Cas Review 2013

UA&P College of Arts & Sciences
CAS Review
Vol.8 No. 1 August 2013

CAS Review
Vol. 8, No. 1 August 2013
Editor
Grace Liza Y. Concepcion
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Juan O. Mesquida
Marya Svetlana T. Camacho
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Felicidad B. Mallari
Victor A. Primo
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Table oI Contents
Passions of the Human Soul in Male and Female
Ma. Asuncion L. Magsino...............1
Medium Term Philippine Development Plan for Culture
and the Arts: Exploring Clues for Developing
Social Capital in the Arts
Abigail D. De Leon.................22
Linguistic and Grammatical Activity during the Period
of Spanish Presence in the Philippines:
The Legacy of the Spanish Grammarian Missionaries
Arwin M. Jibar..................40
Revisiting Koreans in 1apan: A Brief Historical Survey
Arnel E. Joven..................63
CONTRIBUTORS
Ma. Asuncion L. Magsino is a Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy at
the University oI the Philippines Diliman. She has lectured and
written on topics involving interdisciplinary studies on Philosophical
Anthropology, Philosophy oI Language, Human Sexuality and Ethics.
Her current area oI investigation is Biosemiotics where she uses her
undergraduate scientiIic background as an Industrial Pharmacist
as a tool to Iorge a meaningIul dialogue between Philosophy and
the Biological sciences. She is currently a Iaculty member oI the
Philosophy Department at the University oI Asia and the PaciIic where
she has been teaching since 2002.
Abigail D. de Leon holds a Ph.D. in Philippine Studies Irom the
University oI the Philippines Diliman. Her research work Iocuses on
social and human capital development as observed in Philippine choirs.
Together with the skill oI analytical discourse required in this Iield, she
practices music which, at Iirst glance, seems to be at the opposite end
oI the spectrum. Hers is a pioneering research inquiry that envisions to
embed the cultural comparative advantage oI Philippine choral music
into the general development policy Iramework. In this way it hopes to
be able to attract suIIicient development policy attention, and thereIore
Iunding Ior this area oI cultural development, Irom both private and
public sectors. She is the Executive Director oI the Institute oI Political
Economy since 2011, where she has also been teaching since 2001.
Arwin Mesina Vibar holds an MA in English Studies (Language) and
a Ph.D. in Linguistics Irom the University oI the Philippines Diliman.
He studied theology at the Universidad de Navarra in Pamplona, Spain.
BeIore joining UA&P, he was an assistant proIessor at UP Manila,
handling English communication courses and Linguistics Ior students
oI Organizational Communication, Behavioral Studies, Social Sciences,
and Speech Pathology. His research outputs include: Studies on the
Mafor Philippine Languages bv Spanish Missionaries, Update on
Chabacano, (co-author), Notes on the Historv of English Language
Teaching at UP, A Language-based Approach to 'Divide bv Two`
and Other Short Stories bv Francisco Arcellana, and Doctor-Patient
Exchange Structure. A Discourse Analvsis (co-author). He is a liIetime
member oI the Linguistic Society oI the Philippines and the Pi Gamma
Mu International Honor Society in Social Sciences.
Arnel E. 1oven obtained his Ph.D. Irom the University oI the
Philippines in 2012. His dissertation Iocused particularly on
the History oI Medicine during the Japanese Occupation oI the
Philippines. He is currently doing research on the historiography and
anthropology oI medicine and health systems in Japan, Korea, and
China. He is also an associate oI the Royal Society oI Medicine,
member oI the Society Ior the History oI Medicine, the Asian Society
Ior the History oI Medicine, and the American Association Ior the
History oI Medicine. He has been teaching in the University oI Asia and
the PaciIic since 2005.
Passions of the Human Soul
in Male and Female
Ma. Asuncion L. Magsino
Abstract
The article attempts to bare the metaphvsical and
anthropological roots of sex and trace the causes that account for
observed differences between male and female behavior as expressed
bv St. Thomas in his Commentarv on Aristotles De Anima. The human
soul is the singular formali:ing principle of the human being affecting
the substance man in his bodilv structure, his activities and his purpose.
As a more perfect formali:ing principle, it subsumes the vital and
sentient principles of the vegetative and sensitive souls as parts of
itself. The essence of man as encapsulated in the definition 'man is a
thing having reason in a sentient nature` includes the fact that he has a
bodv formali:ed bv animalitv and therefore sexed, meaning
differentiated as a male or a female bodv. Now although the sentient
powers which in the Aristotelian-Thomistic tradition are called the
'passions of the soul` are faculties of the soul, thev necessitate a bodv
for its actuali:ation. We can surmise that the sexed condition of the
bodv would affect how the passions of the soul would be manifested.
Thus, the metaphvsical and anthropological Aristotelian-Thomistic
doctrine on the 'passions of the soul` can be used to fustifv the
inherent nature of some tvpical male and female behavior. Although
there have been deliberate efforts to blur gender differences, and their
proponents mav validlv claim to have some degree of success, it mav
however end up being a futile endeavor to eradicate them altogether.
ASSlCnS Cl 1PL PuMAn SCuL ln MALL Anu lLMALL
Introduction
The breaking news that the Philippines will Iinally have a
Magna Carta Ior women was greatly hailed by many Filipinos, women
and men alike. This much awaited law was craIted by the Senate
Committee which a woman headed, and it is Ior this reason that the
deIinitive title uses the preposition 'oI instead oI 'Ior. As in many
other documents which push women`s rights, this document includes
the subjects oI gender stereotypes and gender sensitivity. Section 13
oI Chapter IV entitled 'Rights and Empowerment reads: 'Equal
Access and Elimination oI Discrimination in Education, Scholarships,
and Training. (A) The State shall ensure that gender stereotypes
and images in educational materials and curricula are adequately and
appropriately revised. Cender-sensitive language shall be used at all
times.
1
Such provisions may be lauded by the many who perceive
them as progressive and thereIore praiseworthy. That stereotypes
cause discrimination is a commonly held belieI. OI late, 'gender has
been deIined as the socially diIIerentiated roles, characteristics, and
expectations attributed by culture to women and men.
2
It thereIore
Iollows the conclusion that it can be deconstructed and reconstructed at
will.
But how should the term 'gender really be taken? Are the
concepts oI gender and sex mutually exclusive? As regards the problem
oI stereotyping, shall it be held that stereotyping is baseless, and
thereIore holding on to stereotypes is plain dogged stubbornness which
results in discrimination, as in sexism? Is there a basis Ior thinking that
men are such and such and women are so and so?
There is little doubt that such stereotypes exist. In a 1990
Gallup Poll (De SteIano & Colasanto, 1990), respondents were
asked about attributes that were gender related. Men were most oIten
1
Republic Act No. 9710, 'AN ACT PROVIDING FOR THE MAGNA CARTA OF
WOMEN, August 14, 2009.
2
DraIt oI The Magna Carta of Women, HB 4273.
described as, in rank order, aggressive, strong, proud, disorganized,
courageous, conIident, independent, ambitious, selIish and logical.
Women on the other hand, were most oIten described as emotional,
talkative, sensitive, aIIectionate, patient, romantic, moody, cautious,
creative, and thriIty.
3
What does sex or gender have to do with being human?
This paper seeks to initiate a portion oI a longitudinal study on man,
which might shed light on the metaphysical and anthropological roots
accounting Ior human behavior on one hand, and typical male and
Iemale behavior on the other. SpeciIically, it intends to Iocus on
behavioral patterns that arise Irom what is called, in the Aristotelian-
Thomistic tradition, the 'passions oI the soul.
Human Soul as Substantial Form
What makes a human being human? What exactly does it mean
to be human? What can be known about human beings? What makes
the things humans do really human? These questions, unphilosophical
though they sound, beg Ior answers which have proIound metaphysical
roots. These answers, in Iact, all converge at an understanding oI the
essence oI a human being.
The concept oI essence is enunciated in the deIinition oI
substance, which includes the genus where it belongs and its diIIerence
Irom other substances belonging to the same genus. The genus is
taken Irom matter, and the diIIerence Irom Iorm. Taken together,
matter and Iorm is a composite, that is the species, and this constitutes
the substance or the essence.
4
St. Thomas Aquinas explains the
Iormulation oI the deIinition oI man as Iollows: 'Now sentient nature
3
Sarah Brabant and Linda A. Mooney, 'Sex role stereotyping in the Sunday comics:
a twenty year update in Sex Roles. A Journal of Research, August 1997, http://
Iindarticles.com/p/articles/mim2294/isn3-4v37/ai20119673, accessed March 28,
2009.
4
Here, substance and essence are taken as equivalent terms, though not univocal.
Substance is the essence insoIar as the essence is what gives name to the substance as
this is the cause Ior its being known.
has the character of matter in relation to reason. And this is why genus
is taken from matter and difference from form, and species from both
matter and form together; Ior man is a thing having reason in a sentient
nature.
5
By stating that matter is the genus, that is animal, Aquinas
implies that the matter in itselI has received a formal principle,
6

animality, which, together with the Iorm whose formal principle is
rationality, constitute the essence or substance whose formal principle
is humanity.
7
The substance human being is Iormalized by these Iormal
principles. So, it does not seem like the substantial Iorm is the only
Iormalizing principle oI a substance. Does this imply that man has
multiple souls?
Consistent with the Philosopher`s doctrine, Aquinas upholds
that in an individual human being, there is just one form that actualizes
him as a substance, making him at one and the same time a bodily thing
and a living thing. Now the act oI a living body is the soul.
8
The soul
gives not only substance and body
9
but liIe as well. We must not think,
thereIore, oI the soul and body as though the body had its own Iorm,
making it a body to which a soul is super-added making it a living body;
but rather that the body gets both its being (esse) and its liIe (essence)
Irom the soul.
10
We must then conclude that all formali:ing activities
are thus derived from the substantial form or the soul.
5
St. Thomas Aquinas, Commentary on Aristotle`s Metaphvsics (hereaIter simply
Metaphvsics), 1463. Note that St. Thomas uses the term 'man here as inclusive oI all
beings having the human nature.
6
Cristopher Hughes in 'Matter and Actuality in Aquinas coins the terms 'thin matter
and 'thick matter to reIer to prime matter and Iorm-including matter respectively. He
reads that Aquinas considers the human body as 'thick matter, which is consistent
with what Aquinas states here. See Thomas Aquinas. Contemporarv Philosophical
Perspectives (OxIord and London: OxIord University Press, 2002), 71-74.
7
Aquinas Metaphvsics, 1378.
8
St. Thomas Aquinas, Commentary on Aristotle`s de Anima (hereaIter simply de
Anima), 220.
9
As an actualizing principle, the soul does not only cause the material existence oI a
substance, as Iorm does to matter. See Hughes, 62.
10
Aquinas de Anima, 225.
Aristotle sets as a premise that the substantial Iorm or essence,
i.e. soul Ior living beings, has the character oI a principle and cause.
11

It is principle since it is act, the source oI perIection in a living
substance. Thus it can be deduced that the human body derives its
actuality and consequently, its perIections Irom the Iormalizing activity
oI the human soul thereby give rise to the individual composite man,
body and soul, which is the thing itselI.
12
As cause, the human soul is ultimately the reason why a human
being is what he is. II so, it can be claimed that the soul causes the
human body as a whole and in its parts, to be conIigured, designed,
structured, and organized the way it is. Aristotle states that the soul
speciIies a body potentially alive`
13
, i.e., having the capacity to support
liIe. Thus, since the 'matter oI a living body stands to the body`s liIe
as potency to its act, the human body should be such that it is able to
receive and sustain the human soul which is the principle oI human
liIe.
14
The human soul is the formal cause oI the human
being insoIar as it conIigures the human body the way it is. The
Iormalization oI the human body by the intellectual soul as animality
tends towards supporting the rational liIe oI man. Thus, the
conIiguration oI the human body concords with, and at the same time is,
at the service oI the powers and tendencies Iound in the human soul
which is rational.
15
This is when the human soul is considered as the
final cause oI the substance. The conIiguration oI the human body
11
The soul is the principle and cause oI the living body in 3 senses: 1) as the source oI
its movements; 2) as that Ior the sake oI which or the end; and 3) as its essence or Iorm.
See Aquinas de Anima, 318.
12
Gyula Klima treats the unity oI man as body and soul in 'ManBodySoul:
Aquinas`s Arithmetic oI Human Nature in Thomas Aquinas. Contemporarv
Philosophical Perspectives, 257-273.
13
Aristotle de Anima, 412a 27.
14
In this light, one can explain why a blighted ovum pregnancy can be terminated. Due
to the abnormal development oI the Iertilized ovum, an embryo does not Iorm; thus
it can be taken as a situation where the 'matter cannot sustain the human soul and
continue living.
15
The intellectual soul assumes the powers oI the 'inIerior souls, e.g. vegetative and
sensitive powers as a 'part oI the soul. See Aquinas de Anima, 262.
should thereIore allow the human being to use the powers oI the
intellectual soul to move rationally towards its intended end.
16
Such
causality oI the human soul on the human being can be observed Irom
the kind oI activities that being is able to execute, e.g. Ieeling,
movement and understanding.
17
This is the essence as efficient cause.
The causality oI the human soul can thus be stated in this manner: the
human`s animality is so conIigured as to enable him to use his
rationality in the service oI his humanity.
In order to aid in understanding what constitutes human liIe, St.
Thomas Iollows Aristotle`s explanation oI the degrees oI perIection oI
liIe Iorms, starting Irom the least to the most perIect, that is plant liIe,
animal liIe and human liIe.
Characteristics of the Vegetative and Sensitive Souls
The simplest and most Iundamental mode oI living is
exempliIied in plant liIe which is characterized by the activities oI
nourishment and growth. Since nourishment and growth can exist apart
Irom other liIe principles like movement, Ior instance, but these other
liIe principles cannot exist apart Irom nourishment and growth, or that
thing dies, it Iollows that what causes liIe in mortal things is that very
principle oI growth and nourishment. This principle corresponds to the
so-called vegetative soul.
18
Although all living beings exhibit the
activity oI nourishment and growth (which includes reproduction, in
plants), they occur in a manner that they exhaust what plants 'can do.
It can thus be concluded that what animates plants is a vegetative soul.
Now the body required Ior liIe is an organic body, i.e., a body
equipped with various organs needed by a living body in consequence
16
Elisabeth UIIenheimer-Lippens, 'Rationalized passion and passionate rationality:
Thomas Aquinas on the relation between reason and the passions in The Review of
Metaphvsics, 3 (2003), 543.
17
18
Ibid., 258.
oI the liIe-principle`s various vital activities.
19
The only requisite Ior
the organic body in the case oI plants is that it be able to assimilate
nourishment and transIorm it into elements that support the other
vegetative activities oI growth and reproduction.
20
The organic body however changes Iorm in the case oI
animals. What primarily distinguishes animals Irom plants is the
presence oI sensation. This activity demands a bodily conIiguration that
would support activities related to the powers oI perceiving and
responding to sensation, so there are animals capable oI local
movement as well. Touch is the primary sense in animals; other
animals have more senses than touch, but no animal is without this
sense.
21
It may be Ior this reason that the term 'sensation, which
should encompass the activities oI all sense-organs, ends up being taken
as synonymous to the word 'Ieeling, which is the object oI the sense oI
touch. It is noteworthy that the Iundamental and most necessary sense
touch is Iound over the whole body. Yet some sensing powers are
obviously located: sight is in the eye alone, hearing in the ear, etc.
22

Sensation necessarily implies appetition which is the cause Ior the
animal to be drawn towards or away Irom the object sensed, Iollowing
the perception oI satisIaction or dissatisIaction, pleasure or pain. The
animals exhibit the activities that derive Irom both the vegetative and
sensitive powers. This does not imply that the animals have two souls,
the vegetative and the sensitive souls. This would run counter to what
has already been established that an individual substance is actualized
by one substantial Iorm alone, i.e., one soul. It can be explained rather
that, since in higher beings, the lower power is only a part oI the soul,
23

animals possess a sensitive soul in keeping with the Philosopher`s
doctrine that where several powers are Iound together in a soul, each is
a part oI the soul and the soul itselI is named aIter the principal part.
24
19
Ibid., 230.
20
Ibid., 342 and 347.
21
Ibid., 260.
22
Ibid., 266.
23
Ibid., 262.
24
Ibid., 270.
The Human Soul in a Human Body
The human being possesses the powers Iound in the vegetative
and sensitive souls: vegetative, sensitive, appetitive, locomotive. Added
to these is the intellectual power which includes both cognitive and
appetitive activities. Vegetative and sensitive powers are Iound in the
human soul as 'parts, and it is called an intellectual or rational soul. It
has earlier been said that the living soul requires a special kind oI body,
namely, physical and organic. This is to be expected, considering that it
is natural or a priori to any act that it be realized in some deIinite and
appropriate matter or material. So also, then, with the soul.
25
Inasmuch as there is another power added to the human soul, it
can be asked whether the intellectual liIe requires another conIiguration
oI the organic body, diIIerent Irom the plant and animal body. Plants
diIIer Irom animals organically, justiIying the need oI some sense
organs to receive and transIorm sensations, so that the subject can
assimilate immaterially the object oI sensation.
26
Plants, although they
are somehow aIIected by tangible things like heat and cold, do not Ieel
these because they lack that intrinsic principle Ior receiving these Iorms,
i.e., they have no sense. They are aIIected and undergo changes only
materially.
27
In the case oI the intellectual power, would it be in need
oI some bodily organ Ior transIormation oI the sensitive body into an
intellectual body?
The Philosopher describes the intellect as an immaterial
power, in the sense that it is not the actuality oI any bodily organ.
