Namdhari (also known as Kukas) are a sect of Sikhism.

The main difference betwee n Namdhari Sikhs and mainstream Sikhs is their belief in Jagjit Singh as their l iving Guru (as opposed to the Guru Granth Sahib, the present Guru of Sikhs). Oth er differences include being: strict vegetarians; placing equal importance betwe en the Guru Granth Sahib and Dasven Padshah Da Granth, the holy book written by the 10th Guru, Guru Gobind Singh. Appearance Namdharis are easily recognized by their practice of wearing white homespun clot hing and by their method of tying the turban horizontally across the forehead. A round their necks they wear a white woolen cord (mala), woven as a series of 108 knots and serving as a rosary. Leaders Namdhari Sikhs believe fully in all Sikh gurus from Guru Nanak Dev onwards and r espect both Sri Aad and Dasam Guru's Granth Sahibs equally. Namdharis believe, a s per the scholar Bhai Kahn Singh Nabha's narration, that Gobind Singh lived for 146 years (1666 1812), eventually bestowing the succession on Balak Singh of Hazro in 1812. Thus, Balak Singh became the 1st Namdhari Leader for the Namdharis. His successor, the 2nd Namdhari Leader, Ram Singh (1816 1885), is revered in the Nam dhari sect as arguably the most important Guru. His status in the Namdhari sect is similar to that of Guru Nanak Dev in mainstream Sikhism. Although he was exil ed from India by the then British rulers in 1872, every Namdhari believes that h e is still alive and will soon return to lead the Namdharis. The 3rd Namdhari Leader was Hari Singh (1819 1906) who passed on the leadership to P artap Singh (1890 1959). At present, Jagjit Singh is the leader of the Namdharis, He was born in 1920 and attained guruship in 1959. Beliefs The Namdharis are strict vegetarians and vigorous protectors of animals. They at tach equal importance to the Adi Granth and Dasam Granth, and they include the D asam Granth composition Chandi di Var in their daily Nitnem (daily prayers taken from Sikh scripture). Namdharis follow the path of Guru Nanak Dev, which is the bedrock of Sikh philos ophy i.e. Nam Simran (meditating on God's name), Kirat Karo (Earn thy living), V and Chako (Share thy wealth). The fundamental core of Namdharis' religious life is Nam Simran and the word Namdhari literally translated means a "one who behold s God s Name". The Namdharis lead a very simple, humble and unpretentious life. They do not pra ctice dowry's in any form. Their marriage ceremonies are unostentatious and shor n of all pompousness, in which neither the bride nor the groom wear any jewelery . Bhog is done for Sehaj Pahths done by bride and groom for their marriage. Restrictions Aside from being vegetarians, the Namdharis are not allowed to drink tap water; water must be drawn from the lake or captured from rain and from well. Some cons ervative Namdharis exclusively wear a white oval shaped turban (for men) and whi te kurtas (long shirt)and the long white kachhera (shorts) underneath. Namdharis are instructed to boycott those involved in female foeticide or exchange marria ges. They are not allowed to wear clothes of blue and black colours. They do not practice the caste system. Role in Indian freedom movement Namdharis played a significant role in the Indian freedom struggle against the B

ritish. They are regarded as among the first votaries of the use of non-violence , much before the Indian national movement adopted it as its credo. The British Indian records also list the extremist activities of the Kuka (or Na mdhari) Sikhs during the 1870s. While they were occasionally hailed as freedom f ighters, their activities included attacks on Muslims on the cow slaughter issue , resulting in killings of some Muslim butchers in Amritsar and Ludhiana in 1871 . A group of 66 Namdhari Sikhs were blown up by a canon in 1872 for protesting a gainst the British; there is a memorial to them at Malerkotla in Indian Punjab. Distribution There are currently Namdhari temples (Dharamshalas) in many areas of the world, especially countries in South East Asia such as Thailand. However, one may also find Namdharis residing in the rest in the world including Canada, US and the Un ited Kingdom. The most sacred Namdhari Gurudwara, considered to be the Headquart ers is situated at Bhaini Sahib in Ludhiana, Punjab . Most of the Namdhari popul ation resides at Bhaini Sahib and the neighboring areas in North India. Symbols The Namdhari flag is white, which symbolizes their Tenets: Truth, Purity, Simpli city, Peace and Unity. It was hoisted by the 2nd Namdhari Leader Ram Singh on the eve of the Baisakhi Festival 1st Baisakh Samat 1914 (April 12, 1857). However, the