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and OtherArea Studies Book Reviews:Comparative

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Each chapter is a worthy example of exacting research. Several of the authors also contributed to The Elections in Israel-1977 (Jerusalem: Academic Press, 1980) edited by Asher Arian. For that reason as well as the availability of updated material the present volume is an excellent supplement.
MARTIN SLANN

Clemson University

The Southern Cone: Realities of the Authoritarian State in South America. By Cesar Caviedes. (Totowa, N.J.: Rowman & Allanheld, Publishers, 1984. Pp. x + 212. $34.95.) effort to This is an importantinterdisciplinary synthesizethe nature and prospectsof authoriCone, definedhereto tarianstatesin the Southern include southern Brazil as well as Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay. Caviedesis a professor of geography, which leads him to provide an interesting exposition of trends in physical and as wellas trendsin classesand politicalgeography institutions.His pleasantwritingstyle hierarchical reinforces his obvious competencein Southern Cone affairs. Nonetheless,so much groundis coveredfrom thatthe narrative perspectives variousdisciplinary does tend to devolve into a summary of the on differenttopicsratherthanproviding literature synthesis.Examplesof a genuineinterdisciplinary topics discussedthat do not go beyond the existing literatureare the role of the contemporary church in the SouthernCone states, the role of and unions, the tendencytowardscentralization, the impact of the national securitydoctrineand geopolitics. A relatedproblemis that each of the four main chapters examines the Southern Cone authoriwithout tarianstates from a differentperspective any clear theoretical unity between them. The Conclusionmight have provideda synthesis,but prognosis insteadis limited to an impressionistic of militaryrule and is the weakest part of the book. Nor does the book's central theme-the of the authoritarian durabilityand pervasiveness by militarism-everadequately stateas reinforced pressuretowardsdemocracyin explainrecurring the SouthernCone. Only in the last few pages of politicalabertura the Conclusionare the Brazilian in government (opening)and the new democratic Argentina finally mentioned. Because the book does purport to explain the nature of political realities in the Southern Cone states, this is a seriousdefect.

The treatment of Argentina is also less than satisfactory. What have become standard explanations of the alleged innate aggressiveness of the Argentine military are repeated here, whether expressed through an unprovoked attack in 1982 on the Falklands/Malvinas islands or through bullying of Chile over much of the last decade on the Beagle Channel issue. Of course, the record of the Argentine military has been severely marred on these as on other matters, but the reader is disturbed that a supposedly impartialanalysis of regional militarism practically acquires an anti-Argentine bias. For example, the Argentine cases regarding the Falklands/Malvinas and Beagle Channel issues are not mentioned, although Argentine conduct in each case is roundly criticized. The treatment of Brazil poses other problems. Caviedes does present a cogent case for including southern Brazil as part of the Southern Cone, but Brazil is generally given short shrift in the analysis. This is particularly troublesome because the implications of Brazil's emergence as the leading state in the region are not carefully explored. Although these problems detract from the overall impact of the book, Caviedes has gone well beyond previous studies in presenting an interdisciplinary analysis of Southern Cone political trends. It is hoped that others will follow his example. A. MORRIS MICHAEL Clemson University

PoliticalCohesionin a FragileMosaic'The Yugoslav Experience.By LenardCohen and Paul Warwick. (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1983. Pp. 186. $18.00, paper.) In attackinga perenniallyexploredtopic, the Yugoslaviaand its conviabilityof multinational tinued cohesiveness,Cohen and Warwickhave pooled their expertise in Communist political to behaviorrespectively systemsand in legislative develop an eclectic approach complete with methodology. sophisticated First,theydealwiththe country'sentire65-year existenceas an independentstate and utilize the conceptof a "singleentity" (p. xi) and systemto changesin regime,ideology, bridgeand transcend and the various strategies to manage cultural diversityworkedout by nonsocialistand socialist elites. Second, the authorsfocus upon upper-level electionsandvotingbehavior,primarily legislative data base, but also as as sourcesof a quantitative phenomena worth considering in themselves. Last, they attempt to apply the "entropy measurement"developedby StephenColemanin The