28
As
regards its origin as a percipient or speculative Iaculty, no prooI has yet
been given oI its location in any special or particular organ oI the body.
It can immediately be seen that the intellectual power is oI a diIIerent
nature Irom the other parts oI the soul, and that it alone is separable
25
Ibid., 277.
26
Ibid., 555.
27
Ibid., 557.
28
Ibid., 377.
Irom the rest oI the soul. It may even exist apart Irom any organ oI the
body, as what is immortal Irom what is mortal.
29
Aside Irom not being
dependent on any bodily organ Ior its activity, making it impossible to
be located in the organic body, the intellect does not need a material
organ to receive its objects which are universal intelligible beings.
30

Although the intelligence itselI is not dependent on a sense organ, the
intelligible object is something drawn Irom sensible images, i.e. Irom
what the senses perceive.
31
The intellectual soul in a way requires a
body, not as an organ through which it operates, but as an instrument to
provide it with an object.
32
Thus, the organic body supporting the
sensitive soul, the body Iormalized by animality, is itselI an appropriate
material Ior an intellectual or rational soul.
Nutrition, growth and reproduction are activities oI the plant
soul. Reproduction in plants can happen with the physical parts oI an
individual plant alone. In the case oI animals however, the organic
conIiguration oI its body designates each individual animal -- at least
among the higher species -- as either male or Iemale. Reproduction
among higher animals involves not an individual substance alone as in
the case oI plants, but a pair oI individuals, one possessing a male body
and another a Iemale body. Although reproduction as a vital activity
belongs to the vegetative part oI the soul, it assumes a sensitive nature
among animals, characterized by the involvement oI sensation which is
a kind oI cognition and, ultimately, desire.
As earlier stated, the human body is essentially Iormalized
by the human soul as an animal or sensitive organic body. It Iollows
that the human body is also sexed Ior the reproductive activity
which is included in the vegetative part oI the intellectual soul.
Analogously, human reproduction can be said to assume a rational
nature characterized by the activities oI both the sensitive as well as the
29
Ibid., 268.
30
Ibid., 284.
31
Ibid., 308.
32
St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, Ia, 75,2 ad 3.
intellectual powers.
The Body and the Sensitive Powers of the Human Soul
The sensitive powers include both cognitive and appetitive
Iaculties. The object oI both Iaculties is a particular material object
actually situated outside the subject.
33
The sensitive cognitive Iaculty
allows the subject to receive knowledge about an object, while the
appetitive power allows him to approach or withdraw Irom the object oI
sensation depending on what perception
34
one has Iormed regarding the
object. Touch is the most Iundamental sensation among animals, and
its act elicits desire or appetition.
35
Sensitivity implies the power oI
appetition which is subdivided into: Iirst, desire which springs Irom the
concupiscible appetite; then anger corresponding to the irascible
appetite. Both can be elicited Iollowing sense-knowledge.
36
Local
movement is a power that is Iound among animals with more developed
cognitive and appetitive Iaculties.
The intellectual soul, aside Irom the powers arising Irom the
soul`s vegetative and sensitive parts, also has intellectual powers which
include both cognitive and appetitive Iaculties. The diIIerence is that
the objects oI the intellect are universal immaterial Iorms derived Irom
material sensible Iorms Ied to it through sensible knowledge.
37
In the
rational soul, there are two cognitive Iaculties which provide both sense
knowledge and intellectual knowledge, and three appetitive Iaculties,
two sense appetites and one rational appetite.
Now one may ask why the sensitive part oI the soul has two
appetitive capacities, the irascible and the concupiscible, whereas there
is only one rational appetitive Iorce, the will. The appetitive powers are
33
34
InsoIar as this perception elicits a movement in the Iorm oI a response or reaction
Irom the subject, it is also called aIIective knowledge. See Thomas Ryan, 'Revisiting
aIIective knowledge and connaturality in Aquinas, Theological Studies, 66 (2005).
35
36
Ibid., 288.
37
Ibid., 308.
actualized by the apprehension oI the good. The intelligence
apprehends the good in a universal manner, that is, good as good.
ThereIore, a single appetitive power would correspond to desiring that
singular object apprehended by the intellect which is the sole object oI
the intellectual appetite or oI the will. However, the senses apprehend
its object in a variety oI Iorms thereby eliciting a diversity oI
apprehended goods.
38
Some things seem good to the senses simply as
aIIording pleasure. This kind oI goodness is the object desired by the
concupiscible appetite. Other things seem good and desirable as
terminating in pleasure insoIar as by means oI them one is enabled
Ireely to enjoy pleasant things. To this good corresponds the irascible
appetite which struggles to attain its desired object with a view to its
Iruition, i.e., on behalI oI the concupiscible.
39
Now, not all goods
desired by the appetitive power move the subject to act but only a good
that is related to some activities. ThereIore no one good is always 'good
in the same way Ior it must vary in relation to a person`s actual state or
condition, and even the bodily dispositions.
40
That is why the
apprehended ultimate and absolute good, regarded in its universality,
does not move one to act. The Iinal motive Iorce derives Irom the soul
acting through the appetitive power,
41
i.e., what it desires.
The principles oI appetition oI the sensitive part oI the
soul are also known as the passions oI the soul which are also called
aIIections or emotions.
42
Since these principles are highly dependent on
the apprehension oI particular goods provided by sense perception, it
can be gleaned that organic diIIerences between animal and human
bodies determine the passions, aIIections and emotions and eventually
38
Aquinas recognizes several external Iactors that can aIIect the content oI the apparent
good: bodily dispositions (ST IaIIae, 17,7 ad 2); the physiological states oI the
organs involved in the somatic reaction associated with the passion (ST IaIIae, 10,3);
condition oI the object itselI (ST IaIIae, 9,2), and so on. See Peter King, 'Aquinas on
the Passions in Thomas Aquinas. Contemporarv Philosophical Perspectives, 372.
39
40
UIIenheimer-Lippens, 544.
41
42
St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, IaIIae, 22c.
their behavioral responses. St. Thomas claims that although generically
the same, sensitive liIe in animals and in humans is not the same. It is
much higher in humans, as it appears in the senses oI touch and internal
perception (Disputations, III de Potentia, II, ad 1).
43
In another work
St. Thomas reiterates the idea that all senses are based on touch, and
that among all the animals, humans have the best-developed sense oI
touch. Among humans, the Iiner minds are those who have the more
delicate sense oI touch. A rare mind goes with bodily reIinement
(Summa Theologica, Ia 76,5).
44
Although sensitivity is something
humans have because oI their animality, St. Thomas claims that the
human body generates a deeper aIIective experience as a consequence
oI greater sensitivity oI the sense oI touch. One may consider this
greater sensitivity as implicating the involvement oI rationality in the
interpretation oI any aIIective experience. In this case, the greater
sensitivity to touch oI the reIined human body goes with the human
capacity to attach meaning to even a most banal sensation aroused by a
tactile experience.
The passions oI the soul are, properly speaking, acts that are
predicated oI the soul alone, only per accidens, because they are acts
oI the composite human subject body and soul.
45
From these, one can
deduce that the passions oI the soul can also be aIIected by
the organic diIIerence between the male and the Iemale body,
46

thereby justiIying in some way what are culturally known as male or
Iemale behavioral traits.
The Sexed Body and the Passions of the Soul
As earlier stated, the human body is essentially Iormalized by
the human soul as an animal or sensitive organic body, which is sexed,
43
Thomas Gilby, St. Thomas Aquinas Philosophical Texts (United Kingdom: OxIord
University Press, 1952), 540.
44
Gilby,551.
45
UIIenheimer-Lippens, 535-536.
46
The presence oI androgens and estrogens inIluence the development oI the urogenital
system, muscles, bones and the brain. See Lise Eliot, Pink Brain, Blue Brain (New
York: Mariner Books, 2009), 26.
and consequently the same Iormalizing principle assumes the vegetative
and sensitive powers as parts oI the soul. This implies that a passion oI
the soul arising Irom the sensitive power oI the rational soul is not a
natural or instinctive movement, in the sense that it Iinds its origin in an
internal bodily need, as do the movements oI the vegetative soul. In the
case oI animals, natural instinct directs them in their actions and
passions to seek and avoid things according to the intrinsic
requirements oI existence and survival.
47
Rather, it is a reaction or a
response oI the human subject to a perceived external agent or stimulus
emanating Irom the external world.
48
Every passion presupposes a kind oI apprehension oI
an external object. This apprehension takes place through a sense-
organ by manner oI sensing. Touch is the most Iundamental activity oI
all animals and thereIore, the basis oI sensitivity as a whole; the organ
oI touch pervades the whole body. It would seem that the Iiner one`s
skin is, the more sensitive it is to receive sensations, and the more easily
the passions are aroused. Once the passions are stimulated, the subject
can decide to get engaged or involved with the object which served as
stimulus, and consequently ignite intellectual apprehension and
appetition as well. This may have led St. Thomas to postulate that in
virtue oI Iineness oI touch, and not oI any other sense, one can
discriminate the mentally giIted Irom the rest. Those whose bodily
constitution is tough, and whose sense oI touch is poor, are slow oI
intellect; while those oI a delicately balanced constitution with a Iine
sense oI touch are mentally acute. This too is why other animals have
Ilesh oI a coarser texture than man.
49
It is evident that St. Thomas
intended these comparisons to apply to purely sentient passions and
human passions in general. Although the passions are in the soul, as
earlier explained, the body acts as the portal to the soul. InsoIar as the
body is aIIected, passions are awakened in the soul. Since the human
body is dimorphic, i.e., there is a male and a Iemale body, then St.
47
48
UIIenheimer-Lippens, 537.
49
Thomas would probably agree that the human passion would be in the
soul oI a male and a Iemale diIIerently.
Females generally have Iiner skin in comparison to males,
50

which implies that they are more sensitive to touch. II St. Thomas`
hypothesis were applied, the conclusion that Iemales are mentally more
giIted than males could be made. This may not be totally asserted
as a valid conclusion. However, the greater sensitivity to touch does
speak oI the Iemale`s general propensity to be more easily aIIected by
her environment and emotionally be provoked.
51
As a result, she more
readily recognizes the object
52
which stimulates or incites the passions
so that she may also easily engage or get involved in it. In
cases where the object is another human being, Iemales pick
up and recall emotional cues better.
53
The greater tactile
sensitivity oI Iemales
54
is attributed not so much to a Iiner cutaneous
physiology but to the anatomical size oI her hands and Iingers which,
because oI their smaller surIace area, are more densely innervated.
55
50
Skin thickness reIlects the composition oI epidermis and dermis; collagen, ground
substance, water, and elastic Iibers contribute to skin thickness. At all ages, male skin
is thicker than that oI Iemales in all anatomic areas, but onset oI skin thinning can
occur as early as 20 years oI age. In contrast, women`s skin, although
thinner, maintains its thickness until about the Iourth or IiIth decades oI liIe.
See Mariusz J. A. Sapijaszko, MD, FRCPC, FAACS, FAAD, 'Male Skin Care, http://
www.skintherapyletter.com/Ip/2010/6.1/2.html.
51
J. Ring, et al. 'Gender Aspects in Skin Diseases, Journal of the European Academv
of Dermatologv & Jenereologv, 24.12 (2010) 1378-1385, Academic Search Premier.
Web, 23 October 2012.
52
Sabah Master, Melissa Larue and Francois Tremblay, 'Characterization oI Human
Tactile Pattern Recognition PerIormance at DiIIerent Ages, Somatosensorv & Motor
Research, 27.2 (2010): 60-67, Academic Search Premier, Web, 23 October 2012.
53
Suzanne M. Bloise and Marcia K. Johnson, 'Memory Ior Emotional and Neutral
InIormation: Gender and Individual DiIIerences in Emotional Sensitivity, Memorv 15.2
(2007): 192-204, Academic Search Premier, Web, 23 October 2012.
54
M. Nakatani, T. Kawasoe, and M. Denda, 'Sex DiIIerence in Human Fingertip
Recognition oI Micron-Level Randomness as Unpleasant, International Journal of
Cosmetic Science 33.4 (2011):346-350, Academic Search Premier. Web, 23 October
2012.
55
Ryan M. Peters, Erik Hackeman, and Daniel Goldreich, 'Diminutive Digits Discern
Delicate Details: Fingertip Size and the Sex DiIIerence in Tactile Spatial Acuity, The
Journal of Neuroscience, 29.50 (2009):15756 15761. Web, 23 October 2012.
The thicker constitution oI the male skin
56
does not necessarily
imply that males are not aIIected emotionally, but since they are less
sensitive to touch, they may not be as aIIected by their environment
as their Iemale counterparts are. They have to put more attention to
external signals. In Iact, in response to a proIessional demand, males
do not signiIicantly perIorm diIIerently Irom their Iemale counterparts
as early childhood teachers.
57
When St. Thomas wrote that 'those oI a
delicately balanced constitution with a Iine sense oI touch are mentally
acute, he most probably had males in mind.
In another passage, St. Thomas states that the organ oI touch
pervades the whole body, so that the organ oI each oI the other senses is
also somehow an organ oI touch. The sense oI touch by itselI constitutes
a being as sensitive. ThereIore, the Iiner one`s sense oI touch, the better
is one`s sensitive nature as a whole and the higher one`s intellectual
capacity. A Iine sensitivity is a disposition to a Iine intelligence.
58

When a beautiIul image touches human eyes, it awakens the intellectual
aesthetic sensitivity. The Iemale`s aesthetic sensitivity involves a
holistic experience translated to an emotional appreciation oI the
object oI beauty. The male`s aesthetic sensitivity on the other hand is
triggered by the appreciation oI the harmonious elemental composition
observed in the object he considers as beautiIul.
59
With this example,
Iine intelligence applies to Iemale and male unequivocally. To Iemales,
56
Ring et al.
57
Holger Brandes, Markus Andr, Wenke Rseler & Petra Schneider-
Andrich, 'Does Gender Make a DiIIerence? First results Irom the
German tandem study` on the pedagogical activity oI Iemale and male ECE
workers, Paper presented in the international conIerence 'Men in early
childhood education and care, Berlin 2012, http://www.menteach.org/Iiles/
BerlinDoes20gender20make20a20diIIerencekurz.pdI, accessed 23 October
2012.
58
59
Camilo J. Cela-Conde et al., 'Sex-related similarities and diIIerences in the neural
correlates oI beauty, Proceedings of the National Academv of Sciences (PNAS), 106.10
(2009) 3847-3852, Accessed 23 October 2012. The study yielded that men exhibit a
unilateral (right hemisphere) activity, which underlie processing oI coordinate spatial
relations, when showing appreciation Ior beauty while women showed a bilateral neural
activity to which the processing oI categorical spatial relations is added.
mental acuteness would reIer to what Aquinas identiIies as the intuitive
capacity oI the intellect, i.e., in reIerence to intellectus, while to males
Iiner intelligence would be pointed to the rationalizing activity, i.e., the
ratio oI the intellect.
One can think that not only the sense organs but all vital organs
in the human body are somehow organs oI touch as well. There is
one particular organ oI the Iemale body that has the singular privilege
oI being intimately in touch with a person Ior a continued period oI
time, and that is the womb. Following the above hypothesis, it can be
postulated that the organic Iunction oI the womb equips the woman with
a heightened sensitivity to touch, especially iI the sense-object were a
person.
60
It can also lead to the conclusion that the higher capacity Ior
intellectus among women may reIer more to interpersonal relations than
to scientiIic or technical (mental) skills. II such were the case, it is not
completely baseless to conclude that women are generally more drawn
to compassion, empathy and caring oI others.
61
Another passage Irom St. Thomas goes: Because some
people have more Iinely tempered bodies, their souls have greater
strength oI understanding (Summa Theologica, Ia 85,7).
62
By strength
oI understanding we take it to mean the capacity to exercise the rational
apprehensive and appetitive activity oI the intellectual soul despite the
presence oI a strong emotional stimulus, e.g. oI the irascible appetite.
Looking at the kind oI physical and psychological tests that prospective
space astronauts are subjected to qualiIy Ior manning a space Ilight,
63

one can come to understand that a Iinely tempered body occurs more
60
Such a disposition seems to Iit 'connaturally into a woman`s behavior. See Ryan,
54.
61
These are the qualities that make women highly eIIective managers when using
transIormational leadership as a management style. See Esther Lopez-ZaIra, et al. 'The
Relationship Between TransIormational Leadership and Emotional Intelligence Irom
a Gendered Approach, Psvchological Record, 62.1 (2012): 97-114, Academic Search
Premier. Web, 23 October 2012.
62
Gilby, 549.
63
Astronaut Selection and Training Irom NASA Human Space Flight in http://
spaceIlight.nasa.gov/shuttle/reIerence/Iactsheets/asseltrn.html accessed March 27, 2009.
among men than among women. In the Iirst place, the adult male body
is generally 80 to 85 percent muscle mass in the post puberty years,
(which decreases with age) as compared to the 75 to 78 percent
composition oI Iemales. This explains why the male body satisIies the
strength requirements oI physically strenuous training and jobs. Does
physical endowment give males the privileged capacity to maintain
sharpness and clarity oI understanding under pressure that St. Thomas
attributes to them? Some studies have veriIied that when men are doing
typical male associated tasks like solving mathematics problems or
competing in sports, their perIormance is not aIIected adversely by
pressure
64
or stress.