Nishaan as by the command of Guru Gobind singh Ji still remains as the prominen t symbol in Sikh Gurudwaras. -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Ghadar is an Urdu/Punjabi word derived from Arabic which means "revolt" or "rebe llion." As Kartar Singh Sarabha, one of the founders of the party, wrote in the first issue: "Today there begins 'Ghadar' in foreign lands, but in our country's tongue, a war against the British Raj. What is our name? Ghadar. What is our wo rk? Ghadar. Where will be the Revolution? In India. The time will soon come when rifles and blood will take the place of pens and ink." Background The economic downturn in India during the early nineteenth century witnessed a h igh level of emigration. Some of these emigrants settled in North America. These included Punjabis as well as people from other parts of India. The Canadian gov ernment decided to curtail this influx with a series of laws, which were aimed a t limiting the entry of South Asians into the country and restricting the politi cal rights of those already in the country. The Punjabi community had hitherto b een an important loyal force for the British Empire and the community had expect ed, equal welcome and rights from the British and Commonwealth governments as ex tended to British and white immigrants. These laws fed growing discontent, prote sts and anti-colonial sentiments within the community. Faced with increasingly d ifficult situations, the community began organising itself into political groups . A large number of Punjabis also moved to the United States, but they encounter ed similar political and social problems. Ghadar di Gunj, an early Ghadarite compilation of nationalist and socialist lite rature, was banned in India in 1913. The Ghadar Party, initially the Pacific Coast Hindustan Association, was formed in 1913 in the United States under the leadership of Har Dayal, with Sohan Singh Bhakna as its president. The members of the party were Indian immigrants, large ly from Punjab. Many of its members were students at University of California at Berkeley including Dayal, Tarak Nath Das, Maulavi Barkatullah, Kartar Singh Sar abha and V.G. Pingle. The party quickly gained support from Indian expatriates, especially in the United States, Canada and Asia. The Ghadar Newspaper

Ghadar Newspaper (Urdu) Vol. 1, No. 22, March 24, 1914 The party was built around the weekly paper The Ghadar, which carried the captio n on the masthead: Angrezi Raj Ka Dushman (an enemy of the British rule). "Wante d brave soldiers", the Ghadar declared, "to stir up rebellion in India. Pay-deat h; Price-martyrdom; Pension-liberty; Field of battle-India". The ideology of the party was strongly secular. In the words of Sohan Singh Bhakna, who later becam e a major peasant leader of the Punjab: "We were not Sikhs or Punjabis. Our reli gion was patriotism". The first issue of The Ghadar, was published from San Fran cisco on November 1, 1913. Following the voyage of the Komagata Maru in 1914, a direct challenge to Canadia n racist anti-Indian immigration laws, several thousand Indians resident in the USA sold their business and homes ready to drive the British from India. However , Hardayal had fled to Europe concerned that the US authorities would hand him o ver to the British. Sohan Singh Bhakna was already in British hands, and the lea dership fell to Ram Chandra. Following the entry of Canada into World War I, the organization was centered in the USA and received substantial funding from the German government. They had a very militant tone, as illustrated by this quote f rom Harnam Singh: No pundits or mullahs do we need The party rose to prominence in the second decade of the 20th century, and grew in strength owing to Indian discontent over World War I and the lack of politica l reforms. Ghadar activists undertook what the British described as political terrorism, bu t what was revolution to most Indians. Ghadar activists were responsible for bom bs planted on government property. In 1917 some of their leaders were arrested and put on trial in the Hindu German Conspiracy Trial in which their paper was quoted. The Ghadar party commanded a loyal following the province of Punjab, but many of its most prominent activists were forced into exile to Canada and the United St ates. It ceased to play an active role in Indian politics after 1919. The party had active members in other countries such as Mexico, Japan, China, Singapore, T hailand, Philippines, Malaya, Indo-China and Eastern and Southern Africa. -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------History The Nirankari movement originated in Rawalpindi in the north