ends meet

Factory

Workers

Indias

Progress

Development of agriculture Unity among the people Industrial development

To Become

Rich

Have perseverance and strive hard Cheat others and indulge in malpractices

___.--~
Job Aspiration for son Farmer Educated & prosperous Educated & prosperous Engineer Doctor/Physician

APPENDIX

II STUDY
A

COIMBATORE
TABLE

CASTE

AND

SUBJECTIVE

STATUS

CROUP mentioning

OF RESPONDENTS their status in: Urban

Percentage Rural Caste groups Brahmin Agricultural Castes Middle Village Group Artisans High 1.80 3.01 0.61 5.42 Middle 1.81 22.29 7.23 4.82 1.81 0.60 38.56 Low 14.46 8.43 10.84 10.24 12.05 56.02

Total 3.61 39.76 16.27 15.66 12.05 12.65 100.00

High 1.25 1.25

Middle 11.25 16.88 7.50 5.00 3.13 0.62 44.38

Low 1.25 19.37 5.00 5.00 7.50 16.25

Total 12.50 37.50 12.50 10.00 10.63 16.87

Village Servants Scheduled Castes

TOTAL

54.37 100.00

TABLE B OCCUPATION AND SUBJECTIVE STATUS GROUP OF RESPONDENTS

Occupation High Unskilled Semiskilled Skilled Technical Supervisory Clerical Managerial

Percentage

mentioning Middle 2.50 5.63 11.88 10.00 8.12 6.25 44.38

their status in: Low 5.63 25.62 20.62 1.87 0.63 54.37 Total -___ 8.75 31.25 32.50 11.87 8.75 6.88 100.00

0.62 0.63 1.25

TOTAL

189

CASTE

AND

MEAN

STATUS

SCORE OF RESPONDENTS

TABLE C FIVE YEARS AGO,

AT PRESENT

AND

FIVE

YEARS HENCE

Status Groups of Respondents Caste Groups __.~_._. Brahmin Hural ~Urban Rural Urban Rural --~Urban Rural .~___ Urban Rural ~---Urban Rural Urban .Rural a! Urban HigIa 5 years agO 5.3:3 __-. 5.40 5.00 6.00 --.~-. ___----.-- -At present 6.00 0.40 6.00 -__. 7.00 6.00 6.06 .--_~-__ 5 years hence 7.00 5 YWS ago 3.33 3.17 3.27 2.89 3.38 2.58 3.00 ____.3.66 Middle At present -..__ 3.67

and Mean Status Rating LOW 5 years hence 5 years a&w 1.00 2.13 2.06 2.07 2.50 2.00 1.75 1.59 1.83 1.10 1.50 At present 1.50 2.29 1.87 1.79 1.86 2.06 -2.00 1.65 1.33 1.25 1.65 5 gears hence -2.00 2.88 2.19 2.29 2.25 2.56 2.38 __2.06 1.92 1.80 1.88 -~-

Agricultural Castes --__ Middle Group

4.67 -- ~__._ ..~ 3.61 4.78 4.08 __-3.96 3.93 .__---. 4.17 3.75 4.13 4.06 3.00 3.00 3.00

3.43 -__ 3.26 3.42 3.25 2.87 3.38

6.00 --__------..-..~~~_ ~~~ ..____.~~ -

Village Artisans Village Servants -__ Scheduled Castes

- --___

2.67 3.33 ..~ .~~ .__~____ ._~~~.. ___2.66 2.80 3.06 3.66 3.00 3.60

APPENDIX TABLED

11

191

RANKING

OF STATUS

CRITERIA

BY CASlE

(RURAL)

Caste Breakdown Brahmins Caste Character Dress Education Food Housing standard Income Neighbourhood Recreation Social service Xlode of transport 4 2.5 5 2.5 6.5 8 I 11 IO 6.5 9

Rank order for status criteria Agricultural castes 8 3 7 2 9 4 1 10 11 5 6 Middle Group 8 3 7 2 9 4 1 10 11 5 6 Village artisans 6.5 3 5 2 9 4 1 10 11 8 6.5 Village seroants 8 3 5 2 9 4 1 10 11 7 6 Scheduled castes 4 2 6 3 8 5 1 10 11 7 9

RANKING

OF STATUS

TABLE E CRITERIA

BY CASTE

(URBAN)

Caste Breakdown Caste Character Dress Education Food I fousing standard Income heighbourhood Recreation Social service Mode of transport

__ Brahmins 11 10 6 3 7 2 1 5 8 9 3

Rank order for statu.s criteria Agricultural Middle Village ViUage artisans castes Group servants 9 3 5 2 10 4 1 8 11 6 7 9 4 6 2 10 3 1 8 11 7 5 9 4 6 2 10 5 1 8 11 3 7 9 4 6 2 10 3 1 8 11 5 7