65
There are two other things that can be deduced Irom the
hypothesis that people who have Iinely tempered bodies have greater
strength oI understanding in their soul. One is that since more males
than Iemales possess tempered bodies, they are more equipped to
exhibit a greater strength oI understanding. Understanding or ratio,
as diIIerentiated Irom intelligence or intellectus, implies a reasoning
process which arrives at a conclusion through inquiry. Now, the
inputs to reasoning are usually provided by the sense-organs as sense
data. But understanding as a rational activity makes use oI intelligible,
i.e. abstracted and immaterial, objects. This greater strength oI
understanding among males may account Ior behavior that does not rely
on the security aIIorded by particular or actual sensible realities, but by
abstractions, ideas, or visions. And Ior these they dare physical risks
which behaviorally show a kind oI aggression.
Conclusion
64
Olga Shurchkov, 'Under Pressure: Gender DiIIerences in Output Quality and
Quantity under Competition and Time Constraints, Fonda:ione Eni Enrico Mattei
Working Papers, 356, 1 December 2009, http://www.bepress.com/Ieem/paper356,
accessed 24 October 2012.
65
Christos Katsikas, et al., 'PerIormance Strategies oI Greek Track and Field Athletes,
Journal of Biologv of Exercise, 5.1 (2009): 29-38.
St. Thomas clearly stated that, although humans and animals
share similar Iaculties when reIerring to the sentient powers, they do not
share the same experience because 'whatever is received is received
into the being oI the recipient, and the perception processed in a
sentient soul is not exactly the same as that processed in an intellectual
soul. However, he talks about the passions oI the human soul as
belonging to man generically, i.e., without making a distinction
between human as male or Iemale. This paper is an attempt to see how
the sentient part oI the human soul, concretely the passions, maniIests
itselI diIIerently in women and men.
In the beginning, the paper situates the human soul as the
singular Iormalizing principle oI the human being aIIecting the
substance man in his bodily structure, his activities and his purpose.
The human soul as a singular Iormalizing principle assumes the vital
and sentient principles oI the vegetative and sensitive souls as parts oI
itselI. The essence oI man as encapsulated in the deIinition 'man is a
thing having reason in a sentient nature includes the Iact that he has a
body Iormalized by animality and thereIore sexed, meaning
diIIerentiated as a male or a Iemale body. Now since the sentient
powers are Iaculties oI the soul which necessitate a body Ior its
actualization, we can surmise that the sexed condition oI the body
would aIIect how the passions oI the soul would be maniIested.
The metaphysical and anthropological doctrine oI St. Thomas
support the hypothesis stated above. Although there have been
deliberate moves to blur gender diIIerences which may validly claim to
have some degree oI success, it may however end up being a Iutile
endeavor to eradicate them altogether.
Works Cited
Aquinas, Thomas. Commentarv on Aristotles De Anima. Indiana:
Dumb Ox Books, 1994.
. Summa Theologica. Volume 2. Maryland: Christian Classics
Westminster, 1981.
Bloise, Suzanne M., et al. 'Memory Ior Emotional and Neutral
InIormation: Gender and Individual DiIIerences in Emotional
Sensitivity. Memorv 15.2 (2007): 192-204. Academic Search Premier.
Web. 23 October 2012.
Brandes, Holgeret, et al. 'Does Gender Make a DiIIerence? First
Results Irom the German Tandem Study` on the Pedagogical Activity
oI Female and Male ECE Workers. Paper presented in the International
ConIerence 'Men in Early Childhood Education and Care. Berlin
2012. Web. 23 October 2012.
Cela-Conde, Camilo J., et al. 'Sex-related Similarities and DiIIerences
in the Neural Correlates oI Beauty. Proceedings of the National
Academv of Sciences (PNAS) 106.10 (2009): 3847-852. Web. 23
October 2012.
Davies, Brian, ed. Thomas Aquinas. Contemporarv Philosophical
Perspectives. OxIord and London: OxIord University Press, 2002.
Eliot, Lise. Pink Brain, Blue Brain. New York: Mariner Books, 2009.
Gilby, Thomas. St. Thomas Aquinas Philosophical Texts. UK: OxIord
University Press, 1952.
Hughes, Christopher. 'Matter and Actuality in Aquinas. Davies 61-76.
Katsikas, Christos, et al. 'PerIormance Strategies oI Greek Track and
Field Athletes. Journal of Biologv of Exercise 5.1 (2009): 29-38.
King, Peter. 'Aquinas on the Passions. Davies 353-84.
Klima, Gyula. 'Aquinas on the Materiality oI the Human Soul and the
Immateriality oI the Human Intellect. Philosophical Investigations
32.2 (2009): 163-82.
.'ManBodySoul: Aquinas`s Arithmetic oI Human Nature.
Davies 257-73.
Lopez-ZaIra, Esther, et al. 'The Relationship between TransIormational
Leadership and Emotional Intelligence Irom a Gendered Approach.
Psvchological Record 62.1 (2012): 97-114. Academic Search Premier.
Master, Sabah, et al. 'Characterization oI Human Tactile Pattern
Recognition PerIormance at DiIIerent Ages. Somatosensorv &Motor
Research. 27.2 (2010): 60-67. Academic Search Premier. Web. 23
October 2012.
Nakatani, M. T., et al. 'Sex DiIIerence in Human Fingertip Recognition
oI Micron-Level Randomness as Unpleasant. International Journal of
Cosmetic Science 33.4 (2011): 346-50. Academic Search Premier.Web.
23 October 2012.
Peters, Ryan M., et al. 'Diminutive Digits Discern Delicate Details:
Fingertip Size and the Sex DiIIerence in Tactile Spatial Acuity. The
Journal of Neuroscience 29.50 (2009): 15756 761. Web. 23 October
2012.
Ring, J., et al. 'Gender Aspects in Skin Diseases. Journal of the
European Academv of Dermatologv & Jenereologv 24.12 (2010) 1378-
85. Academic Search Premier. Web. 23 October 2012.
Ryan, Thomas. 'Revisiting AIIective Knowledge and Connaturality in
Aquinas. Theological Studies 66 (2005): 49-68.
Shurchkov, Olga. 'Under Pressure: Gender DiIIerences in Output
Quality and Quantity under Competition and Time Constraints.
Fonda:ione Eni Enrico Mattei Working Papers 356, 1. December 2009.
UIIenheimer-Lippens, Elisabeth, 'Rationalized passion and passionate
rationality: Thomas Aquinas on the relation between reason and the
passions. The Review of Metaphvsics March (2003): 525-58.
Medium 1erm Philippine Development Plan for
Culture and the Arts: Exploring Clues for
Developing Social Capital in the Arts
66
Abigail D. De Leon
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to show how the Medium Term
Philippine Development Plan for Culture and the Arts of 2004-2010
(MTDP-CA) promotes, regulates, and facilitates the formation of
artistic or cultural associations that generate these associational ties
where social capital is embedded. In this context, social capital is
treated as a development concept.
The paper will comment on the salient points of the MTPDP-
CA 2004-2010, namelv the vision and the framework of the program,
and assess its culture and arts sub-section. The goal is to find possible
operational concepts for social capital in choral music groups which
can then be claimed as a source of development.
66
This paper is one oI the preliminary papers that the author has written in preparation
Ior her dissertation on social capital and Philippine choirs. The dissertation entitled
'Koro at Lipunang Pilipino: An Inquiry into Social Capital and Human Capital
Development in Philippine Choirs was successIully deIended in October 2012.
Findings Irom that Iull length study are not included in this paper.
MLuluM 1L8M PlLllnL uLvLLCMLn1 LAn
lC8 CuL1u8L Anu 1PL A81S
Introduction
The enormous impact of culture on the economv and
development is a realitv that manv people do not see. The reason for
this is perhaps a limited concept of culture, which confines it to the arts.
Felipe M. De Leon, Jr.
The introductory quotation oI this paper can also be understood
in the reverse. The reason why the 'enormous impact oI culture on the
economy and development is a reality that many people do not see
is perhaps a limited concept oI development, which conIines itselI to
eIIicient production and immediate returns to the national income. The
problem thereIore lies not in the notion oI culture but in an inadequate
notion oI development.
This paper cannot but agree on several ideas stated in the
introduction oI the Medium Term Philippine Development Plan Ior
Culture and the Arts (MTPDP-CA 2004-2010), the document that this
paper will analyze. Using the United Nations Educational, ScientiIic,
and Cultural Organization`s (UNESCO) deIinition oI culture, the
MTPDP-CA deIines culture in the perspective oI development as
'inclusive oI creative expression, skills, traditional knowledge and
cultural resources that Iorm part oI the lives oI peoples and societies,
serving as bases Ior social engagement and enterprise development.
(MTPDP-CA 2004)
A part oI a bigger study on Philippine choral music groups as
social capital, this paper looks at the development dimension oI social
capital in the context oI the Philippine Development Plan Ior Culture
and the Arts. The underlying hypothesis is that according to the theories
oI Bourdieu (1986), Coleman (1988), and Putnam (2000), social capital
is generated in associational ties, and is a potential driver Ior human and
community development.
The aim oI this paper is to show how the MTDP-CA Ior 2004-
2010 promotes, regulates, and Iacilitates the Iormation oI artistic
or cultural associations that generate these associational ties where
social capital is embedded. In this context, social capital is treated as a
development concept.
The paper will comment on the salient points oI the MTPDP-
CA 2004-2010, namely on the vision and the Iramework oI the
program, and assess its culture and arts sub-section. The goal is to Iind
possible operational concepts Ior social capital in choral music groups
which can then be claimed as a source oI development.
Brief review of social capital
Robert Putnam (2000) explains the concept oI social capital
as 'connections among individualssocial networks and norms oI
reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise Irom them. (p. 19) Social
capital has individual and collective aspects: a 'private Iace and a public
Iace. (p. 20) Hence, it can simultaneously be a public good and a
private good.
The private dimension oI social capital pertains to the interest oI
the individual in participating in a network that generates social capital.
The motivation Ior joining the group is assumed to be selI-interest.
(Putnam 2000, p. 20) On the other hand the public dimension oI social
capital reIers to the externalities that are aIIected by the networking.
(Putnam 2000, p. 21)
Social networks 1) sustain rules oI conduct; 2) involve
(create or reinIorce) mutual obligations; and 3) Ioster sturdy norms
oI reciprocity. Other elements that generate social capital are
trustworthiness and Irequent interaction. 'A society characterized
by generalized reciprocity is more eIIicient than a distrustIul
society.Trustworthiness lubricates social liIe. Civic engagement
entails mutual obligation and responsibility Ior action. (p. 21)
In the theories oI Putnam, Fukuyama (2000), Bourdieu (1986),
and Coleman (1988), membership in associations, and the ties that
emerge Irom them constitute social capital. As a resource, it becomes
capital only when it is 'invested in something Ior an individual or
collective good just as money as a resource is considered capital
depending on its usage. Thus, social relations and networks become
capital iI they are invested towards individual or collective goals. This
is why Putnam speaks oI trustworthiness and reciprocity as parts oI
social capital.
Arts and social capital
An understanding oI the MTPDP-CA Iramework will lead to an
appreciation oI artistic productions, speciIically choral music groups, as
a venue Ior the generation oI social capital.
Jision and Framework of the M1PDP-CA
The MTPDP-CA began on March 20, 1992 when the
National Economic Development Authority (NEDA) Social Technical
Committee Development Board approved the Philippine Development
Plan Ior Culture and the Arts (PDPCA). This approval paved the way
Ior the creation oI the National Commission Ior Culture and the Arts
(NCCA), whose policy and program direction continues to be Iramed
through the MTPDP-CA. The PDPCA has three development thrusts:
institution building, inIrastructure development, and program expansion
(PDPCA 2004-2010), and takes these development thrusts Irom a
cultural perspective.
The NCCA`s vision speciIies the goals oI the PDPCA:
a. To assist the community to develop its cultural
capabilities and value its cultural resources by
providing it opportunities to organize themselves and
establish network and cooperation towards building a
stronger social inIrastructure;
b. To assist the diIIerent cultural communities in
identiIying their cultural resources, retrieve their
traditions, values, and ways oI governance, and
celebrate their culture to empower them to assert their
signiIicant presence in the Philippine society; and
c. To promote the creation and sustainability oI local
culture and art groups through the Iollowing Iorms
oI incentive assistance: i) support Ior organizational
development activities such as arts management
training, planning, etc.; ii) support programs or projects
that will Iorm part oI a comprehensive long term
development plan. (NCCA, 2002)
The preceding quote already touches on two important ideas
pointing to social capital. First is the idea oI 'establishing network and
cooperation towards building a stronger social inIrastructure. Second is
the idea oI 'assisting cultural communities in identiIying their cultural
resources.
Regarding the Iirst idea, the concepts oI network and cooperation
are very central to the theory oI social capital. However, the weakness
oI the latter can be derived Irom the multiIarious meanings that it may
suggest. It can be as vague as this idea oI 'establishing network and
cooperation. What speciIies and grounds these vague concepts is the
second point'assisting cultural communities in identiIying their
cultural resources.
Social capital is embedded in social associations and one natural
social association is that oI the community. Among the more important
cultural resources that social capital contributes to in this particular
point oI the commentary is the retrieval oI the community`s 'values.
Hence, this paper asserts that social capital is not a question oI a
technical association that consists oI meetings, policies, association
dues and compliance. Rather, I propose that what makes these
associations possible, and thereIore creates social capital among the
members oI the association, are the human values that the members oI
the association possess. In Putnam`s discussion this value pertains to
generalized trust. In my discussion this looks at other cultural virtues
that contribute to community exchange and solidarity. This is Iurther
reinIorced by a shared experience oI a given association which, in the
case oI the choral art world, is the common experience oI music.
Understanding the Role of Culture in Development
As one can see Irom the above quoted statement, the vision
oI the NCCA is an innovative approach to development which
concerns itselI with growth, 'not only Irom tangible but also Irom
intangible resources. (NCCA, 2002) This vision is speciIied Iurther
in seven program thrusts: (1) Culture and Education (2) Culture and
Development (3) Support Ior Artistic Excellence (4) Promotion oI
Culture and the Arts (5) Conservation oI Cultural Heritage (6) Culture
and Diplomacy. Towards the end oI 2003, the NCCA established the
7th program, Culture and Peace.
Within this Iramework there were several programs and
institutions that were put in place; culture, education and development
being the most relevant to this paper. Two programs can be identiIied
Ior culture and education: The Philippine Cultural Education Plan
(PCEP) 2003-2007 and the Institute oI Cultural and Arts Management
(ICAM).
'In 2002, the PCEP was Iormulated to provide the direction Ior
cultural education in the country. (MTPDP-CA 2007-2010) The
program provided trainings and courses Ior teachers and students at the
tertiary level, as well as publications and enrichment under its cultural
enrichment program. The ICAM oIIers 'non-degree courses Ior
cultural workers, artists, art managers, cultural oIIicers oI LGUs and
private corporations, teachers, and cultural attaches. (MTPDP-CA
2007-2010)
The culture and development agenda is aimed at 'strengthening
oI social inIrastructure and capability building. The MTPDP-CA
speaks oI 'continuing review and development oI policies and
legislative agenda on heritage protection resulting in the draIting oI the
Iollowing bills:
An Act to Provide Intellectual Rights oI Indigenous Peoples;
An Act Ior Philippine Cultural Heritage Law;
An Act Establishing Artists` Career Services and Special
QualiIication in Government. (MTPDP-CA 2007-2010)
The MTPDP-CA also enumerated the challenges that it Iaces in
cultural development. Among them, which has been one oI the many
objects oI this study, is the Iormulation oI 'a widely acceptable set oI
cultural indicators that will systematize cultural development planning
within the Iramework oI national development planning and resource
allocation. (MTPDP-CA 2007-10)
Strategv
In general, 'culture shall be utilized as a catalyst Ior values
Iormation and human rights education, promoting a culture oI peace,
social justice, and sustainable development. (MTPDP-CA 2007-2010)
Thus, oI the MTPDP-CA priority strategies Ior the next six years, two
are relevant to the social capital inquiry:
EIIorts directed to 'mainstream culture and development in
plans, policies, programs and projects that, provide cultural
services Ior the poor, the marginalized, the minorities and
the migrants;
Continued 'implementation oI programs Ior the promotion
oI cultural liberty and excellence in artistic development
that Iorges the identity, memory, vision, and conscience oI
our nation.
These continue to be within the mandate oI NCCA which is tasked to
'protect, conserve, nurture, and promote our tangible and intangible
cultural heritage. Congruent with its commitment to national
development is the Iocus on projects, which promote national cohesion
and human well-being. (MTPDP-CA 2007-2010)
Under the eIIort to 'mainstream culture and development in
plans, policies programs and projects, the NCCA continues to be the
coordinating agency that consolidates its eIIorts with other government
agencies and the Committees oI Culture and the Arts in the Senate and
House oI Representatives. Among these speciIic eIIorts are:
The implementation oI the Department oI Interior and
Local Government (DILG) Circular no. 2008-81 on the
Creation oI Local Culture and the Arts Councils, and
continuation oI support Ior community organizing, local
cultural exchange projects, and regional empowerment
through collaborative activities;
Increase the number oI community-based projects Ior the
disadvantaged and marginalized groups; support public
school children; and promote healing and learning through
cultural activities;
Initiate culture and development policy dialogues among
development planners and workers in both government and
non-government agencies; and
Continue eIIorts in Iormulating cultural indicators.
