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Corin Braga Cuvant inainte Conceptul de cenzura defineste un anumit tip de relatie de putere intre doua instante, o instanta conducatoare, care detine controlul asupra intregii relatii, si o instanta condusa, aflata in subordinea celei dintai. Utilizand parghiile pe care i le ofera pozitia sa dominanta, partea conducatoare isi propune sa-si impuna propriile modele si scenarii explicative si sa restrictioneze sau sa interzica mesajul celeilalte parti. Actiunea de prohibire brutala a unor ideologii divergente sau opuse fata de ideologia aflata la putere da continutul conceptului de cenzura. Ceea ce as vrea sa subliniez este ca notiunea de cenzura a depasit domeniul social, unde a luat nastere, pentru a fi amplificata atat intr-un sens metafizic-religios, cat si intr-unul psihologic-antropologic. 1

Cazul cel mai cunoscut este, desigur, cel al cenzurii exercitate la nivelul societatii. Istoria omenirii ofera din pacate destul de putine exemple de situatii si societati in care conceptul de libertate, de toleranta si acceptare a punctului de vedere al celuilalt sa fi invins tendinta de a anihila, a converti sau a limita aceasta alteritate. Cenzura a fost exercitata atat de institutiile si grupurile minoritare conducatoare, de la despotii si tiranii antichitatii la sistemele totalitare ale secolului trecut, prin instrumentele bine formalizate ale statului, cat si de grupurile majoritare asupra celor minoritare, de la vanatorile de eretici, leprosi sau vrajitoare din Evul Mediu si Renastere la persecutia minoritatilor etnice, sexuale sau profesionale din epoca moderna, exercitata prin mijloace mai informale, ce merg de la excludere si persecutie la ardere pe rug si holocaust. in afara insa de cenzura sociala, au mai fost definite, prin extensiune, si alte forme de interdictie. Una este cenzura metafizica, inteleasa de obicei ca o relatie de limitare a umanului in raport cu divinul. De la tabu-ul magic din religiile samanice la interdictia marului cunoasterii si apoi a gradinii Edenului din religia iudeo-crestina, de la prohibitiile din basme la cenzura transcendenta definita de Blaga, toate acestea sunt cazuri in care divinitatile isi apara brutal, adeseori prin pedepse exemplare, conditia si statura sacra, de intruziunea profana a oamenilor, a creaturilor lor. Cealalta este cenzura psihologica, definita de Freud ca o bariera ridicata de constiinta in calea invaziei materialului inconstient. Supraeul, constiinta morala, persona sociala sunt instante psihice care, la fel cu Creatorul metafizic sau cu despotul ori grupul social dominant, refuleaza, de pe pozitia unui rationalism logocentric, mesajele imaginare si fantasmatice, stihiale si haotice, venite din inconstient. Umanitatea profana, in calitate de creatura, grupurile sociale dominate, psihismul inconstient, toate aceste trei mase se confrunta cu limitarile de libertate pe care li le impun principiile dominante. Acest volum al Caietelor Echinox isi propune sa exploreze diverse aspecte ale relatiei de restrictie si de cenzura, exercitata ideatic sau practic, colectiv sau individual, extra- sau intrapsihic. Ca si in cazul volumelor precendente, am organizat materialul pe module tematice. O prima sectiune este dedicata cenzurii practicate de catre grupuri sociale dominante asupra celorlalte grupuri. Trei texte cu o functie propedeutica exploreaza istoria ideii de cenzura in spatiul romanesc. Primul dintre acestea este un fragment dintr-un studiu de larga respiratie in care Adrian Marino, analizand din perspectiva ideologica texte din literatura noastra veche, cerceteaza aparitia si evolutia ideilor de libertate si cenzura in statele romanesti din secolele XVI-XIX. Ovidiu Pecican incearca sa impinga aceasta analiza inapoi pana in Evul Mediu romanesc, punand la lucru, in lipsa documentelor scrise, surse alternative si deductii istorice. Monica Ghet completeaza triada investigand institutia cenzurii din ultima jumatate de veac printr-o metafora tragica, aceea a infruntarii dintre Creon si Antigona. Alte trei studii se constituie in varii mostre asupra tehnicilor de interdictie si de persecutie folosite de sisteme cu baze ideologice diferite, nazismul, capitalismul si comunismul. Astfel, Erika Larsson isi propune sa scoata in relief lectia istorica oferita de evolutia revistei Judisk Tidskrift condusa de Marcus Ehrenpreis, ce a aparut intre 1928 si 1964 in Suedia, Stefan Borbly panorameaza si psihanalizeaza fenomenul american postbelic al McCarthysmului, adevarata vanatoare moderna de vrajitoare, iar Alexandru Vakulovski face o analiza a atitudinii aberante a statului sovietic fata de propriii sai cetateni, rusi sau de alte etnii, inrolati cu forta in razboiul sovietic din Afganistan. Despre relatiile dintre majoritate si minoritate, mai exact dintre romani si maghiari, este vorba in urmatoarele doua articole. Folosind texte legislative si documente din epoca interbelica, cum este un raport al unei Comisii americane pentru drepturile minoritatilor, Adrian Majuru pune in evidenta problemele redefinirii ideologice si institutionale a raporturilor etnice din Transilvania de dupa 1919. Mai aproape de ziua de azi, Zoltn Tibori Szab vorbeste despre presiunea cenzuratoare pe care imperativul unitatii in lupta pentru drepturile minoritare il impune "din interior" presei maghiare din Ardeal si chiar din Ungaria dupa 1989. A doua sectiune se ocupa mai larg de efectele pe care cenzura le are asupra mass-mediei. Comentand o serie de imagini din istoria europeana a cenzurii de la inventarea tiparului (de la Combustis libris la caricaturi din secolul XIX), Ruxandra Cesereanu face o rapida trecere in revista a evolutiei cenzurii de la Indexurile papale la execrarea unui regizor precum Pasolini. Boyan Manchev discuta un caz dilematic din cultura bulgara contemporana, aplicabil in egala masura celei romanesti, si anume necesitatea sau imposibilitatea de a cenzura, intr-o cultura democratica, scrieri anti-democratice si totalitare, cum este Mein Kampf de Adolf Hitler. Vladimir Cvetovic se dedica unei probleme si mai 2

grave, aceea a responsabilitatii sau chiar a culpabilitatii mijloacelor mediatice in cazul unor atrocitati etnice si sociale cum au fost cele din fosta Iugoslavie. Nicolae M. Constantinescu si Andreea Iacob aduc discutia in spatiul romanesc postdecembrist, aratand cum naravurile si reflexele gandirii totalitare comuniste au fost perpetuate si uneori folosite deliberat in proaspata si dificila noastra democratie. A treia sectiune asaza sub lupa analitica diverse cazuri si exemple privind modul in care cenzura, exercitata atat din afara, prin institutii publice si morale, cat si interiorizata si asumata de creatori, deformeaza si deviaza traseele spontane ale creatiei religioase, li-terare, teatrale, muzicale si de alta natura. Silviu Lupascu se reintoarce in India antica pentru a analiza felul in care interdictiile ritualice din ritualul hinduist al sacrificiului de animale se reflecta in Brahmane si in Sutre. Mai aproape de noi in timp si spatiu, urmatoarele doua texte se ocupa de genul utopiei, in care diagnosticheaza doua forme conjugate de cenzura si autocenzura. Degradarea, destul de rapida, a utopiei renascentiste initiate de un Thomas Morus in antiutopii si distopii, este vazuta atat ca un rezultat al unei triple cenzuri ideologice, religioasa, rationalista si empirica (Corin Braga), cat si ca o consecinta a unui fenomen de inhibitie imaginativa si autosecatuire intelectiva intrisec mentalitatii si genului utopic insusi (Jean-Jacques Wunenburger). Alte doua lucrari, ale Mihaelei Mudure si Carmen Bujdei, analizeaza, din perspectiva studiilor de gen (gender studies) felul in care figura si auctorialitatea feminina erau culpabilizate si satanizate (mai exact ar fi poate "monstroizate") in secolele XVIII si XIX englez. Discutia asupra autocenzurii scriitorului este din nou readusa in spatiul romanesc de studiul lui Carmen Andras asupra unei opere interbelice, Trilogia balcanica a Oliviei Manning. Cenzura masiva si monstruoasa impusa artelor de regimul comunist este panoramata in urmatoarele doua studii, ale Valentinei Sandu-Dediu inchinat muzicii din perioada stalinismului, si al Mirunei Runcan despre teatrul si arta regizorala din perioada ceausista. in sfarsit, Lucia Dragomir revine in contemporaneitate, investigand regimul libertatii dar si al restrictiilor interioare impus de genul jurnalelor si memoriilor, ce a cunoscut o adevarata explozie dupa 1989. Cum am facut si in volumul precedent, incheiem aceasta analiza tematica spectrala cu recenzii la o serie de carti aparute in ultimul deceniu pe tema restrictiilor si a cenzurii. Scrise in limbi straine (cu precadere in engleza), aceste recenzii se doresc nu atat niste comentarii eseistice pe marginea cartilor respective, cat niste jaloane capabile sa orienteze publicul, strain si autohton, in cercetarea romaneasca in domeniu. in finalul volumului, iesind din tematica lui specifica, publicam descrierea in limbile engleza si franceza a Centrului de Cercetare a Imaginarului din Cluj, sub egida caruia apar Caietele Echinox, in continuarea prezentarii in romana publicate in numarul precedent, cu ocazia inaugurarii Centrului. inainte de a incheia, mai trebuie amintit faptul ca tema prezentului volum ne-a fost sugerata de un simpozion organizat de Fundatia Tranzit din Cluj, in 27-29 septembrie 2001, cu titlul Conference on Censorship in Present and Recent Europe. Cum Centrul de Cercetare a Imaginarului si Fundatia Culturala Echinox si-au propus sa conlucreze cu institutii similare din tara, la fel ca in cazul primului volum al Caietelor, realizat in cola-borare cu Asociatia Romana de Literatura Comparata, si cu aceasta ocazie am invitat Fundatia Tranzit sa ne sprijine la conceperea acestui de-al patrulea volum. Prin bunavointa si diligentele doamnei Knczei Csilla, caruia ii multumim pe aceasta cale, am obtinut astfel spre publicare textele prezentate la simpozion de catre domnii Nicolae M. Constantinescu, Vladimir Cvetovic, Zltan Tibori Szab si Alexandru Vakulovski.

Adrian Marino LIBERTATE SI CENZURA IN ROMANIA* MOLDOVA - INCEPUTURI

Freedom and censorship in Romania. Moldavia - beginnings Abstract: The text focusses on the idea of freedom and its formation during the 16-18th centuries in Moldavia. It helps unveiling and highlighting the wider concepts of liberty and censorship in the Romanian culture. Keywords: Romania; Early Modern Romanian literature; freedom; censorship; modernity

Cette tude est le commencement d'un chapitre tir d'un travail, d'assez longue haleine, sur Libert et Censure en Roumanie. Commencements. Il s'agit d'une tude d'histoire des ides, dans un domaine tres peu frquent et tudi. On y part d'une tude assez pousse des sources de l'poque, peu connues et en gnral ignores. Le texte porte sur les commencements de l'ide de libert en Moldavie, depuis ses premieres attestations et ses prolongements aux 16,17 et 18 siecles. Au dbut, la libert tait conue comme l'expression d'une volont spontane, libre, sans entraves. Les premieres tentatives de l'ide laique de la libert et de la tolrance deviennent ainsi possibles. D'une porte de plus en plus grande, cette ide marque, en meme temps, l'ouverture vers le monde occidental. Aux 17 et 18 siecles la libert entraine l'apparition de l'esprit critique qui devient de plus en plus organis, caractris par: analyse rationnelle, comparaison des sources, soumission aux exigences tiques. En un mot: crire selon la vrit et surtout, se pliant seulement aux exigences de la conscience morale de chaque chroniqueur. La libert devient ainsi la condition indispensable de tout expos historique, fiable, honnete et objectif. La conscience moldave (et roumaine) fait ainsi un pas dcisif vers la modernit. Ca am avut o traditie incipienta de gandire libera si inainte de secolul 18 (ca in Ardeal) o dovedeste si cazul Moldovei, cu unele deschideri surprinzatoare pentru epoca. Deosebirile sunt totusi importante. In Ardeal, disciplina si rigoarea sunt mult mai mari. Un inceput de reflexie teoretica ii asigura, mai ales, o neta superioritate. In Moldova, ca si in Muntenia de altfel (dupa cum vom vedea), a existat o mai multa -sa-i spunem - "relaxare". Afirmarile libertatii si vointei libere au fost, aproape totdeauna, spontane, disconinui, incon- trolabile, neorganizate, lipsite de o adevarata sistematizare, In plus - si acesta este aspectul cel mai caracteristic - este vorba doar de manifestari strict individuale. Fara "rezonanta" sociala, fara adeziune colectiva, ca in Ardeal. Nici in acest caz ea nu trebuie exagerata. Dar, oricum, forta de polarizare a ideii de libertate a fost, in provincia de peste munti, mult mai accentuata. Daca in Tarile romanesti a existat (sau ar fi existat) o mai mare "libertate" ( dupa unii observatori ), in schimb, in Ardeal, solidaritatea sociala in jurul ideii de libertate a fost mult mai mare. Ceea ce, din punct devedere social, politic si ideologic, este mai impotant. Tarile romanesti n-au cunoscut niciodata ordinea centralizata, disciplina birocratizata si efectele unei legalitati, fie si minime, insa reale. Urmarile, sub unele aspecte, se pot observa pana azi. "Legea" se confunda, de fapt, in Tarile romanesti, cu vointa Domnitorului. Iar acesta numai "liber" nu era decat in actele de domnie interna. Avea numai un statut de "Bey" turcesc, deci supus ordinelor sultanului, de "pasa du doua tuiuri". Nimic mai mult. Pasa. comandantul cetatii Hotin, limita frontierei de nord a imperiului turcsc, avea....trei. 4

