2da Temporada Cardal

Maney Publishing
The Second Season of Investigations at the Initial Period Center of Cardal, Peru Author(s): Richard Burger and Lucy Salazar-Burger Source: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Autumn, 1991), pp. 275-296 Published by: Maney Publishing Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/529934 . Accessed: 26/08/2013 16:46
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275
The Second Season of Investigationsat the Initial Period Center of Cardal,Peru

Richard Burger
Yale University New Haven, Connecticut
Lucy Salazar-Burger
Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History New Haven, Connecticut
The 1987/1988 field seasonat the U-shapedcivicceremonial centerof Cardal in the Lurin Occuarchitecture. Valley,Peru, includedmappingand excavationofpublicand domestic piedfrom 1150 to 800 b.c., Cardalprovidesevidence of a moreelaborate ground plan than waspreviously cirrecognized,includingdual causewayed plazas, and 10 semisubterranean cular courts.Excavationsof thepublic architecture revealedtheperiodicburial and constructionof ritual buildings,includinga steepcentralstairwayand an atrium whoseexterior wall was decorated with a polychrome mural ofaga gantic mouthband with massive teeth. The investigations on thepyramidsummit alsoyieldedevifangs and interlocking denceof a free-standingbuilding with a dual altar, and a burial area. Informationon domesticarchitecture and subsistence recovered is also disfrom behindthepubliccomplex cussed. to Garagay,a coevalU-shapedcenterin the Finally, Cardal is compared availabledoesnot supportthe Rimac Valley,and it is argued that the evidence neighboring that thesemonumentalcenterswereconstructed in the trasocieties" hypothesis by "complex ditionalsenseof the term.
Introduction
Cardal was one of the four civic-ceremonial centers in the lower Lurin Valley of Peru during the late Initial Period (FIG. i). Its most conspicuous features are the monumental terraced platforms laid out in a U-shaped format around a large central courtyard. Other features, like the small free-standing buildings of Cardal's residential section, are visible only after excavation. The entire site covers some 20 ha, but the habitation area appears to have been confined to a small portion of it, perhaps only 2 or 3 ha. First discovered in 1967 by Thomas C. Patterson and studied the next year by his student Harry Scheele (1970), Cardal was the focus of excavation in 1985 and 1987/ 1988 by the Proyecto Lurin (Burger 1987). With the completion of the second field season, our knowledge of Cardalhas been considerably broadened and surpassesthat currently available for any of the other 30-odd Initial Period centers with U-shaped public architecturebetween the valleys of Lurin and Pativilca (Ravines and Isbell 1976; Williams 1971, 1980). An overall sense of Cardal'schronology and subsistence system was achieved by the end of the second field season.
It was established that the site had been founded ca. 1150 b.c. (uncalibrated) and was continuously occupied until ca. 800 b.c. At present, 27 radiocarbon measurements are available (TABLE i), ranging from 3120 b.p. to 2690 b.p. This suite of measurements includes samples from some of the oldest as well as most recent deposits at the site. The pottery recovered during the excavations is consistent with the late Initial Period age implied by the "C measurements. Located less than 1 km from the Lurin River, Cardal's position would have offered direct access to the rich alluvial bottomlands. During the late Initial Period, the fertile banks of the valley adjacent to Cardal must have been watered by gravity canals from river intakes further upstream and/or springs like the one found today at Pan de Azucar, the large rock outcrop facing Cardal. This spring at present provides irrigation water for cultivating the valley floor, supplementing the canalized river flow (Matos et al. 1964). While Initial Period canals have yet to be located, it would not have been possible to maintain a population large enough to build the Initial Period centers of Cardal, Mina Perdida, Parka, and Manchay Bajo based on floodplain farming alone. The structures at Car-
and Salazar-Burger at Cardal,Peru/Burger 276 Investigations
dal alone represent labor in excess of two million persondays.' Cardal occupies a pocket of land surrounded on three sides by the rocky slopes of an Andean spur. Technically, this spot is a pediment, a fan-like geomorphological formation. The silt and angular gravel eroded from the slopes above compose the subsoil underlying all of the cultural deposits, and also cover the cultural remains in much of the site. The resulting soils are of poor quality from an agriculturalperspective (ONERN 1975). Moreover, Cardal would have been difficult to irrigate during the Initial Period, since it is located 20 to 30 m above the floodplain. The canal running along the lower side of Cardal damaged a portion of the site's western platform and definitely postdates the constructions. The maximum elevation canal currently used to irrigate the site's plaza must have been built at an even later date. As noted in an earlier study, there is no evidence for the Initial Period irrigation of the plaza area or any other part of the site (Burger 1987: 366-368). It would therefore seem that the lands on which Cardal was founded were not used for agriculture during the Initial Period, and that this may have been a factor in its selection, along with its proximity to the lower irrigated farmlands and its natural protection against seasonal riverine flooding. An additional advantage of Cardal's location would have been its proximity to the area of seasonal fog vegetation (lomas). At present, highland herders of goats and cattle descend on the slopes overlooking the site in July to take advantage of the lomas vegetation, and there are even richer lomas resources within 45 minutes by foot. The recovery in our excavations of plant remains (Umlauf 1988) and large land snails (Scutulus sp.) native to the lomas show that the Initial Period farmers at Cardal exploited this habitat for food, fuel, and perhaps medicinal plants. There is likewise evidence for the gathering of rushes and the hunting of small game along the river's edge. Although the shoreline is two hours on foot from Cardal, it was the ocean that provided most of the animal protein for Cardal's residents (TABLE2). Otoliths of medium-sized fish such as lorna (Sciaenadeliciosa)and corvina (Sciaena gilberti) are particularly conspicuous, but even
1. Thomas Patterson (personal communication 1982) has estimated the labor required to build the central and lateral platform mounds to be 1,614,933 person-days. If the public works involved in constructing the elevated central plaza and the newly documented, more northerly plaza features are taken into account, however, this figure has to be revised upward to approximately 2 million person-days (Burger 1987: 366). The basis for these calculations is summarized elsewhere (Patterson 1983).
*sisicaya
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Figure 1. Map of the Lurin Valley showing the location of Cardal and other Initial Period/Early Horizon sites.
more important in the diet were small fish such as anchovies (Engravulidae). The intensity of anchovy consumption only becomes apparent when the excavated soil matrix is submitted to flotation or fine screening (Reitz, personal communication, 1987). Molluscs, particularly mussels and clams, are the most frequently-recovered food residues using standard archaeological methods, and they were clearly of importance for daily subsistence. Other marine foods like crab and sea urchins were also occasionally eaten (Huaypaya, personal communication, 1987). Preliminary analysis of the bird bone by Elizabeth Reitz and Diana Matthiesen likewise indicates a heavy maritime emphasis. The consumption of sea birds, including booby, cormorant, gull, and pelican was surprisingly common. Although terrestrialgame, especially deer, was sometimes garnered, it appears to have been relatively unimportant in the daily diet. Camelid bone appears in small quantities from the refuse. The species of these animals has yet to be determined, but they do not appear to represent a major source of animal protein either (Miller, personal communication, 1989). Along with most other investigators (e.g., Patterson 1983) we believe that the late Initial Period economy of U-shaped centers like Cardal was fundamentally agrarian and that the bulk of the diet, at least from a caloric standpoint, was composed of plant foods. The wide range of cultigens availablealong the central coast during the Initial Period has been well documented at sites like Anc6n, which have close to optimal conditions for preservation. Nevertheless, the staple crops at Cardal have yet to be determined, though sweet potato, manioc, and maize are all plausible candidates. At Cardal, where the preservation
18, 1991 277 JournalofFieldArchaeology/Vol.
Table 1. Radiocarbon measurements from Cardal and Mina Perdida, Lurin Valley, Peru.
Radiocarbon
Provenience no. Laboratory Material years*
Cardal Sector IIA, floor of wall M-2, Units 406/407 Sector IIA, upper floor of wall M-32, Units 408/406 Sector IIA, Stratum O, Units 39/45 Sector IIA, Stratum T, Unit 47 Sector IIA, Floor 2, Unit 445 Sector IIA, Floor 3, Unit 445 Sector IIA, Stratum C, Unit 443E Sector IIA, fill covering mural on the exterior face of the atrium, Middle Temple Sector IIIA, Room B, Unit 271, Floor 12 Sector IIIA, Room B, Units 247/253/ 254, Stratum i2 on Floor 6B Sector IIIA, Room B, Stratum C, 100-110 cm Sector IIIA, same as GX-1622 Sector IIIA, fill covering mural on the exterior face of the atrium, Middle Temple Sector IIIA, fill covering mural of atrium, Middle Temple Sector IIIA, fill covering staircase #4 Sector IIIA, Exc. 3, Unit 535 Sector IIIA, Exc. 3, Units 363/362, Stratum e, open fire Sector IIIA, Exc. 3, Units 363/362, stratum e, open fire Sector IIIA, Exc. 3, Units 363/364/370, Stratum i, on top of staircase Sector IIIB, Exc. 2, Units 109/112, Floor 6 Sector IIIB, Exc. 2, Units 113/114, Floor 6 Sector IIIB, Unit 212, Stratum d6 Sector IIIB, Exc. 1, Units 7/10, Floor 2 Sector IIIB, Exc. 6, Units 1-6, Stratum d Sector V, Unit 126, Stratum c Sector V, Unit 259, Stratum d Sector V, Southern extension Units 40/41/43, Floor 1 Mina Perdida Eastern wing, fill beneath levelled surface Central platform, fill beneath summit Central platform, burned floor in eastern section, several meters beneath summit surface Western wing, approx. 3 m beneath summit surface
1-14,121 1-14,122 1-14,123 1-14,130 1-14,770 1-14,772 I-14,771 I-15,564t I-14,247 I-14,238 GX-1622 GX-1623 I-14,249t
charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal fiber bag charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal fiber bag fiber bag fiber bag charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal
3030 + 90 2880 + 90 2880 ? 90 3120 + 90 2850 + 90 2800 + 90 2690 + 90 2850 + 80 2730 + 90 2750 + 90 2850 ?- 105 (Scheele 1970) 2935 + 110 (Scheele 1970) 2800 ?- 90 2930 + 80 2920 +- 80 2900 + 80 2930 + 80 2930 + 80 2950 + 80 3050 + 90 3060 + 90 3050 + 90 2980 + 90 3060 + 80 2880 + 90 3070 + 90 2980 ?- 90
I-15,565t I-15,566t 1-15,567t 1-15,568t 1-15,568t 1-15,569t I1-14,132 I1-14,133 1-14,124 1-14,131 1-15,570t 1-14,125 1-14,125 I- 14,251
I-14,252 1-14,253 1-14,254
fiber bag fiber bag charcoal fiber bagt
2870 90 2900 -t 90 3120 ? 90 2960 ? 80
1-15,577
*Conventional measurements utilizing the Libby half-life without calibration. tSamples collected during 1987/1988 field season. tSample has a '3C value of 26.0 relative to the PBD standard. The normalized age using this value becomes 2790 + 90 b.p. (T. Buckley, personal communication 1985).
is generally poor due to the proximity of the lomas and recent irrigation, we have recovered remains of various domesticated crops including maize, squash, hot pepper,
beans, bottle gourds, and peanuts, as well as fruits like guava, pacae, and lucuma (Umlauf 1988). Although the people responsible for building Cardal are presumed to
and Salazar-Burger at Cardal,Peru/Burger 278 Investigations
Table 2. Animals identified from Cardal.