(MTPDP-CA 2004)
With the goal to 'continue the implementation oI programs Ior
the promotion oI cultural liberty and excellence in artistic development
that Iorges the identity, memory, vision and conscience oI our nation,
making the arts a venue Ior values Iormation, the MTPDP-CA
envisions to 'support young and developing artists and encourage the
development oI contemporary and new Iorms oI artistic expression with
emphasis on values education and good governance. (MTPDP-CA
2004) It does this by:
Sustaining support Ior exhibits and Iestivals with particular
Iocus on community-based initiatives;
Providing more opportunities to enhance artists` talents
and make their work available to a wider Filipino audience
through school tours, coaching activities, and participation
in competitions and Iestivals; input arts into the broadcast
industry;
Continuing to promote recognition Ior outstanding Filipino
artists through awards such as the Gawad Manlilikha ng
Bavan and the National Artists Award; and
Supporting the study oI diIIerent Philippine languages and
literature.
Several important ideas have been put in NCCA`s Development
Program, the most relevant oI which Ialls within the inquiry on
social capital in choral music. The niche oI the arts in development is
something many artists understand but Iew policy makers do. There are
many policies, programs, and goals within this Development Program,
and many show potential Ior generation oI social capital. For example,
reIerences to the 'strengthening oI social inIrastructure may be
understood as strengthening oI social capital.
The reIerence to obtaining the cooperation oI the agencies
Ior the promotion oI cultural projects is also a potential Ior the
generation oI social capital at the institutional level. A successIul
coordination among cooperating agencies may lead to a project that
involves community-based activities like cultural Iestivals, with inIinite
repercussions in the creation oI social capital.
Corollary to this is the reIerence to the increasing community-
based projects that involve the marginalized and poorer sectors oI
society. In this area, choral music is deIinitely one oI the potential key
engines where the poorer sectors oI society may actually join together
as community choir groups and build social capital. An example oI such
choirs is the Tatalon Choir oI the Tatalon Gawad Kalinga Community
composed oI the children and youth oI the community`s residents. One
oI the members oI the choir, a Iormer drug dependent, noted that he
never realized he could do something worthwhile with his liIe aIter
having trained with the choir.
The Ba-ao children`s choir Irom a town in Camarines Sur is
another example. It is a community and church-based choir composed
oI children Irom 11 to 18 years old. They have been the NAMCYA
national champion Ior the Children`s Choir category in 2010. In 2012, it
won the Iirst place in the 18th International Contest oI Habanera Youth
2012 held at Palacio de la Musica music hall in Torrevieja, Spain.
(Ang, 2012) Its members are children coming Irom both private and
public schools Irom the said municipality and are mostly coming Irom
economically challenged backgrounds. (Ba-ao Children`s Choir proIile,
2011)
The Madz et al. is a group whose members or alumni oI the
Philippine Madrigals Singers handle other choirs oI their choice. One
oI the beneIiciaries oI this group is a taxi driver who is a member oI
the community choir that was handled by one oI the trainees oI the
Philippine Madrigal Singers. The group`s name is Knight Winds. He
related that they are a group oI 'tambavs` or layabouts who eventually
learned to read notes and make good use oI their spare time rehearsing
because oI this choir experience (personal conversation, 2010). The
Ioregoing are just some examples oI how choirs are potential sources oI
social capital and thereIore human development as well.
Another relevant point in the vision oI the MTPDP-CA is
the use oI art as medium Ior values Iormation. Social capital, Ior it
to contribute to development, requires individual members to uphold
certain values. Trustworthiness and reciprocity among themselves
require certain human values Irom the persons who deem each other
trustworthy and capable oI exchanging Iavors. Extending a Iavor to
another is value in itselI. In choral music practice, discipline, patience,
perseverance, and sensitivity to everyone in the group are important
values that each member has to learn to contribute successIully to the
group.
Assessment of Culture and Arts Sub-Section
The period Irom 1992 to 2000 saw signiIicant
developments in the Culture and Arts Sub-sector along
the Iour major areas oI concern, namely, cultural heritage,
cultural communities, the arts, and cultural education
dissemination. . . |T|he arts registered a signiIicant increase
in the number oI programs that were made accessible to the
public, the number oI National Artists, artists, and Gawad
Alternatibong Pelikula awardees.(MTPDP-CA 2004)
In principle there are two sub-sections that are relevant to
the social capital inquiryprojects related to the development and
preservation oI cultural communitiessince social capital is supposed
to be nurtured or beneIit a given community; and the arts sub-section
where choral music groups may be Iound.
Development of cultural communities
In the development of cultural groups, the Iocus is on the
preservation oI indigenous communities. Many oI the projects are
meant to address the impoverished state oI the indigenous peoples
whose way oI liIe holds on to a cultural heritage oI the nation. This is
pursuant to R.A. No. 7356 that provides 'a more Iocused development
initiative in addressing the plight oI the indigenous peoples. This
allows the Sub-commission on Cultural Communities and Traditional
Arts (SCCTA) to implement various programs and projects.
Another program by virtue oI R.A. 7355 is the Gawad
Manlilikha ng Bavan (GAMABA) that 'accord(s) Filipino traditional
artists the highest honors Ior their technical skills and outstanding
creativity, and adopts programs that will ensure the transIer oI skills to
others. (MTPDP-CA 2004)
The Davaw arts Iestival was launched in 2000. 'Davaw
showcased living cultural traditions through master art Iorms unique to
each group and the outstanding practitioners oI these Iolk-art Iorms. The
Iestival provided an opportunity Ior cultural exchange among ethno-
linguistic groups as it Ieatured a series oI regional Iestivals that tackled
issues and concerns on recognition and respect Ior the cultural rights oI
indigenous peoples. (MTPDP-CA 2004)
II music were to be included in the projects related to the
preservation oI cultural communities, it would be the preservation
oI indigenous music and instruments. The way choral groups come
into the picture is in the articulation, on stage, oI indigenous songs
arranged Ior stage perIormance. However, although this may be a way
oI 'preserving an indigenous group`s cultural heritage, the music
is no longer in its original Iorm or perIormed in its community oI
origin. As such, it is outside the parameters oI what is considered the
'development oI cultural communities.
1he arts sub-section
There are three basic directions in this sub-section, namely:
local and international awards and recognitions; the establishment oI
artistic programs in partnership with civil society and the business
sector; and the creation oI local culture and arts councils.
Awards and recognition
'In 2000, a total oI 86 awards was given, posting an increase oI
290.91, as against the 22 awards given in 1992. (MTPDP-CA 2004)
Apart Irom the well-known National Artist Awards, other awards oI
recognition in various Iields were added. For music these awards are
'Awit, Metropop, and Katha Music Awards. Recently more awards
were established such as the Asia Song Festival in 1995. (MTPTDP-
CA 2004) Side by side with these awards are competitions to discover
new artists. For music this is best known as the National Music
Competition Ior Young Artists (NAMCYA).
67
In the international scene, support has been continually given
to Filipino artists. For choral music the Philippine Madrigal Singers
won the Gran Premio Kutxa 1996 and Le Gran Prix European 1997,
which they won again in 2007. The Ateneo de Manila College Glee
Club was the Gran Prix de la Jille de Tours 2000 winner. Two other
musical groups were recognized in the international scenethe UP
Singing Ambassadors and the Philippine Philharmonic Orchestra.
(MTPDP-CA 2004)
Civil societv and business sector involvement
The civil society and business sectors were key players in the
development oI culture and the arts. It is their advocacy and sponsorship
that made art programs Iinancially Ieasible. The cultural and artistic
programs oI these groups and Ioundations included maintaining
theaters, community libraries, and arts collections; holding arts
competitions; running theater seasons and arts appreciation programs;
and sponsoring concerts and Iestivals. (MTPDP-CA 2004)
Loboc in Bohol, Ior example, has put up a Loboc Music
Foundation to solicit and receive donations Ior the Loboc Children`s
Choir. Something very similar is the case oI the Himig Singers
Foundation, which supports the Himig Singers oI Davao. In both
cases, the Ioundations are necessary Ior the entry oI these two groups
into the national and international choral music scene. A more recent
collaboration oI civil society and choral music groups was the Iormation
in 2009 oI the Philippine Choral Directors` Association. While this is
not the Iirst choral association in the history oI Philippine choral music,
67
The history oI the development oI institutions that speciIically involve the
development oI choirs is in Chapter V oI 'Koro at Lipunang Pilipino. (De Leon 2013)
it is signiIicant because it emerged when participation in associations
was limited to civil society groups.
Culture and the Arts: Prospects for Social Capital
As a development concept, the idea oI social capital is not yet
articulated among the programs or directions oI cultural communities.
However, the increase and strengthening oI 'sense oI community is a
Iunction oI social capital. The preservation oI heritage and the programs
encouraging the passing down oI cultural and Iolk artistic skills to
the young are as yet incomplete measures Ior 'strengthening these
communities.
The closest that the Development Plan has come to the
idea oI social capital is the concept oI social infrastructure and its
reinIorcement through the strengthening oI network and cooperation.
As stated in MTPDP-CA 2004,
Social cohesion and economic development are enhanced
with greater mutual understanding among the country`s
peoples. The experience oI other countries has shown
that a strong social inIrastructure enhances networking
and cooperation and contributes to development. Culture
and arts organization and activities could be an important
component oI social inIrastructure projects . . .
Clearly, the MTPDP recognizes the need Ior an enhanced
networking and cooperation capacities oI communities Ior them to
be genuine sources oI growth. Networking and cooperation are two
concepts that are indicative oI social capital.
Although these ideas in the Iramework and vision oI the
MTPDP-CA, as embodied in the NCCA, are very promising, the
existing projects and programs related to choral music still have a long
way to go towards building that social inIrastructure. To operationalize
this idea, it is useIul to introduce the idea oI social capital as an
intermediary variable towards the development oI art groups and their
respective communities.
It is also important to note that the involvement oI civil society
and business sectors is very valuable Ior cultural development. The
problem, however, is the lack oI sustainability in their involvement
especially in the Iield oI music. 'To sponsor concerts and Iestivals oI
choral music is an approach to art involvement. These Iestivals draw
crowds and attention to the sponsoring institutions, but do they Ioster
development or merely provide entertainment? The erratic manner oI
support maniIests a lack oI appreciation Ior the capacity oI perIorming
arts to develop persons and communities.
For example, a community chorus or orchestra always Iaces
the problem oI Iinancing. The Philippine Madrigal Singers who have
to give up their eight-to-Iive jobs to meet the demands oI training
and rehearsals are not individually compensated. The income that the
group generates Irom competitions and perIormances go to the Iund
Ior international tours. In other words, the arts are not recognized as a
source oI livelihood to dedicate one`s liIe to it.
Conclusion and Recommendation
Traditional development indicators seldom consider cultural
elements such as modes oI liIe, value systems, traditions, and belieIs
to interweave with the spiritual, material, intellectual, and emotional
Ieatures oI a society or social groupas a 'resource in development
terms. The eIIect oI these cultural resources on the lives oI the people
is never charted among the development indicators simply because they
produce 'intangible eIIects.
This has been the story oI the concept oI development,
especially in the Philippinesa story that has made many people
believe that the arts and culture should only be given attention aIter
society has achieved a measure oI material wealth. The National
Commission Ior Culture and the Arts must be commended Ior its eIIorts
to give more substance to the inclusion oI culture in development.
Fortunately,
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, underscoring the
importance oI culture as a catalyst Ior values Iormation
and human rights education to promote a culture oI peace,
social justice, and sustainable development, has ordered a
separate Iull chapter on culture as an essential ingredient Ior
poverty alleviation and Iighting corruption as we Iorge our
national identity with cultural diversity. (MTPDP-CA 2004)
This is the grand vision Ior culture in Philippine development.
However, as the MTPDP-CA has recognized, there is a need to develop
indicators that assess cultural development. It is important to understand
how cultural development aIIects values Iormation and what kind oI
values should be imparted. Are these values transmitted as propaganda
through the content and motivation oI the cultural events, or are they
honed through the discipline, virtue, and rigor required oI any artistic
production? At present, it seems that promotion is not oI values but oI
propaganda attached to Iestivals and programs.
There is a need Ior policy makers to understand and deIine the
relationship between cultural development and values Iormation. It is
important to establish how the values Iormed in the attitudes and habits
oI people aIIect the promotion oI peace, justice and social development.
There is a huge jump in the understanding oI how culture leads to
development; iI such link remains unsubstantiated, the idea oI culture
and development can end up simply being an empty catchphrase.
Social capital seems to me to provide the intervening variable
necessary to bridge the gap between culture and development. The
absence oI social capital in the whole MTPDP-CA is an opportunity Ior
this study to introduce this concept. Once social capital indicators have
been drawn Irom these groups, a model may be applied to other cultural
groups with social capital as indicator Ior development.
68
One oI the goals oI this paper is to identiIy possible social
capital indicators that the MTPDP-CA may have reIerred to without
labeling them as social capital. These are: networking, cooperation, and
cultural exchange. The idea oI networking and cooperation Iorms part
oI the 'Culture and Development thrust oI the MTPDP-CA program;
they are deemed to be indispensable ingredients to the building and
consolidation oI the social inIrastructure which, in the grand vision, is
the Ioundation Ior peace, justice and development oI the nation.
The idea oI cultural exchange is a goal oI the projects under
the strategy to 'mainstream culture and development in policies,
plans and programs. Exchange, in the social capital theory oI James
Coleman (1988), is an indicator oI social capital, which Putnam later
calls reciprocitv. The smoothness and ease oI exchange indicate and
reinIorces the trustworthiness that lubricates social networks.
In the Iinal analysis, there is promise in developing the
concept oI social capital to substantiate the link between culture and
development. While the culture and arts sector is Iluid by nature, the
similar Iluidity oI the concept oI social capital allows Ior the Ilexibility
required to measure development in this Iield. As a development
indicator, social capital has achieved a certain degree oI theoretical
tightness to allow Ior assessment. Yet, as a cultural indicator, it
possesses the Ilexibility that culture and the arts need. How this rigor
and the Ilexibility oI the concept oI social capital are to be played out
will be the subject oI other studies with the help oI sociological theories.
References
68
The Iull study in 'Koro at Lipunang Pilipino has concluded with a model called the
'intangible asset theory oI development as one would generally Iind in cultural groups
and other social sources oI the intangible aspects oI development.
Ang, W. (2012). 'Bicol`s Baao Children`s Choir wins Iirst place in
Spanish choral Iest in Philippine Daily Inquirer, 14 May, 2012.
No Author. (2011). Baao Children`s Choir ProIile, http://
www.youtube.com/watch?viRRmII9cLx8.
Bourdieu, P. (1986). The Forms oI Capital. In J. Richardson (ed.)
Handbook of Theorv and Research for Sociologv of Education,
241-258. New York: Greenwood.
Coleman, J. (1988). Social Capital in the Creation oI Human Capital.
The American Journal of Sociologv, 94, 95-120.
De Leon, A. (2013). Koro at Lipunang Pilipino. An Inquirv into Social
Capital and Human Capital Development in Philippine Choral
Music Groups. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University
oI the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City.
Medium Term Philippine Development Plan Ior Culture and the Arts
2004-2010. http://www.ncca.gov.ph.
Evasco, M. (2000). A Life Shaped bv Music. Manila: Bookmark, Inc.
Field, J. (2003). Social Capital. London: Routledge.
Fukuyama, F. (2002). Social Capital and Development: The
Coming Agenda. SAIS Review, 22(1), 23-37.
Fukuyama, F. (2000). Social Capital. In L. Harrisson & S. Hutington`s
Culture Matters. How Jalues Shape Human Progress (98-11).
Basic Books.
Fukuyama, F. (2001). Social Capital, Civil Society and Development.
Third World Quarterlv, 22, (1) 7-20.
Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling Alone. The Collapse and Revival of
American Communitv. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Linguistic and Crammatical Activity
during the Period of Spanish Presence
in the Philippines:
1he Legacy of the
Spanish Crammarian Missionaries
Arwin M. Vibar
Abstract
It has been said that the linguistic descriptions made bv Spanish
missionarv grammarians of Philippine languages in the 17
th
-19
th

centuries are erroneous if not completelv invalid. This paper shows
evidence that the foregoing statement is obfectivelv not true.
The Spanish grammarians approached the languages through
the contrastive method bv which thev used their knowledge of Spanish
and Latin grammars as the starting point for analvsis and description.
Direct equivalents of Spanish and Latin linguistic devices and
mechanisms were sought, and when there were no direct counterparts,
substitutes were found. Thus frequent recourse to the process of
substitution or suppletion was made, e.g., for the Spanish and Latin
verb tenses, the substantive verb sum es fui, the oblique cases (genitive,
dative, accusative, ablative, etc.), etc. For mechanisms not found in
either Spanish or Latin, the grammarians used classical categories and
terminologv, but clearlv pointing out the noveltv of the phenomenon,
e.g., the facere facere verbs, the 'improper` passives which ironicallv
represent the normal passive voice in Philippine languages, the
LlnCulS1lC Anu C8AMMA1lCAL AC1lvl1? uu8lnC 1PL L8lCu
Cl SAnlSP 8LSLnCL ln 1PL PlLllnLS
'unusual` uses of the articles as in the 'associative plural` exemplified
bv the phrase Peter and his household or the use of proper noun articles
for common nouns, the glottal stop, and the so-called G-gangosa or the
velar nasal.
These grammars provide us with initial descriptions of the
languages, viewed from the classical grammar-writing perspective,
which modern grammarians can sift through, validating adequate
descriptions and perfecting inadequate ones. The paper ends with
an invitation to view the legacv of the grammarians from the wider
perspective of the historv of Christianitv.
Introduction
The conversion oI the Iirst inhabitants oI what is now the
Philippine archipelagoand later their descendantsdid not come
about instantly aIter the baptism oI their native 'kings. Neither can it be
attributed solely to the Iirst celebration oI the Holy Mass in the islands.