Vointa libera Constiinta vointei, alegerii si gandirii libere a existat cu secole inainte, chiar daca atestarile documentare sunt putine, sporadice si discontinui. Dar concludente. Dupa un observator german, in secolul 16, in Moldova, exista o "deplina libertate". Inchinarea la turci s-a facut de a "noastra bunavoire" (1669), ceea ce chiar turcii recunosc: "Altii (respectiv romanii) s-au supus de buna voie, voi ati fost cuceriti cu armele". Nu este, bine inteles, o... invitatie la libertatea si independenta politica. Dar distinctia dintre cucerire si acord pacific, incheiat liber, merita a fi retinuta. Intervine si o nuanta noua, de cea mai mare importanta pentru evolutia culturii romane. Cititorul incepe sa fie indemnat sa citeasca selectiv sau nu (carti, traduceri, manus- crise) conform principiului "cine precum isi va fi voia asa va face". Reactia personala in fata oricarui text incepe, in felul acesta, sa devina nu numai posibila, dar si permisa, legitima. O intreaga pedagogie a lecturii incepe sa se configureze prin aceasta incipienta "liberalizare". Laic, profan, toleranta O deosebire esentiala de Ardeal consta in respectul, disciplina si supunerea fata de normele bisericii. Ea n-are in Tarile romanesti nici pe departe taria legaturilor teologice cu un centru sau altul al cresinatatii. Legaturile cu Patriarhia de la Constantinopol erau mult mai slabe si mai lipsite de autoritate decat cele cu biserica romana si cultele protestante. Invatamantul laic, al scolii grecesti, eracel putin in parte- o realitate. N-au lipsit nici polemicile pe tema influnetelor protestante ( Ciril Lukaris, Meletie Sirigos, Coridaleu etc.). Invatamantul laic grecesc nu este recunoscut in Iasi, de pilda.. Bine inteles, reactiile dogmatice, riguros ortodoxe, nu au lipsit nici ele. La Antim Ivireanu, intro faza ulterioara, surprindem chiar un moment de iritare: "De ce se amesteca intre ale noastre?" ( este vorba de disocierea dreptate laica/religioasa). Dar chiar Cazania lui Varlaam (1643) urmarea sa fie "spre intelesul oamenilor". Scoasa, cu alte cuvinte, de sub autoritatea exclusiva a limbii sacre slavone, ulterior grecesti. Avea totusi notiunea "ereticilor din vremea de acum". Dimpotriva, dupa cum spune si Simeon :tefan, in prefata la traducerea Noului Testament (1648) "cuvintele trebuie sa fie ca banii". Deci, de circulatie "laica", utila, intensiva. Evident , textele de mai sus sunt doar simple indicatii de orientare ale caror tendinte se intensifica. Nici notiunea de "eretic" nu are in Moldova acea aura de damnare eterna, de extirpat prin orice mijloc, precum in zonele de intens prozelitism religios. Chiar daca "trusitii" inspira oroare (text din 1416, Moldova) catolicii sunt nemultumiti, in secolul 17, in continuare, de toleranta acordata "ereticilor". Doar codurile Caragea si Callimachi, pentru a nu mai vorbi de Privila lui Matei Basarab, au o mentalitate propriu-zis toleranta. Totusi, de o represiune brutala, sangeroasa, de tip "inchizitie", nu se poate vorbi. si autoritatea de stat, foarte relativa, si cea bisericeasca si, mai ales, psihologia generala, permisiva si toleranta a poporului roman, faceau imposibila orice regim autoritar si eficient represiv. Deschidere spre apus Merita semnalate, in sfarsit, si unele mici, intermitente, dar fecunde deschideri "occidentale", in ciuda izolarii impuse de intoleranta imperiului otoman. Ele sunt totusi mult mai putin puternice decat in Ardeal. Influenta poloneza, catolica, apuseana prin insasi esenta sa, a fost activa in Moldova in tot secolul 17, Numele, cel putin, ale unor clasici antici au fost cunoscute. Ca si unele traduceri (din greceste sau sarbeste: Alexandria ori Istoria Troadei). Sub Vasile Lupu, unii profesori greci de filozofie, au tinut lectii la scoala de la Trei Ierarhi. Iar acestia erau la curent cu noile curente de gandire din occident, precum Ciril Lukaris si altii. Cu totul inedita, adevarata "premiera absoluta" este mai ales preocuparea lui Despot Voda - un aventurier cu experienta occidentala - de a se face cunoscut in publicistica apuseana sub numele de "Jacques Heraclide, dit le Despote". Avea chiar si visuri de independenta, de libertate "nationala" (am spune in termeni moderni "demagogice"): "Dorinta mea nu e alta decat sa eliberez aceasta tara a mea (sic) de "tirani". Acest gen de publicitate va fi reluat si, 5

uneori, intensificat abia de fanarioti. Incepe in felul acesta sa se descopere o realitate politica noua. Presa occidentala confera legitimitate, prestigiu si autoritate. Secolul 17 Libertatea vointei Desi o cercetare atenta si in adancime a acestei teme lipseste inca, se poate afirma - sprijiniti pe suficiente indicii - ca notiunea de libertate, respectiv a vointei, a colectivitatii etc. este intr-adevar prezenta in Moldova, in secolul 17 (si chiar mai inainte). Este o reactiune spontana, normala, fireasca, lipsita de orice teoretizare. De altfel, la cest stadiu, si imposibila si inutila. Este o simpla continuare a unui reflex si spirit traditional, bine inradacinat. Ca un Petru Movila, in 1691, sa-si indemne compatriotii: "Pentru libertatea patriei si a supusilor sai sa lupti barbateste". Intr-o versiune din 1700, din Floarea Daruri- lor (Fiori di virt) se exprima, la fel, aceeasi idee de "libertate" ("ca sa fie slobod"). Notiunea de "sobozenie" era, de altfel, de uz curent. Inclusiv in sens de "libertate religioasa", de "lege sloboda" (precum in "toata Fiandra si Englitera"). Miron Costin, care face aceasta mentiune - chiar daca in sens reprobativ - poate fi considerat ca primul ( sa-i spunem ) "analist" roman al ideii de libertate conditionata si limitata de starea de necesitate. Respectiv de obstacole si "constrangeri", in sensul Spinoza ( Etica, partea I,VII)s "Iara nu sint vremurile supt cirma omului, ce bietul om supt vremi". Fapt nu lipsit de importanta: ideea necesitatii se relativizeaza si se nuanteaza, dupa cum vom vedea, pe parcurs. Ea se apropie progresiv de acceptia moderna a notiunii de "critica", in toate sensurile cuvantului. Aparita spiritului critic. Nu este, credem, o exagerare afirmatia ca aparitia spiritului critic reprezinta adevarata originalitate a culturii moldovenesti in secolul 17. Inceputurile "spiritului critic" romanesc, din aceasta perioada, incepe sa dateze. O contributie insa modesta, discon- tinua, ocazionala, fara indoiala, dar reala. Ea nu a fost pusa niciodata in adevarata sa lumina. Iar esenta sa teoretica, de mari si profunde perspective, cu atat mai putin. Evident, nu lipsesc nici in acest caz precursori. Ceea ce dovedeste inca o data ca instinctul gandirii libere este o mare si permanenta realitate. Gandirea medievala a cul-turilor invecinate o exprima de altfel cu destula claritate. Cronica notarului anonim. Faptele ungurilor reactioneaza inca din secolul 13 impotriva "povestilor false ale taranilor" sau "cintarea guraliva a drumetilor", ceea ce ar fi "foarte nedemn si rusinos". Prin urmare, este mult mai bine sa se afle "adevarul in mod deosebit din descrierea sigura a scrierilor si din interpretarea clara a faptelor istorice". Un izvor romanesc posterior, despre "legenda descalecarii pravoslavnicilor crestini", are limpede conceptia dovezilor convingatoare documentare (element esential al spiritului critic) "precum adevarat se vede ca iaste scris in toate hrisoavele tarii". Ideea de "adevar" verificabil obiectiv constituie un element esential al procesului "critic", preocuparea noastra de baza. Primii cronicari moldoveni au prin reflex - am spune de "bun simt" si luciditate - aceeasi reactie. Ea nu este motivata si cu atat mai putin teoretizata. In compilatia cunoscuta sub numele de cronica lui Gr. Ureche, se strecoara, in mai multe randuri, ideea indoielii, a scepticismului prudent in afirmarea si preluarea unor afirmatii istorice. Ele nu au, in esenta, nici o importanta. dar atitudinea fata de acceptarea sau respingerea lor are. Simeon Dascalu pare a fi un spirit, daca nu sceptic, in orice caz elementar prudent. O afirmatie (oarecare) "poate fi adevarata". Dar nu este si sigura. Axinte Uricarul pare sa aiba mai multa incredere in izvoarele poloneze: "letopisetul lesesc....poate fi mai adevarat". Insa, atentie, in astfel de cazuri litigioase este necesar "aicea sa socotim" (adica sa supunem informatiile folosite unor analize rationale, ceea ce- pentru epoca noastra - este semnificativ). Cand vine vorba despre Despot Voda, "cronicarii aleg care le-au scris". "Aicea nu se potrivesc la poveste cronicarii lesesti". Intervine deci si principiul selectiei critice al izvoarelor, ceea ce constituie, la fel, pentru epoca respectiva, o atitudine inovatoare notabila. In orice caz, o documentare prudenta si insistenta este recomandabila in astfel de imprejurari: "cui va trebui sa stie mai cu adevarat, acolo sa citeasca si va afla" ( este vorba de cronicarul lesesc). 6

Acelasi spirit este infuz in intreaga compilatie cronicareasca si, in mod sigur, in paragrafele ce pot fi atribuite cu certitudine lui Grigore Ureche. In principiu el se declara un spirit scrupulos si (nuanta noua) etic. Isi ia precautia "sa nu ma aflu la cuvinte desarte ci de dreptate". Mai mult decat atat: el se declara in profund dezacord cu cei ce "au scris, mai mult din basme si din povesti ce au auzit unul de la altul". Un sanatos scepticism ( generator a ceea ce azi am numi "auto-cenzura") il anima: daca omul, de multe ori, nu poate sa spuna "asa pre cale tot pre rind, cele ce vede cu ochii sai si multe sminteste...dara lucruri vechi si de demult de s-au rasuflat atata vreme de ani ?" Intervine, in plus, inca un principiu al spiritului critic incipient: al comparatiei izvoarelor, in speta "letopisetul cel moldovenesc" si cel "lesesc". Doar cel moldovenesc "arata cu adevarat", in timp ce cronicarii poloni, uneori, se contrazic intre ei. Simeon Dascalu scoate in evidenta si o astfel de situatie. Din aceasta perioada incepe sa apara - in cronicele romanesti si judecatile morale - distanta critica fata de abuzurile si chiar erorile domniilor. Un paragraf din acelasi Simeon Dascalu exprima si aceasta psihologie: Nacazanie, adica invatatura si certare celor mari si puternici. Monument mai important decat pare la prima vedere. Incepe disocierea - esentiala - intre "istoriografia" oficiala, de curte si cea libera, independenta, particulara. Spiritul critic nu poate sa apara si sa se dezvolte efectiv decat in aceasta ambianta, fie si potential "libera", relaxata. "Adevarul" printilor si al oamenilor de rand poate sa nu coincida. Ceea ce nu este insa nici "pacat", culpa sau lipsa de respect. Ideea este exprimata si cu alt prilej in secolul 17 ( text din 1659). Inca un aspect nou se cere semnalat si subliniat. In Moldova apare si un inceput de "etica" a libertatii de judecata si a spiritului critic. El alege nu numai intre adevar si eroare, ci de fapt intre "bine" si "rau", notiuni care incep sa coincida. Un exemplu caracte- ristic este oferit de Miron Costin, cronicarul moldovean cu cea mai puternica personalitate a secolului 17. "Predoslovia" la De neamul Moldovenilor poate fi considerata un adevarat "manifest" al responsabilitatii morale a judecatii istorice, "ca scrisoarea este un lucru vecinic. Cand ocarasc intr-o zi pe cineva, iaste greu a rabdas dara in veci tu vei da seama de ale mele cate scriu". Dar nu numai atat. Spiritul critic isi asociaza, prin Miron Costin, inca doua virtuti importante: dreptatea si adevarul. Ne mentinem in aceeasi sfera etica a exigentelor riguroa- se, putin (si chiar deloc de cele mai multe ori) invocate ca relatarile istorice anterioare. Constiinta responsabilitatii scrisului incepe sa devina o realitate: "iara dreptatea socotind nu pociu scrie in alt chip". Este o conditie esentiala a obiectivitatii istorice. Ea nu are nevoie nici de flori de stil, deoarece adevarul, care o exprima, "nu totdeauna are nevoie de vorbire aleasa, el se multumeste cu cea mai simpla povestire". Se exprima in mod direct, "nu cauta cuvinte. ci spune ce stie". Intervine o reactiune spontana, directa, a constiinei sau doar a bunului simt. Stilul este patriarhal. Principiul de baza ramane solid, valabil si actual. Un inceput de analiza rationala (chiar daca nu inca in sensul secolului 18) con- solideaza aceeasi reactie critica. Mai intai, cand Miron Costin afirma ca "biruit-am gindul" (deci reflexiv, legitimare rationala), el se revendica de la motivatii profunde: "iaste inimii durere" (revolta simtului moral, in primul rand). Dar si reflexia personala interiorizata, introspectiva are rolul sau: " a scrie multa vreme la cumpana a stat cugetul nostru". Este enuntat principiul indoielii profunde alungata (sau consolidata) prin confruntarea necesara si fecunda cu alte opinii. De unde marea importanta a "soltnicilor" care "vorovind o treaba, sa framinte cu voroava lucrul si unul una, altul alte raspunzind sa lamureste lucrul care este mai spre indemana". Intarirea "parerii cu voroava si alte pareri" este deci esentiala. In sfarsit, este necesara experienta personala in primul rand de visu: "Iara vederea singura den toate aseaza intradevar gindul nostru, si ce se vede cu ochii nu incape sa fie indoiala in cunostinta". Miron Costin face apel, in repetate randuri, la constatarile sale personale de mare dregator al statului. Reactie de cronicar empiric prin definitie. Mistificarea, fictiunea culpabila, influentata in spirit partizan devine pacatul de moarte al obiectivitatii critice in termenii definiti mai sus. Este ceea ce Miron Costin exprima printr-o sentinta morala grava: "nemica nu strica credinta as celora ce scriu letopisetele ca fataria, cand veghe voia unuia si coboara cu hula altuia... iara dreptatea socotind nu poci scrie in alt chip".20 A scrie "fara fatarie" devine la Miron Costin o adevarata obsesie. A falsi- fica adevarul, a mistifica, a inventa, a pune fictiunea inaintea realitatii faptelor este pacatul de moarte al spiritului critic. De unde respingerea hotarata, dispretuitoare, foarte insistenta, a "basmelor" si "scorniturilor", "buiguite scripturi si desarte". 7

Exemplul tipic este oferit de Alexandria, executata in repetate randuri si fara mila. Suntem inca departe, foarte departe, de mentalitatea estetizanta a secolului 20, care se complace in elogiul fictiunilor frumoase. Un "pozitivism" oricat de arid ("toate acestea sunt basme sunt povesti") este preferabil unei inventii mincinoase, profund mistificatoare, adesea calomnioase si violent tendentioase. Miron Costin vaneaza astfel de "poveste" si "basme" si la cronicarii anteriori, mult mai putini exigenti, ca Simeon Dascalu si Mihail Calugarul. Expresiile sale se dovedesc tipice: "nu este de crezut" sau "concluzie gresita". Suntem la la faza cand pe plan european, un Bossuet scria fara nici o inhibitie pe un exemplar din Malebranche (Recherche de la vrit) trei cuvinte: nova, pulchra, falsa. N-am ajuns inca (deceptie!) la moda metaforelor critice, calinesciene, gen : Creanga - "un bivol de geniu", Conachi - un "Petrarca ras in cap" etc. Nova ca nova. Dar falsa cu certitudine. Cat priveste pulchra este inutila orice controversa pe aceasta tema. Se stia inca din evul meu ca de gustibus non disputandum. Secolul 18 In linii mari, revin aceleasi idei care-si fac aparitia inca din perioada Inceputuri si a secolului 17. :i totusi, in secolul 18 moldovenesc, peisajul ideologic incepe sa se schimbe. Nivelul este mai scazut in primul rand din cauza absentei lucrarilor teoretice. Cu exceptia lui D. Cantemir, ele sunt inexistente. In plus, nu numai (ca in Ardeal) unele idei - cum ar fi libertatea religioasa si cea national-sociala - nu au nici pe departe acelasi ecou social, dar - in genere - ideile tind sa se personalizeze si, intr-un anume sens, chiar sa se "occidentalizeze". Este, fara indoiala, urmarea influentei culturii gercesti, tot mai influenta in perioada fanariotilor. Unii domnitori fanarioti, dupa cum vom vedea, deosebit de culti si cu un vadit spirit al relatiilor culturale internationale, introduc un continut si chiar un "stil" nou in initiativele lor culturale. In timp ce, in Ardeal, cultura este tot mai centralizata si birocratizata, in Moldova ea depinde foarte mult de initiative individuale. Imprejurare demna de atentie. Formele libertatii Instructiva, in primul rand, pentru ilustrarea acestui proces, este evolutia ideii de libertate, esentiala, nativa, devenita traditionala. Ea trece de la formele cele mai simple si elementare la procese intelectuale de o anume complexitate. "Libertatea vointei" este invocata in mod frecvent in imprejurari variate de viata, incepand cu o banala donatie: "de nimeni siliti si asupriti, ci de a noastra buna voie am orinduit" (1731). Un inceput de intelectualizare este oferit de unele asezaminte didactice, precum cel din 1716, al lui Hrisant Notara: "scoala ca sa invete cine ar vrea fara de plata". Nuanta "democratica" nu poate sa ne scape. Unii elevi "nu au de gand sa se faca dascali" (spudaios). Li se recunoaste deci implicit o deplina libertate de spirit. In acelasi sens este conceputa si o reforma a lui C. Mavrocordat: "Asisdere au mai facut scoali de invatatura si latinesti si arapesti si au dat stire tuturor nasilor in toata tara ca sa-si aduce copiii la invatatura la scoala, ca sa invete orice limba le-ar fi voia, pentru ca sa se afle oameni invatati si in pamintul nostru al Moldovei". Se inregistreaza si nuanta confesiva, care ascunde o amara deceptie. Corespondenta lui D.Cantemir cu Petru cel Mare (o scrisoare din septembrie 1721) este o buna dovada in acest sens: "Am venit in Serviciul Majestatii Voastre cu inima deschisa si de buna voie, chemat fiind de manifeste Majestatii Voastre pentru folosul general al crestinatatii". Nu lipseste, in sfarsit, nici spiritul de independenta si chiar de nesupunere, care sfideaza vointa Domnului. Miron Costin ar fi replicat intr-o imprejurare oarecare: "ori sa fie voia Mariei Tale, ori sa nu fie, noi nu vom lasa casele sa le ieie tatarii". Este un reflex ce se intalneste ulterior si la alti cronicari, unii naivi, dar cu aceeasi constiinta spontana a libertatii de exprimare. Pieirea vornicului Manolachi Bogdan si a spatarului Ioan Cuza (1788) este prezentata (si, intr-un fel, scuzata) astfel: "De aceasta intimplare/Aratare voi sa fac/Macar nu fie pe plac !" Libertatea de exprimare incepe sa-si asume riscuri pe fata. Cand revendicarea libertatii de expresie se face in numele gustului personal, al libertatii de compunere si redactare sau al lecturii libere - pentru a nu mai vorbi de con- stiinta etica fara pata, care-si permite orice indrazneala - percepem repede subiectivitatea opiniei sau a initiativei personale. Atitudini mai mult decat legitime. Intr-o forma savuros-naiva apare -sa-i spunem - chiar si psihologia greu analizabila a "imperativului categoric". El se exprima doar si nu-si motiveaza deciziile. De altfel, nici 8