Scheduled castes 9 4 6 2 10 3 1 8 11 5 7

192

STATUS

IMAGES

IN
TABLE

CHANGING

INDIA

F TO RISE IN STATUS BY CASTE

RANKING

OF PREREQUISITES

(RURAL) Caste Breakdown Caste Courage Cunningness Education Honesty Intelligence Money Perseversche&led castes 7 6 9 2 4 3 1 8 5

Brahmins 9 1 8 4 5 3 2

Agricultural castes 8 6 9 4 3 1 2 7 5

Middle Group 9 6 8 3 5 2 1 7 4

Village artisans 8 6 9 1 5 3 2 7 4

Village servants 8 6 9 3 5 2 1 7 4

ance 6.5 Whom you know 6.5

TABLE

RANKING

OF PREREQUISITES TO RISE IN STATUS (URBAN)

BY CASTE

Caste Breakdoala Caste Courage Cunningness Education Honesty Intelligence Money Perseverance Whom you know

Brahmin.9 9 7 8 2 6 3 1 4 5

Agricultural castes -__-9 6 8 3 4 2 1 7 5

Middle @+OUP 8 7 9 3 5 2 1 6 4

Village arttsans 9 6 8 1 2 3 2 7 4

ScheVillage duled servants castes -----_ 9 6 8 4 5 1 2 7 3 9 5 8 4 6 2 1 7 3

API'ENDIX TABLE

11

193

H BY CASTE (RURAL) Scheduled castes ._.__ 2 12 10 8 4 9 1 3 5 11 7 6

RANKING

OF OCCUPATIONS

Occupations

Brahmins

__--Agriculturist 1 Agricultural labourer 11 Artisan 10 Clerical worker 7 Engineer 3 Factory worker 9 Industrialist 2 Moneylender 4.5 Physician 4.5 Priest 12 Shop-keeper 8 Primary school teacher 6

Agricultural Middle castes group ~__2 2 12 10 8 5 9 1 3 4 11 7 6

TABLE

Village artisans .~-----2 12 10 7 3 9 1 5 4 11 8 6

Village servants -. _~ __ 2 12 10 6 4 9 1 3 5 11 7 8

12 10 8 3 9 1 4 5 11 7 6
I

RANKING

OF OCCUPATIONS

BY CASTE

(RURAL) Scheduled castes 3.5 12 8 2 3.5 9 1 6 5 11 7 10

Occupations

Brahmins

Agriculturul castes 2 11 10 6 3 9 1 5 4 12 7 8

Middle group 3 12 8 7 4 9 1 5 2 11 6 10

Village
artisans

Village
servstnts

Agriculturist 3 Agricultural labourer 11 Artisan 10 Clerical worker 7 Engineer 4 Factory worker 8 Industrialist 1 Moneylender 5 Physician 2 Priest 12 Shop-keeper 6 Primary School Teacher 9

5 7 9 6 2 10 1 4 3 11 8 9

2 11 8 7 4 10 1 5 3 12 6 9

194

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

TABLE J RANKING OF OCCUPATIONS AgTicultural ~bourer 3 12 10 8 5 9 1 2 4 11 7 6

TABLE

BY OCCUPATION

(RuruI)

Occupations

Owner cultivator

Tenant farmer 2 12 9 7 5 10 1 3.5 3.5 11 8 6

Artisan 2 12 10 6 3 8 1 5 4 11 7 9 K

Servant 2 12 9 8 3 10 1 4 5 11 6 7

Petty trader 2 12 10 7 3 9 1 4 5.5 11 8 5.5

Village School official Teacher 2 12 9 10 3 8 1 5 4 11 6 7 2 10 11 7 3 9 1 4.5 4.5 12 8 6

Agriculturist 2 Agricultural labourer 12 Artisan 9 Clerical 8 worker Engineer 4 Factory worker 10 Industrialist 1 Moneylender 5 Physician 3 Priest 11 Shop-keeper 7 Primary School teacher 6

RANKING

OF OCCUPATIONS

BY OCCUPATION

(Urban)

Occupation3

Unskilled 4 12 10 6 3 9 1 5 2 11 7 8

Semi-skilled

Skilled

Technical SupeTvisoTy 3 11.5 10 6 2 9 1 5 4 11.5 7 8

Clerical

Manugeriul 4 10 9 8 3 7 1 .5 2 12 6 11

Agriculturist Agricultural labourer Artisan Clerical worker Engineer Factory worker Industrialist ?c?loneylender Physician Priest Shop-keeper Primary School teacher