These events were unquestionably decisive in the evangelization eIIorts
oI the Spanish missionaries, perhaps even comparable to Constantine`s
conversion oI the early 4
th
century in their impact and place in the
history oI Christianity. Nonetheless, they do not downplay the
missionaries` painstaking catechetical and apostolic work which they
sustained until their last moments in the islands.
The missionaries capitalized on a very important tool to achieve
this goaltheir knowledge oI languages and the science oI linguistics.
They studied and learned the native languages and wrote their Iirst
grammars and vocabularies. These Iirst compilations enabled their
Iellow missionaries to learn the newly encountered tongues, paving the
way Ior the preaching oI the Gospel to all peoples in the very languages
that their own mothers had taught and raised them with. The
missionaries regarded the mastery oI these languages as a IulIillment oI
Christ`s mandate to preach to all nations. Their drive to transmit the Iaith
by overcoming cultural and linguistic diversity evokes the image oI
Pentecost as it also recalls the Tower oI Babel event and its subsequent
reversal at Pentecost.
Linguistic activitiestranslations oI the Bible or parts thereoI,
vocabularies or dictionaries, and grammars oI the native languages
have always been a very important part oI Christian missions (Zwartjes
and Hovdhaugen, 2003). In colonizing and Christianizing the New
World, the Europeans, particularly the missionaries, studied and codiIied
the native languages oI the Americas, i.e., the Amerindian languages, the
Iirst descriptions oI which were done by the missionaries Irom Europe.
These missions eventually extended to the Far East, Russia, and AIrica.
The protagonists were members oI the religious orders, notably the
Jesuits, Dominicans, Franciscans, and Augustinians, who spoke and
wrote in Spanish, French, English, Dutch, German, Danish, etc., but
set their languages aside in Iavor oI various languages which, although
unIamiliar to them, brought them closer to the natives oI the lands where
they sought to bring the Iaith.
The rich linguistic activity and production carried out by these
men has come to be known as missionary linguistics. It is essentially
pedagogical, i.e., the grammars and vocabularies were written by
missionaries Ior their Iellow missionaries in aid oI evangelization.
Although grammatical activity started as early as the late 16
th
century in
the Philippine Islands, it was only in the mid- 19
th
century that grammars
and dictionaries were written Ior other purposes, e.g., educational,
commercial, in addition to the pastoral or religious, and Ior other types
oI learners (Sueiro, 2002), e.g., students, and plain civilians. Recently
modern linguists have come to the realization that these linguistic
descriptions were not mere translations and impositions oI the Greek
and Latin grammatical models. Research has shown that many oI these
missionary-grammarians had a good command oI the vernaculars. They
knew that they were Iace-to-Iace with languages that were typologically
diIIerent, on which they could not impose imported rules and categories.
Samar on the 16
th
of March 1521, asentamientos and lenguas
generales
When Ferno de Magalhes
69
sighted the mountains oI Samar
on that historical day, the 16
th
oI March 1521, the world that he had leIt
behind knew very little about the archipelago, and next to nothing about
its inhabitants and their languages. Communication had to be done with
interpreters and sign language, or perhaps with gestures packed with
good intentions, but these were communicatively unsuccessIul in
general. Fortunately, a man named Enrique, who spoke Malay, the
lingua Iranca in the area until the 16
th
century, had learned Castilian,
qualiIying him to serve Magellan as an interpreter oI sorts. In order to be
eIIective, Enrique needed someone who spoke both the language oI the
natives and Malay to allow him to do a double translation, i.e., Enrique
would translate Irom Spanish to Malay and his counterpart would
translate Irom Malay to the local language, and vice versa. Legazpi later
related the same procedure in an account oI his voyage; he used the
services oI Geronimo Pacheco, who spoke both Malay and the Cebuano
language (Sueiro, 2002).
The succeeding Spanish expeditions reported Iinding three big
ethnic groups, i.e., the Malays, the Negritos, and people Irom islands
now making up modern Indonesia. A Iourth group, which the Spaniards
called moritos or Moslems (aIter the Moslems oI the Iberian Peninsula),
had arrived in the archipelago a couple oI centuries beIore. There were
also Chinese traders or sangleves who resided in the islands. There were
other peoples with their own interestsAsians, AIricans, and Europeans.
The linguistic diversity, societal and economic Iragmentation, and
political variety caught the attention oI the chroniclers who accompanied
the colonizers, and they documented these in their respective accounts
(Sueiro, 2002).
69
Ferno de Magalhes is known in our history books as Ferdinand Magellan and
Fernando Magallanes in those oI Spain. Enrique, or Henry, was a slave in his service.
Against this backdrop, the positive attitude oI the missionary
grammarians towards the languages they codiIied is worth noting. This
ediIying disposition Iound expression in the words oI the Spanish Jesuit
Francisco Colin (cited in Sueiro, 2002) in a comparison he made in 1663
between Tagalog and the Iour greatest languages oI the world:
Es sin duda mas cortesana, graue, artiIiciosa, y elegante la
Tagala; porque participa de quatro cualidades, de las quatro
mejores lenguas del mundo, Hebrea, Griega, Latina, y
Espaola. De la Hebrea, demas de la semejana ya dicho en
el vso de sus vocales, y consonantes, tiene las raizes de los
vocablos, y sus preezes, y misterios, y algunas guturales.
De la Griega los articulos en la declinacion de los nombres,
y en las conjunciones la muchedumbre de vozes, y tiempos:
de la Latina, la copia, y elegancia: y de la Espaola, la
buena crianza, comedimiento, y cortesia. (Colin, 1900, I, p.
56)
|Without any doubt, Tagalog is more noble, solemn, artIul,
and elegant because it shares Iour qualities with the Iour
best languages oI the world, namely, Hebrew, Greek,
Latin, and Spanish. From Hebrew, aside Irom the similarity
already mentioned in the use oI its vowels and consonants,
Tagalog has the roots oI the words, their Iecundity and
mystery, and some oI the gutturals. From Greek, the
articles in the declension oI nouns and adjectives, and in the
conjugations the plurality oI voices and tenses; Irom Latin,
beauty and elegance; and Irom Spanish, good nurturing
Iinesse, and courtesy.|
70
With the arrival in Manila oI new peoples Irom diIIerent islands
and continents, the linguistic landscape became even more complex.
There were so many diIIerent languages that in 1780, the Augustinian
70
All translations, including all the errors, in this article are the author`s.
Agustin Maria de Castro (1954, cited in Sueiro, 2002) described the
conIessional in Manila as the world`s most diIIicult to handle.
The Spaniards conIronted the problems wrought by ethnic and
linguistic diversity and geographic dispersion by uniIying the people
into pueblos (towns) and asentamientos (settlements). This move
Iacilitated assistance to the people, their evangelization, education,
and acculturation. It also gave a modicum oI organization Ior civil and
judicial administration, collection oI tributes, pastoral and religious
administration, among others. In addition, it paved the way Ior the
consolidation oI the commonly spoken languages into lenguas generales
or major languages, which somewhat simpliIied the linguistic landscape
and to a large extent systematized the task oI evangelization and
colonization.
Records show that the major linguistic groups in Luzon and the
(rounded oII) number oI speakers as shown by a list oI encomiendas
and tributes compiled in 1591 were the Iollowing: Tagalog 124,000,
Ilocano 75,000, Vicol 77,000, Pangasinan 24,000, Pampanga 75,000,
Ibanag 96,000. Visayan, with three principal dialects, was the largest
single linguistic group (Phelan, 1955). Today these languages, with the
exception oI Ibanag, are considered the eight major languages oI the
Philippines.
The Synod of Manila and the linguistic division of the provinces
The Iirst Synod oI Manila, held in 1582, is an important
milestone in the history oI Philippine linguistics. In this synod, it was
unanimously recognized that the Philippine Islands belonged to the
natives and that no other languages would be used Ior evangelization
except their own.
In 1594, the governor and the bishop were instructed by the
Council oI the Indies to divide the Philippines among the Iour religious
orders. The Augustinians and the Franciscans, having been well-
established in the islands prior to 1594, received the bulk oI the parishes;
the Dominicans, were given the care oI the Chinese community; and the
Iourth group were the Jesuits. The Augustinians were given the
provinces oI Pampanga and Ilocos, and the Franciscans took charge oI
the Bicol-speaking Camarines. The provinces oI Pangasinan and
Cagayan were assigned to the Dominicans. The Visayan islands were
distributed between the Augustinians and the Jesuits. Much later, the
Augustinian Recollects came and took charge oI parishes scattered all
over the archipelago. This manner oI distribution enabled the religious
orders to concentrate on learning no more than Iour diIIerent languages
(Phelan, 1959).
The disposition oI the synod or oI the Council oI the Indies
does not completely explain why Spanish did not spread wide enough
to supplant the native tongues. There were other Iactors that intervened,
like legislation and socio-political divisions. In 17
th
century Mexico, Ior
instance, big numbers oI Mexican Indians were placed in close contact
with Spaniards and mesti:os, when they worked in their large estates.
This setup Iavored the natives` immersion in and eventual acquisition oI
the Spanish language.
Something similar could have happened in the Philippines in
the late 19
th
century, when big sugar cane plantations were put up. That
possibility did not materialize because shortly thereaIter, it was time Ior
the Spaniards to leave (Phelan, 1955). The Provincial oI the Augustinians
in the Philippines in 1769, Fr. Bernardo Suarez, summarized the reasons
why it was diIIicult to use and spread the Spanish language in the
Islands: the dispersion oI the peoples, the multiplicity oI languages, the
distance between provinces, and the lack oI native Spanish speakers who
preIerred to stay in Manila (Rodriguez, 1979 cited in Sueiro, 2002). It
was more practical Ior the Spanish Iriars to learn the languages than to
teach Spanish Ior their pastoral work.
1593: the printing press and the Doctrina Cristiana, and the
grammars
A year beIore the distribution oI the islands among the religious
orders, in 1593, the Dominican Iriars established the Iirst printing press
in the archipelago. In this year also, the Doctrina Cristiana in Tagalog
came out.
By the 17
th
century, the Iour printing presses in the Philippines
had published about a hundred bilingual catechisms, dictionaries,
grammars, and conIession manuals, side by side with unpublished
grammars and lexicographical manuscripts. Among these were the Iirst
published Tagalog grammar, Arte v Reglas de la Lengua Tagala (1610),
by Dominican Iriar Fr. Francisco Blancas de San Jose, Arte v Reglas
de la Lengua Pampanga (1621) by Francisco Coronel (Augustinian),
Gramatica Ilocana. Compuesta por el Padre Predicador Fr. Francisco
Lope: Corregida v Aumentada por P. Carro (1627, revised in 1895 by
Cipriano Marcilla) by Francisco Lopez (Augustinian), and Arte de la
Lengua Bisava-Hiligavna de la Isla de Panav (1637, revised in 1894 by
Jose Aparicio) by Alonso Mentrida (Augustinian).
A Iew more grammars and vocabularies were added during
the 18
th
century. Among these were the works oI two Augustinians:
Fr. Diego Bergao`s Arte de la Lengua Pampanga (1729), and Fr.
Francisco Encina`s Gramatica Bisava-Cebuana (1760, revised in 1885
by Nicolas Gonzalez).
Between 1800 and 1898, about 125 linguistic works were
printed, more than a third oI which were written by teachers, high school
proIessors, lawyers, military men, and scholars. Five oI the grammars
written during this period are as Iollows: Arte de la Lengua Pangasinan
o Cabaloan, Corregido, Aumentado v Llevando en si el Mismo
Compendio (1840, reprinted in 1904) by Mariano Pellicer (Dominican),
Arte Nuevo de la Lengua Ybanag: Embellecida con un Indice, v Unas
Tablas-mapas de los Derivados de los Nombres, v Jerbos de Ybanag
(1854) by Jose Maria Fausto de Cuevas (Dominican), Arte del Idioma
Jisava de Samar v Leite (1872) by Antonio Figueroa (Franciscan),
Nueva Gramatica Tagalog. Teorico- Practica (1872) by Joaquin de
Coria (Franciscan), and Gramatica Hispano-Bicol. Segun el metodo
Ollendorf (1904) by Roman de Vera (Capuchin Franciscan).
The great interest on the part oI civil society to learn the
languages oI the islands can be explained Irom two speciIic historical
eventsthe intense commercial exchange between Spain and the
Philippines until 1898, and the Iact that the use oI Spanish never
extended to the archipelago as it did in the American colonies
Grammars of the First Period (16
th
to 18
th
c)
The works oI the Spanish missionary linguists, inheritors oI the
rich Spanish linguistic tradition, were all pedagogical grammars that
sought to teach the living language to the missionaries. These were not
Iormal grammars with the primary objective oI describing the diIIerent
Ieatures oI the languages Ior scientiIic study or scholarship. In Iact, the
original versions oI the grammars seldom included a Iormal deIinition or
discussion oI the parts oI speech. What predominated was the Iunctional
description oI the diIIerent parts oI speech, many times comparing and
contrasting them with Latin and Spanish, which were the languages that
the missionaries were most Iamiliar with. Consequently, the grammars
abounded in examples oI actual speech and conversations whose context
was their preaching and the day-to-day living with the natives, and in
suggestions that the native speakers be consulted on the acceptable Iorms
oI the language.
The grammars that were revised in the 19
th
century were
somewhat diIIerent in the sense that their authors and editors knew and
Iollowed the requirements oI Iormal grammars set by the Royal
Academy oI the Spanish Language. The intended readers had also been
expanded to include other language learners, e.g., Aparicio`s edition oI
Mentrida`s grammar took into account the needs oI native Visayan
speakers who knew Spanish. Perhaps, the eIIort to comply with the rules
oI the Royal Academy also suggests that the grammars were written also
Ior the use oI peninsular Spaniards who were interested in the study oI
modern languages as we see in the third edition oI Lopez`s grammar,
prepared by Cipriano Marcilla who declared an added motive Ior
printing the grammarto contribute to the scientiIic study oI language.
Grammars of the Second Period (19
th
c)
In the 19
th
century, although pastoral concern was still the
primary reason Ior writing or reediting and reprinting grammars, there
also existed other reasons. The expansion oI the intended users and
aims oI the grammars implied some changes in the Iormat and content
oI the grammars. While the pedagogical character remained, e.g.,
generous amounts oI illustrative examples, recourse to the native
speakers, there are Ieatures that address the inIormation requirements oI
language scholars and more than just the practical requirements oI a
missionary. These Ieatures included the Iormal deIinitions oI the parts
oI speech; lengthier explanations about speciIic lessons like the passive
voice, the substitution oI items like the substantive verb sum es fui,
verbs in general; and short treatises on language. The technical
deIinitions also more closely approximated the manner which modern
linguistics uses in deIining speciIic concepts and categories. What is
seen here is nothing less than the emergence oI Iormal descriptive
grammars.
The contrastive approach continued to be a useIul device Ior
description since the missionaries always came with previous training in
Latin and Spanish, and the grammarians did not consider it wise not to
take advantage oI that strength. Thus, the search Ior equivalents or
substitutes oI Spanish and Latin linguistic devices persisted in the 19
th

century grammars.
The contrastive method and descriptive approach
The grammarians approached the languages through the
contrastive method by which they used their knowledge oI Spanish and
Latin grammars as the starting point Ior analysis and description. Despite
this, all oI them knew that they were dealing with languages blessed with
Ieatures similar to their reIerence languages (Latin and Spanish) and
Ieatures that were quite unique.
Direct equivalents oI the linguistic devices and mechanisms
Iound in Spanish and Latin were sought, and when there were no direct
counterparts, substitutes were Iound. Thus the Irequent appeal to the
process oI substitution or suppletion (i.e., the substitution oI one Iorm Ior
another that Iunctions or behaves in a similar way) especially as regards
the Spanish and Latin verb tenses, the substantive verb sum es fui, the
oblique cases (genitive, dative, accusative, ablative, etc.), and even the
distinctive sounds oI the target languages. This process oI resorting to
equivalents or substitutes that perIorm the same Iunction is a
phenomenon known in Spanish as exogramaticali:acion.
When there are mechanisms in the languages that do not occur in
either Spanish or Latin, the grammarians embarked on their description
by using the classical categories and terminology, but clearly pointing
out the novelty oI the phenomenon as in the case oI the facere facere
verbs (known today as causative verbs), the 'improper passives which
ironically represent the normal passive voice in Philippine languages, the
'unusual uses oI the articles as in the 'associative plural exempliIied
by the phrase sina Pedro |Peter and his household, or companions, etc.|
or the use oI proper noun articles Ior common nouns, the glottal stop,
and the so-called G-gangosa or the velar nasal (designated as in IPA
symbols). Examples oI Irequently adapted rules are those concerning the
passive voice, e.g., the Latin verses attributed to Agustin de la
Magdalena, the general and speciIic rules, and the rule oI thumb
concerning which noun is to be assigned the nominative case in a passive
sentence.
There is a strong uniIying Iorce that shaped the descriptions.
This is the grammarians` consciousness oI the close interrelations oI the
languages so that rules Iormulated Ior one are adaptable to the others.
Part oI this close kinship is the occurrence oI dialects among the major
languages. The grammarians reIerred to the varieties oI the languages, at
times providing the variants Ior certain lexical categories such as
pronouns, articles, and the manner certain sounds are pronounced.
A Iurther eIIect oI this uniIying Iorce is the recurrence oI topics
and subtopics regardless oI the way the grammars are divided.
Consistently, the grammarians took up declension oI nouns through
articles, conjugation oI verbs through aIIixation, the expression oI the
Spanish preposition de, the equivalent oI the substantive verb,
pluralization oI nouns, adjectives, and verbs, the numerals, etc.