name Scientific Anisotremusspp. Anthozoa Anura Ardeidae Ariidae Camelid spp. Canidae Cervid spp. Clupeidae Columbidae Cricetidae Echinoderm Engraulidae Falconiformes Haemulidae Lagidium peruanum Laridae Larus spp. Paralabrax spp. Paralonchurus peruanus Passeriformes Pelecanusspp. Phalacrocorax spp. Procellariiformes Sciaena deliciosa Sciaenagilberti Scomberomorus spp. Scombridae Sphyrnaspp. Sula spp. name Common Sargo Coral Frog/toad Heron family Sea catfish family Camelid family Dog family Deer Herring family Dove family Rodent Sea urchin Anchovy family Bird of prey order Grunt family Vizcacha Gull family Gull Cabrilla Coco Song bird order Pelican Cormorant Tube-nosed swimmer order (i.e., shearwaters) Drum (lorna) Drum (corvina) Mackerel Mackerel family Hammerhead shark Booby
have been farmers, it is difficult to demonstrate this, other than by recourse to circumstantial arguments, such as the site's location. Among the artifacts recovered from the refuse and burials are cobbles with pecked central holes and considerable edge wear. These are interpreted by many investigators, including ourselves, as clod breakers and/or digging stick weights (e.g., Disselhoff 1967: 212; Burger 1984: 197). If so, these materials would confirm the fact that the residents of Cardal were actively involved in cultivation. The recovery of cotton seeds and other nonedible cultigen residues in the refuse provide complementary evidence for the processing of cultigens in household contexts.
Residential Areas
From the outset, the center of Cardal was dedicated to public activities within the context of monumental constructions, while the southern edge (Sector IIIB) was used for habitation (Burger 1987: 370-371). The 1987/1988 excavations confirmed the distribution of house structures and refuse throughout this southern sector. The buildings appear to be dispersed, rather than agglomerated; and the houses are associated with fairly extensive patios, which
probablywere the focus of most domestic activities.It is unlikely, considering this utilization of space, that the residential populationin this sectorof the site could have exceeded300 people.As will be seen,thereis alsoevidence for a limitednumberof habitationson the summitof the pyramid-platforms during the centuryprior to the abandonmentof the site. One of the principal of the secondfieldseason objectives was to locate additionalzones of habitation,if such areas existed.Our effortsfocusedon the largeopen areasto the east and north of the public architecture. Testpitson the to the east of the site open plain yielded no evidenceof structures. in Only sparseculturalremainswere recovered one cut andthe otherpits wereculturally sterile.Similarly, surveyandsystematic testingof the northernzone did not revealany significantevidence of residentialoccupation. that the populationliving at Cardalmay Thus, it appears have been small.It would seem plausiblethat this center serveda larger,but less archaeologically visiblepopulation scatteredin isolated homesteadsand hamlets along the valleyfloor or slopes, as suggestedby Ravinesand Isbell (1976: 266-267) for Garagay.Remains of such settlementswere not discovered in earliersurveysby Patterson, Scheele, and others, nor have such remainsbeen documented in the neighboring Rimac Valley. Nevertheless, the hypothesisof a dispersedruralpopulationlinked to the centerswith monumentalarchitecture cannot be conevaluated without a surfacesurvincingly comprehensive vey supplemented by a strategyof subsurface testing. Finally, the area to the west of Cardal currentlyunder cultivationhas yet to be investigatedand may still yield new evidenceof occupation. At Cardal,as in laterprehistoric Andeancommunities, it is possible to identify repetitivearchitectural and artifactual patternsthat constitute the basic modularunits within the residential area(see Stanish1989; alsoBawden 1982 andTellenbach1986). It is generallypresumed that these segregatedbuildings or groups of structuresand their associatedfeatures,referred to as householdclusters in Mesoamerica are the archaeological ex(Winter1976), of the minimal unit of those who lived pression people together and sharedin basic domestic activities(Stanish 1989: 11). Judgingfrom the size of the house structures
at Cardal, the households here may have corresponded to nuclear families or modified nuclear families, as was the case in Inca times and has been documented for 19th and 20th century Quechua communities. The basic household cluster in Cardal's Sector IIIB included a rectangular house structure, an outdoor kitchen area, an open patio, a toss zone for refuse, burials, a storage structure, and, possibly, an outer perimetric wall.
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Figure 2. Photograph of a residential structure excavated in Sector IIIB, from the south.
One example (FIG. 2) was excavated during the second field season. The house measured 6 m x 5.46 m and was divided into four rooms during its final period of use. The lower walls of this building were constructed of irregular angular stones laid in mud with the occasional inclusion of small, irregular ovoid adobes. The interior and exterior of the walls were plastered with mud and finished with a fine layer of light clay. Since there is little evidence of wall fall, it is likely that the upper portions of the structure were made of perishable material, such as wattle-and-daub (quincha), perhaps supporting a flat, thatched roof. There is no indication of hearths or cooking inside the rooms, but the burned corner of the passageway area behind the dwelling suggests that cooking was done in the open, adjacent to the residence. The dead were interred in and around the houses throughout Sector IIIB, and during the excavation of the complete house two separate pit burials were uncovered. An open patio existed in front of the building and a small structure with bin-like compartments was located behind
it, probably for household storage of foodstuffs. Similar houses and free-standing storage features were encountered during the first field season (Burger 1987: fig. 7). High, dry-laid walls were uncovered and may have originally encircled these residential complexes. The five radiocarbon measurements of samples from houses in Sector IIIB have produced dates ranging from 1110 b.c. to 1030 b.c. The Cardal household clusters differ significantly from the domestic architecture reported from the north coast at the Initial Period site of Montegrande (Tellenbach 1986: 215-224). In contrast to Cardal, the houses at Montegrande generally consisted of a single rectangular room with a stone-lined rectangularor circularhearth near the center of the floor. Moreover, the Montegrande houses have interior areas with modes of only 12.7 sq m and 7.8 sq m, less than half the size of the well-documented houses at Cardal. From a technological perspective, the Montegrande houses feature thin, plastered walls of cane set in clay; they lack the thick stone and clay wall bases seen at
280 Investigations at Cardal,Peru/Burger and Salazar-Burger
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.7A
Figure 3. Photograph of the southern side of the dual altar found on the summit of the central mound (Sector IIIA). The view is to the north and the central plaza and eastern lateral wing of the pyramid complex are seen in the background.
Cardal. Finally, the subsurface pits and formal storage structures characteristic of Cardal are absent from Montegrande domestic areas. Thus the newly discovered houses at Cardal do not resemble Initial Period houses from Montegrande in size, construction technique, or layout, and this contrast points to the potential of delineating regional traditions of domestic architecture to complement ongoing investigations of the diverse traditions of monumental architecture. During the first field season, a free-standing, multiroom building (Scheele's Room B) was uncovered on the pyramid summit that resembled the habitations below in its architecture and associated refuse. Its walls were thicker and higher than the buildings in Sector IIIB and vertical log timbers were apparently set into the center of its exterior wall, presumably to support the roof. The utilization of a recessed jamb technique to decorate its doorways likewise suggests greater elaboration in the architecture. This complex, however, is similar to the other houses in the arrangement and size of rooms, the high doorway thresholds, the building materials and techniques, and the outside cooking arrangement. It was originally presumed that this and other summit households belonged to social units of higher status than those housed below, but contemporaneity of the dwellings of the two areas has yet to be established. An alternative possibility is that the residential area was shifted to the pyramid summit late in Cardal's history, perhaps reflecting changes in local social organization and ideology. The '4C dates from our excavation of the summit residence described here were 800 b.c. (1-14,238) and 780 b.c. (1-14,247). Another possible residence on the summit was investigated during the second field season. This structure likewise dates to the final period of public architecture. It was heavily damaged by erosion in the nearly three millennia since Cardal's abandonment, and only the bases of the walls remained. In one of the rooms the interior walls had been painted black and a pit hearth was located in the center of the chamber. This structure had been built above an earlier building of very different character. Set on its own low platform on the summit, the older building consisted of a series of small rooms and narrow passageways. Access to its interior was by way of a broad, inset staircasewhich narrows abruptly before reaching the top of the platform. The main features of this complex are two central rectangularrooms, each with a three-level altar set back-to-back against a common wall (FIG. 3). The identical altars were apparently connected by a window. Seen from the side, these altars resemble the "step-block" motif so often depicted on the Initial Period ceramics of Anc6n and other contemporary sites. The symmetrical
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Figure 4. Graffito of a circular face etched on the wall face next to the northern stepped altar (Sector IIIA).
arrangement of these altars points strongly to the dual organization of religious worship in some of the ceremonies at Cardal. Graffiti had been carved on the wall face next to one of the altars. The themes appear to be related to the religious ideology, rather than the profane subjects. Among these images is a concentric cross, a complex winged figure, a round face (FIG. 4), and a profile head with a nasal extrusion or scroll, reminiscent of the Garagay mural. Initial Period graffiti with religious themes also exist in areas of ceremonial activity at Garagay and Huaca Lucia, and a later case has been documented for Cahuachi (Shimada 1986: 177-179; Silverman 1987: figs. 23-26; William Isbell, personal communication 1984). Judging from 14C measurements associated with this altar complex, its construction was completed prior to 2950 + 80 b.p. (1-15,569), and it appears to be roughly contemporary with the atrium of the Middle Temple.
The Atrium Zone of the Central Mound