2.5 12 8 7 5 10 1 4 2.5 11 6 9

3 12 10 6 2 9 1 5 4 11 7 8

2 11 10 5 3 9 1 7 4 12 6 8

The Value of the Studies HE ~TORTS OS the two field studies, conducted in the Coimbatore and Poona regions, have revealed a wide range of views on the status phenomenon in urban and rural milieus. At first sight there seems to be a mixture of many mental pictures, whether conventional, modern, popular, sophisticated, bizarre and otherwise. Before making an attempt to discern certain patterns in the images of the respondents, it should he rnadc clear that the enquiries were limited in several ways. First, the opinions given by the informants were those of two selected areas. The findings therefore may not hold good for the states in which the investigations were conducted (Madras and \Iaharashtra) nor for any other region in India. Any generalization would have to take into account that the communities studied here, have been own typical caste composition. life histories, economy, ecological pattern, etc. Secondly, it should be remembered that the urban-industrial sample was a restricted one; with emphasis on the inhstriab. The urban images belong to a special group, viz. a sample of the working population in big factories. Such urban groups as the intellectuals, government !;ervants, bankers, etc. whose attitudes would be also very significant from the point of view of social change, were excluded from the study. The village samples, although more representative of the rural community as such, were however also restricted in the sense that some groups with few members (e.g., the hIarwaris in Malthan village) were left out. The same applies to the exclusion of Muslims and Christians from the rural and tile url~an samples as well. It may also be noted that despite the fact that women and men were almost equally represented in the population of the two areas, the former were not included within the scope of this

195

196

STATUS

IMAGES

IS

CIIANGING

IEZDIA

project. This does not mean that they were considered a negligible category. On the contrary, it has frequently been stated that women are more status conscious and more susceptible to status symbols than men (Packard, 1959: 120). Howsoever interesting their status images may be, it was not advisable to add another variable to the already small sized sample. In brief, what is investigated here represents only a fraction of the myriad of images that exist in India today. A word of caution must further be said with regard to the reality-character of the images. The images are composed of the evaluations of the status system and the groups therein. Some opinions refer to ideal patterns of behaviour, but what people say is not always logically linked to what they actually do. The biggest crook in town may still opine that all prestige is derived from good conduct. A Brahmin labourer may state that he has no objection to eating with an untouchable fellow worker, but whether in practice he will, depends on, among other factors, the social control and the norms that are operative in the factory and in the wider social surroundings. There could be, in other words, a certain discrepancy between conceptualization and day-to-day behaviour (Srinivas, 1955: 26). Such responses as were elicited by our investigations on the other hand, are not suspended in a social vacuum. They are fed by what people consider to be proper, the right thing, the dos and the donts in a particular culture. They tell us a lot about the values to which people think they should adhere, and which they eventually should make good. As such, the images may be regarded as directives of social behaviour, as ideological models. The majority of the assessments found in this study however may be considered as belonging to a so-called blueprint model, in which social groups are mapped and no references to norms are given (Ward, 1966: 203). Another reservation to be made with regard to the actual value of the assessments as presented in the reports is that they cover a small proportion of the conceptual framework of our informants. It is, for instance, easy to imagine that they may express themselves in a different manner about social divisions to their kinsmen than to an interviewer from outside. There may also be many other status distinctions which they feel but cannot verbalize. In a persons subjective world, several societal

DISCUSSION

OF

THE

FINDINGS

197

models exist, consciously or unconsciously, which will become articulate only in a particular situation. But without the right stimuli, they will remain unseizable. Although in our interview technique we have attempted to approach the more unconscious level by introducing questions which would evoke spontaneous reactions, it is very likely that the inner-most images have been left untouched. Participant observation or psychiatric interviewing would certainly reveal different and more profound observations than those obtained by means of a sociological questionnaire. Changes in the Position of Status Groups When we asked our informants to describe the groups that are found in three different status levels, they generally agreed on the types of castes and occupations that should be included. On the whole the village and factory people saw the status groups as more or less clear cut entities. Thus to each group whether on a high, medium or low status level, they designated specific occupations or castes, which were to a much lesser extent found in another status group. Core groups having high status were the traditionally high castes, industrialists, prosperous landlords, and people from the professions. Those having medium status usually were the intermediate castes, small business people, clerical workers and teachers. Groups which were placed on the bottom of the hierarchy by the respondents were by and large the untouchables, the servant castes, the agricultural and industrial labourers. Some deviations however could be noticed. A certain degree of uncertainty existed, for instance, about the placement (whether middle or low) of the white collar workers and skilled labourers in the sample of the Poona factories. It is quite likely that the controversy between white and blue collar, could be explained in terms of the caste origin of both the occupational categories. White collar workers for instance were either Brahmins, Marathas or Malis, while the skilled workers came from the Maratha and Mali castes, and artisan, service or depressed castes. Unclear notions as to the position of castes
as: * The term status was in the Coimbatore s&akkn and thnr respectively. and Poonn studies translated