Early descriptions of ~contemporary linguistic features
As indicated above, the missionaries` grammatical descriptions
were not wrong even iI they were working only with the grammatical
theories current at the time. This can be seen in three sample descriptions
oI Ieatures that are unique to Philippine or Philippine-type languages
and such descriptions have been deemed accurate.
Sum es fui. the Tagalog 'av` and the search for the substantive
verb 'to be` equivalents
A constant topic in the grammars is the expression or
substitution oI the Latin substantive verb 'to be in Philippine
languages. Quite prodigiously, the grammarians immediately realized
that the substantive verb does not exist in any one oI them, which shows
thereby that they knew how to identiIy verbs Irom the jungle oI
countless roots, aIIixes, and all sorts oI words making up the word bank
oI the target languages. In many cases, this topic is dealt with separately
Irom the regular verbs. For example, Blancas de San Jose talks about it
in the Arte Tagala and not in the Libro de las Reglas where the regular
verbs are discussed.
The normal order oI Tagalog sentences, which is also a Ieature
oI the majority oI Philippine languages, is that the comment or the so-
called 'predicate is Iollowed by the topic or 'subject. In other words,
the verb is Iollowed by the topic and the rest oI the comment, e.g.,
tumakbo ang bata. When this order is inverted, the comment is set oII
Irom the topic by av as in sentence (a) below, or simply by a sustained
terminal juncture as in sentence (b). Constantino (1965) reIers to av as an
'order particle (OP).
(a) ang bata-y tumakbo (b) ang bata, tumakbo/
(the child-OP ran-away) (the child, ran-away)
Following the contrastive method, Blancas de San Jose
(henceIorth BSJ) looked Ior the exact equivalent oI the substantive verb
and he did not Iind it in the Tagalog particle avor anywhere else. His
Arte v Reglas de la Lengua Tagala does not oIIer a detailed explanation
oI the subject matter and is limited to stating that the substantive verb
in Latin is substituted by or is 'subintellectually understood when the
other parts oI the sentence (i.e., moods and tenses, etc.) are present.
Nonetheless, Blancas de San Jose can be credited Ior the partial
'deIamation oI the inversion marker av as THE Tagalog substantive
or linking verb, and Ior describing the normal word order oI Tagalog
sentences.
No ay palabra que diga sum, es, Iui, en quto signiIica ser,
ni particularmente lo supla: sino que de suyo en esta lengua
le suple o subintelectamente se entiende, puestas las de mas
partes de la oracion, quanto a modos y tiempos, y quto
a todo. Podria oIrecer se le a alguno que se suple c esta
particula, ay, como dizi do, si Pedro, ay, matapang: pero
no es assi, por esta particula, ay, no es sino vn ssonete y
gracia ponen medio quando precede del sujeto de quien diz
n algo: y sino bueluan al reues aquella misma oraci, si
Pedro, ay matapang, dizi do, matapang si Pedro; la qual
esta muy buena y perIecta, y vea se donde esta el, ay, supla
el sum es Iui. (BSJ, 1610, pp. 14-15)
|There is no word that expresses sum, es, fui inasmuch
as it means 'to be, and neither is there any word that
speciIically substitutes Ior it. But in this language by itselI,
sum es fui is substituted or is subintellectually understood
when the other parts oI the sentence, in the Iorm oI moods
and tenses, etc., are present. It may seem to some that the
particle av substitutes Ior it, e.g., si Pedro, av, matapang
(Peter is brave), but it is not so because this particle, av, is
nothing but a tapping and grace placed in the middle oI the
sentence when the subject about whom something is said
takes the Iirst position. Otherwise, the sentence si Pedro, av,
matapang is said in reverse, i.e., matapang si Pedro, which
sounds very good and perIect, and thus one sees where the
av that substitutes sum es fui is.|
Apparently, Blancas de San Jose observed that the Tagalogs had
a habit oI uttering av even when what is said in Tagalog does not call Ior
a substantive verb when expressed in Spanish or Latin. When the
Tagalog people spoke their language, they always put a descansillo v
gracia |short pause and grace| in the middle. On the other hand, in some
cases, like in interrogative sentences, he knew that neither av nor any oI
its substitutes are present, as in sino vaon |who is that|, ano vto |what is
this|. And this is so even iI it is clear that in Spanish these correspond to
que es esto? |what is this?| and que es aquello? |what is that?|
Facere facere. the causative verbal mode as a grammatici:ed
feature of the Philippine languages
This concept oI the facere facere or ff verbs reIers to the
causative verbal mode (or mood). It is a way oI commanding someone to
do something without even uttering the word 'command, or its
equivalent Iorms, pakitapon ang basura |please throw the trash away|.
The verbal construction must have extremely Iascinated the missionaries
considering that it is a 'grammaticized item Ior a linguistic device
which does not exist in either Spanish or Latin. When something is
grammaticized, it means that certain concepts, or meanings, e.g.,
negation, pluralization, deIiniteness, are expressed by aIIixes and non-
lexical (or Iunctional) categories and not by Iull (content) words; Ior
example the concept oI possibility is expressed in English by the non-
lexical morpheme must, and negation (aside Irom the aIIixes in- and un-)
is conveyed by the morpheme not (O`Grady, W., et al., 2001).
Blancas de San Jose attributes the coinage oI the term facere
facere to the Iirst missionary grammarians who worked on a grammar oI
the |Tagalog| language. UnIortunately, the unpublished grammars
supposedly written by Juan de Plasencia and others did not survive the
test oI time, and the identity oI these Iirst missionary grammarians could
not be established.
In Mariano Pellicer`s Arte de la Lengua Pangasinan o
Cabaloan, Corregido, Aumentado v Llevando en si el Mismo
Compendio, the pa- composition makes verbs which request that
something be done. He calls these verbs facere fieri |literally, to do
something so that another thing may be done or may happen|, e.g.,
pabantavan mov silid d Juan |manda a Juan que cuide la celda| |ask
Juan that he take care oI the room|. Literally, Pellicer (1904) says it
means mandar que sea hecha la cosa |command that the thing be done|
(p. 139). The facere fieri is a variant oI the now commonly known
facere facere which in the Pangasinan language is Iormed with mama-.
This aIIix can Iorm active verbs used Ior issuing commands, as Ior
example, mamaslsl cav silo d ugao |manda encender luz al
muchacho| |ask the lad to switch on the light|. Pellicer adds that these
verbs mean que uno manda, permite etc. que otro efecute alguna accion
|that one command or permit etc., that another perIorm a particular
action| (p. 136). A third variant oI the causative verb is what Pellicer
calls the facere pati |to do something so that another may receive some
Iorm oI modiIication|. Its Iorm is similar to that oI the facere facere,
e.g., pandaman tcan bilinn |hare que seas muchas veces aconsejado
por mi| |I will do something so that you may be advised by me many
times|. Pellicer says:
Estos estriban sobre los de facere facere, pues son ellos
mismos, usados en ciertas raices, que dan una cierta
cualidad, o modiIicacion a la cosa hecha. (Pellicer, 1904, p.
141)
|These are based on the facere facere verbs; in Iact these
are the same verbs but used in certain roots, which give a
certain quality or modiIication to the thing done.|
As we see in the Iollowing examples, the basic diIIerence
between facere facere, facere pati and facere fieri is their respective
emphases. Facere facere verbs are Iocused on the person asked to do
something while the facere fieri lays emphasis on the thing that is to be
done. For example, the verb in panbagotn moratan a uggao na dicad
patio |manda a esos muchachos, que arranquen yerba en el patio| |ask
those boys to uproot the weeds in the courtyard| is a facere facere; the
emphasis is those boys who are asked to do something. In pabagt md
sartan a ugugao so dicad patio |manda a esos muchachos que
arranquen la yerba del patio| |ask those boys to uproot the weeds in the
courtyard|, the verb is a facere fieri whose 'Iocus is the task being
commanded.
The passive voice and the focus of verbs
The most extensive part oI the grammars is invariably the section
dedicated to the composition or derivation oI verbs out oI roots and
aIIixes. The passive voice also occupies a lot oI space in these grammars
and its appreciation and description appears to have signiIicantly evolved
since Blancas de San Jose.
In Philippine languages, when the subject oI the sentence is the
actor or agent, the sentence and its verb are considered to be active, e.g.,
lumipad ang ibon |the bird Ilew away|. II the subject is not the actor, the
sentence and the verb are called passive, e.g., kinain ni Pinkv ang
mansanas |the apple was eaten by Pinky|, which is an example oI a goal
passive where the subject mansanas` is the goal noun.
Koleen Matsuda French (1987) deIines Iocus as the phenomenon
whereby an aIIix attached to a verb (the Iocus aIIix) establishes a
special relationship between the verb and one oI the noun phrases in the
sentence. That noun phrase is what is 'in Iocus, the 'Iocused item,
or 'Iocus complement oI the sentence. Matsuda French oIIers the
Iollowing excerpt Irom a letter to illustrate the phenomenon.
II you are buying something, use bumibili; iI you are
buying a speciIic object, use binibili; iI you are buying
something at a speciIic place, use binibilhan, iI you are
buying something Ior a speciIic person, use ibinibili. On
the other hand, iI your idea is being able to buy something,
it becomes nakakabili, but iI you are causing someone else
to buy something, you need to use nagpapabili. II the
object IS speciIic, use nabibili iI you are able to buy it; and
ipinabibili iI you are causing someone else to buy it (John
Spears, letter to author, n.d.).
Like the other missionary linguists beginning with Blancas de
San Jose, Alonso Mentrida Iinds three types oI passives in Hiligaynon,
i.e., one verb without changing its core meaning is Iormed in diIIerent
ways. For convenience`s sake, he calls these first, second, and third
Iutures. The speciIic rules already show the topicalized nominals, and
the rules have been Iormalized into Latin verses. Below are the rules Ior
the so-called i-passive
71
:
Verba loquendi, similandi atque docendi,
Narrandi, imitandi atque etiam reIerendi,
Commodandi, verba dandi, atque vendendi:
Et quocumque modo rem extra mitendi.
Tempus et causa, instrumentum et quasi,
I passivum petunt, semperque anteponitur illis. (Mentrida,
1894, p. 68)
|Verbs used Ior speaking, comparing, and teaching; (verbs)
oI narration, imitation, and also oI reIerence; verbs to mean
accommodating, giving, and selling, and whichever manner
oI sending out a thing. Time, cause, instrument, and the like
require the I-passive which is always placed beIore them.|
The discussions on the passive verbs across all the grammars
show the inception oI a Iormal description oI the so-called topicalization
oI nominals. The phenomenon has been observed, but its Iormal
expression makes use oI the linguistic terminology current at the time,
i.e., in terms oI noun cases, but to some extent already in terms oI
semantic roles like agent and patient. With the identiIication oI the
diIIerent nouns that can be placed in the nominative case, e.g., place,
cause, motive can be seen the demotion oI the agent in a sentence and the
subsequent promotion oI other nouns with varied semantic roles.
Jose Maria Fausto de Cuevas (1854) presents the ten rules Ior
the Ibanag passive verbs, which are rather diIIerent Irom the general and
speciIic rules presented by the grammarians oI other languages. For one,
Cuevas does not resort to the very convenient Latin verses that the others
71
An example oI the i-passive is as Iollows: to indicate the instrument Ior doing
something, e.g, ang sundang ang iguinbuhat co sini |con el cuchillo hice esto| |I did that
with a kniIe|.
had used. His intention was to identiIy the Iocus oI the sentence, or the
noun phrase that had to be assigned the nominative case, and the type oI
root in terms oI the meaning it bears. Acknowledging the great diIIiculty
a Spanish (and Latin) speaker will have to surmount, Cuevas gives a
synthesis oI the rules.
Lo primero que quiero decir es, que toda la diIicultad de
esta lengua, consiste en penetrar bien, y entender, cual sea
en una oracion la cosa de la primera intencion de el que
habla; sabida esta, todo es Iacil, observando las reglas que
hemos dado en esta obra. La tal cosa, pues, de primera
intencion de el que habla, ha de decidir de la especie de
verbo; de la especie de modo; de si, ha de hablarse por
activa, o por pasiva: y ultimamente de toda la oracion
que se pretenda hacer. Doy ejemplos: Si yo digo, v.g.,
Quien mato a Juan? Se ve, que mi primera intencion
mira a Quien?Cuando lo mato? Ya se ve que aspiro a
el Cuando?En donde lo mato? Inquiero unicamente el
Adonde? (Cuevas, 1854, p. 306)
|The Iirst thing I want to say is that all the diIIiculty one
meets in this language consists in penetrating well and
understanding which would be the object oI the speaker`s
Iirst intention in a sentence. Knowing this, everything is
made easier by observing the rules cited in this work. That
object oI the speaker`s Iirst intention has to determine
the type oI verb, the mood, whether it will be active or
passive, and what the sentence wants to accomplish. II I
say, Ior example, Who killed John? One sees that my Iirst
intention points to the person who killed John; When did
he kill him?it is clear that I want to know the time he
was killed; Where did he kill him?I am asking simply
Ior the place where the killing was done.|
The legacy of the Spanish missionaries
There is no doubt that these grammars provide a good starting
point Ior modern and more accurate descriptions oI Philippine languages.
At the very least, the grammars give the Iirst descriptions oI the
Philippine languages, viewed Irom the classical grammar-writing
perspective, which modern grammarians can siIt through, separating
adequate descriptions and perIecting inadequate ones.
It is also a Iact that the grammars provide a clear record oI the
development oI the Philippine languages in the three centuries oI
Spanish presence. These grammars will prove quite useIul in writing the
history oI the development oI each oI these languages. In addition, the
preservation oI the native languages means that much oI the Filipino
soulits thoughts, sentiments and aspirationsis preserved and
continues to subsist in the hearts oI the Filipino people oI today.
That is as Iar as the missionaries` role in the description oI the
Philippine languages, the writing oI the history oI these languages, and
the very history oI linguistics are concerned. Viewing this human
activity Irom a wider perspective allows its appreciation in its Iull
magnitude. Their zeal Ior the salus animarum
72
brought them to the
Extremo or Lefano Oriente, so Iar beyond the finis terrae
73
that St. James
the Apostle traveled to announce the inauguration oI the heavenly
kingdom. And, in addition to their generous sacriIice oI leaving their
native land, they put all their energy, piety, and linguistic talent at the
service oI this worthwhile undertaking.
References
Primary References
72
Latin Ior salvation oI souls`
73
Latin Ior end oI the earth`
Blancas de San Jose, F. (1610). Arte v reglas de la lengua tagala.
Bataan: Thomas Pinpin.
Bergao, D. (1916). Arte de la lengua pampanga (3
rd
ed.).Tip. del
Colegio de Santo Tomas.
de Coria, J. (1872). Nueva gramatica tagalog. Teorico-practica. Madrid:
Imprenta de J. Antonio Garcia.
de Cuevas, J.M.F (1854). Arte nuevo de la lengua vbanag: Embellecida
con un indice,v unas tablas-mapas de los derivados de los
nombres, v verbos de vbanag. Manila: Ymprenta de los Amigos
del Pais.
de Vera, R.M. (1904). Gramatica hispano-bicol segun el metodo de
ollendorff. Manila: Imprenta de Santos Y Bernal.
Encina, F. (18851760). Gramatica bisava-cebuana. Revised by Fray
Nicolas Gonzalez. Manila: Imp. de Amigos del Pais.
Figueroa, A. (1872). Arte del idioma visava de Samar v Leite. Binondo:
Imprenta de Bruno Gonzalez Moras.
Lopez, F. (1895). Gramatica Ilocana. Compuesta por el padre
predicador Fr. Francisco Lope: corregida v aumentado por P.
Carro (3
rd
ed.). Malabon: TipograIia del Asilo de HuerIanos.
Mentrida, A. (18941637). Arte de la lengua bisava-hiligavna de la isla
de Panav. Revised by Fray Jose Aparicio. Tambobong.
Pellicer, M. (1904). Arte de la lengua pangasinan o caboloan.
Corregido, aumentado, v llevando en si el mismo compendio (3
rd

ed.). Manila: Imprenta del Colegio de Sto. Tomas.
Santos, E. (trans.) (2005). Fr. Francisco Coronels arte v reglas.
Kapampangan grammar and rules (circa 1621). Angeles City: Holy
Angel University Press.
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ministerios apostolicos de los obreros de la Compaia de Jesus.
Fundacion v progresos de su Provincia en las Islas Filipinas.
Re-edited by P. Pastells. Barcelona: Imprenta y LitograIia de
Henrich y Compaia.
Constantino, E. (1965). The sentence patterns oI twenty-six Philippine
languages. Lingua, 15, 71-124. Amsterdam. North-Holland
Publishing Co.
Matsuda French, K. (1987). 'The Focus System in Philippine Languages:
An Historical Overview. In the Philippine Journal of
Linguistics 18, 2-19
O`Grady, W., Archibald, J. (eds.), AronoII, M., and Miller, J.R. (2001).
Contemporarv linguistics. An introduction (4
th
ed). USA: BedIord/St.
Martin`s.
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1565-1700. In Mid America XXXVII, 153-170.
. (1959). The hispani:ation of the Philippines. Spanish aims and
Filipino responses. Madison: The University oI Wisconsin Press.
Sueiro Justel, J. (2002). La ensean:a de idiomas en Filipinas
(Siglos XJI-XIX). In Coleccion Lingistica No. 6. A Corua.
Toxosoutus, S.L.
Vibar, A. (2010). Studies on the mafor Philippine languages bv Spanish
missionaries. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University oI
the Philippines Diliman.