One of the principal areas of excavation during the 1987/1988 field season was the atrium zone of Sector IIIA at the apex of the U-shaped complex. The atrium is located at the very center of the terraced pyramid. The main axis of the site, along which paired causewayed plazas and paired circularcourts were arranged, bisects this locale of obvious symbolic and ritual significance (FIG. 5). In fact, it would appear that a N-s ceremonial pathway led from steep slopes to the north of the site up to the central plaza below the staircaseof the atrium.2Before excavation,
2. Other areas with atria appear to exist at Cardal. Exploratory work on the eastern platform has tentatively identified an atrium in the center of this mound. The mural fragment discovered by Scheele (1970) probably decorated the exterior walls of this atrium.
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a depression in the 12-m-high mound suggested that an atrium existed in this spot and exploratory investigations in 1985 located the walls defining the atrium and the open landing in front of it. One of the reasons for studying this area was to document public architecture directly comparable in location and function with that studied by Ravines and Isbell (1967) on Monticulo B at Garagay, in order to better evaluate the relationship between the ceremonial architecture of coeval Initial Period centers in Lurin and Rimac. The atrium and landing at Cardal are located along the principal axis of the site, which runs 170
east of true north, and in the middle of the central mound. The central pyramid (Sector IIIA) at Cardal measures approximately 130 m x 45 m, and its exterior consisted of stone retaining walls plastered with clay. In the later building phases, the northern face of the pyramid included at least three terrace levels, the first of which measured approximately 2 m in height. It was canted back for greater stability, and painted with dark red pigment. As in the rest of the public architecture, the pyramid walls were made of coarse, irregular stone quarried from the adjacent slopes to the east and set in clay mortar brought
from the banks of the Lurin River to the west. Clay deposits suitable for construction do not exist at the site itself. Access to the atrium area was by way of a massive central staircase set into the parament of the pyramid. The staircasemeasured 6.5 m in width and was constructed of stone rubble and earth encased in a thick layer of clay. Excavations exposed a sequence of four superimposed central stairways that display little change over time in location and orientation (FIGS.6, 7). The final and most heavily damaged staircase (Staircase 1) led to the final set of public summit constructions, dubbed the Late Temple. The second and third staircases (Staircase 2 and Staircase 3) correspond to the Middle Temple's original staircase and its replacement during a major phase of renovation. It is likely that the most deeply buried of the stairways discovered is associated with the atrium of a still older temple level, most of which was not uncovered. Additional staircases and atria probably exist within the core of the central mound. The three staircasesof the Middle and Late Temples are constructed in a similar manner. The general form of the steps is produced by medium-sized stones encased in a thick layer of clay; most of the hearting of the staircases consists of earth and gravel. The steps are unusually low (14-16 cm) and narrow (16-18 cm), with a pitch (or gradient angle) greater than 400. The resulting staircaseis steep and difficult to scale. At the same time, it is visually very impressive, and its steepness serves to emphasize the great height of the artificialpyramid. The stairs themselves are inherently fragile and incapable of sustaining heavy use. There are 34 steps in Staircase 2 of the Middle Temple, including several steps that extend beyond the face of the stepped pyramid (FIG. 6). In the final staircase (Staircase 1), and perhaps in the earlier ones as well, the last step was extended laterally to form a low, narrow pedestal at the pyramid's base. The builders plastered the surface of the steps with light clay and painted the sidewalls of the staircase white. The steps rose without break directly from ground level at the foot of the pyramid to the atrium level-a height of almost 8 m in the case of the Late Temple and 6 m in that of the Middle Temple. The earliest of the four staircasesdiffers from the others. It has broader steps (19-22 cm) and larger stones were used to give the stairs their form. At the top of the central staircase of the Middle and Late Temples there was a narrow landing open on the north overlooking the plaza and steep steps. The wellpreserved Middle Temple provides a clear idea of the architecturaldesign (FIG. 8). The landing is defined by the exterior face of the 2-m-thick atrium wall on its south and
by parallel platform walls on the east and west. The resulting U-shaped construction overlooked the central plaza, and activities on the landing could be viewed from below. A low-relief clay mural decorates the walls of the landing, flanking the broad entryway into the atrium
(FIGS. 9, 10).
This frieze was part of the facade of the
Middle Temple. It was created at the same time as Staircase 3, and it continued to be visible while Staircase 2 was in use. An approximate date for the sculpting of the frieze and the construction of the Middle Temple in general is offered by a radiocarbon measurement of 2920 ? 80 b.p. (1-15,566), derived from a shicrafiber bag in the fill used to cover Staircase 4. The process of building the Middle Temple began with the laying of this fill. The age of the mural can be bracketed by two measurements from shicra bags used to fill in the Middle Temple and cover its decoration. The two resulting dates from this material, which must immediately postdate the final use of the mural, produced ages of 2800 ? 90 b.p. (1-14,249) and 2850 ? 80 b.p. (1-15,564). Thus the preliminaryresults suggest that the Middle Temple and its frieze were completed around 970 b.c. and that it may have been utilized for about a century. Sometime during this period, a major renovation of the atrium complex was carried out, in which a new staircase was superimposed immediately above the original one, and a new, slightly higher floor was added to the landing and parts of the atrium. The combination of the fluctuating humidity and absorption of salts, compounded by the poor wall construction and lack of building foundations, have produced problems of conservation. The upper portion of the landing wall and its decoration were destroyed when part of the Late Temple collapsed into the plaza sometime after Cardal was abandoned. Fortunately for archaeologists, most of the mural of the Middle Temple was protected and preserved by the bagged fill that was deposited around it in order to build the Late Temple. The mural (FIG. 10) represents a mouth band of interlocking triangular teeth and massive upper fangs. A lower horizontal band, painted red and probably representing the lower lip, runs below the teeth, and a parallelupper lip once existed above them, judging from a few poorlypreserved fragments in the western side of the landing. The upper fangs overlap the lower lip and were painted yellow, thereby contrasting with the lips. The most complete of the remaining fangs measures over 1 m in length. The end of the mouthband facing the atrium entryway is left open with the lower lip turned downward. Evidence from the 1985 excavations revealed a symmetrical image on the landing walls to the west of the entryway. When