198

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

CHANGING

INDIA

were to some extent also observed for the Naidus and the Chettiars among the villagers of Vadavalli in the Coimbatore region. To a lesser degree this was also true for the Gounder caste whose status, apart from being predominantly middle, would sometimes sway towards the low or high. As for the first two castes, it may be mentioned that they are characterized by a wide occupational differentiation as a result of migration to the urban areas. Thus among the Naidus, who are reckoned as originally belonging to the Kshatriya community, one finds prosperous agriculturists and textile millowners as well. The Chettiars, traditionally Vaishyas, are big businessmen, money-lenders, tobacco traders, etc. The three castes are almost equally represented in the village and the urban populations of the area under study. The urbanness of these communities may have troubled the villagers in giving an exact assessment of their social position. The status of a traditionally backward caste in the Maharashtrian village, the Dhangars, was to some extent also dubious. Since some had turned landowners instead of continuing their traditional occupation of sheep raising, they claimed for themselves a more superior status. Analysis of similar data on other castes shows that there are more castes who regard their own status unclear. Self-assessments of ones own status reveal for instance that 24 per cent of the untouchables (mostly Nao Buddhas) in the Maharashtrian village consider themselves as belonging to the middle status level, while the corresponding figure for the urban untouchables is 49 per cent. In the village near Coimbatore, the agricultural castes as well as the middle group castes have an ambiguous status in their own estimation, being either middle or low. This was also true for the same castes in the city sample of Coimbatore (See Appendix Coimbatore Study, Table A). The uncertain position of the highest caste, the Brahmins, is of particular interest in this respect. For both the Coimbatore and Poona studies (especially in the latter) it was found that their position had become unstable (see answers to sentence completion test). In comparing the views of the city dwellers with those of the rural folk, there were more respondents in the first category that thought the status of the Brahmins had changed and become cvalueless, degraded. It is important to note that the Brahmins themselves feel that they nowadays enjoy less status or no status at all. This fact was confirmed by

DISCUSSION

OF

THE

FINDINGS

199

the data regarding the self-evaluation of their own status in the social structure. In both the reports, it was observed that many more Brahmins in the urban sample would place themselves on the middle level as compared to their rural counterparts. Occupational groups in the urban areas which ranked themselves on different status levels were: the unskilled workers in Poona and, to a lesser extent, the skilled workers of Coimbatore. As far as the agricultural occupational groups are concerned, the agriculturists and the artisans of the village in the Poona region also held dissimilar views about their own position in the community. There thus seem to be quite a few variations in the ways groups are stratified. These variations were more pronounced in the subjective assessments of the peoples own position than in the description which they gave of other groups in their surrounding society. It is also through these subjective assessments that one sees an expanding middle group in the status system to which otherwise high or low ranked individuals say they belong. The volume of this middle layer was larger in the cities than in the villages, where the investigations were conducted. (38 per cent identified themselves with the middle status groups in the village sample of the Coimbatore study against 44 per cent in the industrial sample; while the corresponding figures for the Pooua study were: 56 per cent and 75 per cent). This compression of the hierarchy in an urban milieu may be considered a faint beginning of a coming middle class society. In the context of changes in the structuring of the social strata it is worth while to go deeper into a related feature of the emerging stratification pattern, namely, its relative vagueness. 4s one may remember from the Introduction, we were mainly concerned with the question whether the change in the status system which went along with industrialization, as observed by social scientists, would also be reflected in the minds of the common man. One of the themes broached upon was related to the incongruous ranking orders which would be more prevalent in industrial than in agricultural communities. It was postulated that the status criteria in the latter tended to be highly related to each other, resulting in neatly crystallized strata, contrary to the fluid status structure of the former. SO far however no indications have been found in our data that the inconsistencies observed would be more frequent among the

240

STATUS

IMAGES

IN

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urban-industrial respondents in comparison to the rural ones. Instead we have noticed that there was dissension among the groups in both the village and city sample of the two studies. Other studies, done in Brazil and Mexico have also shown that it was not possible to establish a continuum of growing statusinconsistency when moving from the province to the city (Kahl, 1965: 27). The empirical reality appears to be inconsistent with the assumptions found in the models on industrial development and stratification. Part of the problem may be related to the ways in which people are grouped together. Judgments for instance from the point of view of class, power, esteem will each contribute to a formation of different groups within the broader category of status stratification. To have social standing, respect or authority are modes that indicate different types of social superiority or inferiority. The ambiguous position of a group may have its source, among other things, in the application of the power, class or esteem dimension to that group. In such a case a usually low ranked caste will become a floating group if some members have attained political power or economic prosperity. Or, to take another example, the vague status of the Brahmin managers may be caused by their disrespectful behaviour, that is, their exploitation of others (see Poona report). An interplay of these dimension within status groups is a recurring pheltomenon in the rural as well as urban szlrrountlings. And the interplay again is often more prevalent among certain strata than among others. We observed, for example, that the power dimension was predominantly applied to the highest status group. Class distinctions within the caste framework were further more pronounced, in the village near Poona where poor Brahmins or poor Marathas were specifically mentioned as groups carrying less status. The esteem dimension illustrated by the respect one conveys, because of good, decent behaviour was more used as a discriminator) mark in the upper layers of both the city samples. These few illustrations give an idea how far more complicated the problem of status incongruence is. Another aspect of the question related to status imbalance may be situated in the criteria on which the different ranking orders are based. In studies done so far the criteria selected were rather limited. It is possible that if the people themselves have to specify