west region of Punj ab, during the latter years of the reign of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. The sect was founded by Baba Dyal Singh (1783-1855), a Sahajdhari Sikh and bullion merchant. His successor Baba Darbara Singh established many centres beyond Rawalpindi and wrote about the essential teachings of Baba Dayal. By the time of the third succ essor, Sahib Rattaji (1870-1909), they numbered in the thousands and some became involved in the Singh Sabha Movement under the fourth successor Baba Gurdit Sin gh. However because their emphasis was largely upon Guru Nanak's message, and th e times were dominated by Singh Sabha Sikhs emphasising Guru Gobind Singh's Khal sa, the movement became marginalised. Under the British Raj the Nirankaris were further sidelined. In the twentieth century, an offshoot of the group became the Sant Nirankari Mission, which was severed from the main Nirankari movement in 1 928 for their belief in a living Guru after the Guru Granth Sahib, and has since developed into a distinct religious movement. At the partition of India in 1947, the Nirankaris abandoned their centre in Rawa

lpindi and established themselves on the Indian side of the border in Chandigarh , from where their activities are administered to the present day. Baba Dyal Singh Nirankaris trace their origins to Baba Dyal Singh (1783-1855). Living during a p eriod of Sikh dominance which stemmed from the victories of Maharaja Ranjit Sing h, Baba Dyal preached against the assimilation of other religious traditions (pa rticularly Hinduism) into Sikhism. He felt that the military successes of the bu rgeoning Sikh Empire were distracting Sikhs from their duty to remember Akal Pur akh through the practice of nam simaran. Baba Dyal was particlularly vociferous on the subject of idolatry, a facet of Hinduism which was creeping into Sikh pra ctice as a result of the close association of the two cultures. He thus emphasis ed the formless quality of Akal Purakh (nirankar or nirankari), which gave rise to the movement's name. Baba Dyal reportedly experienced enlightenment at the early age of 18, when he e ntered meditation and heard a voice saying: "Give up this ritualistic practice. You have been commissioned to expel the darkness of ignorance... You are a true Nirankari, as you are a believer of God as spirit, without bodily form" His original movement was confined to the Rawalpindi area, its followers being m ainly Khatris and Aroras by caste. Baba Dayal was himself a Sahaj-dhari Sikh, as were most (though not all) of his followers. This did not mean, though, that hi s followers were expected to give up their occupations and retreat into a life o f renunciation. Nirankaris were typically traders and shopkeepers, and these occ upations they were expected to continue while focusing their attention on rememb rance of the divine Name. Baba Dayal left his Nirankaris with a brief manual of instruction, called a huka m-nama (although its form and contents are modelled on a rahit-nama). Its conten t emphasises the teachings of Guru Nanak without mentioning the khalsa of Guru G obind Singh. The essence of the Nirankari Hukam-nama is contained in the words w hich every adherent is commanded to utter again and again: "dhan dhan nirankar" ("Glory be to Nirankar"). Doctrines The main practice of the Nirankari movement is the mental repetition of the mant ra: dhan dhan Nirankar ("Glory, glory to the Formless One"). They reject idolatr y and ritual in favour of personal religious practice. They do not subscribe to the orthodox Sikh view that Adi Granth was the last and only eternal Guru for al l Sikhs. Nirankaris do not bury or cremate their dead, instead simply throwing the bodies into a river. They believe that the death of one's human form is an event to be rejoiced and not mourned. Drinking alcohol is prohibited, as well as smoking. The Anand marriage ceremony has been the most long-lasting contribution of the N irankari movement to Sikh culture. Initiated by Baba Darbara Singh, it has since been adopted by orthodox Sikhism and is now the standard Sikh marriage ceremony . ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Singh Sabha Movement The Singh Sabha Movement was a Sikh movement begun in the late 19th century in r eaction to the proselytizing activities of Hindus and Christians. The movement's aims were the revival of the Sikh Gurus' teachings, the production of religious