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of constructions in the atriumin SectorIIIA, Figure7. Sectionprofileshowingthe superposition of the LateTemple(1), MiddleTemple(2 and 3), and the preceding of staircases includingfragments buildingstage (4).
could have seen from the plaza,the muralrepresentation been seen as a single frontalfangedmouth with an openor astwo profile entryway, ing in the middlefor the atrium mouths. The muralis enormousand easily seen from the open positionedsome 80 cm above plazas.It was intentionally the landing floor so that the terracingof the pyramidplatformwould not obstructthe view from below. Visibilityis furtherenhancedby the sculptedreliefemployed. The modeling projectssome 15 cm from the face of the wall. Judgingfrom the multiplelayersof clay and paint, the muralwas frequently and, in some cases,the repaired color schemewas reversed.Before being filledin for the constructionof the Late Temple, the polychromemural was whitewashed. While the frieze shows evidenceof numerousrenovations, the landing itself displaystraces of only a single refurbishment. A new floor was laid down on top of the surface and separatedfrom it by a thin layerof original earthandgravel.This upperfloor articulates with Staircase 2 (FIG. 7). Our stratigraphic on the staircase, observations by a large cut made landing,and atriumwere facilitated vandals in center of the the summit, by probablyduring Colonialtimes. A similardisturbance occurredat nearby MinaPerdida(Bonavia1965) and at HuacaLa Floridain the RimacValley. A smallwallwas addedto the Nwcornerof the landing. It differsin thicknessand surfacingfrom the other walls, and it may have been constructed to help stabilizethe fill coveringthe friezeduringthe buildingof the LateTemple. No comparable featureabutsthe NEcornerof the landing.
The atrium (FIGS. 7, 8) is a large rectangular room measuring 13.5 m (E-w) x 9.4 m (N-s). Its massive walls rise 2.1 m, and their upper section is decorated by a plain clay coping or cornice beginning 1.5 m above the floor (FIG. 11). This slightly-rounded clay band is attached to the wall in the same manner as the polychrome mural outside. The walls, like the platform terraces and the sides of the atrium stairways, are canted so that the tops of the walls are set back up to 60 cm from the wall base. The construction of the walls is the same as that of the landing, but the finishing of the wall surfaces was done with fine, unpigmented light-brown clay plaster. The room was replastered on more than one occasion without changes in color or decoration. A U-shaped portion of the floor along the back and sides of room was differentiated from the chamber'scenter by a small rise, comparable in concept but not in magnitude to the two- or three-level floors found in the ceremonial chambers in many regions of the Andes. Access from the landing was by way of a broad entryway, approximately 1.5 m in width. The western side of this entrance was destroyed by the vandalism mentioned earlier. There is no evidence of the massive posts that would have been necessary to support a roof over the atrium. There are, however, small postholes indicating the presence of poles, perhaps to support some covering for protection and shade along the sides of the room. A wedge-shaped back staircase 3.5 m in width led out of the inner atrium chamber and onto a higher platform surface on the flattened summit of this section of the temple mound. There are additional buildings at this level,
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18, 1991 287 JournalofFieldArchaeologylVol.
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but they have yet to be uncovered. Evidence was also found of a smaller lateral staircase set into the middle of the western wall of the atrium; a symmetrical counterpart of it probably exists on the eastern side of the room. The western staircase leads up to the flattened top of the wall, which could have been used as a walkway and/or a landing providing access to yet-undocumented lower rooms in the depression to the west of the atrium area. The floor of the landing and atrium lacked residues from the activities carried out there. Sections of the original floor of the atrium and landing were apparently exposed to fire, however, judging from the heat-reddened color of the floor in these areas. Portions of the atrium floor were renovated, but not the entire room. As noted, the construction of the Late Temple began with the filling of the atrium and landing of the Middle Temple with bagged fill. During the initial part of these activities, a series of burials was made in pits dug into the atrium floor or in the initial layer of fill deposited in the room. The stratigraphy leaves no doubt that these interments postdate the use of the Middle Temple and predate the completion of the Late Temple. The bodies were interred in flexed positions, usually facing down without a standardized orientation. Males and females of a broad range of ages are represented. The burial rite appears to have included the wrapping of the body in cloth and fiber mats, often after the application of red pigment to the region of the head. Burial goods were rarely recovered and, when encountered, they were usually confined to simple items of personal adornment and tools used in daily life, such as spindle whorls, cooking pots, and perforated stones interpreted as agriculturalimplements. There was, however, one distinctive burial (#13) of an adult male of special status. Unlike the others, he was buried wearing red-painted bone earspools and a necklace
of 13 large canine teeth. The drilled canines have been tentatively identified as those of male sea lions, each of which has a pair of such fangs. The earspools are also made from sea mammal bone, possibly whale or dolphin. The buried individual held a painted bone tool (punzdn), which may have served as a weaving implement. The variation of age and sex in the burial population, as well as the nature of the grave goods, argues against the interpretation of these interments as human offerings. The pit burials and occasional utilitarian grave goods instead seem to conform to the pattern of interment documented from the residential area of Sector IIIB. The atrium burials are not randomly distributed throughout the chamber. All of them are located just inside the entryway, along the site's centerline. None were found in the ample space adjacent to the southern or eastern walls, despite the crowded situation in the entryway. The selection of this spot, like the burial in the atrium area itself, must be understood in terms of the cosmology of the builders of Cardal and their beliefs concerning the afterlife.
The Atrium of the Late Temple