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the criteria on which status is based, clearer between country and town will come to light. How the Industriul

Diflers from the Agriculturul

As indicated above, it was hoped that an analysis of the criteria with which people compose their status groups would give more insight into the social distinctions made and eventually give an idea of what qualitative differences there may be in the rural and industrial images. Money, caste, education and character were usually the lines along which all groups were stratified by our informants. Some criteria were, however, more important for the characterization of one status group than for another. It was, for instance, noted in both reports that the reasons for placing people at the bottom of society were in addition to the above mentioned ones, those related to moral values. People had also low status because they were low, lazy, bad ambitionless. Social service was a less derogatory, additional criterion for placing others in the upper strata in Poona. In the industrial population of this city, ones achievement in a special field, and style of life were also mentioned as special qualities to classify people as upper or middle. Differences between the urban and rural assessments became also manifest in the results on the ranking of a given set of status criteria. The most significant discrepancies were found in the appreciation of caste, dress and neighbourhood as status determining criteria. Caste was given more weight in the village than in the city (more so in the Poona study), the other two criteria were more frequently mentioned in the urban-industrial samples. The caste criterion on the whole was ranked very low (in the Coimbatore report: eigth and ninth rank for the rural and urban sample respectively). The rural Maharashtrian respondents were in this respect the most caste conscious. The low rank of the caste factor may not, however, be an indication that the role of caste is irrelevant. Much clepends on the interview situation and in what social context the criterion-to-be-evaluated is put. If an interviewee is confronted with a fixed number of criteria to determine their importance for the over-all status, he is much more bound to commit himself than in the case where he may

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indicate in a casual manner with what yardsticks he forms his social layers. as in the free descriptions. Here it was for instance noted that among the reasons for grouping people, caste played ;I significant role, that is. especially regarding the justification of :&ping grotlps the lowest or highest status. It ~na;-, further, 1~ brought forward that as far as ones self-intlclltification god the rurd man still thinks overwhelmingly in terms of caste. For both the studies it was convincingly shown that the \dlagc: rcspondcnt would to a larger degree describe himself to ;t stranger as a particular caste member than his urban counterpart would. The industrial man identified himself to a much greater extent as a person bearing such and such a name, holding a certain occupation, working in a particular factory and so forth. Caste thus appears to be the predominant frame of reference in which the villager lives. As indicated by another study, already as a child hc* is mor( acquuintetl with the concept, more a\\rare of the gradations than an urban child jvhosc caste consciousness develops much later and more slowly ( Singh, et al., 1960: 116 i \Vhcn moving into the industrial sphere, the self-identification not only changes its frame. but also becomes more spc>cific (I am a fitter) aild more personalizetl. (I am Ham I,al ). Yloreovcr, the change in the caste frame of reference of the urban dwellers is also made csplicit in their attitudes towards marriage and intercaste relations. For example, more informants from the village sample would have their dallghtrr married to a boy of the same caste than would those from the urban-industrial s:u~~pl~~ (in the Poona study for example the percentages were 92 and 71 respectively). This was the case in both areas studied. Also their ideas towards the importance of caste after Independence have undergone change. Its role is less emphasized by the industrial respondents ( sect scntcuct colnplction test). In tliclir behaviour towards lojver castes, there is also a tendency in the urban samples to he less rigid than was observed in the rural samples. Urbanites were more milling to have lower castes as tabI<> companions. neighbours, fellow workers than the rural folk (set question on social distance ) In the Introduction, it was also assumed that the status structure of an inclnstrializing city would offer many more chances for social mobility. Hence, it was likely that the urban population would perceive the hierarchy as more fluid, as a conscqn-