literature in the Punjabi language using the Gurmukhi script, and a campaign to increase literacy. After the annexation of the Sikh Empire by the British Raj in 1849, Christian mi ssionaries increased proselytizing activities in central Punjab. In 1853, Mahara jah Dalip Singh, the last Sikh ruler, was controversially converted to Christian ity. Harnam Singh, a Sikh aristocrat from Kapurthala converted soon after the Ma haraja. The British Government decided in 1886 against his return to India or hi s re-embracing Sikhism. Despite protests from the India Office, he set sail for 'home' on 30 March 1886. However, he was intercepted and arrested in Aden, where the writ of the Governor General of India began. He could not be stopped from a n informal re-conversion ceremony in Aden, far less grand and symbolic than it w ould have been in India, done by emissaries. He therefore returned to Sikhism. Under the influence of the Singh Sabha Movement, many Nirakaris sided with the T at Khalsa, but the Nirankari sect retained its unique philosophy, rejecting the khalsa of Gobind Singh and maintaining a line of gurus descended from Baba Dyal. Teja Singh, speaking for the Tat Khalsa, declared that the differences between the Narankari movement and orthodox Sikhism were 'already obliterated almost com pletely'. Historical background The Sikh faith was founded by Guru Nanak in fifteenth century and his divine tor ch was carried on by nine gurus who had followed in succession. The concepts of Sangat, Pangat, Dharamshala (Gurdwara) and Kirtan took firm roots during this pe riod and became important constituents of Sikhism. Congregations in Gurdwaras ha d played crucial roles in the religious and social affairs of the early Sikhs. L ater, they assumed wider dimensions by transforming into religio-political organ isation. The peaceful and non-political budding Sikh brotherhood was transformed into a proud and fiercely martial nation through the baptismic process of Amrit -pan. After a long and continuous resistance of several decades against the tyra nnies of Mughal rule, the brave Sikhs finally emerged victorious and succeeded i n carving out 12 Khalsa principalities in Punjab which soon led to the creation of a unified Khalsa kingdom with Ranjit Singh at the helms. Maharaja Ranjit Sing h reconstructed the Gurdwaras earlier destroyed by the Moghuls and also raised m any new ones at the sacred places connected with the Sikh Gurus. For the sustena nce of the Mahants, Maharaja Ranjit Singh had attached handsome landed propertie s with many of these Gurdwaras. The earlier Mahants were devoted Sikhs and true missionaries who did a lot for the spread of Sikhism. As the times rolled by, th e Gurdwara incomes swelled enormously and the enormous money corrupted and degen erated the later-time Mahants into loose lived individuals. They started treatin g the Gurdwara properties as if they were their personal fiefs. This changed the things for Sikh Panth. Objectionable activities within Nankana Gurdwara Nankana Sahib was managed by Mahant Narayan Das in early 20th century. This Gurdwara had a huge property of over 19000 acres (77 km) of highly fertile la nd attached to it which yielded enormous income per year. It is alleged that the Mahant became corrupted. Dance girls were allegedly brought to the Gurdwara and dances were held and obsc ene songs were sung within the holy premises. In 1917, he is said to have arrang ed a dance-show by a prostitute near the holy Gurdawara. In 1918, a retired A.A. C. officer paid visit to the Gurdwara with his 13-year-old daughter to offer pra yers to the Guru. As the Rehraas was being read in the Gurdwara, a Pujari rogue was allegedly raping the minor girl in another room within the Gurdwara premises . When the father lodged a complaint with the Mahant to take action against the Pujari rogue, Mahant is said to have ignored his request. In the same year, six young female devotees from Jaranwal village (modern Faisalabad, Pakistan) visite d the Gurdawara on Puranmashi (full moon) to pay their offerings at Gurdwara and

they too were similarly raped. Protests by Akalis All this went on before the very eyes of the Sikhs which had sent shock waves ac ross Punjab. The issue was effectively raised in the The Akali (Punjabi), publis hed from Lahore by Master Sunder Singh Lyallpuri (q.v.), father of the Akali mov ement and Shiromani Akali Dal. Lyallpuri belonged to Bohoru village close to Nan kana Sahib and he personally preached against the supposed debauchery of the Mah ant in the nearby villages and also continued to organize the Sikhs for a moveme nt to bring reforms into the Gurdwaras. In October 1920, a congregation was held at Dharowal in Sheikhupura (modern day Pakistan) for reform in Gurdwara Nankana Sahib. The supposed actions committed w ithin Gurdwara by Mahant were revealed to the Sangat. On January 24, Shiromani C ommittee