When the Late Temple was built, the Middle Temple's atrium was buried with care so as not to damage either its friezes or the clay surfacing of the second staircase or walls. The composition of the fill varied. Some portions of the chamber were filled mainly with bagged stone and rubble, while other portions contained large quantities of silt and gravel. These lenses of fill interdigitate, reinforcing the stability of this unconsolidated material. Ritual entombment, like that described for the atrium of the Middle Temple, can be documented for much of Cardal's history. It is a feature held in common with other early civicceremonial centers in coastal and highland Peru (e.g., Izumi and Terada 1972: 30; Burger and Salazar-Burger 1985: 116; Shimada 1986: 166-172). Nevertheless, the buildings of the Late Temple were not filled before their abandonment and, as a consequence, the atrium, landing, and staircase of the Late Temple were exposed to the elements and cultural disturbance for nearly 3000 years. Most of these constructions were destroyed as a result. The landing area and most of the staircase collapsed into the plaza, along with much of the fill that served as its base, as did the upper retaining walls that terraced the north face of the temple. At present, the base of the parament of the Late Temple is buried beneath a deep talus of eroded material extending 4 m back from the edge of the mound. The lower walls of the Late Temple's atrium survived and reveal that this room was basically the same in ground
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plan and dimensions as that of the Middle Temple (FIG. 12). The bottom of its walls is separated from the top of the Middle Temple's walls by only a thin layer of gravel. While the rooms are formally similar, the uppermost atrium appears to be more poorly constructed than the one below. Its staircases have fewer steps and its walls are less than half the thickness of its immediate predecessor. No evidence of decoration is visible with the exception of the red painted walls of the lateral staircase. Rubble from the collapsed wall of the Late Temple's atrium does not contain fragments of clay mural and the room was apparently plastered with light clay, as was the Middle Temple's atrium. The remnant walls are not high enough to determine whether a coping decorated the upper wall. The floor of the Late Temple's atrium was damaged by a late Prehispanic reoccupation of the summit, but a semicircular fragment of a feature was uncovered near the back staircase. It is possible that this is a remnant of a
circularpit analogous to those found in front of the murals in the atrium at Garagay (Ravines and Isbell 1976: 260262). Another find on the floor of the Late Temple's atrium was a fragment of a clay mural. It had probably been brought there from another summit building shortly after the atrium ceased to function. The fragment depicts the lower portion of a frontal face with flared nostrils, a downturned mouth, and four prominent fangs. This monstrous visage was painted red with contrasting white canines (FIG. 13). It is reminiscent of the Garagay central atrium mural in its naturalistic modeling and in its scale. Both clay sculptures were designed to be seen at close quarters.
Concluding Remarks
This article offers only a preliminary view of work in progress, and it would be premature at this point to address in detail the complex issues of socioeconomic and
Figure 11. Photograph of rear staircase of the atrium, Middle Temple (Sector IIIA). Note the modeled coping on the upper atrium walls, and the superimposed walls of the Late Temple's atrium.
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political organization of Initial Period coastal societies that led us to initiate the research. Nevertheless, the findings of the second field season can be briefly reviewed at this juncture to consider how they confirm or modify the current understanding of the organization and history of Initial Period centers on the Central Coast. For the first time it can be demonstrated that the summits of U-shaped platform-pyramids were utilized for housing and as a burial ground in addition to their well known function as a locus for ceremonial activities. Moreover, the work at Cardal has produced evidence that ritual activity on the summit was not limited to the open landings and large inner sanctuaries or atria, but also included small enclosed chambers with dual altars isolated from the view of the public. These two unprecedented discoveries heighten our awareness that the tradition of early religious architecture and ritual on the Central Coast remains only dimly understood at present. Similarly, the partial clearing of Cardal in 1987/1988 has revealed a site plan (FIG. 5) more elaborate than any previously described for Central Coast centers with Ushaped architecture. These new results complement our 1985 discovery of eight sunken circular courts ringing the perimeter of the pyramid-platforms, and the system of elevated pathways leading into the central courtyard through the opening between the central mound and the western wing. As noted earlier, the second field season additionally documented the existence of a ceremonial pathway along the centerline of the site and three adjacent plaza sectors, the first of these containing the elevated central plaza, the second containing paired sunken circular courts, and the third (and northernmost) containing dualcausewayed rectangular plazas. All are united by their common conformity to the site's orientation and their arrangementwith respect to the site's centerline. The three zones are physically linked by the central ceremonial pathway, which leads from one plaza to the next until it terminates at the central plaza. At the base of this linear arrangement is the monumental staircase, decorated landing, and atrium described in the previous section. Secondary axes running perpendicular to the principal axis also exist in each of the plaza areas and would have structured some of the ceremonial activities. There seems to be an atrium overlooking the central elevated plaza on the east wing, and another atrium-like environment is faintly visible directly to the east of the sunken circular courts. Similarly, the causewayed plazas at the northern extreme of the site appear to be linked to a small, independent platform mound directly to their east. Thus it would appear that multiple E-w axes coexisted with the
central N-S axis.
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The exterior spaces of the ceremonial architecture at Cardal were designed to accommodate public gatherings of different sizes and composition. The central plaza, intended to bring together the different social segments in a single space, is the best known of these. Equally striking is the provision for smaller gatherings in dual and perhaps opposing and/or complementary plazas on either side of the centerline. It is tempting to see in this design an early expression of the moiety organizational principles characteristic of later Andean society. Finally, there are the multiplicity of small, sunken, circular courts ringing the site, perhaps utilized by the smaller, lower-level social units making up the dual divisions (i.e., lineages, ayllus,3etc.).
3. The definition of the ayllu has been the focus of anthropological debate for much of this century, probably because it was used in more than one way and because it has no exact equivalent in anthropological terminology. It is occasionally defined as lineage, but this restrictive definition fails to suggest the breadth of the concept. The ayllu is defined here as a landholding kin group whose members share responsibility for certain specified ritual and agricultural activities.
This arrangement is reminiscent of sites in the sw United States, where dispersed small kivas for localized sodalities complemented the large central "great kivas" used for community ceremonies. The foregoing description of Cardal's public architecture does not address the historical dimension of site layout. The configuration outlined above only characterized the final phase of public activities at Cardal. It expresses, and was the product of, the evolving structure of the community responsible for its construction. Fortunately, the work at Cardal has also begun to give a more accurate idea of its architectural history. The excavations in the atrium area of the central mound offer evidence of the classic pattern of vertical growth through ceremonial entombment and subsequent renovation through construction of almost identical buildings immediately above the buried structures. Such patterns imply ideological continuity within the cyclical parameters of sacred time (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1985). There is equally compelling evidence at Cardal of architecturaltransformation and change through lateral growth and the introduction of alien elements. Perhaps the most conspicuous example of the latter was the additon of sunken circular courts to the complex. On the outer terrace of the eastern wing, a series of these circular courts was built above what appear to have been walled rectangular enclosures. In the sw portion of the site in Sector V, the construction of one of these circular courts (EC-4) destroyed part of the original system of raised walkways leading into the plaza (Burger 1987: 367). The dual circular courts flanking the central pathway likewise appear to have been added to the original architecture, along with an extension of the eastern wing and the construction of a circular court on its summit. We hypothesize that these additions constitute the first major lateral expansion of the complex to the north, extending the limits of the original U-shaped complex. A second stage of lateral expansion is hypothesized to have produced the northernmost sector (Sector I), which included the two causewayed plazas, the four low, circularplatforms or column bases, and the low platform to the east. The construction of the causewayed plazas had apparently not yet been completed when Cardal was abandoned. When the excavation and mapping results are synthesized, the picture is one of a site growing both vertically and horizontally, with a concomitant increase in architectural complexity, as reflected in the range of architectural elements, the diversity of artificial spaces, the number of secondary axes, and the absolute size of the ceremonial