nu poate. Intr-una dintre Pildele filozofesti (1713) se face chiar o astfel de afirmatie: cei fara vina "vorbesc cu indrazneala si slobod". Un exemplu, am spune "clasic", al revendicarii acestei subiectivitati legitime este mai ales al lui I. Neculce despre ale sale O sama de cuvinte: "Deci cine va citi si le va crede, bine va fi, iara cine nu le va crede, iara va fi bines cine precum ii va fi voia, asa va face". Libertate de spirit absolut remarcabila. Dincolo de orice dogmatism si canoni- zare. O reintalnim in diferite imprejurari asociata ideii de lectura si de compunere, de-a lungul intregului veac. Notiunea lecturii libere "de zabava", posibila "numai la vremi slobo- de", este revendicata in 1786. Un cronicar de la inceputul secolului, ca N. Costin isi asumase de altfel riscurile adevarului (preluat prin traducerea sa din limba latina a operei lui Antonio de Guevara Reloj de principes atunci cand da expresie aceluiasi principiu, in Ceasornicul Domnilor. Cronica Ghiculestilor. Istoria Moldovei intre anii 1695-1754 nu respecta constrangerea cronologiei stricte. Isi revendica chiar dreptul naratiunii libere si "de curiozitate". Principiul libertatii incepe deci sa determine o naratiune istorica mai flexibila. Ceea ce va tine de epicul literar propriu-zis, atunci cand patrunde progresiv in sfera fictiunii. Dezvoltarea spiritului critic Prin dezvoltarea spiritului critic, a carui aparitie se constata inca in secolul anterior (si chiar mai inainte), constiinta libertatii parcurge in Moldova o noua si importanta etapa. si fata de formele sale ardelene se observa deosebiri semnificative. Gandirea libera tinde sa se interiorizeze si sa se personalizeze. Atunci cand spiritul critic face o alegere sau respinge o idee, o informatie, o judecata el devine tot mai mult o problema de constiina per- sonala. Procesul intelectual se dovedeste tot mai complicat si el evolueaza, privit de sus, in trei directi : specializare, legitimare teoretica si radicalizare progresiva. Parcurgem o faza decisiva a maturizarii constiintei libertatii moldovenesti si, implicit, a intregii culturi romane. Cronologia stabilita de G.Ibraileanu in Spiritul critic in cultura romaneasca (1909) apare mult depasita si anacronica. Stabilirea adevarului istoric devine preocuparea de baza. Studiul izvoarelor istorice se transforma intro indoiala metodica si, la nivelul epocii, sistematica. Nimic nu dovedeste mai bine acest salt calitativ decat atitudinea fata de evenimentele istorice a doi contemporani. Ceea ce la I. Neculce, in O sama de cuvinte era doar o indoiala de bun simt natural privitoare la evenimente nu indeajuns de bine atestate, la D.Cantemir apare preocuparea confruntarii si a interpretarii istorice orientata de reguli, poate mult spus "canoane". Ea este evidenta si deschis afirmata atat in Hronicul vechimii a romano-moldovlahilor cat si in opera scrisa in limba latina, Istoria cresterii si descresterii curtii otomane (1714-1716). Se resping "izvoarele tulburi" si se cauta "marturia scriitorilor indigeni". Moment important al trecerii de la cronica traditionala (in buna parte memoralistica: "povestirea, "istorisirea" in termenii Cronicii Ghiculestilor) la studiul istoric metodic. El este preocupat sa distinga adevarul de eroare, in cautarea unei certitudini, cat mai bine documentata. Obiectivul esential al spiritului critic: descoperirea, afirmarea si apararea adevarului nu este, totusi propriu-zis, un aspect specific profund inovator al secolului 18. El era destul de bine cunoscut inca din secolul anterior, cu precursori notabili. Dar intervine o anumita evolutie. Oricat de personalizat a fost spiritul critic, la Miron Costin de pilda, el avea inca o nuanta etica vizibila, de responsabilitate personala a afirmatiei si judecatii istorice. Predomina, de fapt, spiritul critic nativ, liber, spontan, neteoretizat, reactie elementara de respingere a constiintei. Documentul suprem era, de fapt, marturia informatorilor onesti: "Boierii batrani, "oamenii vechi si batrani", care pastrau memoria nealterata a faptelor, desi "in letopiseti nu sunt scrise". Lectura critica nu era nici ea complet necunoscuta. Dovada adnotarile lui Dosoftei pe cronografe grecesti. Unele traduceri posterioare subliniau, la fel, disocierea esentiala a spiritului critic adevar/minciuna (B. Gracian, Critil si Andronius, 1794, cap.6 ). Tipica pentru mentalitatea "adevarului" cronicaresc in secolul 18 este Predos- lovia lui I.Neculce, la Letopisetul Tarii Moldovei, unde "precum s-au timplat, cu adevar s-au scris". Foarte pretuita este si memoria personala a istoriei traite "ca au fost scrisa in inima sa". D. Cantemir face un pas important mai departe. El invoca nu "numai iubirea de adevar" dar si libertatea de critica: "Iubirea de adevar se opune si ma impiedica a lauda lucruri pe care dreapta judecata indeamna sa le critic". Scrupulele etice nu sunt totusi suficiente. Este nevoie de "dreapta judecata", definitia spiritului critic in conceptia 9

secolului 18. D. Cantemir nu are numai notiunea "voii slobode", a "voii slobode obicinuite", inclusiv a "voii cea sloboda a scriitorilor si bogata voroava a retorilor", dar si a posibilitatii si chiar a necesitatii de a o corecta atunci cand face o eroare. Ideea apre inca in Divanul... (1698, III,1): "Socoteala dreapta si intreaga pre gresitoarea pofta sa o stapaneasca". Prin spirit critic liber se ajunge la adevar, care devine pentru istoric o obligate suprema si, in acelasi timp, o obsesie. D. Cantemir se confrunta cu aceasta problema esentiala mai ales cand scrie despre istoria romanilor, in Hronicul vechimii a romano-moldo-vlahilor, ultima sa opera. Ea sintetizeaza, intr-un fel, intreaga experienta a vietii sale stiintifice. El disociaza in mod radical intre "basme" si "istoria adevarata". Iar descrierea starii de spirit a istoricului ideal echivaleaza cu o adevarata profesiune de credinta: "Sufletul odihna nu poate afla pana nu gaseste adevarul, carele il cearca oricat de departe si oricat de cu truda i-ar fi a-l nimeri". Sunt rare, chiar foarte rare in epoca, astfel de confesiuni patetice. In sprijinul spiritului critic sunt invocate, in sfarsit, in secolul 18, doua argumente noi, prin care primeste o puternica legitimare. Se face apel, in primul rand, la ideea de rati- une, chiar daca nu in sens cartezian. D.Cantemir vorbeste doar de "socotiala mintii mele" (Divanul, I, 24), a omului rational, "scotocitoriu", care poate face totusi si erori. Pana acolo, incat, in Metafizica (Sacro-Sancte Indepingibilis Imago) el tine sa ne puna in garda impotriva "intunericului ratiunii".36 Caci, in filozofia epocii, pe care o cultiva D.Cantemir (Van Helmont, Wissovatius), nu ratiunea este facultatea suprema ci intelectul, in sens de facultate superioara a cugetarii discursive. Ratiunea are doar puterea de a demonstra o experienta despre ce se stia deja. In cultura greaca, dominanta in perioada fanariotilor, ratiunea, argument invocat tot mai frecvent, are un sens primordial ontologic-metafizic, de cunoastere suprema. Tratatul Despre ratiunea dominanta (Bucuresti, 1688), atribuit pe atunci lui Josephius Flavius, in traducerea (foarte laborioasa) lui N.Milescu, Pentru singurul tiitoriul gind, o defineste ca "minte cu cugetare dreapta" si, in acelasi timp, ea poate porunci tumultului sa taca". si mai precis se exprima cronicarul grec Petru Depasta: "Omenirea condusa foarte nemerit de cirma indreptatoare a ratiunii ce rezida in ea, precum opineaza graiul filozofic". Este facultatea umana naturala suprema, "ordonatoare", "ratiunea cea sanatoasa, care are dreptul sa prescrie el legi". Ea comanda deci si "liberului arbitru". Se asigura, in acelasi timp, echilibrul interior, opus "sburdarilor nerationale si anormalelor pasiuni". In acelasi spirit se recomanda si preocuparea de a descoperi adevarul prin analiza rationala. Bunul simt, intuitia personala si inspiratia divina nu mai sunt suficiente. Despre un inceput de analiza rationala se poate vorbi, cum am vazut, inca din secolul anterior. Intr-un schimb de idei cu C.Mavrocordat, unul dintre numerosii "invatati greci", care s-au perindat si in Moldova in aceasta perioada, M.A.Katsaitis, este cat se poate de explicit. Cand ne aflam in fata unor numeroase opinii, multe dubioase, metoda cea mai indicata este de a le prezenta pe toate "apoi de a alege pe cea mai probabila, adica pe acele ale cuvintelor unui contemporan sau mai credibil, acesta fiind stilul si metoda tuturor istoricilor". Astfel de idei despre libertate si spirit critic, bine disciplinat, circula in ambele tari romanesti, si in Muntenia dupa cum vom vedea. * Capitol din cartea cu acelasi titlu. In volum, toate referintele necesare. De asemenea in Prefata si capitolul metodologic: Un nou reper: istoria ideilor toate precizarile despre obiectivele urmarite si metoda de realizare.

Ovidiu Pecican 10

Cenzura in Evul Mediu romanesc Puncte de sprijin intr-o investigatie incipienta

Censorship during the Romanian Middle Ages. References for a preliminary investigation Abstract: This article offers some general guidelines concerning the structure and the evolution of religious censorship during the Romanian Middle Ages. Keywords: Censorship; Romania; Middle Ages; religion

1. Problema cenzurii medievale la romani Cu putin timp in urma, Adrian Marino credea ca in spatiul romanesc existenta cenzurii poate fi probata abia incepand cu 1559 in Transilvania, respectiv cu 1667-1669 in Tara Romaneasca . Or, se stie, modernitatea timpurie a insemnat, printre altele, tocmai o spargere a monopolului cenzurii si diversificarea formelor de cenzurare concurente. Aceasta concurenta - intre biserici (caci Reforma a spart monopolul ecleziastic crestin in lumea apuseana), intre acestea si stat, intre monarhi si adunarile reprezentative (parlamente) etc. - a fost, in pofida aparentei de intensificare a interdictiilor, tocmai dimpotriva, un inceput de instituire a libertatii de exprimare, tot asa cum "echilibrul de puteri" a devenit, odata cu pacea din Westphalia, o expresie a unui anume sistem de stabilitate si securitate mai degraba decat o domnie a haosului politic. Prin urmare, chiar si fara dovezi empirice, pare foarte probabil ca in evul mediu romanesc cenzura a cunoscut forme mai drastice de autoafirmare decat ulterior. Nu este insa mai putin adevarat ca asemenea constatare intalneste in teren cateva obstacole. Unul dintre acestea este laxitatea Bisericii in Tarile Romane. Este destul sa amintesc aici ca prima traducere integrala in romaneste a Bibliei dateaza din 1688 . Nici anterior, cand Cartea Cartilor putea fi citita in slavona, nu se constata un efort masiv al Bisericii Ortodoxe din Moldova ori din Tara Romaneasca de a pune in circulatie prin copiere integralitatea cartilor biblice. in lumea lui Petru Rares domina inca Tetraevangheliarele si Psaltirile, insotite sporadic de unele sau altele dintre scrierile Vechiului Testament . Multiplicate manual, mai apoi si tipografic, acestea continua sa predomine multa vreme, probabil fiindca erau folosite la slujbele religioase si in instruirea copiilor si a tinerilor. in pofida existentei unor inalti ierarhi instruiti si posesori ai unei bune cunoasteri teologice si culturale Theoctist al II-lea, Macarie, Eftimie - majoritatea clerului (al carui numar de membri il ignoram, la fel cu numarul parohiilor ortodoxe din Moldova, Tara Romaneasca ori Transilvania) era iliterata, slab instruita si nu observa cu strictete regulile de comportament prescrise de biserica . in plus, nici macar asa, educati precar in spiritul frecventarii slovei Marii Carti, preotii nu erau suficienti, pana tarziu, in epoca moderna, ei neacoperind nevoile fiecarei comunitati. Nici puterea centrala nu a putut fi in mod consecvent o instanta cenzuratoare consecventa. Depinzand de una sau alta dintre partidele boieresti, amenintat aproape in permanenta de pretendenti, domnitorul trebuia sa fie artizanul unor jocuri politice mobile, flexibile. Prin forta lucrurilor, aceasta atitudine impiedica configurarea unor norme drastice a caror aplicare sa fie indata pusa in practica. Iar apoi, odata cu inlocuirea voievodului printr-un altul, adeseori adversar al predecesorului sau, linia politica se schimba, ceea ce fusese interzis devenind permis, si invers. O alta cauza a atenuarii cenzurii feudale in tarile romane a fost, desigur, insasi organizarea - destul de precara, din cate ne putem da seama - a aparatului de stat. Vreme indelungata, boierii din sfatul domnesc au fost slujitorii domnului si ai statului, in acelasi timp. Separarea functiilor s-a produs in etape incomplete, mai accentuate incepand cu secolele XVII-XVIII. Toate aceste constatari ingaduie observatia ca, din multiple puncte de vedere, cenzura in teritoriile locuite de romani in evul mediu a fost fluctuanta, ezitanta, incoerenta. 11