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552

The American Political Science Review

Vol. 79

Measurement and Analysis of Political Systems (Wiley-Interscience, 1975) by utilizing data on voter choice and turnout in order to "assess the degree of political incorporation of the various geographical units of the political system and its likelihood of survival" (p. 4). If a state is wellintegrated, its "entropy" levels throughout its territory should be uniform, or at least harmonically distributed. The results of their statistical tests and schematic analyses are combined in a final, largely qualitative, chapter that brings the Yugoslav experience up to date. The latest quantitative data used relate to 1969 federal and republican elections. Cohen and Warwick claim that the "entropy hypothesis" is most useful in analyzing electoral behavior in the kingdom between world wars. Nonetheless, conclusions reached do not appear particularly startling. By the 1920s, "the Yugoslav polity. . . was demonstrating an increasing resemblance to a collection of distinct subsystems" (p. 37); moreover, the more restricted elections held during the following decade "did not have the intended effect of decreasing the centrifugal tendencies in the country" (p. 46). The postwar Titoist regime, however, managed to induce a "process of convergence" enabling "national stimuli such as the purging of the secret police. . . [to] produce a common response across all regions of the country" (p. 87). More provocative are results obtained when ballot invalidation is used as a measure of dissent: Increased candidate choice during the "liberal era" from 1965 to 1969 did have the effect of checking the percentage of invalidation wherever choice was provided, although this option was increasingly used wherever choice had been reduced or remained nonexistent. The authors note that the elections of 1969 marked "the end, rather than the beginning of pluralistic socialism" (p. 98); elections held under the delegate system in 1974 and thereafter were controlled by the regime and "safe" (p. 15). One might doubt the implied contention that mass electoral behavior during the 1960s, and further expectations "for a wider expression of preferences that would probably not be compatible with a one party state" (p. 143), were major reasons behind the reassertion of party control over the electoral process. As Cohen and Warwick point out, the repoliticization of the "national question" as evidenced through SerboCroatian language disputes, revolt in Kosovo Metohija, enlarged autonomy for the Republican parties resulting in federal governmental stalemates, and Croatian student unrest, supplied ample justification for the leadership's fears that liberalization had gone too far. In socialist and nonsocialist Yugoslavia, elec-

tions and the corresponding selection of upperlevel legislative bodies have rarely been central in one determination of policy outcomes. Real political power has traditionally been exercised, if not at present by professional bureaucratic elites serving on federal executive and administrative bodies and their republican counterparts, then by partisan professionals ensconced in the higher party. An analysis of the operations of these institutions might therefore be more useful in determining whether the country can be governed as an integrated whole. In socialist Yugoslavia, latitude for autonomous "legislative" activity has been greatest at grass-roots levels such as in the communes and self-managing economic enterprises. The authors do not study these arenas. Furthermore, because they are concerned only with statistically measureable aggregates, Cohen and Warwick are unable to explore the particular dynamics of the electoral contests during the 1960s that were sharply competitive and/or resulted in the election of maverick deputies. Nonetheless, the terse, historical, and objective commentary with which the authors surround their statistical analyses demonstrates the difficulties encountered by Yugoslav elites during the course of nation-building. Particularly useful is Cohen and Warwick's exposition of the CPY's labile nationalities policy and their attempt to match cultural diversity management strategies with particular eras of the Yugoslav example. Empiricists might be attracted to this book by the authors' attempt to apply sophisticated quantitative techniques to the study of a multicultural and presently socialist system in development. Others, however, might find the book's qualitative parts more cogent and successful than the whole.
KAREN ROSENBLUM-CALE

Mount Holyoke College

The IndependenceMovement in Quebec 19451980. By William D. Coleman. (Toronto: Universityof Toronto Press, 1984. Pp. xii + 274. $30.00, cloth; $12.95, paper.) This unpretentiousbook provides a new view on Quebec's Quiet Revolution and the ensuing rise of an independence movementby relatingthe provincialgovernment'seconomic policies to its cultural policies. According to Coleman, the Quiet Revolution resulted from a coalition of forces distressed,after World War II, by the gap betweentraditionalFrench-Canadian institutions and the demandsof an increasingly industrialized economy. Before the Quiet Revolution, the provincialgovernmenthad not attemptedlarge-scale

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