complex. This vision of architectural transformation is comparable to the hypothetical sequence of architectural change proposed for the Cupisnique complex of Huaca de los Reyes in the Moche Valley (Conklin 1985). Unlike the situation at Huaca de los Reyes, the phases of construction at Cardal can be associated with diagnostic pottery assemblages and organic materials suitable for radiocarbon dating. The placement of the site's building sequence within a chronometric framework offers the possibility of calculating the minimal annual labor investment that was expended to produce the monumental architecture. Such calculations are directly relevant to current debates concerning the sociopolitical organization of Initial Period societies on the coast. Chronological control, both relative and chronometric, is also critical for relating the changes at Cardal to other sites in Lurin and elsewhere. The '4C evidence is alreadysufficient to suggest a period of no more than 400 radiocarbon years for the entire construction and occupation of the site.4 The utilization of the Middle Temple, including the time following its renovation, probably spanned less than a century; the use of the Late Temple likewise had a duration of less than a century. This time frame is short when compared to early highland public centers, like Kotosh or Huaricoto, that were occupied for several millennia. Nevertheless, a fourcentury period would have been long enough for the pyramid complex at Cardal to have been built on an incremental basis by a relativelysmall population. Our working estimate for labor invested in Cardal's monumental architecture is 2 million person-days. This figure would have been achieved in four centuries by 100 people working 60 days a year during the winter months when agricultural activity is minimal due to the lack of water. In trying to understand the socioeconomic basis upon which Initial Period monumental complexes like Cardal were produced, it is critical to remember that they were the net result of myriad small construction episodes throughout centuries of occupation. In this respect, they were fundamentally different from the pyramids of Giza or Teotihuacan. While the population necessary for the construction of Cardal was not large, it would appear that the people residing and buried there constituted only a small fraction of total support population. If this were the case, we can infer that the houses and burials encountered in the excavations at Cardal belonged to people having a special
4. If the occupation of Cardal is estimated using calibrated measurements, the result (approximately 1465-975 B.c.) is to push both the founding and abandonment back in time. As a consequence, the duration of the site's use and its construction is increased to 490 calendaryears.
18, 1991 293 JournalofFieldArchaeologylVol.
relationship to the pyramid complex. Can we therefore presume that these people constituted some sort of "elite" in the late Initial Period society of Lurin? While it is tempting to jump to the latter conclusion, the midden and burial evidence suggests that such a presumption may be unwarranted. Moreover, among many relatively egalitarian groups that lack sharp divisions of rank, status, and wealth, there exist significant differences between the units that make up the society (i.e., families, lineages, etc.). In some cases, particularfamilies or lineages may be identified with sacred knowledge and community ritual. The resulting inequality in status, however, does not translate into long-term differences in power or wealth, or even into authority in other aspects of daily life (Paynter 1989; Flannagan 1989). Similarly, individuals in relatively egalitarian societies generally achieve leadership roles due to a combination of factors including age, sex, and personal ability, but such a position is usually short-lived and historically contingent. This prestige cannot be used to appropriate the labor of others or accumulate personal wealth. These theoretical considerations provide the backdrop for trying to evaluate the character of the resident community at Cardal visa vis the larger society, and in interpreting the role of the individual in Burial #13. The fact that differentiation or even some inequality may have existed at Cardal does not in itself imply that we are dealing with a "complex" society in which social stratificationwas present. Before positing the existence of an "elite," it is necessary to consider its ability to appropriate labor of others for personal gain, the ability of this group to amass personal wealth, the degree to which this group maintains different patterns of consumption, and the capacity of this group to protect their hierarchicalstatus through coercion (Clastres 1989). When these types of considerations are taken into account, it becomes difficult to justify interpreting the resident population at Cardal as a true elite. Perhaps what is most striking about the refuse associated with the residential structures at Cardal, both behind and on top of the flat-topped pyramids, is the evidence it provides that the residents of these buildings were directly engaged in cotton processing and the manufacture of ornaments and tools used locally. The middens associated with these houses conspicuously lack the artifactual indicators that generally exist when there are sharp divisions of rank, status, and wealth. The general impression of a rather modest egalitarian lifestyle derived from the midden contents at Cardal is reinforced by the new data from burials. The latter in-
cluded few if any grave goods, and the grave goods that do occur consist primarily of the simple tools probably used by the deceased during their lifetimes. These items were included in the graves even if they had been damaged and repaired. As noted, the unique bone earspools and sea lion tooth necklace of Burial #13 suggest that this adult male occupied a special position in the society. Nevertheless, the items used to symbolize this status could have been obtained off the nearby coast. Rather than implying control over the labor of others (as would be the case for finely-crafted gold jewelry and textiles), these canine tooth ornaments point to the individual ability of the deceased. The unusual grave goods in Burial #13 may represent his personal prestige and authority, as they did while he was alive. Leadership based on personal authority must have existed in order to coordinate the construction of complexes such as Cardal, but it could have been based on charisma and sacred knowledge, lacking the connotation of power and coercion associated with later Andean societies. Significantly, the adult male in Burial #13 held a bone artifact, probably a weaving instrument, and spindle whorls were scattered throughout the grave. These associations suggest that this older individual, whatever his special status, was involved in the basic productive activities of the society and, as with other members of his culture, it was deemed appropriate to include his tools with his body in the atrium burial. These preliminary conclusions differ radically from those of Shelia and Thomas Pozorski, who have been working at analogous Initial Period sites in the Casma Valley on the north central coast of Peru (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987). The Pozorskis interpret the early monumental architecture in Casma as the product of complex societies organized into early states dominated by bureaucratic elites that controlled the accumulation and distribution of centralized surpluses. Clearly, additional research is necessary before the difficult question of Initial Period sociopolitical organization can be resolved. The current radiocarbon chronology for Cardal allows us to establish Cardal'srough contemporaneity with Mina Perdida, a center with U-shaped architecture only 5 km to the west. Radiocarbon samples recovered from Mina Perdida's central pyramid-platform and lateral platforms range from 1170 to 920 b.c., results surprisingly close to the 1170 to 740 b.c. range of measurements from Cardal. The tentative temporal correlation between Cardal and Mina Perdida rectifies the misconception that Mina Perdida was abandoned prior to the construction of Cardal (e.g., Patterson 1985: 65; Williams 1985: 230-231). More importantly, their contemporaneity suggests the ex-
istence of multiple, coeval social groups in the lower valley of Lurin, each constructing its own public architecture as the social and ideological focus of the community. But what were the economic and social links between Mina Perdida and Cardal? Consideration of the relationship between Cardal and Mina Perdida must await future investigations, but the contemporaneity of the architecturalsequences of Cardal in the Lurin Valley and Garagayin the neighboring Rimac Valley allows meaningful comparisons.5 How similar were these two examples of what is generally presumed to be a single architectural and religious tradition? What significance do these similarities and contrasts have in terms of the ideologies and rituals of the peoples in neighboring valleys? If only the atria of the central pyramids of these two sites are compared, the conclusion emerges that there does exist a general architecturalstyle to which both conform, as seen in overall layout, specific architectural elements, and construction techniques (TABLE3). At the same time, the atria of the two sites differ in numerous ways, most conspicuously in the absence of interior murals, pilasters, notched entryways, and trilevel floors in the atrium of Cardal. The coping used to decorate the Cardal atrium does not seem to be present at Garagay, although the damaged state of Monticulo B's atrium prevents a definitive judgment. Comparable differences seem to have existed in the ritual behavior that took place in the atria. The votive offerings at Garagay of figurines and carved semiprecious stones have no analogy at Cardal, while there is a conspicuous lack of summit burials at Garagay, in contrast to