Chiar daca a fost astfel, ea a ramas, totusi, mereu prezenta. De controlul asupra informatiei vehiculate public nu se putea dispensa nici macar autocratul medieval. Iar in aceasta optiune, Biserica l-a secondat fara ezitare. Prin urmare, cenzura timpului este de cautat in domeniul credintei, urmele ei jalonand calea luptei impotriva ereziilor, dar si a prozelitismului de alta coloratura, in prigoana dezlantuita, cand si cand, impotriva minoritatilor etno-confesionale (evrei, armeni). Totodata, se poate vorbi si despre o cenzura politica, vizand contracararea informatiei ce putea servi propaganda adversa domniei ori partidei boieresti proprii. Cele doua forme de cenzura vizeaza, desigur, zona discursului public materializat in scrieri si imagini de diverse facturi si destinate unor varii scopuri, de la acte oficiale la cronici si la proclamatii politice. in evul mediu romanesc viata statala a fost insa organizata relativ tarziu. Reunirea puterii in persoana unui singur personaj care sa intruchipeze varful ierarhiei autohtone a izbutit abia la inceputul secolului al XIV-lea, asadar la mai bine de cinci-sase secole de la primele stiri despre existenta vlahilor ca o etnie distincta, in plina ultima varsta a medievalitatii europene. Or, astfel stand lucrurile, se pune intrebarea daca veacurile dinainte de cel al aparitiei statelor Tara Romaneasca si Moldova au fost pentru romani o perioada complet lipsita de orice forma de cenzura. Dupa parerea mea, acest lucru este exclus, caci o forma sau alta de autoritate zonala, laica ori/ si ecleziastica, trebuie sa fi functionat. Important este, dintr-un alt unghi, sa se precizeze si despre ce fel de cenzura era vorba, cata vreme in etapa incipienta de dezvoltare a comunitatilor romanesti scrisul nu a fost foarte raspandit. Este, deci, de precizat daca prin cenzura se intelege orice forma de comportament prohibitiv a unei autoritati recunoscute in raport cu supusii de sub jurisdictia sa ori trebuie cautate doar aspectele legate de dezvoltarea culturii in general, si inca a celei scrise in particular. Cercetarile viitoare care se vor ocupa de diversele aspecte ale cenzurii medievale in spatiul romanesc vor trebui, cred, sa se refere la o multitudine de aspecte. Dintre acestea, mentionez formele de cenzura comportamentala si de gandire la nivelul obstei satesti (urmele ei pot fi detectate inca in normele promovate prin traditie in spatiul rural asa cum le pastreaza inca folclorul nostru, in obiceiurile si uzantele transmise de dreptul consuetudinar autohton, asa-numitul jus walachicum sau drept romanesc ); cele configurate odata cu supunerea obstilor unei conduceri superioare, in cadrul cnezatelor de vale etc., context in care conducatorii traditionali ai obstii (juzii, cnezii, batranii) trebuiau ei insisi sa cedeze parte din drepturile lor de a norma viata sociala a obstii reprezentantului superior al puterii (cnezul sau voievodul)s cele impuse de dominatorul strain (peceneg, cuman, maghiar, tatar etc.) conducatorului zonal inchinat sau vasal si supusilor acestuia. Desigur, un voievod supus conducatorului cuman, hanului tatar ori regelui maghiar nu punea necesarmente in aplicare tot ceea ce superiorul sau ierarhic incerca sa ii impuna. Cu toate acestea, relatia de constrangere exista, si ea se exersa, mai mult sau mai putin, de la caz la caz, in virtutea amenintarii virtuale ori efective cu represaliile. La fel, si autoritatea cnezului sau a voievodului se configura ca o constrangere de o amploare si de o intensitate fluctuanta de la un moment la altul si de la caz la caz. Dar ea era, fara indoiala, o realitate si tocmai in existenta ei consta puterea politica efectiva a aceluia. in raport cu toate aceste chestiuni, in evul mediu - ca, de altfel, in alte etape ale trecutului - a existat o cenzura politica, una morala, una religioasa, una ideologica. Fiecare dintre acestea trebuie investigata pornind de la documentele pastrate si cercetand sursele narative cunoscute. 2. Taceri semnificative Cercetatorul epocii medievale in spatiul romanesc stie ca despre o serie de realitati ale trecutului mai indepartat este anevoie sa se discute. Nu s-au pastrat, in legatura cu acestea, decat cateva informatii vagi, ba uneori nici macar atat. Cea mai frapanta dintre acestea este prezenta femeilor. Pentru reconstituirea existentei feminine, cu multiplele ei laturi, eforturile de depus sunt duble in raport cu alte demersuri. Nici macar numele doamnelor si domnitelor nu sunt intotdeauna sigure, existand oscilatii de la un autor la altul in stabilirea lor. Cat despre datele privind identitatea mai complexa a acestora, ele lipsesc copios in marea majoritate a cazurilor. Fara indoiala, faptul se datoreaza circumstantei ca autorii timpului - reflectand o idee alimentata si de biserica - socoteau ca evenimentele din viata unei femei, oricat de suspusa ar fi fost ea, nu meritau prea multa atentie, 12

neavand relevanta publica si istorica. O asemenea conceptie, transmisa de la o generatie la alta, in cadrul unei medievalitati "masculine" prin excelenta, dupa cum o numea Georges Duby, reflecta o adevarata cenzura care functiona la nivelul categoriei carturarilor. Nici macar introducerea cultului marial ori importanta ecleziastica pe care a dobandit-o cu timpul actul casatoriei nu au modificat fundamental situatia. Cum oamenii de litere ai timpului erau educati in mediul monastic sau cu concursul direct al monahilor, nu este de mirare ca in conceptia lor a aparut si o asemenea trasatura. Dar se poate vorbi cu temei despre "cenzura" intr-un asemenea caz? Sau este exagerat sa fie numita astfel o uzanta culturala oarecum generalizata, cel putin la nivelul clasei aristocratice si a paturii culte? Observand mutatia pe care imaginarul a cunoscut-o in lumea occidentala la sfarsitul evului mediu, odata cu revolutia in gandire si sensibilitate operata de Reforma, Ioan Petru Culianu nu ezita sa se refere la ea ca la o cenzurare a debordantei imaginatii medievale, pagubita acum, prin reducerea strict controlata la rationalitate, de raporturile stranse cu fantasticul, magicul, miraculosul . Pusa in fata omisiunii din peisaj a femeii, opozitia construita de Culianu intre imaginarul dezlantuit al evului mediu, pe de o parte, si cel drastic ingradit intre limitele rationalului care ar caracteriza modernitatea, pe de alta, pare sa nu reziste. Cum se vede, medievalitatea si-a avut propriile ingradiri, si nu dintre cele mai neimportante. O alta "tacere" vinovata ce poate fi inregistrata in trecutul nostru este cea cu priviere la ereziile religioase. O disputa veche, nerezolvata inca, priveste existenta bogumilismului in tarile romane. in secolul al XIV-lea, el mai era inca atestat in Tara Romaneasca si in Banat, atat arheologic, cat si in scrieri precum cele ale lui Bartolomeu de Alverna. Iar in Moldova secolului al XVI-lea, programul antignostic al picturilor murale din ctitoriile lui Petru Rares reflecta preocuparea Bisericii de a lupta impotriva ereziei care, pesemne, era inca o realitate palpabila . in acelasi context au loc si persecutiile impotriva tuturor grupurilor de alta credinta decat cea ortodoxa initiate de domnii Moldovei, dupa toate aparentele la sugestia episcopului de Roman Macarie . in ce priveste actiunea Bisericii in aceasta directie, una dintre cele mai vechi marturii se leaga de un index al cartilor interzise din secolul al XIV-lea, redactat de Ieremia, un popa bulgar, care condamna mai multe scrieri apocrife. Desi circulatia lui printre romani poate fi demonstrata doar incepand cu 1667-1669, de cand dateaza redactia romaneasca cea mai veche, Emil Turdeanu crede ca acest index a putut circula oral si anterior , dar studiile care sa demonstreze acest lucru nu au aparut deocamdata. Tot in contextul cenzurii ecleziastice este de retinut atitudinea de damnatio memoriae exercitata impotriva unui convertit la islam cum a fost Ilias Rares (1546-1551). Numele lui a fost martelat din pisanii si din inscriptiile votive. Deschiderea unui santier de lucru menit sa elucideze formele de cenzura exersate in evul mediu si manifestarile concrete legate de acestea ar putea aduce surprize notabile in intelegerea varstei de mijloc a istoriei noastre.

Monica Ghet Sub semnul lui Creon (cenzura intre spatiul public si spatiul privat din Romania)

The Mark of Creon. Censorship between Romanian public and private space 13

Abstract: This article illustrates the ancient myth of Antigone and Creon. The modern actors of the myth are Romanian literature and communist censorship, the text emphasizing the tensionate relationship between public and private life in the context of totalitarian societies. Keywords: Censorship; Romania; Communism; totalitarian societies; fatalism Monica Ghet appeals to a comparison between the ancient myth of Antigone, her particular conflict with Creon, and the rules of censorship in communist Romania, in order to distinguish the basic confrontation in totalitarian societies between privacy and public life. Similar to Antigone's ordeal, culture and literature, taken as expressions of openminded and freewilled attitudes of humans, always facing destiny, if not gods as it so often occured, are, nevertheless, opposed to interests of power, a symbol of which becomes Creon. George Steiner ne spune ca piesa lui Sofocle, Antigona: "se roteste in jurul violentei necesare pe care schimbarea socio-politica o impune interioritatii tacute a fiintei" Daca asa stau lucrurile, orice noua reglementare introdusa prin instalarea unei puteri produce o suprapunere "a existentei private cu istoria" , o "dialectica a intimitatii si a angajamentului", a "domesticului si a vietii publice" . Daca "viata publica" este o realitate de neocolit pentru orice individ al speciei zoon politikon, confirmindu-i dimensiunea umana, aidoma stau lucrurile si cu latura mai tainica, mai adinca si mai greu lecturabila in imanenta, aceea dezvoltata in ramificatiile vietii private - mergind de la genealogie (ca bio-sociologie) pina la caile initiatice ale "Bildungsroman"-ului existentei emotional-intelectualospirituale. Se poate deduce de aici ca dezvoltarea armonioasa a personalitatii se implineste in conditiile de echilibru dintre exitenta publica si cea privata. Prea adeseori deja, experienta istoriei ori demonstratiile bazate pe statistica (in psihologia experimentala, bunaoara) au dovedit traumaticele consecinte ale excesivei inclinari a "balantei" inspre domeniul public (datoria cu orice pret - vezi nazismul, dar si comunismul, nu mai putin cruzimea legilor pietei - sau credinta oarba intr-o cauza, finalmente "procusteana") ori la fel de nefastele urmari ale fixatiei de ne-(auto)controlate asupra perceptiilor si trairilor subiectivitatii emotionale. Alteori, siguranta comunitatii/ statului e periclitata de "drepturilor omului" in calitatea elementara a acestuia de individ liber sa-si urmeze constiinta ori credinta. Acest echilibru instabil dintre interesele colectivitatii si necesitatile individualitatii a intretinut dintotdeauna tensiunea din care a luat forma tragedia greaca si unde in special Antigona lui Sofocle (de la care pleaca intregul "motiv" al "Antigonelor" tratat incepind cu Eschil /inaintea lui Sofocle/, Racine, Alfieri, Holderlin, Hegel, etc pina la Anouilh si Cocteau) ne pare ilustrativa pentru ruptura dintre putere/colectivitatea organica si solitudinea agresata a individului in abordarea unor aspecte ale totalitarismului reflectat in cultura/ literatura romana postbelica (1945-1971) Aidoma infruntarii dintre Antigona si Creon care produce un vid moral prin suprapunerea legii divine cu legea umana ori a Cetatii, cind "legea Cetatii" violeaza "dreptul" uman al dialogului cu "Divinitatea" (respectarea mortilor) - in cazul nostru, vom citi dreptul la memorie - conflictul devine insolvabil. Iubirea fraterna si datoria ce-i rezulta, inhumarea mortului nu tolereaza regula comunitatii, privilegiata in tragedia greaca de Creon. in piesa, Antogona va muri constienta ca trebuie "sa le fie mai mult de folos mortilor" decit celor temporar vii. Antigona dispretuieste "supravietuirea" in numele calitatii vietii. Iar daca viata nu-si poate implini legile firesti, ea alege moartea. Transformarea tragediei finalizata de tensiunea dintre doua legitimitati in simbol politic a fost comentata de Alfred Dblin si Charles Maurras . Ei au identificat aici resortul dilemelor specifice culturii/ civilizatiei europene: constiinta intelectuala/ individuala versus constiinta politica specifica organizarii/ reorganizarii colectivitatilor. Acelasi traseu a fost parcurs in timpul Revolutiei Franceze, dar si pe vremea Revolutiei bolsevice ori a instalarii puterii sovietice. I-au constatat cu amaraciune efectele Panait Istrati sau Artur Koestler, amindoi aflindu-se initial in interiorul acceptiunii legitimitatii regulilor statului(sovietic). Dar chiar si in aceste conditii, conform analizei lui Charles Maurras, Creon este cel vinovat fiindca "impotriva lui se afla zeii Religiei si legile fundamentale ale polis-ului". Astfel Sofocle ar vrea sa redea in mod exemplar "pedepsirea tiranului care a incercat sa se elibereze de legile 14

divine si umane." (cf. Maurras) Sub semnul acestei re-lecturi a Antigonei, ne intrebam ce se petrece cind o intreaga populatie socoteste puterea ilegitima, ea actionind in corpore asemeni unei individualitati ultragiate. Cum tensiunea nu poate fi estompata printr-un dialog "democratic" in statele totalitare, ceea ce e si cazul Romaniei dupa 1945, ea se "dezamorseaza" prin eradicarea temeiurilor conflictuale: stergerea memoriei, adica a identitatii culturale. Procedeele sunt multiple mergind de la incurajarea delatiunii in micro-grupuri comunitare (familie, cercul de prieteni, la serviciu - operatiune facilitata de varii santaje) pina la schimbarea comportamentului public dar si a celui privat pe calea terorizarii populatiei (arestari nocturne). Dar, metoda cea mai eficienta in schimbarea mentalului colectiv, avea sa se dovedeasca interdictia surselor de reper, sau sustinutul control asupra lor. Este vorba in speta de Biserica si de accesul la carte, prin cea din urma intelegind deopotriva obiectul colportor al ideilor (indezirabile) scrise, cit si rescrierea/ rastalmacirea continutului subiectelor invatamintului (scolar si universitar), amplificata de continutul agresiv propagandistic al noilor si unicelor periodice accesibile. Cu alte cuvinte, se incearca asigurarea tuturor ca "Antigona" nici n-a existat! Cenzurarea corectei informatii in scopul mentinerii puterii totalitare (pozitia "Creon") pe calea schimbarii mentalitatii populatiei (operatie intr-o considerabila proportie reusita) a focalizat atentia citorva exegeti: Adrian Marino, Paul Caravia, Bogdan Ficeac, Istvan Kiraly, Lidia Vianu, printre altii. Datele oferite de fiecare dintre acestia sunt azi lesne verificabile in biblioteci. Desigur, Bogdan Ficeac are dreptate cind, referindu-se la cazul Romaniei scrie ca pentru ideologii sistemului totalitar comunist cunoasterea ("cunoasterea inseamna putere") era socotita cel mai redutabil dusman al intentiilor lor de dominatie, si ca au "incercat s-o perverteasca", asadar sa interzica in acest scop publicatiile anterioare, "Cartea trecutului devenind, astfel, inaccesibila. Exemplele sunt coplesitoare numeric. De pilda numai in 1949 lista publicatiilor interzise luase amploarea unei brosuri de 70 de pagini, continind peste 2000 de autori (zeci de mii de carti interzise) . In cele peste 600 de pagini, lucrarea coordonata de Paul Caravia cuprinde un numar greu de contabilizat al autorilor si scrierilor "nedifuzabili/le" intre 1945-1989. Adrian Marino sustine ca prima lista a indezirabililor s-a alcatuit inca in 1945, iar lista din 1946 avea 150 de pagini cu 2000 de titluri (nu autori), iar pina la 1948 lista a crescut la peste 8000 de titluri. Adrian Marino sesizeaza totodata schimbarea clasificarilor operate in "fondul" de carte: de la uzuale, documentare si speciale in 1960, se ajunge la "fonduri" de circulatie curenta si speciala in 1967. La care se adauga permanente variabile in functie de "linia" ideologica a P.C.R. Astfel sunt perioade cind pina si "periodicele partidului, incepind cu Scanteia, nu mai sunt accesibile". Sa vedem ce tip de "indicatii generale" stau la baza acestui exil al cartii in zona "secretului" - asupra naturii caruia vom reveni. Paul Caravia enumera pentru perioada 1946-1948 sapte instructiuni generale cu toate subpunctele lor. Le insir in virtutea ideii, nu si a formei de exprimare: Se scot editii mentinute in brosura (1948). Cind lipsesc datele bibliografice indepartarea lucrarii se face pe baza numelui autorului si a titlului volumului. (Pe ce criterii ne intrebam?) Sunt interzise editii clasice pentru spiritul fascist in care s-a facut editarea. Toate manualele scolare anterioare anului 1947 "sunt din capul locului interzise". "Orice harti care inglobeaza intre granitele Republicii Populare Romane teritorii ce nu-i apartin sunt interzise (.) La fel se va proceda cu stema regala sau cu orice alte insemne ale fostei dinastii." Sunt interzise toate calendarele, almanahurile populareetc., de orice fel din perioada 1938/ 1944. Orice lucrari ale unui numar de 28 autori romani (nu-i mai mentionez) si 27 de autori straini. "Prezenta brosura ramane unic indreptar pentru identificarea si indepartarea publicatiilor fasciste. Ea va fi continuata sub forma unor brosuri suplimentare notate 1,2,3 etc.." Paul Caravia discuta si procedurile prevazute in "indreptarul" mentionat, in functie de alte "orientari" si "directive". Bunaoara, in deceniul opt, salariatii bibliotecilor erau obligati sa semneze Decretele 408/ 1985 si 6274/ 1986 unde luau la cunostinta dispozitiile privind "secretul de stat" sau "secretul de serviciu". in iulie 1988 s-a primit o lista de 152 de autori "a caror opere sunt eliminate din circuitul lecturii publice, in baza unor acte normative din august 1971, decembrie 1974, mai 1982, august 1983, octombrie 1986, iunie 1987." Urmarea acestora este eliminarea intregii opere a unor scriitori: Barutiu Arghezi, Nicolae Balota, Bodor Pal, Boranescu Lahovary, Ion Caraion, Matei Calinescu, Paul Goma, s.a.m.d. 15