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ence of which they would have higher hopes to move up the social ladder than those living in rural surroundings. In the Poona study it was convincingly shown that the informants from the urban-industrial sample anticipated a higher rate of increase in status in the next five years than the informants from the village. In Coimbatore the expectations to move up were similar for both the urban and rural samples. The hopes to attain a higher status level, in the forseeable future, were here much played down by the fall in status which especially the urban lower status respondents had felt in the near past, altogether the,- admitted that they were hopeful to make up for it in the time to come. As a result of the change in the image of the stratification pattern towards a more open one among the urbanites, one could expect that their values towards social mobility would be more dependent on achievement and individual enterprise. In this context it was noted that intelligence, education and honesty were of equal importance for the villagers as well as the city people in order to rise the status. Perseverance, however, was much more emphasised by the urban dwellers than by the rural folk, if one wanted to climb the social ladder. This was also confirmed by the answers given to the sentence completion test: To become rich one must. . It thus seems that the urban man working in factories is much more reliant on himself and his will power, when thinking of his chances of moving upward. The industrialization process and its division of labour may also have affected the evaluations of the old alld new occupations. The most glaring disagreements in the occupational prestige ratings between village and city, were those between agriculturist, agricultural labourer, clerical worker, engineer, factor!, worker, industrialist, artisan, primary school teacher and shopkeeper. The urban-rural differences were however most conspicuous in the Maharashtrian study. As could be expected, the agriculturist together with the agricultural labourer, rated higher in the village as compared to the city, while the industrialist, engineer, factory worker, on the other hand had lower prestige. It is however not true that the professions one is familiar with mdl receive more prestige and that those which lie more outside ones purvic\v will automatically bc lowered. The clerical worker carried for instance a relatively high prestige in the eyes of the Jlaharashtrian villagers.

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With the exception of the farmer, there was on the whole a close similarity between the rankings in India and those in other countries. In the Indian studies the agriculturist received a rank very close to the top, whereas in other societies he occupies a middle position in the hierarchy. Another discrepancy existed with regard to the prestige of the priest, which was comparatively very low in India (Inkeles, Rossi, 1955: 336; Tiryakin, 1957: 394). The very high prestige given to the farmer may be due to the relative rurality of both our samples, where even among the urban respondent half of the families had agriculture as their traditional occupation (see Coimbatore data). Another study, however, conducted among university students also indicated that the farmer was put in the upper layer of the occupational prestige hierarchy ( Krishnan, 1956: 19). In contrast to the still high prestige given to a traditional occupation like farming stands the low rank of another occupation of the old order, namely, that of the priest. It may be that his standing in fact has considerably fallen, or there could have been some misinterpretations of the term priest by our respondents, who may have thought of the temple priest or the Christian missionary as was suggested by a study that showed a similar low prestige of the priest (Krishnan, 1956: 19). The vocational aspirations of one self and ones son are an indication of the hopes for social mobility and change. Here it was observed that the rural respondents in both enquiries would still choose for themselves an occupation within the village sphere if they were given another chance. In the city samples one sees that the occupational preferences move away from the rural and show a greater diversity (like the professions, services, independent occupations etc.). The small number of the Poona city respondents that wanted to become agriculturists mainly consisted of the Nao Buddhas. It seems that they wanted to move back to their traditional surroundings although into a better status position. It is also they who clearly indicated that they wanted to buy agricultural land, in case they received a large sum of money. The expectations towards the future occupations of the interviewees sons were much more ambitious. Among the villagers questioned, one noticed a clear preference for such modern occupations as engineer, white collar worker or other professions. Only a small proportion of the rural respondents was

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thinking in terms of traditional, agricultural occupations for their sons (percentages for the Coimbatore and Poona studies were 24 and 14 respectively). Among the city people the professions and administrative jobs were widely favoured for the sons, especially in Poona. In Coimbatore on the other hand, a fair number were found who just wanted them to be educated and prosperous. If we try to summarize our observations, there is sufficient evidence that the country and town people have different images of the status structure. It may be remembered that in one of our hypotheses we had assumed that the status evaluations of the industrial man would be more elaborate and more achievementoriented as compared to those of the villager. As for the supposedly greater differentiations in the urban status pictures, the Coimbatore study proved that the city respondents used many more criteria when making their social distinctions than the villagers did. It should, however, be noted that the more nuanced stratification pattern as perceived by the urban-industrial respondents does not hold for all the groups in the status hierarchy. In the Poona material indications were found that the distinctions would be applied more frequently in the upper layers of the city, due to finer gradations made according to esteem. The greater diversity in the urban perceptions could also be inferred from the frequency with which newer criteria were used, such as dress, neighbourhood and life style. Western type of clothes, imported tiles for the house, a more nutritious and varied diet, a distinct leisure pattern (going to clubs, hill stations) were some examples of status symbols associated with the urban way of life of the upper layers. By and large, however, there were few signs of a conspicuous consumption society in the making. City as well as country people would for instance rather invest a years additional income in land, cattle, industry than spend it on jewellery, cars or radios. As far as the orientations towards achievement are concerned, there is the general conviction both among urbanites and the rural folk that education is the prerequisite to social advancement in life and that caste plays a lesser role. Perseverance on the other hand is a quality more valued for upward mobility by the respondents living in the industrial city sphere. But, along with it, an ascriptive criterion like string-pulling (whom you

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kno\f.) also carries substantial importance in the eyes of the potential urban social climbers as compared to their Illral counterparts.