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Lingistica misionera. Selected papers from the First
International Conference on Missionarv Linguistics, Oslo, 1316
March 2003. Vol. 1. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins
Publishing Company.
Revisiting Koreans in 1apan:
A Brief Historical Survey
Arnel E. 1oven
Abstract
This paper assesses the migration pattern of Koreans into Japan
from the earlv twentieth centurv to the height of the Cold-War-mitigated
Korean War in the earlv 1950s. Arriving as colonials forciblv drafted as
labourers into Japanese militarv industries, Koreans graduallv settled
down in Japan along with their families, with manv of them inter-
marrving into 'mainstream` Japanese societv. As Korea was divided
into north and south, so were the ethnic Koreans lovalties and activities
while in Japan. From this functure, this paper tries to re-visit the
conflicting lovalties of the Koreans. to a divided fatherland and to an
adopted homeland that seemed to be antagonistic to their continued
presence. Numerous secondarv sources are available on the topic as
this paper seeks to filter through the problem of 'dual lovaltv`
complicated bv political and economic conditions surrounding
their naturalisation in Japan. This paper looks at the question of
identitv and/or integration into 'mainstream` Japanese societv. This of
course touches on the frame of culture and identitv among Koreans
view of themselves in Japan vis-a-vis their Japanese neighbourhood. All
in all, this survev seeks to assess the historicallv-mitigated permanence
8LvlSl1lnC kC8LAnS ln !AAn A 88lLl PlS1C8lCAL Su8vL?
of a minoritised status that ethnic Koreans suffered in Japan up until the
late twentieth centurv. Recent economic changes have however
contributed to positive developments between ethnic Koreans and
mainstream Japanese in Japan in recent times.
The Idea of a Minority Group in 1apan: An Introduction
There is a popular notion oI a monolithic mono-ethnic culture in
Japan today. Such idea is oIten put Iorward by the Japanese themselves
who preIer to think oI their nation-state as being ethnically uniIorm,
aside Irom being unique and apart Irom the rest oI the world. Inasmuch
as there are numerous historical and anthropological indicators stating
the multi-cultural character oI post-war modern Japan, politics tend to
deIy reality. Many ethnic Japanese in Japan tend to reject the idea oI
multi-ethnicity in their society (Lie, 2000: 10-20). The very idea oI the
presence oI minorities is oIten a subject oI controversy, debate, and
rejection by the Japanese (Ryang 1997: 79).
Yet statistics do not lie. About seven hundred thousand to one
million oI the total Japanese population are comprised oI ethnic Koreans.
With the advent oI K-Pop, Japanese popular media is only recently
adapting to a culture oI accommodation aIter decades oI deliberate
ignorance about the conditions oI Koreans in Japan (Lee and De Vos,
1981: 12). Koreans were minoritised` in Japan and have been
historically subjected to discrimination by most 'ethnic Japanese.
While many Koreans continue to seek Japanese naturalisation and
assimilation, many continue to present their Korean identity at the risk oI
discrimination. Many Koreans have long beIore decided to be
assimilated into Japanese society. They have taken up Japanese names
and have undergone the legal naturalisation process. Many have also
married Japanese and have legally been recognised as 'Japanese
citizens.
Throughout the past halI century, however, many Koreans still
could not hide their ethnic identity despite assimilation into mainstream
Japanese society. Conservative Japanese parents continue to practice
the investigation oI the Iamily registry records oI their children`s would-
be spouses. As such, many oI the Koreans` identities are revealed.
Japanese Iirms and corporations Iollow the same employment practice
(Lee and De Vos, 1981: 25).
Still, many Koreans reIuse to be assimilated into Japanese
society. They study in Korean schools in Japan, use Korean names, and
wear traditional Korean attires. Most oI these Koreans are ideological
and nationalistic when it comes to their Korean identity. They reIuse to
undergo naturalisation despite their unnatural status in Japanese society
(Ryang 1997: 85). Nonetheless, most Koreans possess 'permanent
resident status due to the more recent leniency to Koreans by the
Japanese government. This relatively 'better treatment and recognition
oI Koreans did not exist in the immediate post-World War II period.
Despite these trends, the attitude among the Japanese to reIuse
the Koreans 'Japanese citizenship is still prevalent. UnIortunately,
these sectors oI Koreans have periodically been subjected to violent
discrimination. Events in the Korean peninsula deemed threatening by
most Japanese are oIten translated into reprisals and violence (Lee and
De Vos, 1981: 30).
It is unIortunate that the most aIIected oI these acts oI violence are
Korean students who previously wore traditional attires as school
uniIorm. Due to the imminent social threat posed against Korean
children in Japan, many oI them have been advised to wear Japanese
contemporary attires instead oI the traditional Korean costumes. Such a
reality has been regrettably recognised by many Koreans in Japan as
repression oI their ethnic cultural identity (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 30).
The problem among young Koreans in Japan is that most oI them speak
more Japanese than Korean, despite Korean language instruction in
Korean schools. Many oI them have also been interacting with relatively
tolerant sectors oI Japanese society. Many oI these Koreans have also
viewed Japan, more than Korea, as their homeland. In eIIect, most oI the
third and Iourth-generation Koreans in Japan have never sought to be
repatriated to Korea at any time. Most oI these Koreans who never
visited the Korean peninsula Ieel emotional alienation in Korea itselI.
Most oI them possess a closer cultural and emotional aIIinity to Japan
rather than Korea. In short, most young Koreans in Japan Ieel that they
are more Japanese than Korean (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 27).
AIIairs in the Korean homeland have also aIIected the attitude
and aIIairs oI Koreans in Japan. The ideological division in the Korean
homeland has also set the Koreans in Japan apart Irom each other. A
large portion oI Koreans in Japan have recognised ideological aIIinity
with the Democratic People`s Republic oI Korea (DPRK) or North
Korea. The other halI oI the Koreans in Japan has aIIiliated themselves
with the Republic oI Korea (ROK) or South Korea. Both sectors,
however, have continually expressed the ultimate desire Ior a uniIied
Korean homeland despite the ideological division. Such a division
within Korean society in Japan has also prevented unity and
consolidation among the Koreans. For this reason, Koreans in Japan
could not assert themselves beIore repressive Japanese policies. For
much oI the immediate post-World War II period, Koreans living in
Japan were divided and could not expect to be a strong society in Japan
Despite the prevalent mythology oI a mono-ethnic society in
Japan, minorities exist in Japan. About ninety percent oI these ethnic
minorities are Koreans, Iollowed by Ainus, Chinese, and other groups.
Koreans share in the dilemma experienced by most Ioreigners and
immigrants in Japan. Japanese society is not exactly open-minded to the
idea oI an 'others` culture within their society (Lee and De Vos, 1981:
38). Most Iirst-generation Koreans in Japan have long considered
repatriation to the Korean homeland; however, economic opportunities
within Japan have prevented most Koreans to leave the country. Other
Iactors such as the inability oI the Koreans in the 1940s and 1950s to
bring along their acquired property to Korea have also prevented most
Koreans Irom leaving Japan. It was realised that though Koreans were
divided on the idea oI repatriation, the Japanese government was
historically bent on taking up measures that would ultimately repatriate
Koreans Irom Japan. Socially, Koreans have been stigmatized as being
social undesirables in Japanese society, and it took diplomatic measures
on the part oI both the North and South Korean governments to alleviate
the seemingly oIIicial discrimination oI Koreans in Japan. Measures
such as Iingerprinting and restrictions on overseas travel have been
abolished, in Iavour oI ethnic Koreans (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 65).
The presence oI Koreans in Japan can be attributed to
certain periods in history. Economically-driven migrations during the
Japanese colonisation oI Korea (1910-1945) and the Greater East Asia
War (1937-1945) have brought the most number oI Koreans into Japan.
However, it must be understood that Korean migration into Japan existed
long beIore the colonisation oI Korea and long aIter the PaciIic War. As
such, Koreans have been entering Japanese society early on in history,
bringing their local culture with them. Hideyoshi`s campaign into Korea
in the sixteenth century dragged intellectuals and artisans as prisoners-oI-
war into Japan. Some oI them were repatriated aIterwards. Japanese
expansionism and militarism brought the most number oI Koreans into
Japan. The number multiplied with the onslaught oI the PaciIic War
when the Japanese needed the most manpower Ior labour and personnel
in the war (Ryang 1997: 85-90). While a large percentage oI Koreans
were repatriated, a sizeable percentage decided to remain in Japan aIter
the war. At one point, the Japanese Government cooperated with the
DPRK to repatriate Koreans to North Korea. However, only a small
number was actually repatriated. A large number oI Koreans remained
in Japan with their descendants. The economic boom oI the 1980s
invited more Korean migrant workers into Japan, along with other
migrant workers (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 78). This survey looks at the
social historical experiences oI the Koreans in Japan. Rather than
Iocusing on political and administrative policies that led to the
minoritisation oI Koreans in Japan, the paper will discuss the social
experience oI Koreans in Japan.
Early Koreans in 1apan
Most Koreans have been present in Japan since the 1940s. It is
little known, however, that Koreans have been migrating into Japan long
beIore. Historical data shows that Chinese cultural inIluence entered
Japan through Korea or was brought by the Koreans themselves when
they arrived in Japan. The most prominent Chinese inIluences brought
into Japan are the writing system and Buddhism. Long beIore, the
Koreans and the Chinese were welcomed into the Japanese homeland
because oI their culture (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 78). As a result,
Koreans have been entering Japan early on. The Chinese writing system
(Kan-ji, Han-ja, Han-zi) was brought to Japan via the Koreans, and
directly by the Chinese themselves. The ConIucian classics have been
brought to Japan this way. The Japanese developed their own political
and social system based on ConIucian ideals (Lee and De Vos, 1981:
45).
The second most prominent Chinese inIluence brought by both
Chinese and Koreans into Japan is Buddhism. Shinto principles, while
originally the ancestral religion oI the Japanese, did not encounter
conIlict with Buddhism. While the emperor was a deity in the Shinto
religion, many emperors in the past even directly ordered the worship oI
Buddha. Buddhism was known to the Japanese earlier, but the oIIicial
date Ior its introduction is 552 AD. It was proclaimed the state religion
oI Japan in 593 by Prince Shotoku. Some unIortunate emperors, either
deIeated in battle or Iorced by their relatives or enemies to retire, did end
up becoming Buddhist monks (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 34). Buddhism
developed into Zen Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism, and branched
out into various sects. Contrary to the Buddhist practice that developed
in Japanese society, Korean Buddhist monks remained strictly celibate.
This would have repercussions during the Japanese colonial Period
(1910-1945).
These inIluences notwithstanding, the primordial discrimination
oI Koreans prevailed and could already be seen in the treatment oI
Korean immigrants. Although Koreans were welcomed and respected in
Japan because they brought cultural inIluences, the Japanese were more
receptive oI the Chinese than oI the Koreans, since they saw the Koreans
only as channels oI Chinese culture. Because oI this, the Chinese were
undeniably preIerred to the Koreans (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 90-100).
UnIortunately, there is no deIinitive historical data that can determine the
Iate oI these early Korean migrants in Japan (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 63).
Hideyoshi`s Relations with the Koreans
The Meiji Restoration or the Meiji Era is popularly hailed in
Japanese history as having brought modernisation into Japan. However,
the Tokugawa Period is known Ior uniIying and consolidating Japan
(Lee and De Vos, 1981: 101-110). Many Japanese credit Oda
Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu Ior uniIying
Japan. Hideyoshi, however, has become inIamous Ior having sacked and
ravaged Korea in the sixteenth century. The Iutile thirty-year long
Japanese campaign into Korea was unsuccessIul; nevertheless, though
the Japanese Iailed to take the Korean peninsula as a territorial
possession, they brought with them a good number oI Korean captives
into Japan, leaving behind a trail oI destruction and despair in Korea
Although hesitant to admit it, the Japanese saw Korean
technology as superior to their indigenous Iabrications. For example, the
Japanese saw Korean pottery to be better than theirs. Korean pots were
stronger and sturdier they were Iired longer than Japanese pots. For
this reason, Korean potters and artisans were Iorcibly taken to Japan.
Furthermore, the Japanese saw the Koreans as having developed the Iirst
metal movable type printing press. During this period oI Hideyoshi`s
Iutile attempt to seize Korea, hundreds iI not thousands oI Korean
captives were Iorcibly transported to Japan. All oI them were dispersed
into the territories oI the daimyos in Japan, and all were Iorced to
improve Japanese technology. Wherever Hideyoshi`s Iorces took
treasures and labourers Irom Korea, they leIt behind a devastated
peninsula. The Yi dynasty and the Korean population could not recover
Irom such a deIeat until their assimilation into the Japanese empire in the
early twentieth century. Because oI these hostile encounters with the
Japanese, Koreans in the colonial period imbibed anti-Japanese
sentiments, Iuelled by the belieI that throughout history Koreans have
been Iighting the Japanese (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 42).
Meanwhile, most Korean exiles were eventually repatriated by
the daimyos through the mediation oI the Buddhist monks. It is not
stated, however, how many Koreans decided or were Iorced to remain in
Japan Ior the rest oI their lives. Nevertheless, animosity between the
Japanese and the Koreans had been sowed. It is ironic though that aIter
the sixteenth century, the Japanese Government sought the inIluence oI
the Chinese via the Kingdom oI Korea. Despite the Japanese attempt at
rapprochement, Korean hatred oI the Japanese had brewed (Lee and De
Vos, 1981: 45).
Colonial Labour Migration
It is not improbable that the rapid industrialisation and
modernisation oI Japan attracted Korean migrant workers Irom an
impoverished Korea. It is even known that a sizeable portion oI Korean
society threw support behind the Japanese at the Iace oI French incursion
into the Korean peninsula. There seems to have developed in Korea a
collective amnesia oI the Iailed sixteenth century Japanese invasion oI
Korea. In the 19
th
century, the rapid phase oI Japanese expansionism
and militarism brought the Imperial Japanese Army into the Korean
peninsula by the onslaught oI the Sino-Japanese War (1895) (Chung
2003: 30-33). The Russo-Japanese War (1905) violated Korean
neutrality with Japanese Iorces landing on Korean soil. In eIIect, the
Koreans were helplessly dragged into the Japanese scheme oI imperial
expansionism by the early 1900s (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 39).
By 1905, the Kingdom oI Korea became a Japanese Protectorate.
However, the death oI the last Korean king and the assassination oI Ito
Hirobumi in Korea caused the oIIicial annexation oI Korea into the
Japanese Empire (Chung 2003: 30-33). The March First Movement
launched on 1 March 1919, and subsequent nationalist movements
caused a roller coaster policy oI assimilating the Koreans into Japanese
society. The popularised propaganda oI the Japanese then was that the
Koreans were 'Japanese. As a result, the Koreans were Iorcibly
assimilated into Japanese society. Every vestige oI Korean culture was
suppressed. Japanese language and writing replaced the Korean.
OIIicially, every Korean was taught to read, write, and speak Japanese.
However, despite the Iorced assimilation oI Korea, certain segments oI
Korean society, speciIically the Korean nationalists, continued to use
Korean and advocated Korean culture. Consequently, Korean culture
thrived in the underground while it was oIIicially suppressed by the
Japanese colonial administration (Chung 2003: 30-33). Despite the
oIIicial claim that the Japanese 'annexed and did not 'colonise the
Koreans with the idea that the Koreans supposedly shared similarities
with the Japanese, everyone on both sides knew that the Koreans were
nothing more than colonised peoples oI the Japanese (Chung 2003: 30-
33).
The cultural policy oI the 1920s, immediately aIter the 1 March
1919 Movement was launched and subsequently aimed at easing the
oppressive measures imposed on the Koreans. During those times,
Korean students and intellectuals were invited and encouraged to study
in Japanese universities. However, they were all bombarded with the
idea that they were 'Japanese and not 'Koreans. Because oI
impoverished conditions in Korea, throughout the 1920s, many Koreans
sought better living conditions in Japan. Hundreds oI thousands oI
Koreans preIerred to migrate as labourers in Japan and endure inhuman
labour conditions than stay in a rather hopeless situation in Korea.
Waves oI migrant workers arrived in Japan Irom Korea in search oI a
better liIe (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 75).
The Great Kanto Massacre
While Koreans arrived in Japan by the shiploads in the 1920s,
many Japanese disliked the government`s policy oI assimilating Koreans
into Japanese society. For the Japanese, there is an 'other-ness present
among the Koreans that could not be assimilated into the conservative
Japanese society. For one, the Japanese saw the Koreans Irom the very
beginning as inIeriors. In the 1870s, many Japanese warlords advocated
the invasion oI Korea Irom as early as that point in time. The Japanese
saw the Koreans as easily-conquerable people. In that period oI course,
Korea was economically and politically in shambles (Lee and De Vos,
1981: 77-80).
OIIicial Japanese government policy towards the Koreans was
that oI assimilation this meant that Koreans in both Korea and Japan
were supposed to do away with their 'Korean-ness and start living and
acting as Japanese citizens. Koreans in both Korea and Japan at that
time were given Japanese citizenship. However, to the ethnic Japanese,
this meant that the Koreans were to be treated as their equals in Japanese
society. This was something that majority oI the conservative ethnic
Japanese could never accept - 'inIerior Koreans as equals in their
society (Lee, 2003: 34-37).
On 1 September 1923, an earthquake shook the Kanto
plain in Japan, including Tokyo, causing extreme damage to properties.