Totodata, fondul "S" era gestionat de persoane special verificate de catre serviciul de cadre si de securitate (la BCU Cluj, supravecherea revenea "Colectivului 5"). In 1987 fondul "S" continea "26 549 unitati carte si 16 000 unitati periodice" aflate in curs de revizuire. Rezulta ca la fiecare adiere a unei posibile schimbari de optica in cultura, stiinta, publicistica, se adaugau in replica interdictiile consultarii lucrarilor. Inutil sa mai spun ca toti, absolut toti autorii din exil ori care se exilasera pe parcurs erau inaccesibili cititorilor. E interesant sa amintim aici un referat al cercetatoarei Tatiana Podvailova, de la Arhivele din Moscova (referat sustinut la al VII-lea Simpozion al Memorialului Sighet, 1999 si publicat in Analele Sighet 7/1999 cu titlul: Problemele controlului asupra informatiilor in contextul politicii represive a Kremlinului si a partidelor comuniste din tarile Europei de Est, 19491953 (pe baza documentelor din arhivele ruse)", pp. 418-425. Citim acolo: "Tocmai organele securitatii statului impreuna cu conducerea superioara de partid (C.C. al P.C.U.S) considera ca activitatea organelor securitatii statului a constituit unul dintre cele mai importante mijloace de control a vietii sociale din tarile acestei zone si de alcatuire a blocadei informatiilor si cu comitetele lor locale au realizat controlul informatiilor, destinate strainatatii sau sosite de peste granita tineau in miinile lor cenzura, efectuau controlul corespondentei populatiei cu strainii, a contactelor cu acestias bruiau emisiunile de radio din Europa de Vest si organizau propriile contraemisiunis efectuau periodic "curatirea" bibliotecilor de "literatura dusmanoasa" (p. 423). In ansamblu erau vizate tematicile enumarate mai sus, care se imbogateau in Transilvania cu repudierea "referirilor maghiare in legatura cu Transilvania" dar la fel de bine a oricaror referiri la istoria interbelica, cea a Basarabiei, ca si a istoriei bisericii, cu deosebire a bisericii greco-catolice. "Curatirea" necesara "corectitudinii politice" de atunci si din spatiul geografic indicat, depasea, desigur, hotarele bibliotecilor. Paul Caravia mai precizeaza ca in 1980, 50 de muzee importante din tara au "elaborat norme speciale privind continutul ideologic, modul de popularizare, cadrele, publicatiile si cercetarile efectuate." Aceleasi indicatii se adresau si lumii spectacolului, expozitiilor temporare de arta plastica, etc. In lucrarea elaborata impreuna cu istoricii Ionut Costea si Doru Radosav, Istvan Kiraly V. se intreaba, in esenta, daca ceva despre care se tace programatic mai exista. El analizeaza conceptul de "secret", legindu-l direct de "paranoia" socialismului real si-l aprofundeaza intr-un volum original prin abordare si densitate a ideilor. Simplificind, in scopul prezentului articol, pozitiile avansate (in prima lucrare) de catre profesorul de filofosie cu o notabila experienta in biblioteconomie, conturez trei nuclee ale discursului sau: 1.-secretul e greu depistabil, identificabil, deoarece legislatia in domeniu, mult prea "stufoasa" si la urma, contradictorie, nu permite o circumscriere rationala a termenului in functie de modul aplicarii sale. 2.- legea "secretului" - o secreto-manie deschide "cutia Pandorei" prin posibilitatea nelimitata a invaziei "secretului" in cel mai tern cotidian. Astfel "orice organizatie socialista de stat" isi putea insusi "categoria secretului", dezvoltata din cele mai nebanuite situatii.(cf. pp. 32-33) Dar, in special, "in secret, orice interdictie secreta ori publica poate fi incalcata!" (p. 33) 3.prin intermediul "secretului" fondurilor "S" a "instrumentalizat politic institutia bibliotecii, intr-o maniera fara precedent - nici chiar in totalitarismul fascist ori nazist unde gestul curent / epurarea se consuma "prin arderea publica a cartilor" (p. 53) Cu alte cuvinte Istvan Kiraly ne trimite aici la "sfera publica" a secretului, fiindca, asa cum s-a aratat, secretul nu dispare prin multiplicare si varietate, ci se insinueaza, de fapt, se instaleaza confortabil, chiar suveran, pe intreaga suprafata a spatiului public. Prin urmare, nu mai avem un spatiu public in acceptiunea clasica de Agora, ci o cazarma bine pazita, cu "praful de pusca" (informatia) indaratul lacatelor, tentatie numai buna pentru orice "piroman" (frustratii cuonasterii). In acest spatiu public, "Antigona" cu problematica ei individuala a disparut, caci vorba si fapta ei nu au cum sa i se opuna lui Creon, de vreme ce aparitia ei (cartea, drept suport al cunoasterii reale) e imposibila. intrebarea ramine daca ea mai exista - date fiind conditiile enumerate. {n acelasi timp, are loc o stranie mutatie de sens in strategema cunoasterii, care dupa cum prea bine se stie, vizeaza caracterul formativ al informatiei, adica e validata abia de vieta. Sa-l citam, deci pe autorul in discutie: "Razboiul cartilor este consecinta unei ofensive plasate in cassus belli si circumscrisa luptei de clasa, (.) si care va articula intreaga ideologie comunista (.)" (p. 73) Vom retine, insa, ca: "Indiferent de sfera in care se naste, privata ori publica - secretul le patrunde potrivit structurii sale categoriale. El repersonalizeaza persoanele si viata lor privata si restructureaza sfera publica in acord cu abstractiunea opozitiei sale generice fata de ea. A clasifica secretele in functie de sfera in care 16

se nasc si se instituie, inseamna a se lasa inselat de aparenta opozitiei traditionale dintre privat si public." (p. 22) Se obtine astfel o de-vitalizare a raportului nostru cu viitorul, o incapacitate de a-l imagina si modela, pentru ca secretul introduce preferential situarea in fascinatia trecutului. "Cu cat ne trimite insa secretul mai insistent in trecut, cu atat ne aflam mai dezarmati si mai indecisi fata de viitor si fata de prezentul pe care acest viitor ni l-ar deschide" (pp. 17-18) Putem zice ca avem a face aici cu o conspiratie a secretului instalat in scopuri anti-conspirationale atitudine mai veche a partidului comunist din vremea "ilegalismului". Numai ca, pe timp de normalitate, se va constata ca "regele e gol" - blocada impotriva cartilor trecutului, evidentiind un gol de percepere si reactie in sfera provocarilor prezentului si ale viitorului. Iata, asadar, ca metodele cenzurii si secretului au "necrozat", in cele din urma, aparate vitale ale organismului social, si au malformat mentalul individual. "Antigona" fusese demult ucisa, memoria gestului ei anulata, doar spectrul ei, devenit impersonal ("lupta de clasa" spre exemplu, sau dusmanii din afara ori dinauntru), se cerea invocat in beneficiul "spalarii creierului". intemnitat in "monologul" sau, "Creon" nici nu si-a dat seama, cind de atita izolare si invechire, "cazarma" a luat, totusi, foc. Se impunea, de dragul vietii, reconfigurarea distinctiei dintre spatiul public si spatiul privat.

Erika Larsson Hope through disaster Abstract: The paper deals with the impact of history on human life in general, with special focus on the perception of history by Jews during the Nazi holocaust. Keywords: History; historical consciousness; totalitarian societies; fascism; Nazi; Holocaust Without historical memory, what would become of an individual, a people, a community? Marcus Ehrenpreis "Att minnas och att glmma" Judisk Tidskrift 1940 Anyone who devotes most part of her life to history, reading, writing, teaching and thinking about this subject is pleased to find that history also matters a great deal to others ? even if it is another history for another purpose. I had not thought that much about the role history plays in other people's lives until a couple of years ago, when I started to study Jewish identity and realised the impact of history there. And if you have once noticed the importance of history in one field, its power is suddenly apparent almost everywhere. The dissertation I am working on as a Ph.D. student in history, is supposed to answer a question about the impact of history on human beings or, less pretentiously, to describe how history matters to us, how our views of past, present and future influence each other. What needs render some parts of history important, while others remain unnoticed? What does history do for us? My main interest is in the common, everyday, uses of history, not the conscious use you find, for example, in politics (although the division between the two may be vague), but history as an important part of our culture, identity and existential ideas. The concept of historical consciousness is here understood as the process through which human beings, in their everyday life, combine past, present and future ? or, in other words, their space of 17

experience with their daily life and horizon of expectations. The three dimensions of time will influence each other, so our understanding of the past affects our expectations for the future, and the other way around. In the same way, our picture of the present is important for the way in which we perceive past and present, as well as for the way in which it is created by our ideas about history and future. Thinking about the past is an inevitable part of the human way of looking at life. No one can refrain from using history as a point of reference in life. Stories about history are necessary for our identity and sense of belonging. Thus everyone, regardless of his or her quality of knowledge about the Black Death or the fall of Masada, has a historical consciousness. It is of less importance if the events included in the space of experience are considered scientifically true or not. Historical consciousness can be built on novels or myths, as well as on historical narratives produced by scholars. The main issue is whether they are considered to be true in some sense. This also implies that there is no such thing as a human being without a sense of history. In Sweden you commonly come across the expression "historiels" ("without history"), used to denote a person, probably a student, considered to lack sufficient historical knowledge ? therefore also considered to be more susceptible to totalitarian ideologies and other unpleasant complaints. Of course there are people with inadequate knowledge about history, people who would probably find increased insights in history both pleasing and useful, but this does not mean that they lack a sense of history or a historical consciousness altogether. My "dissertation to be" will not prevent misapplications of history. Even if such a thing were possible, I would no doubt refrain from doing so. I think that if history is to be valuable, it has to be used for something. Historical narratives endowed with an existential meaning have an important purpose to achieve, even if they are not compatible with what is considered absolute truth, something I hope to be able to show in the what follows. That I am considering Jews is not due to any idea about Jews being more connected to the past, or especially apt be stuck in memories, or to an expectation of exquisite historical knowledge amongst that group. Jews are not, of course, even a uniform assembly, all sharing the same opinions. Thus I won't be able to say anything about how the Jewish community at large. However, that does not bother me particularly, since my main intention is to show how history matters, through what I consider to be a well-chosen example. Jewish tradition has been devoted to preserving memory. God reveals himself to man through his appearance in history, and remembering the past thus is the only way to find out about God. There is a purpose, God's purpose, with history, which is therefore meaningful. Many scholars studying Judaism have described the Jews as the "inventors" of meaning in history: "As for the Jews, they invented history as an existential dimension of man in time." The Swedish chief-rabbi Marcus Ehrenpreis claimed in 1939 that "history /./ [is] basically a religious concept, since it implies that there is a system in what is happening." Thus, I have reason to believe that one can find interesting reflections concerning history in the Jewish tradition. Another reason for studying the Jewish group is that it is a minority which has preserved its identity for a very long time in spite of an otherwise far-reaching assimilation to the majority culture. The collective memory has probably played an important part for this identification. In an issue of the Swedish-Jewish monthly magazine Judisk Tidskrift from 1940, Marcus Ehrenpreis writes: "Normal peoples, who live on their historical ground, carry this living memory of the past within, as well as looking at it; memorials, buildings, ancient sites, landscape, bear witness to the being of the nation, to its growth, victories and failures. Israel, who has been chosen to live scattered among other nations for thousands of years, has, more than these nations, been left to keeping the historical memory alive. No word is pronounced with more emphasis in our Sacred Scripture, than the word s a c h o r, remember. Our holidays, our ceremonies and symbols, as well as many of our prayers, are, to a lesser degree, religious or dogmatic in their purpose; they are primarily thought to be a kind of historical teaching, preserving the memory of the past, not allowing the connection with history to slacken." In Sweden there are very few studies dealing with expressions of historical consciousness ? although the concept often turns up in theoretical articles, curricula, and public debates. This is partially due to the fact that it is not quite easy to implement. Where do you trace the marks of historical consciousness in real life? 18