5. The availableevidence strongly supports the view that Garagayand Cardal were coeval centers. In an earlier article (Burger 1981: 599) it was argued that Garagay was contemporary with the first three phases of "Chavin" influence at Anc6n and that the ceramic iconography previously interpreted as "Chavin" was actually the local religious iconography of Garagay and similar sites. The first two phases of the Anc6n sequence in question are associated with seven radiocarbon samples whose measurements have a mean and standard deviation of 1074 b.c. - 201. The third phase at Anc6n is associated with three radiocarbon samples averaging 842 b.c. Subsequently, ceramics from Garagay were published (Ravines et al. 1984), most of which are contemporary with the predicted phases at Anc6n, although some appear to be either earlier or later. The absence of precise proveniences for this pottery makes the significance of the earlier and later materials difficult to assess. The following four "4Csamples from Garagay (likewise without provenience) are consistent with a late Initial Period dating: 3340 B.P. -- 70 (TK178), 3170 B.P. +- 80 (CU-49), 3090 B.P. - 70 (TK-177) and 2730 B.P. ? 70 (CU-09). Based on an analysis of the artifacts and "4C measurements, Ravines estimates that Garagay was occupied between 1400 b.c. and 600 b.c., and that the final construction phase and use of the temple dates to about 780 b.c. (Ravines et al. 1984: 227). If this conclusion is accepted, the temple at Garagay would have been established somewhat earlier than the ones at Cardal, but the Middle and Late Temples of Monticulo B at Garagay would be almost exactly contemporary with the two atria documented in Sector IIIA at Cardal.
Cardal. While both sites are oriented to the NE, their specific orientations differ by approximately 150. The nature of the beliefs held in common by the people of Cardal and Garagay still remains largely unknown, as does the character of the relationship between public centers of different size, such as Cardal and Garagay. Tentatively, it can be suggested that each of the U-shaped centers was distinctive and perhaps autonomous. While sharing aspects of its ideology and rituals with other local centers of the region, each public complex expressed the individual characteristicsof its immediate supporting population and the unique social identity of the community that built and utilized it. Cardal was abandoned around 800 b.c., confirming a pattern found along much of the central and north coast (Burger 1981). The impression that a major disruption in local social organization occurred at the end of the Initial Period is reinforced by our discovery that Cardal's final constructions were not buried by ritual entombment and that the plazas in the northern sector of the site were not completed. Mina Perdida, like Garagay, appears to have ceased to function at roughly the same time, and no centers with U-shaped architecture have been documented in the Lurin Valley following Cardal's decline. Considering that the tradition of U-shaped pyramid complexes on the central coast dates to before 1700 b.c. (Patterson 1985), the rather abrupt demise of the centers with this architecture after flourishing for nearly a millennium calls for explanation, as does the reorganization of the local population in the following centuries. Future investigations at Cardal and other Initial Period and Early Horizon sites in Lurin will hopefully begin to provide a clearer idea of the factors involved in these poorly understood transformations.
Acknowledgments
This project was supported by grants from the National Geographic Society, the National Science Foundation, the Comisi6n Fulbright, the Heinz Foundation, and YaleUniversity. During the second field season, Jose Pinilla and Alfredo Carbajal supervised portions of the excavations, and Bernadino Ojeda was responsible for mapping. The fieldwork included the participation of students from the University of San Marcos and Yale. Permission for the investigations was granted by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura. We are grateful to all of the above for their collaboration, without which this project would not have been possible. ProRichardL. Burgerand LucySalazar-Burger,respectively Associand at Yale Research University fessorofAnthropology
Table 3. Comparison of the atria of the Middle Temples at Cardal and Garagay (entries for Garagay based on Ravines and Isbell 1976).
Atrium feature Cardal 170 NNE Garagay 320 NNE*
Orientation on major axis Area covered by central mound Maximum height of central mound Staircase on central axis of site Well-preserved surface plastering (enlucido) Construction using irregular stone and clay Height of steps of atrium staircase (average) Width of steps of atrium staircase (average) Direct ascent to landing (no midway landings) Landing facing plaza Decoration with friezes on landing walls Thick two-faced walls with clay and rubble cores Maximum width of atrium walls Form of atrium Dimensions of atrium Central back staircase (inset) Central lateral staircase (inset) Canted (or battered) walls Wedge-shaped stairways Pilasters Decoration of atrium walls Recessed section of wall framing interior of entryway Use of low relief unbaked clay friezes Multiple floor levels in atrium Evidence of roofing to protect walls Height of complete atrium walls Colors in clay friezes Red Yellow White Black, gray-blue, rose Continuous image on two contiguous walls Key: x = present; o = absent; ? = no information available.
130 m x 45 m 12 m x x x 15 17 x x x x 2.3 m rectangular 13.5 x 9.4 m x x x x o unpigmented coping o x x(2) x (small postholes) 2.1 x x x o x
385 m x 155 m 23 m x x x 40 30 x x 6.5 m square ca. 24 m x 24 m x x x x polychrome clay frieze x x x(3) x (posts in large lined postholes) ? (but > 1.6 m) x x x x x
*Not specified whether orientation is in relation to true north or magnetic north.
Museum ofNatural History,have ate at the Yale Peabody beencollaborating since1979 onproblems relating to the oriand gins organizationof earlyPeruvian civilization.Mailing address: Box 2114 Yale Station, DepartmentofAnthropology, Yale University, New Haven, CT 06520.
sidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. Lima: Museo de la Cultura. Burger, Richard L. 1981 'The Radiocarbon Evidence for the Temporal Priority of Chavin de Huintar," American Antiquity 46: 592602.
1984 Bawden, Garth 1982 "CommunityOrganizationReflectedby the Household: A Study of Pre-ColumbianSocial Dynamics," Journalof FieldArchaeology 9: 165-181. Bonavia, Duccio 1965 Arqueologia de Lurin. Seis Sitiosde Ocupacidn en la Parte Inferiordel Valle.Tesis Antropoldgicas, No. 4, Instituto de Estudios Etnol6gicos del Museo Nacional de la Cultura Peruanay Departamentode Antropologia de la Univer-
Berkeley: University of California Press. 1987
The Prehistoric Occupation of Chavin de Hudntar, Peru. 14. Universityof CaliforniaPublicationsin Anthropology
tional Geographic Research 3(30): 363-375.
"The U-shaped Pyramid Complex, Cardal, Peru," Na-
Burger, Richard L., and Lucy Salazar-Burger 1985 'The Early Ceremonial Center of Huaricoto," in ChrisAndes. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 111-138.
in the Architecture topher Donnan, ed., EarlyCeremonial
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Clastres,Pierre 1989 Society Against the State. New York: Zone Books. Conklin, William 1985 "The Architectureof Huaca los Reyes," in Christopher in theAndes. Architecture Donnan, ed., Early Ceremonial Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 139-164. Disselhoff, Hans 1967 Daily Life in Ancient Peru. Munich: Verlag Georg D.W. Callwey. Flannagan,James 1989 "Hierarchyin Simple EgalitarianSocieties,"Annual Re18: 245-266. viewofAnthropology Izumi, Seiichi, and Kazuo Terada Peru 1963 and 1966. Toat Kotosh, 1972 Andes4: Excavations Press. of Tokyo University kyo: Matos, Jose, Jose Portugal, y Otros Lima: De1964 El Valle de Lurin y el Pueblode Pachacamac. partamento de Antropologia, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. ONERN (Oficina Nacional de Evaluaci6nde Recursos Naturales) de losRecursos Naturalesde la Zona 1975 Inventario y Evaluacidn Lima: ONERN. del Proyecto Marcapomacocha. Patterson,Thomas C. "TheHistoricalDevelopment of a CoastalAndean Social 1983 Formation in Central Peru 6000-500 B.C.," in Daniel Sandweiss, ed., Investigations of theAndean Past. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Latin AmericanStudies Program,21-37. 1985 "The Huaca La Florida, Rimac Valley, Peru,"in Chrisin the topher Donnan, ed., EarlyCeremonialArchitecture Andes. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 59-69.
Silverman,Helaine "A Nasca 8 Occupation at an Early Nasca Site: The 1987 Room of the Posts at Cahuachi," Andean Past 1: 5-55. Stanish, Charles 1989 "Household Archaeology: Testing Models of Zonal in the South CentralAndes,"American Complementarity 91: Anthropologist 7-24. Tellenbach,Michael 1986 "Las Excavaciones en el Asentamiento Formativo de Montegrande, Valle de Jequetepeque en el Norte del ArMaterialen Perni," zurAllgemeinenund Vergleichenden 39. Munich: Verlag C.H. Beck, 1-302. chaeologie Umlauf, Marcelle 1988 "Paleoethnobotanical Investigationsat the Initial Period Site of Cardal,Peru,"unpublishedM.A. thesis, University of Missouri, Columbia. Williams,Carlos 1971 "CentrosCeremonialesTempranos en el Valle de Chil1: 104. Lima. 16n,Rimacy Lurin," Apuntes Arqueoldgicos 1980 con Planta en U, Patr6n Ar"Complejosde PirCmides quitectonico de la Costa Central,"RevistadelMuseoNacional44: 95-110. "A Scheme for the Early Monumental Architectureof the CentralCoast of Peru,"in ChristopherDonnan, ed., in theAndes.Washington, Architecture EarlyMonumental D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 227-240.
1985
Winter, Marcus 1976 "The ArchaeologicalHousehold Cluster in the Valley of Oaxaca,"in Kent Flannery,ed., The EarlyMesoamerican Village.New York:AcademicPress, 25-31.
Paynter,Robert Annual "The Archaeology of Equality and Inequality," 1989 18: 369-399. ReviewofAnthropology Pozorski, Shelia, and Thomas Pozorski Iowa in the CasmaValley. and Subsistence 1987 EarlySettlement City: University of Iowa Press. Ravines, Rogger Andina. Lima: Instituto de 1982 Panoramade la Arqueologia Estudios Peruanos. Ravines, Rogger, Helen Engelstad, Victor Palomino, and Daniel Sandweiss RevistadelMuseo "Materiales 1984 Arqueol6gicosde Garagay," Nacional46: 135-233. Ravines, Rogger, and William Isbell 1976 "Garagay:Sitio Ceremonial Temprano en el Valle de Lima,"Revistadel MuseoNacional41: 253-275. Scheele, Harry 1970 ''The Chavin Occupation of the CentralCoast of Peru," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, Cambridge,MA. Shimada,Izumi "BatanGrande and Cosmological Unity in the Andes," 1986 in Ramiro Matos, Solveig Turpin, and Herb Eling, Jr., eds., Andean Archaeology: Papers in Memoryof Cliford 27. Los AngeEvans.Institute ofArchaeology Monograph les: University of California, 163-188.