held a general meeting and took decision to hold a Dewan in Nankana Sah ib on March 4, 5 and 6 and advise Mahant to mend his ways. Mahant's reaction According to some, the Mahant was a shrewd politician who publicly impressed tha t he was anxious to settle the issues with the Panth. On February 14, Mahant hel d a meeting with his associates to chalk out a plan to kill the opposing Sikh le aders on March 5 at Nankana Sahib. Mahant recruited 400 mercenaries including fi erce Pashtuns paid at twenty Indian rupees per month to oppose the Sikhs. With g overnment's help, Mahant also collected guns, pistols and other arms and ammunit ion. He also arranged and stored fourteen tins of paraffin and further strengthe ned the Gurdwara gate and carved out shooting galleries. Mahant Narayan Das had the backing from the Mahants of other Gurdwaras in Punjab . The Bedi Jagirdars who had received Jagirs from the English Government by virt ue of their past connections with Guru Nanak also supported the Mahant. Sardar S under Singh Majithia also maintained double standards. But Maharaja of Patiala f latly refused to back Mahant and offered him a healthy advice not to rebel again st the Panth. He further advised the Mahant to create a committee of prominent S ikhs and hand over the Gurdwara charge to them. But Mahant ignored the advice of Patiala Royal house. The Shiromani Committee extended invitation to Mahant for talks at Gurdwara Khar a Sauda to resolve the issue but he did not show up at the given time. Then he o ffered to hold talks with the Sikh leaders in Sheikhupura on February 15, 1921, but again he failed to show up. Third time he promised to meet the Shiromani Com mittee leaders at the residence of Sardar Amar Singh Lyall Gazette on February 1 6, but once again he failed to turn up. Counter-response of the Sikhs The Shiromani Committee decided of its own to meet the Mahant on 3 March 1921 to advise him to hand over the charge to the committee. But the Committee got the information from its own intelligence that Mahant was planning to invite the Sik h leaders at Nanakana Sahib and have them killed from hired gundas. This greatly angered Kartar Singh Jhabber and others. A meeting of the Sikh leaders was call ed at Gurdwara Khara Sauda on 16, 1921 to chalk out the future course of action. It was decided that Sangat would go in Jathas (squads) and take charge of the G urdwara. Sikh leaders learnt that Mahant was going to Lahore on 20 February 1921 . Bhai Kartar Singh Jhabbar and Bhai Lachaman Singh Dharowal decided to take the ir jathas to Nanakana Sahib on 20 February. They decided to take charge of Gurdw ara in his absence as they had come to know of his wicked plan. On the evening of February 19, 1921, Bhai Lachaman Singh Dharowali reached Nizam Deva Singhwala with his jatha of 8 Singhs (6 males and two females). At Nizam D eva Singh wala, Jathedar Tehal Singh (Kamboj Sikh) had already arranged a Jatha of about 150 Singhs, majority of them belonging to the Kamboj community. All the

se Singhs came from nearby Kamboj villages of Nizampur Moola Singh wala, Nizampu r Chelewala, Dalla Chand Singh, Bohoru, Thothian and Nizam Deva Singh wala etc, all falling in District Sheikhupura (now Pakistan). Peaceful Khalsa on the march The combined Jatha took a Hukamnama and started for the Gurdwara at about 10 PM on that night so as to reach there by early morning at Amrit vela (nectral hours ). On the way 50 more Sikhs joined the Shaheedi Jatha and total number swelled t o about 200. At Chanderkot Jhal, Jathedar Lachhman Singh decided to wait for Kar tar Singh Jhabber and his Jatha. They waited for a while in vain and finally Jat hedar Dharowal decided to cancel the plan for further march to Nankana Sahib. Bu t at this very moment, Jathedar Tehal Singh came forward and addressed the Shahe edi Jatha not to vacillate even for a moment from forward march since "the praye rs having already been said and the action plan having already been decided with Guru's word, it is now imperative for now to move forward". Advising further th at "all the members shall keep cool even under extreme provocations". From hereonwards, Jathedar Tehal Singh took over the supreme command of the Shaheedi Jath a and resumed the march to Nankana. By almost at Amritvela, the Shaheedi Jatha r eached the Railway-crossing near Nankana Sahib. Some of the Jatha members raced towards Darshani Deori to take possession of the Gurdawara, but at this very mom ent, Chaudhury Paul Singh Lyallpuri showed up with the latest decision of Shirom ani Committee advising to postpone the action for taking possession of the Gurdw ara. Having conveyed the information, Bhai