I have chosen to consider my dissertation also as an opportunity to find out which sources might be available for surveys of this kind. During the 20th century, and this is the period I intend to study, there were several Jewish magazines, sermons and of course rituals, traditions and tales. Since the 1950s there has also been a Jewish school in Stockholm, and, in recent years, there have also appeared monuments and a Jewish museum. In this essay I will, however, mainly be concerned with the example of the magazine Judisk Tidskrift and its founder Marcus Ehrenpreis, during the 1930s and 1940s. Judisk Tidskrift was published between 1928 and 1964, usually in monthly issues. Most of the time, and throughout all the years during the period I am concerned with here, Marcus Ehrenpreis was the chief editor and also the writer of many articles, often sermons held in the synagogues of Stockholm and Norrkping. Marcus Ehrenpreis, who was born in Lemberg (Lvov) in 1869 and later became chiefrabbi in Sofia before he was summoned to Stockholm in 1914, had been engaged in the Zionist movement and had participated in the first Zionist Congress in Basel, 1897, as one of Herzl's assistants. In Stockholm many were probably expecting him to continue his work for the Zionist movement, but Ehrenpreis decided to cut down on his international engagements ? disappointing a few but probably pleasing the majority of assimilated Jews in Stockholm. That he still cherished ideals close to what is commonly called Cultural Zionism is obvious, not least in Judisk Tidskrift, although this is Cultural Zionism unusually focused on religion. Striking in Ehrenpreis' sermons, as well as in other of his writings, is the important role of history. In an extra-issue of Judisk Tidskrift published to celebrate Ehrenpreis' 75th birthday, Ragnar Josephson, professor in the history of art, points to the rabbi's effective use of history and to the fact that, contrary to historians proper, he was able to turn history into something other than plain knowledge ? "Knowledge is many things, but still just knowledge." Josephson also provides the reader with a description of how Ehrenpreis uses history: "It is the secret of historical writings, that they can create grandeur and spirituality from sufferings, and sorrow and disaster, from meanness and destruction /./ Because they point towards other forces, forces that will never be depressed, but will always break through to help, heal and give hope." The main problem demanding attention in Judisk Tidskrift in the 1930s and 1940s was, quite obviously, the Nazi Machtbernahme in Germany, their persecution of Jews there and later in other occupied territories. The contributors to the magazine seemed to take upon themselves the task of keeping up hope within the Swedish Jewry. So did Marcus Ehrenpreis in his essays and sermons. This task could not have been easy, because the columnists and essayists were well aware of the precarious situation of the Jews under Nazi domination. As early as in the mid 1930s there came out articles mentioning an extermination of Jews, even if this did not imply the same thing as today ? something that must, after all, seem very alien to human imagination. The difficulties of the time were mainly treated, especially by Ehrenpreis, through interpreting the future vis-a-vis experiences in history. Since development was considered to be fundamentally the same as it used to be in the past, the future could be understood. Now, this is nothing new to the Jewish tradition. The Mishna, commentaries to the Torah finished in the second century, provides lists of events that are similar, thereby enabling people to understand their lives and experience them in accordance to the present and to the demands of the law. The same strategy was applied, for example, by Jews in the Middle Ages, as well as later. Real persons were described by using archetypes. That, for instance, Haman and the events in the Book of Esther are not necessarily considered historically true doesn't really matter. In a beginners' or children's book about Judaism you will find an explanation telling you that the Book of Esther might not be about something that has actually happened, "But that does not make it [the story] less true. It has happened many times in many different ways. /./ Thus, even if the story about Esther didn't occur at that time and in that place, it is still real. The essayists in Judisk Tidskrift also observed similarities between past and present. The representatives of evil, Hitler and the Nazis, appeared as late followers of Pharao, the Babylonians and Haman. Especially the latter was apprehended as the number one enemy, father of all later antiSemites, and was a frequently used parallel. In 1931, for example, the historian Hugo Valentin claimed that anti-Semitism had been a constant factor in history, even if its motifs were changing, "as they ha[d] been changing from Haman to Hitler." And in a play staged in the spring of 1945 for the 19

survivors of concentration camps, Haman even looked just like Hitler ? to the great amusement of the spectators. Not only characters, but also historical events were used as models for the present. Thus the situation of Jews in Germany was compared to the slavery in Egypt, while the German Blixtkrieg was seen as a parallel to the Assyrian and Babylonian campaigns from ancient times. Kristallnacht was immediately put in the same category as other disastrous events happening on the 9th of Av, even if the date November 10th is not really the same. To be able to use these parallels, one has to accept the idea that there are fundamental similarities between the past and the present. If you don't see any likeness between your situation and the conditions of men in times prior to us ? and seeing such similarities is by no means inevitable ? it must be very difficult to use history for gaining insights into your own life. It would then perhaps be entertaining, but nothing more. Neither theologically nor philosophically does this pose any problem in Judaism, since emphasis on the continuity of time is a very basic idea. This is also observable in Judisk Tidskrift, where certain phenomena were considered eternal ? anti-Semitism, divine grace and the victory of righteousness. Even so trustful a character as Marcus Ehrenpreis despaired, or at least had doubts sometimes. He compared his task as a preacher with that of the prophet commonly called Deutero-Isaiah, in the Babylonian captivity, and claimed that the present-day situation made his work even harder. DeuteroIsaiah could foresee, or have an idea of, Cyrus, the Persian king defeating the Babylonians and allowing the Israelites to return to their land, but "the preacher today still can't see any signs of Cyrus." Disasters like the captivity were difficult to handle even for the prophets, since the calamities were considered to be God's punishment brought by an erring people. Thus happiness, as well as misery, was imparted by God. Sinning led to God's punishment, while improvement returned the grace of God. Sometimes, however, the punishment seemed to lack proportions, or ? which is more interesting in this case ? improvement wasn't followed by better conditions. The prophets reconsidered their view of life, and then claimed that God might very well wait a while before he rehabilitated his people, but his grace would eventually return. Ehrenpreis did the same thing; God's saving hand was postponed but he remained confident that it would be seen, sooner or later. And here we reach what seems to be the main idea in the use Ehrenpreis and the other essayists made of history before and during World War II. The parallels are not comforting in themselves, but if one draws the consequences from them, history might be used to create a historical consciousness implying a happy future. "Memory tells us this: Your road through history began with sufferings, your travel through the ages was a walk through fire and blood, hatred and despair. You have survived Egypt, and Persia, and Rome, and the Spanish inquisition. You will also survive the devastation now brought upon you." ".the Jewish community in Poland, bravely struggling for their survival through the ages, will also outlive the disaster threatening it now ." Everyone reading Judisk Tidskrift, everyone listening to Ehrenpreis' sermons, had the key to history, they knew what had become of the events brought to mind by the parallels. All of them knew that the Israelites had been freed from slavery and taken from Egypt to the promised land, that the rule of the Babylonians had finally come to an end and that Haman had been cruelly ? yet fairly ? punished for his viciousness. It may well be that they didn't really consider these stories to be perfectly true, but they might still have thought that the narratives revealed the truth about what kind of world they were living in, the truth about the nature of God and mankind. Besides, they could easily see that all those miseries from the past had never managed to wipe out the Jewish people ? something that was used to prove that they would survive also in the future. Ehrenpreis strongly believed that righteousness would eventually be victorious, "as it has always gained victories in the past." There is also an idea about disaster never being complete, a small number of people always surviving, building something new and better after the calamities: "And this is also typical: Destruction is never complete; history does not know such a thing as total disaster, but the transforming, changing and renewal of life." That this survival does not imply physical survival for all individuals must be apparent ? claiming otherwise would be disastrous to the credibility of the writer. Instead it is a matter of survival for the 20

people as a group of individuals and ? especially with Ehrenpreis ? something he refers to as the eternal spirituality of Israel. The Jewish tradition will never disappear. In the autumn of 1945, in a sermon at Yom Kippur, he noticed that the enemies of Israel had, in spite of everything, not managed to destroy this spirituality, "that will live for ever". It is thus obvious that remembering disaster might help one to keep up hope in difficult or even hopeless times. The parallels used are those of really terrible events, and they seem to be all the more useful, the worse they are. You can't, however, use just any event. The persecution closest in time in the 1930s would be the late 19th- and early 20th-century pogroms in Russia, but they were almost never invoked and definitely not as a comforting example. The secret of a successful comparison (successful in so far as it creates hope) seems to be a matter of time passing by. Events appear to be more useful if they are viewed from a distance. How this has worked after 1945, and how it is working now, when we have reached at least some distance from the events of World War II, I can't really say ? not yet. At least some components in the memory of the Holocaust seem to have inherited ideas from Ehrenpreis and his kind ? otherwise the historical consciousness would appear to be the opposite of the one invoked by other calamities used to gain hope in the 1930s. The Holocaust was such a disastrous event that the possibility of something similar happening again always throws a dark shadow over the future. Unpleasant events such as, for example, an Anti-Semitic demonstration by neo-Nazis, is immediately reviving pictures of the 1920s in Germany and signalling a horrendous future. Using the Holocaust for pointing towards a bright future does not seem possible. Still there are some tendencies that might indicate almost such a usage in the future. A couple of years ago a monument commemorating the victims of the Holocaust was erected by the main synagogue in Stockholm. In a narrow alley between the synagogue and the congregation centre there are large stone plates inscribed with the names of thousands of murdered friends and families of the Jews in Sweden. My first visit to the synagogue occurred on a Friday evening in November some years ago. Having listened to a speech about the vigour of Judaism through the ages, I went outside and almost bumped into these names of extermination-camps and murdered individuals. I couldn't understand then why the monument had been located just outside the synagogue, and I remember thinking that it must be a terrible task to preach about the vitality of tradition to a community constantly confronted with the remains of something quite different. Today I believe that the location of this memorial is self-evident and that it is really stressing the strength in Jewish tradition. It is not only a reminder of a past disaster, not only preserving memories of loved ones, but also a witness to the continuation of Jewish life. In a way it is almost an illustration of the American Jewish theologian Emil Fackeheim's famous claim that it is the duty of every Jew to remain a Jew, so as not to grant Hitler a posthumous victory, "Mir zeinen do ? we are here, exist, survive, endure, witnesses to God and men." In Out of Africa, the Danish author Karen Blixen is retelling a tale she heard as a child, the kind of tale you draw while you are telling it. This one is about a man in a small round house and the troubles he encounters one night when his pond is damaged. The point of the story is not what is actually happening, but that the storyteller, after finishing the tale, has drawn the picture of a stork. To Blixen this is a picture of how all of us endure ups and downs, hoping perhaps to be able to see a pattern and maybe even a meaning in our lives. As we know, remembering is not only calling to mind single events, but creating memories which contain existential meaning, that is, useful memories. Mircea Eliade, a famous historian of religions, noticed that there is no culture where suffering and death are regarded as the end of everything; they are always followed by re-establishment and resurrection. O death, where is thy sting? O grave, where is thy victory? The Holocaust has had a great impact on the historical consciousness of man, Jew as well as gentile. Might it, in times to come, receive another meaning than today, and not only carry the message of death and destruction, but also give strength and hope for a better future? References Blixen, Karen. 1986. Den afrikanska farmen. Stockholm: Trevi. Brandon, Samuel George Frederick. 1965. History, time and deity : a historical and comparative study of the conception of time in religiousthought and practice, containing the Forwood lectures in the 21

philosophy andhistory of religion, delivered in the University of Liverpool, 1964. Manchester. Brody, Abraham. 1929. "Nagra notiser till Marcus Ehrenpreis biografi." Judisk Tidskrift. Jubileumshfte av "Judisk tidskrifts vnner" tillgnat Marcus Ehrenpreis pa hans sextioarsdag 1929. Ehrenpreis, Marcus. 1933. Malakis rop till tiden : tal om gammal och ny trldom. Stockholm: Bonnier. -. 1938. "Brinnande synagogor." Judisk Tidskrift. -. 1940a. "Att minnas och att glmma. Sammanfattning av tal i Stockholms och Norrkpings synagogor." Judisk Tidskrift. -. 1940b. "Om Polens judenhet." Judisk Tidskrift. -. 1948. Fragetecknet Israel : valda esser fran aren 1923 till 1948. Stockholm: Bonnier. Eliade, Mircea. 1991. The myth of the eternal return: or, Cosmos and history: Princeton university press. Fackenheim, Emil L. 1997. God's presence in history : Jewish affirmations and philosophical reflections. Northvale, N.J.: J. Aronson. Gersh, Harry. 1999. Sa hr gar det till. Judisk vardag och helg. Stockholm: Hillelfrl. Josephson, Ragnar. 1944. "Historikern, diktaren, frkunnaren." Judisk Tidskrift. Jubileumshfte tillgnat Marcus Ehrenpreis pa hans sjuttiofemarsdag. Neusner, Jacob. 1988. "Judaic Uses of History in Talmudic Times." i Essays in Jewish Historiography, edited by Ada Rapaoport-Albert. Middletown: Wesleyan University. Sauter, Willmar. 1993. "Svensk-judisk teaterhistorik." i Nya judiska perspektiv : esser tillgnade Idy Bornstein. Stockholm: Hillelfrl. Valentin, Hugo. 1931. "Judisk manadsrvy." Judisk Tidskrift. Vidal-Naquet, Pierre. 1996. The Jews. History, Memory and the Present. New York: Columbia University Press. Yerushalmi, Yosef Hayim. 1996. Zakhor : Jewish history and Jewish memory. Seattle: Univ. of Washington Press.

Stefan Borbly McCarthysmul

McCarthyism Abstract: This article analyzes the institutional and psychological dimensions of the American anticommunist hysteria of the fifties, embodied by HUAC (House Unamerican Activities Comitee) and by the McCarthysm. Keywords: American anticommunism; post-war social mentality; counter-culture Summary In the previous issue of this journal, I analyzed the evolution of the American Cold War psyche as related to the imaginary war concept launched by Mary Kaldor in her The Imaginary War. 22

Understanding East-West Conflict (Basic Blackwell, Oxford, 1990), who asserts that the climate of social stress and insecurity generated by the Cold War belligerency in the fifties was used to rearrange inner social and political values in post-war countries from Europe and Americas the threat psychosis generated by the image of the enemy the communist system in this peculiar case allowed Western governments to impose institutional and political restraints which were actually incompatible with the free functioning of a democratic society. My former paper insisted, in this respect, on the similarities between the Red Scare of 1919-20 in America, and the anticommunist purge of 1947-55, inspired by the Iron Curtain ideology launched by Winston Churchill in 1946 and by George F. Kennans containment doctrine, through his famous Long Telegram sent to the American administration from Moscow (February 22, 1946) and through his subsequent essay, The Sources of Soviet Conduct, published in Foreign Affairs in July 1947, under the mysterious signature of Mr. X. The present paper analyzes the institutional and psychological dimensions of the American anticommunist hysteria of the fifties, embodied by the HUAC (House Un-American Activities Committee), and by the so-called McCarthyism: Senator Joseph McCarthys witch hunt against communist subversion in America and the hearings of the Permanent Investigations Subcommittee of the Senate Government Operations Committee. The paper takes up Christopher Laschs term of vigilantism, coined in The Cultural Cold War: A Short History of The Congress for Cultural Freedom (in vol. Towards a New Past: Dissenting Essays in American History. Edited by Barton J. Bernstein, Pantheon Books, New York, 1968), in order to suggest that the American anticommunist hysteria of the fifties covers as Stephen Whitfield put it in The Culture of the Cold War (Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1991) a deep social post-war insecurity, marked by profound generational misunderstandings, by diffuse social mysticism and by a high quota of mental illness. The paper ends by analysing Fredric Werthams Seduction of the Innocent (1954), in order to show that the newly opened gap between the adult culture and the teen subculture indicted by Dr. Wertham for turning little children into violent monsters sets the grounds for the upcoming counter-culture of the sixties, which proves to be an open anti-political reaction against the hyper-politicised social attitudes of the fifties. Cititorul este rugat sa citeasca acest eseu in prelungirea celui despre Razboiul imaginar, publicat in numarul anterior al Caietelelor Echinox (pp. 138-154). Pornind de la o definitie lansata de catre Mary Kaldor, in The Imaginary War. Understanding the East-West Conflict (Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1990), defineam razboiul imaginar ca pe o tehnologie disciplinara cu o sintagma preluata de la Michel Foucault , care exprima si legitimeaza relatiile de putere din lumea moderna. Finalitatea razboiului imaginar concluzionam cu acest prilej, tot pe urmele lui Mary Kaldor este aceea de a mentine coeziunea sociala interna a societatilor implicate in conflict cele doua, opozitive, fiind, desigur, cea comunista si cea capitalista, occidentala -, scopul fiind domestic, nu indreptat in afara. Astfel, teza prin prisma careia mi-am redactat eseul anterior pornea de la ideea de asemenea legitimata de catre foarte supla exegeza moderna a Razboiului Rece ca blocurile ideologice aflate in conflict s-au folosit de conjunctura generala si de climatul de beligeranta iminenta intretinut de catre Razboiul Rece pentru a-si rezolva unele probleme sociopolitice si economice interne, pe care ar fi fost mai dificil sa le impuna in afara climatului de amenintare intretinut scrupulos de catre dihotomia beligeranta a timpului. Pentru partea americana cea care ne va interesa si in eseul care urmeaza, dedicat McCarthysmului -, citam in eseul anterior o opinie a lui Richard Alan Schwartz, autorul unui foarte bine documentat The Cold War Reference Guide (McFarland & Co. Inc. Publishers, Jefferson, N.C, and London, 1997), potrivit careia spaima rosie a perioadei de dupa incheierea celui de-al doilea razboi mondial modelata dupa The Red Scare a anilor 1919-1920 a introdus in societatea americana sugestia de frica sociala, pe vremea Spaimei Rosii libertatea de exprimare, activismul politic si presa (fiind) atacate si restrictionate mai mult decat oricand in timpurile de pace ale istoriei americane. Precizam, de asemenea, un detaliu institutional tulburator, si anume ca in 1950 deci inainte de isteria vanatorii de vrajitoare, lansata de catre senatorul Joseph McCarthy , Actul de Securitate Interna McCarran (The McCarran Internal Security Act) punea bazele unor tabere de concentrare pentru comunisti in Pennsylvania, Oklahoma, Arizona si California, care, desi construite, nu au fost niciodata folosite. 23