Fires immediately broke out aIter the quake and many more properties
were destroyed. This is known in history as the Great Kanto Earthquake
oI 1923. What seemed to be an act oI nature was immediately translated
into the collective assertion that Koreans started the Iires and poisoned
the water supply (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 98). In truth, many Japanese
were killed by both the earthquake and the Iires. Chaos and commotion
Iollowed suit. There were rumours about Koreans using the disaster as a
pretext Ior starting anarchy throughout the region. There was also talk
that the Koreans were actually planning a major demonstration on 2
September 1923 to proclaim (again) the independence oI Korea.
Divisions oI the Imperial Japanese Army and police were dispatched to
suppress the imaginary Korean revolt. Thousands oI Japanese civilians
volunteered as vigilantes to contain the alleged notoriety and Ierocity oI
the Koreans. Consequently, Koreans were rounded up, tortured, and
executed. Anyone who was suspected or known to be Korean, or at least
had the 'Korean accent was rooted out and killed. In the end, about six
thousand Koreans were reportedly killed during the massacre (Lee and
De Vos, 1981: 112). Facts show that perhaps thousands more Koreans
were killed during the weeklong siege oI the Korean communities in
Japan. Tens oI thousands oI lives were actually lost and property
damage amounted to millions oI yen lost (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 112-
120).
Koreans have oIten been targets oI Japanese discrimination
in Japan. Despite oIIicial government policies, most ethnic Japanese
reIused to accept the integration oI Koreans into their conservative
society, in the same way that they had discriminated against the
Burakumins who were themselves ethnic Japanese. Politics was at play
throughout the 1923 massacre. This was shown in several ways. First,
the Koreans became the convenient scapegoat oI the Japanese Ior their
own Irustrations within their society. The Great Kanto Earthquake
oI 1923 was a disaster waiting to erupt Ior the Japanese to vent their
Irustrations: Koreans became the scapegoat oI such a disaster. Second,
the Japanese ultimately showed the Koreans that they could not possibly
be assimilated into a 'mono-cultural Japanese society. The Japanese
imposed their superiority over the Koreans, and to show it, they
slaughtered Korean immigrants who made the 'mistake oI migrating
and living in Japan.
Korean Migration during the ~Greater East Asia War
II the 1920s brought relatively easier policies in Korea, Japanese
militarisation in the 1930s reversed all the policies implemented by
Japanese liberals in the 1920s. In eIIect, Japan`s entry into the Second
Sino-Japanese War that erupted in 1937 dragged more Korean labourers
into Japan. Again, Koreans were draIted into Japanese labour; this
time the Koreans had very little choice. Worsening conditions in Korea
actually served as an alternative impetus Ior the Koreans to agree to work
Ior the Japanese war Iactories in Japan. Conditions became much worse
at the beginning oI the PaciIic War. More and more Korean labour was
required Ior the Japanese war eIIort. As a result, the total number oI
Koreans draIted Ior Japanese labour amounted to more than two million
(Lee and De Vos, 1981: 127).
Koreans were draIted into Japanese war eIIort labour in various
ways. They were hired as migrant workers Ior the war Iactories. They
were also draIted into the Imperial Japanese Army as soldiers Ior
Irontline duties. Korean women were either lured or kidnapped into
becoming what would be known in the western media as 'comIort
women. Finally, the Iamilies oI the draIted Korean workers were
brought along to Japan, supposedly Ior the Koreans to experience better
working and living conditions in Japan. Colonial policies in Korea were
steeply directed towards assimilation. By the late 1930s, the Koreans
were all Iorced to adopt Japanese names. Korean identity was thus
IorceIully eradicated. Thus, the Koreans who migrated into Japan or
were assigned in the battleIronts in the Asia-PaciIic were Ialsely
identiIied as Japanese.
At the close oI the war in 1945, more than two million Koreans
were in Japan. They all received Japanese citizenship. Organised pro-
Japanese government associations had already been set up to assist
Koreans in Japan. It is even more puzzling to realise that twelve seats in
the House oI Peers and seventy seats in the House oI Representatives
were reserved Ior ethnic Koreans. More than that, bureaucratic positions
were reserved Ior them at the close oI the war. The Imperial Japanese
Government`s motives might have seemed protective, but they were
grounded on a justiIiable need to patronise a substantial immigrant
Korean population (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 126-129).
Evolution of the Status of Koreans in Post-War 1apan
AIter the PaciIic War, the status oI Koreans in Japan was
uncertain and undecided. At the onset oI the American occupation oI
Japan in 1945, Koreans in Japan were considered stateless prior to the
pending clariIication oI the status oI the Korean homeland. Up until the
signing oI the San Francisco Treaty in 1952, the Supreme Commander oI
the Allied Powers (SCAP), and later the Far Eastern Commission (FEC),
representing the interests oI the allied Iorces, recognised ethnic Koreans
living in Japan as 'liberated nationals, unless conditions otherwise
deemed it necessary Ior them to be recognised as 'enemy nationals
since they were once Japanese subjects. By this time, the Japanese
Government adopted the policy oI fus sanguinis in recognising its
nationals in Japan, which meant that only those born oI Japanese parents
were recognised as Japanese citizens. As a result, Koreans lost the
option to choose Japanese citizenship. At that time, all Koreans became
stateless since the Korean homeland was then divided and occupied by
Soviet and American Iorces (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 137).
In 1947, the Japanese enacted the Alien Registration Act which
required all non-Japanese nationals residing in Japan to register. The
purpose was the immediate organisation oI Ioreign nationals in Japan
prior to their supposed repatriation. The act aIIected the Koreans who
were originally seeking repatriation to the Korean homeland. One day
beIore the promulgation oI the 1947 Japanese Constitution, Emperor
Hirohito enacted an edict clariIying the nature oI Japanese citizenship.
Japanese nationals were deIined as being descended Irom Japanese
parents. Since this was the case, Koreans who possessed Japanese
citizenship during the war eIIectively lost it. Along with Japanese
citizenship, the Koreans lost all previous privileges in Japan as the
Japanese government completely deprived ethnic Koreans oI the Ireedom
to choose their citizenship and allegiance.
The Alien Registration Act oI 1947 required Koreans to register
and to carry Alien Registration Cards all the time. Without the cards,
Koreans caught were subject to possible deportation Irom Japan. In the
Alien Registration Card, Koreans were required to indicate their
nationality. Koreans at Iirst wrote 'Choson in their cards as Choson
was the Japanese colonial term Ior Korea. Koreans could not yet
establish the legitimacy oI a pending status oI government in Korea.
Nevertheless, the ROK adherents Iought to replace 'Choson with
'Han`guk the new Korean nationalist term Ior their 'legitimate United
Nations-recognised state government, which was based in Seoul (Lee
and De Vos, 1981: 120-138). The pro-North adherents continued the use
oI 'Choson.
By this time, the immediate objective oI most Koreans in Japan
was repatriation to Korea. However, a small portion oI the immigrant
Korean population decided to remain in Japan. Restrictions on the
amount and weight oI properties that could be brought back to Korea
somehow caused many Koreans to decline repatriation. More than that,
immediate post-war conditions in Korea Iollowed by the Korean War in
the early 1950s made matters worse and solidiIied the resolve oI most
immigrant Koreans to remain in Japan, pending the supposed eventual
uniIication oI the Korean homeland. Economic opportunities also lured
most Koreans to continue working in Japan (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 130-
138).
The Immigration Control Act oI 1952 redeIined the status oI
Koreans in Japan. Numbers replaced words as Koreans who established
continuous presence in Japan Irom 1 September 1945 to 28 April 1952
were designated as Ialling under Law Number 126, Article 2, and
Paragraph 6. In short, such Koreans were known as 126-2-6 Aliens in
legal Japanese terms in post-1952 Japanese society. The descendants oI
the 126-2-6 aliens were categorised under Article 4 oI the Immigration
Control Act oI 1952. Descendants oI 126-2-6 status aliens were
recognised as 4-1-16-2 aliens. Third generation aliens were recognised
as 'Special resident aliens approved by the Minister oI Justice as 4-1-
16-3. 4-1-16-2 aliens had the renewable validity oI three years`
residency in Japan. 4-1-16-3 aliens` status ranged Irom thirty days to
three years, renewable, though subject to deportation and penalisation in
case oI minor violations (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 120-138).
The signing oI the ROK-Japan Normalisation Treaty in 1952
inaugurated a new status Ior Koreans in Japan, at least Ior those Koreans
who signiIied their allegiance to the Seoul government. Koreans who
qualiIied successIully in this category became known as 'permanent
resident aliens by treaty agreement. As such, many Koreans deIected`
to the Mindan
74
camp in order to avail the permanent residency status.
More relaxed measures even abolished the required re-entry visa Ior
Koreans and replaced this with multiple re-entry visas. The early
measure oI Iingerprinting Koreans above the age oI IiIteen was also
abolished. Measures originally considered to be discriminatory against
Koreans were also either relaxed or abolished (Lee and De Vos, 1981:
120-138). Even the term 'Koreans in Japan has also evolved Irom
being 'Korean Residents in Japan. Several terms have also been tried
to be adopted and replaced derogatory names Ior the Koreans who reside
and/or work in Japan (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 120-138).
A 38
th
Parallel in 1apan
Immediate post-war conditions called Ior the uniIication and
independence oI Korea. Koreans who decided to remain in Japan had to
Iind ways and means to look aIter themselves. As a result, the socialist
League oI Koreans in Japan (Choryun) was established in October 1945
as an umbrella organisation initially created to look aIter the social and
economic conditions oI all Koreans in Japan. At Iirst, the Choryun
had the general capability oI representing Korean interests. It had the
manpower, leadership, and Iinances to eIIectively organise all immigrant
Koreans in Japan. Koreans oI communist and socialist leanings in Japan
Iound a seemingly natural alliance with the Japan Communist Party
(JCP) throughout the PaciIic War. It seemed then that only the JCP
74
Korean Residents Association established in 1948.
sympathised with the conditions oI Koreans in Japan. Ideologically,
the Koreans were geared to accept Marxism-Leninism as their solution
against Japanese imperialism (Ryang 1997: 91-100). They Iound a
natural alliance with the JCP in terms oI ideology (Communism).
However, the Choryun slowly Iound itselI as the Korean
arm oI the Japanese Communists, rather than an independent, non-
political entity, as it was originally created to be. As a consequence oI
their ties with the Japanese Communists, Choryun members were also
draIted as members oI the JCP, and Choryun ideology and activities had
to go hand in hand with the aims oI the JCP. The Ioremost objective oI
the JCP was to overthrow the emperor system in Japan and initiate the
necessary democratic revolution. Members oI the Choryun dissented
Irom the ideas oI the JCP, as they saw the aims and activities oI the JCP
as totally irrelevant to the cause oI Koreans in Japan. Consequently, anti-
communist Koreans in Japan established the Korean Residents
Association in Japan (Mindan) in 1948 to organise the anti-communist
Iaction oI Korean communities in Japan. However, the Mindan Iailed to
materialise as an eIIective representative oI all Korean interests and
welIare in Japan. This was due to so many Iactors.
The Choryun was outlawed and dissolved in 1955 when the
Americans and the Japanese cracked down an education rally. The
Choryun eventually re-emerged as the General Association oI Korean
Residents in Japan (Chongryun) in 1955. From 1955 to 1960, it seemed
that the Chongryun represented the Koreans more than the Mindan
could. Both Chongryun and Mindan competed Ior the hearts and minds
oI Koreans in Japan. It was not long beIore both organisations became
highly politicised and inIluential in both Korea and Japan (Ryang 1997:
92-96). At Iirst, the Chongryun had the upper hand in Japan when it
threw its support behind the DPRK government oI Kim Il Sung. An
inIormal agreement between Tokyo and Pyongyang caused the
repatriation oI a number oI Koreans in 1959. The DPRK promised so
much that the Chongryun encouraged and organised many Koreans to be
repatriated Irom 1959 to 1970. The numbers dwindled by the close oI
the treaty. It is not known however what happened to the repatriated
Koreans in the DPRK.
The ROK-Japan Normalisation Treaty oI 1965 gradually gave
the Mindan the upper hand. The treaty granted ethnic Koreans the status
oI 'permanent residents Ior as long as they pledged allegiance to the
South Korean government. Many Koreans decided to seek ROK
citizenship in order to avail oI the permanent residency status in Japan.
BeIore the treaty, the Koreans` status was uncertain and undeIined in
Japan. Koreans could be deported Irom Japan at any time. They had to
secure a re-entry visa beIore they could travel overseas. With the
signing oI the ROK-Japan Normalisation Treaty, conditions became
relatively better Ior Koreans (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 100).
Nevertheless, the division had already been set. The Chongryun
Koreans in Japan were ideologically pro-Pyongyang and the Mindan
Koreans, pro-Seoul. Such a division in the Korean homeland also
brought division among Koreans in Japan. Ideologically, the Chongryun
promoted the teachings oI Kim Il Sung to Korean students in Japan.
They rejected the South Korean government as a puppet oI western
governments (Ryang 1997: 85-90). On the other hand, the Mindan
Iound its strength only aIter South Korea gradually recovered
economically aIter the war. BeIore, it seemed impossible Ior the
Mindan to actually represent the conditions and sentiments oI Koreans in
Japan, due to its early disorganisation (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 125)
Beacons of Homeland Affairs
It was common knowledge that the Chongryun
represented the interests oI the Pyongyang government and the Mindan
advocated the interests oI the Seoul government. However, as the North
and the South were divided on ideology and issues, so too were the
Chongryun and Mindan sectors oI the Korean communities in Japan. It
cannot, however, be stated that the division in the Korean homeland
caused the division oI Korean communities in Japan. For one, the
division oI the Korean communities in Korea and Japan went
simultaneously along the lines oI political issues and ideology. Mindan
and Chongryun were established almost simultaneously. However, it is
most unIortunate that the division oI both communities in Japan
prevented the development oI a united stand among Koreans. For this
reason, concerns among Koreans in Japan could not be properly
addressed (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 120-123). As early as the 1950s, the
Kim Il Sung government sent in Iunds to support the activities oI the
Chongryun, while the Syngman Rhee government ignored the presence
oI the Mindan. It was only aIter 1965 that the Park government started
to take notice oI the Mindan`s relevance. In essence, both Chongryun
and Mindan became the voices oI respective Korean governments, not
only in Japanese society, but also to the rest oI the world (Lee and De
Vos, 1981: 120-138).
In the late 1990s, however, there were conIirmed reports that
billions and even trillions oI yen worth oI Iinance and supplies were
transported yearly to the North Korean government. The Chongryun
apparently mediated everything between the DPRK and the Japanese
governments. On the other hand, it was undeniable among the Koreans
that the Mindan somehow Iailed to equal the role that the Chongryun did
Ior the DPRK. It would seem that the ROK Embassy and Consulate in
Japan proved to address Korean issues in Japan more than the Mindan
could do (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 110-120). Nevertheless, the
organisation oI the Chongryun and the Mindan created an important
milestone Ior both the Japanese and the Koreans within the past halI
century. Through these organisations, the Koreans Ior the Iirst time had
their voice in both Japanese and Korean societies and governments.
Unlike the Koreans` early situation in Japan, they could now seek
guidance, direction, and assistance that would cater to their needs
categorically. The Chongryun and the Mindan established Korean
schools, banks, corporations, and other institutions built to serve the
needs oI Koreans categorically, apart Irom their social and economic
status in Japanese society (Lee and De Vos, 1981: 120-138).
Mono-Ethnicity versus Multi-Ethnicity in 1apan: A Conclusion
Most Japanese recognise a mono-cultural and mono-ethnic
Japanese society. BeIore, only a small portion oI the population oI
ethnic Japanese acknowledge the presence oI Koreans within their midst.
Dismissed or not, Korean presence is relatively imposing in Japanese
society. Most importantly, Korean presence in Japan is hardly
negligible. There are about seven hundred thousand to one million
Koreans in Japan, legally or illegally. More importantly, Koreans in
Japan have a deIinite history, which cannot simply be dismissed. Right
now, there are many support groups and institutions that cater to the
needs oI Koreans in Japan, set up by both Koreans and Japanese
sympathisers. However, like beIore, ethnocentricity among the Japanese
remains unchanged.
For the most part, Koreans continue to seek the eventual
uniIication oI the Korean homeland as they hope Ior a relatively better
situation in Japan. However, it is doubtIul whether or not the uniIication
oI Korea would ever change the attitudes oI most Japanese towards
Koreans. For one, Koreans in Japan have been historically divided
among themselves. More importantly, the very presence oI Koreans, an
'other culture among the Japanese in their society, remains anathema
Ior most conservative Japanese. Many Koreans are also divided when it
comes to ideas oI repatriation and/or assimilation. While a sizeable
percentage oI the Korean population in Japan still view repatriation in
their Iuture, many Koreans, especially the third and Iourth generation
Koreans see Japan as their onlv homeland. Certain cases oI Koreans
having visited Korea at one point in their lives Iound themselves 'alien
in Korean society. It is anthropologically explainable by the Iact that
these Koreans have known no other home country but Japan. They may
have never seen Korea and may not even know the Korean language.
Although some Koreans oI the younger generations are educated in
Korean schools in Japan, they recognise Korea and Korean culture as
merely nominal.
Certain segments oI both Korean and Japanese communities
have already recognised the idea oI peaceIul co-existence in their
society. There are sizeable numbers oI cases oI mixed marriages among
Koreans and Japanese in Japan. Nevertheless, the threat oI violence and
repression are still present, even though conditions Ior the Koreans have
improved much within the past Iew decades. Koreans have undergone
suIIering in their history oI minoritisation in Japanese society. Their
suIIering can be attributed to the very Japanese social and political
structure that they have tried to embrace. ThereIore, these Koreans
deserve to be recognised as Japanese in their own right, since they have
recognised Japan as their actual, rather than nominal homeland.
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