After our attempts to obtain the individual or group pictures of the stratification system, we will also try to analyse in ho\\, far the two regions themselves had their own subjectivity. The regional variations are of special importance, if one wants to ascertain to what extent it is possible to speak of an overall status pattern in India. It was first observed that there was a marked difference in the ways the inhabitants of the two areas studied would identify themselves to a stranger in their communities. Many more respondents in the Poona study for example would mention their personal name in such a situation as compared to those questioned in Coimbatore, who rather regarded themselves as a relative of so and so. Whereas, for instanccx, the Maharashtrian interviewees would lay much stress on such achievement-oriented criteria as education and social service, the respondents from the Madras region would in the first place think of the money factor, on which status depended. Whik going deeper into tile background data of the communities surveyed, it was found that the annual income in the latter was slightly lower than that in the former (22 per cent in the Coimbatore rural study had an annual income below Rs. 500, whilr the corresponding figure for the Poona study was 17 per cent ). Along with this relative poverty of the villagers near Coimbatort> went a comparatively lower agricultural status. Fewer respondents here for instance were owner-cultivators. It was also observed that the rural respondents in Coimbatore had more contact with the city, a fact which may have made them more aware of their economic conditions. The acquisitive attitude of the Coimbatore respondents w;~; also expressed in the fact that for both the rural and urban samples, money was the first prerequisite to move up in status. In the Coimbatore enquiry. high regard was further given to those who possess wealth and property, contrary to the Poon:l investigation where the informants would rather respect those people with good behaviour (see sentence completion test). In

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this context it may not be so surprising that the moneylender in the former study was given higher prestige. The money-mindedness of the respondents working in the Coimbatore factories may be explained in terms of the predominance of manual labourers as compared to the Poona enterprises. The fact that the establishments in the former area were older and bigger may also have strengthened their greater attachment to pecuniary matters. The Poona subjects of study were on the whole more social minded than those interviewed in Coimbatore. It was, for instance, noticed that the respondents of Poona city, would very often include the social workers in the upper status group. Also the criterion social service as a status determinant was rated second here, while it was only placed on the fifth rank in the urban-industrial sample of Coimbatore. It is very likely that the good works of some social reformers in Maharashtra have played an important role in shaping their opinions into an altruistic direction. Such good qualities like honesty, ambition. perseverance were also more frequently mentioned among the Poona urbanites as conditions to rise in status or to becoming rich. The effect of Ambedkars preachings among the Maharashtrians was also perceptible in the attitudes of the untouchables. More untouchables in Poona would place themselves on a middle status level as compared to those in Coimbatore. Their actual higher status accomplishment seems to be a peculiarity of the untouchable caste in Maharashtra (see also: IYSouza, 1962: 1854). Some Social Perspectives regarding Status Criteria

In the previous sections, it was already noted that the subjective assessments of ones own status resulted in a picture with quite a few variations in the individual status positions. It will now be questioned whether there were any perspectives differing from group to group, as to the criteria used. In this context it was observed that the extremes of the caste hierarchy would tend to deviate from those in the middle position in more than one respect. In the Coimbatore study, for instance, it is the Brahmin and scheduled caste member in the village that considers the caste criterion more important as n status determinant as compared to the intermediate castes (see Appendix,

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Table D). The Brahmin respondents in the city of Coimbatore however, give the caste factor relatively less weight. It appears that especially the highest caste group once having moved out of the agricultural milieu is more prone to changing his traditional views on status. Such modem status symbols as type of house and neighbourhood, mode of transport, and recreation pattern will instead be more stressed by the ones who belonged traditionally to the top caste. They will to a larger extent be more achievement-oriented in believing for example that social mobility depends on perseverance. The Brahmins interviewed in Poona city also stood out as having a different perspective from those belonging to other levels of the caste hierarchy. Character as a factor governing, status carried for them relatively more importance. For the groups at the lower end of the stratification pattern, (the workers and notably the depressed caste members among them) educntion was considered a more important status criterion and prerequisite to move up the social ladder than for the other social layers. The data for the scheduled castes in the Madras village point in the same direction. The prestige attached to another criterion, namely, occupation, had its subjective peculiarities too. The clerical worker received a much higher prestige in the eyes of the scheduled castes in Coimbatore city, in comparison with the other castes. A difference of opinion was also registered with regard to the moneylender who was put on a much higher prestige level by the agricultural labourers covered by the Coimbatore study. Less prestige was given to the primary school teachers profession by the managers of the Coimbatore factories. This may be related to the altogether low regard shown for education by the group concerned. In the urban sample of the Poona study it was demonstrated that those in lower grade occupations would rate the agriculturists higher. In the village sample as well, it is not so much the cultivators but the artisans and labourers that give higher prestige to the agriculturist. The data do indeed indicate that despite a fair degree of consensus on the prestige of particular occupations there are a number of deviations from the general pattern, a fact which was also brought out in other studies in India (DSouza, 1964: 33-45; Krishnan, 1956: 19). The group perspectives dealing with the relevance of certain