Pentru a intelege ce anume a declansat aceste gesturi extremiste, recurgem la doua seturi de argumente, cu care intram, de fapt, in economia demonstrativa a eseului nostru de acum. Primul set l-am creionat si in Razboiul imaginar, el vizand teama unor personalitati de pe palierul de decizie al Casei Albe si al institutiilor colaterale, care o deservesc, privind intrarea societatii americane, in perioada imediat urmatoare euforiei castigarii celui de-al doilea razboi mondial, in zodia unei iresponsabilitati politice si patriotice exprimate prin hedonism si consumism. Citam, in textul anterior, cartea War or Peace, din 1950, a viitorului Secretar de Stat John Foster Dulles (fratele lui Allen Dulles, seful CIA ), in care el vorbeste despre o America slabita, debilitatea fiind cauzata de o viata concentrata in exces pe cantecul de sirena parsiva al valorilor materiale, consumiste. John Foster Dulles nu e singurul care sa se teama de un asemenea glisaj spre consumism si hedonism, care putea slabi vigilenta politica si patriotica a societatii americane: teama apare in doctrina Kennan (George F. Kennan, eminenta cenusie a regimului Truman, e autorul Telegramei lungi si al celebrului articol The Sources of Soviet Conduct, semnat Mister X, publicat in numarul pe iulie 1947 al revistei Foreign Affairs) si intr-un raport confidential din 7 septembrie 1945, care a circulat numai pe coridoarele Casei Albe, prin care secretarul de stat Henry L. Stimson denunta spiritul public de hedonism si iresponsabilitate al americanilor de rand, care se cere a fi contracarat, daca America doreste sa fie pregatita sa faca fata noilor imperative politice si ideologice ale momentului. Statele Unite sunt percepute scrie analistul in nota sa ca o tara frivola, egoista, iubitoare de placere, care nu ia in serios sarcina trairii intr-o ordine internationala dura. Al doilea set de argumente ia in considerare o sinusoidala specifica din evolutia postbelica a societatii americane, pornind tot de la constanta de atitudine pe care o reprezinta hedonismul si consumismul. Ecuatia demonstreaza ca ori de cate ori consumismul si hedonismul american au atins un punct amplitudinar, a intervenit din umbra un eveniment corectiv, menit sa reintroduca lucrurile in albia fireasca a patriotismului si responsabilitatii. Istoria a fost folosita, instrumentalizata - dupa logica acestei ecuatii destul de ciudate -, pentru a sanctiona propensiunea fireasca a americanilor pentru consumism si hedonism. Secventele diacronice mai importante ale acestei evolutii sincopate sunt urmatoarele: 1. 1945-55 (aproximativ), in care propensiunea materialista excesiva a fost intrerupta de isteria vanatorii de vrajitoare lansata de catre HUAC (House Un-American Activities Committee) si de catre Senatorul McCarthys 2. euforia dezlantuita a anului 1968 (anul de apogeu al contraculturii, al miscarii hippy, al amorului liber si al halucinogenelor), sanctionata brutal de asasinarea, in acelasi an, al reverendului Martin Luther King si a candidatului la presedintie Robert Kennedy, care, dupa toate probabilitatile, ar fi castigat alegerile pentru mandatul prezidential viitors 3. anii '70, marcati de Razboiul din Vietnam si de criza ostatecilor din Irans 4. secventa lunga de prosperitate crescanda a anilor '80-'90, cu cel mai bun presedinte de care a dispus America dupa 1945 (Ronald Reagan) si cu disparitia blocului sovietic din 1991, euforia invingatorului in marea competitie istorica mondiala fiind intrerupta brutal de atacurile asupra celor doua turnuri ale World Trade Center si asupra Pentagonului, din 11 septembrie 2001. Sinusoidala aceasta mai confirma si faptul ca decisive pentru reesalonarea mentalitatii publice americane sunt doar evenimentele cu implicatii interne directe, nu si cele care, desi fac istorie , iradiaza cu preponderenta in exterior. De pilda, primului presedinte Bush (tatal celui actual), cu merite istorice, alaturi de Mihai Gorbaciov, in deconstruirea Razboiului Rece si a fostului bloc politic si ideologic sovietic, i s-a refuzat pe nedrept cel de-al doilea mandat prezidential in 1992, in ciuda unei prestante internationale remarcabile. Aceeasi sinusoidala mai explica un anumit detaliu, si anume ca intreaga miscare contraculturala, naturista, anistoricizanta si antipolitica a anilor '60, cu un punct de culminatie in 1968, reprezinta un reflex direct al anxietatii publice si al presiunii de politizare excesiva a vietii de zi cu zi, duse pana la exacerbare de care Senatorul Joseph McCarthy, de catre isteria vigilenta pe care acesta a intretinut-o, alaturi de HUAC si de alte institutii nationale si statale, carora li se adauga coercitia impusa de asentimentul public. Unei constrangeri de tip sistemic, cu o tenta puternic centralizata, adolescentii americani ai anilor '60 i-au raspuns printr-un radicalism asistemic teza care ne duce, de altfel, in miezul consideratiilor care urmeaza. McCarthy 24

JOSEPH McCARTHY (14 nov. 1908 2 mai 1957) a fost crescut in Wisconsin, la ferma de pasari a tatalui sau. Viitorul senator isi intrerupe studiile la 14 ani, reluandu-le la 20, cand termina liceul, optand apoi pentru sectia de drept a Universitatii Marquette, de unde intra in magistratura in statul de origine (cf. Thomas S. Arms: Encyclopedia of the Cold War. Facts On File, 1994, pp. 388-390 randurile de mai jos sintetizeaza, cu exceptia insertiilor, informatiile furnizate in aceasta enciclopedie). in 1942, Joseph McCarthy se ofera ca voluntar in marina, fiind trimis in Pacificul de Sud, ca ofiter de contraspionaj, de unde candideaza, fara succes, pentru Senat in 1944, ca republican, fiind ales cu doi ani mai tarziu. Cariera sa publica debordanta incepe in februarie 1950, la Wheeling (Virginia de Vest), cand dezvaluie ca este in posesia unei liste de 205 de personalitati subversive, comuniste, angajate in institutii aflate pe palierul de varf al organismelor decizionale americane (Departamentul de Stat, Casa Alba, Congresul etc.). Comisia pentru Relatii Externe al Senatului, senatul fiind dominat, la vremea respectiva, de catre democrati, infiinteaza o subcomisie pentru investigarea acuzelor si care decide, in iulie 1950, ca ele sunt nefondate. Intervine insa frecusul politic inerent, de partid, din Senat, minoritatea republicana acuzand majoritatea democrata de escamotarea adevarului. incurajat de micul succes al primei vanatori de vrajitoare si de asentimentul publicului (articulat pe fondul psihozei anticomuniste specifice doctrinei Kennan, discutata in eseul precedent), McCarthy urca stacheta, acuzandu-l de traadare, in iunie 1951, pe George C. Marshall, pe atunci ministru al apararii. Ca raspuns, Senatorul William Benton propune demararea unei anchete privind cruciadele Senatorului McCarthy, indrazneala pentru care se alege cu o incriminanta eticheta de comunist, replica lui McCarthy fiind atat de dura, incat teama de stigmatizarea purpurie patrunde insidios in toate institutiile de varf ale administratiei americane. Nici Casa Alba nu este exceptata, turnirurile declarative ale acesteia cu McCarthy fiind mai degraba prudente, decat ferme, net opozitive. Rostogolirea bulgarelui de zapada incepuse si va fi dificil de oprit, fiindca, dupa 1952, cand McCarthy isi reconfirma electoral locul in Senat, el isi asuma functia de presedinte al Subcomisiei de investigatii permanente a Senatului (Permanent Investigations Subcommittee), declansand un atac devastator asupra lui Charles E. Bohlen, propus de catre presedintele Dwight Eisenhower pentru functia de ambasador in Uniunea Sovietica. Presedintele isi impune in cele din urma candidatul, dar evita confruntarea directa cu McCarthy, circumspectie care va da nastere, ulterior, unei exegeze politice cu pareri impartite: unii analisti considera si azi ca Presedintele a procedat corect, nedorind sa-si inceapa mandatul cu o confruntare deschisa intr-o problema politica spinoasa pretinsele racolari comuniste, prin infiltrare - , iar altii, ca prin atitudinea sa ezitanta, el l-ar fi cautionat indirect pe McCarthy, dand apa la moara acestuia. Trebuie luat in calcul, pentru a adanci ambiguitatea, si climatul international in detensionarea caruia Presedintele Eisenhower era direct implicat, prin retragerea vremelnica a flotilei a 7-a americane, care separa China lui Mao de Taiwanul Kuomintangului (conducerea nationalista a Chinei, asigurata de catre Cian-Kai-sek), gest considerat de catre multi ca reprezentand o concesie facuta Chinei comuniste, fiindca survenea intr-un moment in care China era deja suficient de puternica pentru a respinge o contraofensiva a opozantului Cian-Kai-sek (31 oct. 1887-5 apr. 1975), refugiat in insula Taiwan dupa victoria definitiva a lui Mao din 1949. Eisenhower se afla, aici, ca si in confruntarile interne cu McCarthy, intre ciocan si nicovala, fiindca avea de gestionat, pe de o parte, razboiul din Coreea (caruia ii va pune capat), si, pe de alta, fiindca pe umerii sai apasa strivitor mostenirea Presedintelui Roosevelt, care il cautionase pe Cian-Kai-sek in detrimentul Chinei comuniste, recunoscandu-l ca lider unic, intratat de mult, incat va impune China nationalista ca membru cu drepturi depline al Consiliului de Securitate al ONU, spre exasperarea si protestul politic energic al celeilalte parti. Eisenhower va ramane de partea Taiwanului chiar si dupa ce chinezii comunisti vor ataca, in august 1954, insulele Quemoy si Matsu, controlate de catre rebelii nationalisti (atacul va fi repetat in 1958), insa gestul sau strategic de atunci va da nastere la multe comentarii si la nemultumiri deschise din partea regimului Cian-Kai-sek -, fiindca, drept raspuns la prima ofensiva impotriva celor doua insule, el va pune Taiwanului sub protectorat militar si defensiv american, prevazand explicit, in tratatul semnat cu acest prilej, ca Taiwanului nu va ataca China continentala decat cu acordul prealabil al 25

Statelor Unite, clauza considerata ca fiind de fapt favorabila, prin ricoseu, Chinei comuniste, pusa la adapost de un atac de hartuiala din partea unui lider care nu va inceta sa se considere conducator al Chinei autentice fiind cautionat in acest sens de multe guverne occidentale - pana la moartea sa, survenita in 1975. La inceputul anului 1953, Senatorul McCarthy acuza postul de radio Vocea Americii de sabotarea difuzarii mesajului politic liberal american, subminarea fiind pusa pe seama numerosilor comunisti voalati care actioneaza in interiorul postului (cf. Walter L. Hixson: Parting the Curtain. Propaganda, Culture, and the Cold War, 1945-1961, MacMillan, 1997, p. 52 sq). Audierile incep la New York, in data de 16 februarie 1953, accentul fiind pus pe sabotarea tehnica a postului, prin alegerea unor relee de transmisie care s-au dovedit a fi gresit amplasate, diminuand semnalul postului. intr-adevar, cu cateva luni in urma, inginerul Lewis J. McKesson fusese licentiat pentru un prejudiciu tehnic de 18 milioane de dolari, cauzat de siturile de retransmisie eronat calculate si de relee la fel de disfunctionales citat la audieri, el declara ca eroarea a fost doar tehnica, in vreme ce Senatorul McCarthy si secundantii sai, Roy Cohn si G. David Shine, vor insista agresiv pe sugestia ca amplasarea gresita a locurilor si releelor de transmisie s-a datorat unui sabotaj intern purpuriu. in saptamana a doua a audierilor scrie Walter L. Hixson (op.cit., p. 54) , accentul audierilor se muta pe acuza ca postul de radio Vocea Americii citeaza autori comunisti si personalitati din tabara socialista inamica pentru a-si redacta materialele polemice, facand in acest fel reclama indirecta sloganurilor si doctrinei de la Kremlin. Formal, oricine isi poate da seama ca nu se putea altfel, fiindca postul de radio avea ca si Europa Libera, de altfel o legitimitate preponderent polemica, citarea textelor incriminante dovedindu-se a fi indispensabila pentru un contraatac ideologic si politic plauzibil. Cu toate acestea, Secretarul de Stat John Foster Dulles anticomunist virulent, pana in maduva oaselor, cum va ramane pana la moarte (24 mai 1959, de cancer) isi va insusi incriminarea subcomisiei, dispunand ca numele purpurii si referintele citate sa dispara din sumarul programelor difuzate de catre VOA sau din corpul textelor trimise in lume pe calea undelor. Aceasta concesie dovedea faptul ca varful puterii executive americane devenise foarte precaut in a-l contracara pe McCarthy, succesul relativ facandu-l pe acesta sa devina si mai violent. Pe de alta parte, analistii sunt azi aproape unanim de parere ca interdictia a slabit impactul stiintific de moment al postului, neputinta de a-l cita pe preopinent dand nastere unei retorici paralele, doar indirect confruntative. McCarthy isi va continua cruciada in aprilie 1953, cand Subcomisia de investigatii a Senatului pe care o conducea lanseaza un atac impotriva ... bibliotecilor din ambasadele americane din Europa, pe motivul ca ele ar pastra pe rafturi literatura de inspiratie comunista, subversiva. Doi membri mai tineri ai Subcomisiei, consilierul-sef Roy Cohn (temut pentru iesirile sale intempestive) si consultantul G. David Shine (ambii de trista faima) calatoresc peste tot in Europa, viziteaza bibliotecile tuturor ambasadelor americane, controlul agresiv panicand Departamentul de Stat, care da dispozitii ca toate volumele subversive (inclusiv cele scrise de catre autori celebri) sa fie sortate si literalmente arse. Isteria bibliotecilor subversive incinerate se extinde, in interior, asupra campusurilor studentesti, unde numeroase capete infierbantate recurg la lustratii ignic similare, sustinute frenetic de catre presa si incurajate tacit de catre autoritati, cu o singura exceptie Presedintele insusi , care le cere studentilor sa nu participe la campania de punere pe foc a cartilor. Sugestia prinde, dar nu peste tot. HUAC E de mentionat, in acest punct, un detaliu asupra caruia m-am oprit in trecere si in eseul precedent, si anume ca isteria audierilor senatoriale ale subcomisiei de investigatii conduse de catre Senatorul Joseph McCarthy care-si extinsese intre timp tentaculele si asupra ofiterilor superiori din armata, creand si aici panica se desfasura in paralel cu activitatea similara a celebrului HUAC (House UnAmerican Activity Committee Comitetul Parlamentar pentru Investigarea Activitatilor NonAmericane), infiintat in 1945 cu scopul de a depista prezenta subversiunii comuniste pe teritoriul Statelor Unite. A functionat neverosimil aproape pana in anul 1975, influentand din umbra nu numai viata publica, dar si activitatea organelor de imigrare, foarte atente la sugestiile Comitetului. HUAC, condus de catre onorabilul Karl Mundt la inceput, membru al Camerei Reprezentantilor, si-a flexat primii muschi sugerand ca in unele institutii ale Executivului de la Washington D.C. lucreaza 26