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The Second Season of Investigationsat the Initial Period Center of Cardal,Peru

and Salazar-Burger at Cardal,Peru/Burger 276 Investigations

Manchay BajoA cARDAL Parka Mina Perdida

INITIAL PERIOD SITES A Civic-Religious Small site

18, 1991 277 JournalofFieldArchaeology/Vol.

I-14,252 1-14,253 1-14,254

fiber bag fiber bag charcoal fiber bagt

2870 90 2900 -t 90 3120 ? 90 2960 ? 80

and Salazar-Burger at Cardal,Peru/Burger 278 Investigations

Table 2. Animals identified from Cardal.

18, 1991 279 JournalofFieldArchaeology/Vol.

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The Atrium Zone of the Central Mound

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l Du Alar DualAltar Suke Co

Figure 5. Plan of the public architecture at Cardal.

18, 1991 283 JournalofFieldArchaeology/Vol.

This frieze was part of the facade of the

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.... ... ....

18, 1991 285 JournalofFieldArchaeology/Vol.

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The Atrium of the Late Temple

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18, 1991 295 JournalofFieldArchaeology/Vol.

*Not specified whether orientation is in relation to true north or magnetic north.

Berkeley: University of California Press. 1987

tional Geographic Research 3(30): 363-375.

"The U-shaped Pyramid Complex, Cardal, Peru," Na-

in the Architecture topher Donnan, ed., EarlyCeremonial

Investigations at Cardal, Peru/Burger and Salazar-Burger

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