Paul Singh grabbed Jathedar Lachhman Singh from his waist behind and persuaded him not to proceed further. Once again , brave Jathedar Tehal Singh took the initiative and shaking Chaudhury Paul Sing h forcefully off from the person of Jathedar Lachhman Singh, he once more challe nged the Shaheedi Jatha to get ready for the sublime action. He once again spoke : " Khalsa ji, the time is not to stop now, but to act. We have come here to ach ieve martyrdom under Guru's word. This is very un-Sikh-like to backout from one' s commitment at the last moment" Saying this, Jathedar Tehal Singh walked with t he Jatha towards the Gurdwara. Bhai Lachhman Singh and others repeatedly request ed him to relent, but determined Bhai Tehal Singh stuck to his Ardas Massacre of Khalsa Enthused by the speech of Jathedar Tehal Singh, the entire Shaheedi Jatha follow ed him. By this time, another horseman messenger, Bhai Ram Singh, arrived. In va in did he too try to persuade Jathedar Tehal Singh and the Jatha to return. The Jatha soon entered Darshni Deohri of the Gurdwara and shut the main door from in side. While some of the devotees took their seats inside the Prakash Asthan, oth ers sat on the platform and the Baran dari. Bhai Lachhman Singh Dharowali sat on Guru's tabia. Mahant Narayan Das came to know of the situation through the Jaik aras (victory slogans) of the Shaheedi Jatha. At first, he was utterly shocked t hinking that the game was over but he soon recovered and ordered his mercenaries to kill everyone in the Jatha. They fired bullets at the Sangat in Gurdwara hal l. Several bullets pierced through Sri Guru Granth Sahib. The hired gundas wield ed swords, spears, hatchets and other lethal weapons to mercilessly slaughter th e peaceful and unprovocative Sikhs within the very premises of the Gurdwara. The dead and dying Singhs were then dragged to a pile of logs which had been collec ted earlier and consigned to flame. By the time the police and local Sikhs came on the scene, all the dead men had been consumed by the fire. Bhai Lachhman Sing h Dharowali who was wounded with a gunshot was tied to a Jand tree and burnt ali ve. It was a butchery at its worst form. The news spread and Sikhs from all parts of Punjab started their march towards N ankana Sahib. Bhai Kartar Singh Jhabber reached next day with 2200 Singhs armed with shastras (arms). Fearing more trouble, Mr King, Commissioner Lahore, handed over the keys of Nankana Sahib to Shiromani Committee and arrested Mahant Naray an Das and his Pashtun mercenaries and charged them with murder, but only Mahant Narayan das and some of the mercenaries were sentenced to death.

Statistics on fatalities There are different versions on number of fatalities in this massacre. Some writ ers put the death figures at 120, 150 or even 200. The government reports placed the death figures at 126. Police inspector Bachan Singh had put the number at 1 56. The report by Nankana Sahib Committee published in Shaheedi Jeewan however, placed the deaths at 86 and also listed the strength of the Shaheedi Jatha at 20 0. It seems that, besides Shaheedi Jatha Singhs, many non-participant devotees a nd others staying within Gurdwara also fell victims to Mahant's barbarism. A total of 86 Sikhs officially died, which included the Jat, Kamboj, Khatri, Kum har and Mazhabi Sikhs. According to Giani Partap Singh, out of a total figure of 86 Sikh Shaheeds of Nankana saka, the Kamboj community alone shared 31. Mahatama Gandhi in Nankana Sahib Mahatama Gandhi visited Nankana Sahib on March 3, 1921. Addressing the gathering , Mahatama said: "I have come to share your anguish and grief. It is interesting indeed to note that the Sikhs in this drama remained peaceful and non-violent f rom the start to the end. This (role of the Sikhs) has greatly added to the glor y and prestige of India "..... "All indications point to the fact that the cruel and barbaric action is the second edition of Jallianwala Bagh massacre; rather more evil and more invidious than even Jallianwala". The Mahatama further spoke: "the action of these dimensions could not be perpetrated by Mahant alone. The g overnment officers are also involved in this heinous crime. Where had the author ities gone when the Mahant was making preparations for murderous plans?" Legacy The supreme sacrifices made by these Sikhs Shaheeds have been acknowledged by th e grateful nation. From that day onwards, the Sikh nation remembers these brave Sikhs in their daily ardas (prayer). Every year on 21 February at this Shaheedi Asthan, Guru Granth Sahib's Swaroop with Bullet marks is brought to Deewan (asse mbly) from 2pm to 4pm for darshan of the Sikh Sangat.