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status indicators may add a useful dimension to the studies which have mainly been concerned with objective status. In the attempts made so far to construct status groups on the basis of a number of selected criteria, little attention is paid to the question whether these criteria are given the same weightage by different populations. In India, as well as in other countries, it was found that a satisfactory status-scale could be obtained if it was built upon three criteria, viz. income, education, occupation (or caste). The ratings of individuals by the researcher, on the basis of these criteria resulted in a stratification, in which the variables correlated significantly for each category. This was true for urban and rural populations as well (Kuppuswamy, 1959: l-10; Pareek and Trivedi, 1965: 311-21). Although the criteria when assessed by the laymen coincide more or less with those, chosen by the investigators, some difference of opinion still exists. The criteria character and social service were for instance given high priority by our respondents (in the Poona study: second and third rank). Another investigation also confirms the importance of this dimension in status (Singh, 1955: 92). Immeasurable as these criteria may be. it is yet relevant to take them into account for a reliable, i.e. a more reality-based, stratification system. Next to this it is also advisable to consider the relative importance-unimportance given to certain criteria by representatives of different castes or occupations. The question of the group perspectives takes us back to one of our initial problems, namely that concerning the more frequent use of modern (achievement-oriented) criteria by the higher status groups in comparison to the lower. The findings of our studies do not support the hypothesis in this simple form. First, the term achievement produced each time another result depending on what may be classified under this heading. For instance education, an achievement criterion par excellence, is highly valued by those occupying the lower rungs of the hierarchy and to a certain extent by the middle sections, while this is to a lesser degree the case at the top level. Another achievement criterion like perseverance or courage is more stressed as a quality for social mobility by the highest caste. And while it is true that the ascriptive criterion of caste is considered of comparatively little importance by the urban Rrahmins, the same cannot be said for their rural counterparts,

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In trying to reach at a final conclusion what the subjective assessments of status have displayed the following points deserve attention: 1. In the transformation of an agricultural society into an industrializing one, it is the highest social layer in the city that appears to have been more susceptible to a new pattern of stratification. In this pattern less emphasis is laid on caste as a variable on which status depends, although the interactional aspect of the caste factor will be relatively more underlined by the highest castes. The urban lower strata have expressed their modernmindednes in their favourable attitude towards intcrcastca marriages, and their belief that education is the base for social mobility. With the upper level they share the same proneness to social change, as demonstrated in the vocational aspirations for their sons (namely, to go in for the professions) and the high prestige they attach to the industrialist. It however depends on the permissiveness of the socicaty at large whether the lowest strata can be regarded as the agents of social change or mere11 the wishful thinkers. In future studies it would be worth while to explore to what extent their high ambitions will be realized or become a source of growing frustrations. M. 9 When moving from town to country there is a modification in the frame of reference with which status phenomena are evahtated in the images of the people concerned. The mode of articulation becomes more skilled occupations-oriented with a particular emphasis on performance, life style and neighbourhood. In the urban status picture ones self-identification tends to be more personalized, ones expectations to move up more optimistic, ones vocational aspirations more industries-inspired, together with the belief that perseverance is ;I quality to social advancement. Achievement orientations towards status gains, however, live side by side with those criteria based on ascription, namely, that much depends on whom you know. The concept of achievement would therefore need reconsideration as its basic qualities, namely, to strive and to excel and ~MNO to szlcceerl. may often be fed by more socially advantageous background. 3. The assumption that the modem, indnstrial status structure will be more character&d by groups with status inconsistency than a traditional one, requires detailed fieldwork. In the

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industrial as well as agricultural images of our respondents, indications are found that groups with uncertain status are found in both ideal-typical worlds. It is advisable to spell out in each of the communities concerned, how much of the uncertainty is due to psychological mechanisms, to the inter-play of the power, class and esteem dimension, or to the emergence of new criteria. 4. The finding of a growing middle group in the status system as was more frequently perceived by our urban respondents compared to the rural ones, deserves closer scrutiny. A pertinent question in this respect may be whether this section of society that is considered to be moderate in every sense will in fact be an amorphous, neutral entity, despite an amalgam in social groups. It would be of interest to know whether the values of education, decency, social service that are ascribed to them are indeed the golden mean between stagnation and social change.

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