simpatizanti comunisti infiltrati, insa acuza a fost usor respinsa de catre cei in cauza si de catre Presedintele Truman. Bomba HUAC-ului avea sa fie lansata insa in anul 1947, foarte subtil, intr-un mediu la care nimeni nu se astepta, dar la care opinia publica americana era extraordinar de sensibila: industria cinematografica de la Hollywood. Efectul este devastator: nume mari ale filmului american sau mondial (cineasti, scenaristi, actori) sunt convocate la audieri, multi dintre cei incriminati pierzandu-si posturile sau fiind tratati ulterior circumspect de catre angajatori. In 1947, HUAC opereaza prin confruntare, convocand la audieri 25 de martori de partea acuzarii, si 10 (de fapt 11, ultimul fiind Bertolt Brecht, care depune marturie pe motivul ca e non-american, spre deosebire de ceilalti) pe banca acuzatilor. The Hollywood Ten - cum sunt cei din urma cunoscuti in exegeza - se compunea din: scenaristii Alvah Bessie, Lester Cole, Ring Lardner Jr., John Howard Lawson, Albert Maltz, Sam Ornitz, Dalton Trumbo, din regizorii Herbert Biberman si Edward Dmytryk si din producatorul Adrian Scott. (Cf. Richard A. Schwatz: Cold War Culture. Media and the Arts, 1945-1990, Facts on File, Inc., New York, 1998, pp. 140-142.) De partea cealalta a baricadei, unde se aflau martorii prietenosi, chemati sa identifice urme ale simpatiilor comuniste la Hollywood, se aflau nume de rezonanta: Jack Warner (unul dintre proprietarii studioului Warner Bros), Louis B. Mayer (de la MGM), actorii Ronald Reagan (viitorul presedinte), Gary Cooper, George Murphy, Robert Taylor, Robert Montgomery, scenarista Ayn Rand sau regizorul Walt Disney (ibid., p. 141). Audierile s-au desfasurat, procedural, disproportional, Cei 10 (al 11-lea fiind, cum spuneam, Bertolt Brecht, care a raspuns la intrebari, fiind oaspete in SUA) au refuzat sa se supuna interogatoriului privind crezul ideologic si politic, documentele inregistrand doar parerile incriminatorilor, consecinta audierilor fiind incarcerarea mai multor acuzati si alcatuirea unei redutabile liste negre, cu nume indezirabile de a mai face parte din diferite echipe de lucru si de turnare. O alta lista neagra cuprindea titlurile de filme in care figurau dialoguri, scene sau franturi de fraza considerate a fi comuniste. Hollywood-ul a ramas in vizorul suspiciunii pana in 1951-52, cand audierile au reinceput, sub presedintia onorabilului John Wood, care preluase intre timp conducerea HUAC-ului. De data aceasta, ele s-au distins prin numarul urias al celor citati si incriminati direct sau indirect -: sute de persoane, majoritatea cu nume de notorietate, foarte indragite de catre spectatori. in cele din urma, lista neagra a inclus 212 nume, cazul cel mai cunoscut fiind acela al scriitorului Arthur Miller, care, neinvocand in fata Comitetului cel de-al Cincilea Amendament al Constitutiei americane conform caruia nimeni nu poate depune marturie impotriva lui insusi - , a fost amendat cu 500 de dolari si a primit o sentinta de 30 de zile de inchisoare, cu suspendare (cf. Schwartz, op. cit., p. 143). Spionita lansata de catre comitet continua in 1952, la Universitatea Harvard si la MTI (Massachussets Institute of Technology) ambele fiind centre academice-etalon, cum sunt, de fapt, si astazi. in 1953, suspiciunea isterizata se extinde asupra intregului sistem scolar si educativ american, creand panica uriasa: din nou, sute si sute de oameni isi pierd postul sau sunt retrogradati, pentru simplul fapt de a fi fost aratati cu degetul, fara ca vina lor sa fie dovedita documentar sau juridic. Isteria culmineaza in noiembrie 1953 cu citatii trimise de catre HUAC fostului presedinte Truman (Dwight Eisenhower preluase intre timp fraiele Casei Albe), fostului Secretar de Stat James Byrnes si fostului Procuror General James Clark, acuzati de a-l fi angajat si sustinut pe simpatizantul comunist Harry Dexter White, descendent al unei familii de imigranti lituanieni, inalt functionar guvernamental si presedinte al Fondului Monetar International, decedat in 1948. Cei trei citati refuza sa se supuna audierilor, fiind sustinuti in acest sens si de catre noua administratie. in 1954, speranta celor care credeau ca HUAC va aluneca pe toboganul dispretului odata cu dezavuarea legislativa formala a Senatorului Joseph McCarthy va fi infirmata: HUAC va prelua multe dintre prerogativele senatoriale ale subcomisiei de trista faima a lui McCarthy, dar va lucra mai ponderat, fara accese isterice sau acuze necontrolate. McCarthy: filmul sfarsitului Prin conjugarea acestor doua parghii de presiune, un detaliu devine limpede: si anume, ca nici activitatea HUAC, nici isteria anticomunista a Senatorului Joseph McCarthy si a asistentilor sai, pigmentata cu audieri intens mediatizate si cu arderi de carti spectaculoase, bine stropite cu ura, n-ar fi fost posibile fara asentimentul relativ al unei bune parti a populatiei, a carei judecata fusese grav 27

viciata de climatul de ostilitate ideologica exacerbata intretinut de catre Razboiul Rece. in rasfatul oglinzii favorabile pe care i-o tinea publicul fiecare audiere a subcomitetului condus de catre Senator se bucura de mustoase comentarii de presa si de intense mediatizari radiofonice, bun prilej de a intretine psihoza populara a vigilentei si a purificarii - , McCarthy lanseaza, in noiembrie 1953, un atac rebel impotriva Presedintelui Eisenhower, acuzat de a fi fost prea moale in eliminarea comunistilor si a simpatizantilor comunisti din Executiv. Acesta raspunde ferm, dar are, in continuare, mainile legate si cuvintele voalate de surdina: stilistica timpului il cautiona pe adversar... Toboganul pe care aluneca in cele din urma vindicativul Senator si subcomisia pe care o patrona e inaugurat tot in noiembrie 1953, cand McCarthy incepe sa investigheze apartenenta politica a dentistului militar Irving Peress, maior in unitatea de la Camp Kilmer si membru al Partidului American al Muncii (American Labor Party), cu o orientare evident de stanga (descoperita intre timp de armata, care declansase procedura de eliberare din rang). Maiorului Irving Peress nu i se cunostea afilierea politica, fiindca atunci cand isi semnase certificatul de loialitate, invocase cel de-al cincilea amendament al Constitutiei Americane. Citat de catre Senatorul McCarthy, pentru a aparea in fata Subcomisiei de investigatii a Senatului (la 30 ianuarie 1954), maiorul Irving Peress a invocat din nou, ca titlu de aparare, cel de-al cincilea amendament, insa McCarthy a perseverat, cerand deferirea sa in fata Curtii Martiale (solicitare excesiva in sine, dar plauzibila juridic, fiindca, in mod oficial, Statele Unite se aflau in stare de razboi), pentru a-l cita, in cele din urma, in fata subcomisiei pe comandantul lui Peress de la Camp Kilmer, generalul Ralph Zwicker. Senatorul s-a purtat necontrolat in timpul audierilor, acuzandu-l pe Zwicker de lipsa de loialitate si de retardare, ca unul care nu dispune decat de mintea unui copil de cinci anisori. Ca un raspuns, lobby-ul anti-McCarthy, influentat si de catre Ministrul Apararii, Robert Stevens, incepe sa functioneze cu motorul mai turat decat inainte, la inceput printr-un show televizat al lui Edward R. Murrow (in programul de mare audienta See It Now, in martie 1954), apoi prin frictiuni interne din cadrul Partidului Republican, unde se sugereaza ca o buna parte dintre congressmeni si-au retras sprijinul pentru Senatorul McCarthy. in cele din urma dar in acest caz decisiv ,nemultumirile privind procedeele antidemocratice utilizate de catre senator devin culpe publice prin vocea vicepresedintelui Richard Nixon, care critica deschis metodele inchizitoriale utilizate de catre McCarthisti (numele Senatorului nu a fost mentionat). McCarthy a replicat dur, atacand din nou armata, ceea de a dus la o noua campanie de audieri initiate de catre Subcomisie, de data aceasta indreptate exclusiv impotriva corpului ofiteresc, intinse pe o perioada mai lunga: 22 aprilie 17 iunie 1954. Orchestratorii demolarii Senatorului McCarthy s-au folosit indeajuns de subtil de... orgoliul nemasurat al tintei, cerand, intr-o prima instanta, ca audierile sa fie televizate in direct, spre bucuria deschisa a Senatorului, dar si spre imensa deceptie a publicului american, care a vazut pe viu scene de isterie verbala si comportamentala pe care le credea ca fiind inimaginabile sub cupola sacra a Capitoliului. Rezultatul?: Statul Wisconsin, pe care McCarthy il reprezenta, solicita revocarea sa, cu o lista de 400.000 de semnaturi, procesul punerii pe linie moarta a Senatorului Joseph McCarthy finalizandu-se la 2 decembrie 1954, cand Senatul voteaza, in proportie de 67 la 22, in favoarea licentierii sale. In acest moment, McCarthy, intempestiv si debalansat psihic ca de obicei, savarseste inca o greseala, reorientandu-si gratuit acuzele impotriva Presedintelui Eisenhower, ceea ce a consfinteste oprobriul public quasi-general. Demoralizat, Senatorul continua, cu forte scazute, lupta de hartuiala din interiorul Senatului (al carui membru ramasese), murind, in cele din urma, la 2 mai 1957. Vigilantismul Toti analistii McCarthysmului sunt de acord in privinta faptului ca Senatorul Joseph McCarthy nu a inaugurat el insusi o isterie nationala, ci s-a folosit, ca trambulina de propulsare, de o atmosfera de beligeranta simbolica deja existenta, aproape generalizata, care se revendica de la doctrina cortinei de fier, lansata de catre Churchill in martie 1946 si de la misteriosul text The Sources of Soviet Conduct (Radacinile comportamentului sovietic), publicat de catre George F. Kennan in revista Foreign Affairs, sub semnatura Mr.X. (detaliu discutat de altfel si in textul meu precedent). Termenul central al articoului spuneam si atunci este containment (indiguire), sugerand necesitatea identificarii si izolarii 28

comunistilor din societatea americana, care ar fi dupa spusele textului contaminata de o puzderie de agenti subversivi si destabilizatori. George F. Kennan fiind o eminenta cenusie a Casei Albe, e usor de inteles motivul pentru care misteriosul sau text a devenit ideologie executiva. Christine Lindey (Art in the Cold War: From Vladivostok to Kalamazoo, 1945-1962, Herbert Press, London, 1990, p. 9) mentioneaza si un alt detaliu al contextului, sintetizabil prin ceea ce am putea numi nevoia de cenzura. Paradigma de functionare a democratiei americane spune Lindey este, prin definitie, incompatibila cu orice act de limitare a libertatii si opiniei unei persoane, ceea ce exclude din start infiintarea vreunui organism guvernamental sau administrativ de exercitare a cenzurii publice. Ca o consecinta sugereaza Lindey ,viata publica americana a intretinut dintotdeauna un climat informal de cenzura, axat pe asentimentul popular, pe oprobriul public, pe stigmatizare publica sau pe autocenzura, cu reverberatii microcomunitare foarte puternice (izolarea spontana a suspectului de catre rude, vecini si cunoscuti, indiguirea sa de catre fostii prieteni, presiunea psihologica exercitata de catre institutiile cu care venea in contact servicii, autoritati -, sau de catre colegii de serviciu). McCarthysmul a conferit coerenta majora, senatoriala, unei asemenea psihoze difuze, ceea ce duce la o dezvoltare diacronica duala a fenomenului: desi, sub aspect formal, institutional, audierile subcomisiei coordonate de catre Senator au incetat in 1954, samanta aruncata de catre acesta in solul fertil al suspiciunii a trait mult timp dupa aceea, cu forta unei constante atitudinale, de ordin institutional, personal sau comunitar. De fapt, cum aminteam, HUAC a preluat, intr-un stil moderat, numeroase teme tratate pana atunci mult mai radical de catre McCarthy si subcomisia pe care o gira, ducandu-le mult dincolo de valul de contracultura din deceniul 7. Christopher Lasch (The Cultural Cold War: A Short History of The Congress for Cultural Freedom, in vol. Towards a New Past: Dissenting Essays in American History. Edited by Barton J. Bernstein, Pantheon Books, New York, 1968, pp. 322-359) numeste acest fenomen de cenzura difuza, diseminata, vigilantism, cu extensiile calitative de rigoare: vigilantism cultural, politic, institutional, comunitar etc. Vigilantismul se propaga sugereaza teza pe calea asentimentului popular, comunitar, avand drept suport functional psihologia sociala preventiva. Un om cazut sub incidenta acestei psihoze de lustratie suspicioasa devine inevitabil victima, persoana stigmatizata, pe care, de pilda, o institutie sau o firma ezita s-o angajeze, fiindca nimeni nu se oboseste sa intreprinda expertiza juridica prealabila a acestei suspicionari, pentru a stabili temeinicia sau, dimpotriva, netemeinicia sa: simpla aratare cu degetul este de ajuns. Sistemic, functionarea vigilantismului e cautionata si de mecanismul insusi al justitiei (e un cerc vicios foarte perfid aici!), fiindca, formal, un om suspicionat de subversiune antistatala poate scapa de tinicheaua care i s-a agatat de coada numai prin intermediul tribunalului, printr-o decizie judecatoreasca favorabila. Pentru a o obtine, el trebuie sa initieze procesul, care presupune implicit, dincolo de cheltuieli personale foarte mari, punerea in cauza a propriei sale integritati morale si civice, prin audierile pro si contra carora trebuie sa le faca fata. Denumirea HUAC (House Un-American Activities Committee) confirma si ea, printr-un mic detaliu subtil, dimensiunea psihozei anticomuniste lansate in anii '40-50'. Comitetul asimila suspiciunea de a fi comunist sau de a nutri convingeri sau simpatii comuniste unei activitati non-americane (nu antiamericane), sugerand ca simpatia purpurie aduce atingere calitatii de american, nereprezentand cum ar fi fost firesc sa fie doar o activitate orientata impotriva Americii si a intereselor acesteia. Logic, ecuatia opozitiva la care se recurge aici stipuleaza ca un american autentic nu poate fi comunist, incompatibilitatea fiind nu numai politica, ci si ontologica. Aceste detalii nu sunt simple subtilitati exegetice, fiindca pe nuantele instituite de ele s-au elaborat, ulterior, rituri colective de lustratie. De pilda, in Mesajul din 1954 adresat natiunii, Presedintele Eisenhower a sugerat ca simpatizantilor comunisti si comunistilor sa li se retraga cetatenia americana. (cf. Stephen Whitfield: The Culture of the Cold War, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1991, p. 14). Autorul (ibid., p. 14) mentioneaza ca, in urma acestei sugestii, Universitatea Harvard a declansat un sondaj de opinie la scara nationala, care a demonstrat ca 80% din populatie era de acord cu sugestia presedintelui, 52% era de parere ca toti comunistii trebuie trimisi dupa gratii, iar 77% ca trebuie sa li se interzica accesul la posturile de radio (televiziunea neraspandindu-se inca foarte mult, radioul era, alaturi de presa, mijlocul media care actiona cel mai eficient asupra populatiei). Translarea suspiciunii de pe palierul politic pe cel profesional, indiferent de calitatile intrinseci sau de performanta impricinatului, e ilustrata spune Christopher Lasch (op. cit., p. 337) si de activitatea 29

Comitetului American pentru Libertate Culturala (The American Committee for Cultural Freedom primul presedinte a fost Sidney Hook), care a adoptat in 1951 urmatoarea pozitie oficiala evident, abuziva, dar foarte eficienta... , referitoare la mediul academic (campusurile universitare erau in vizorul tuturor, ca pepiniere ale convingerilor de stanga): Un membru al partidului comunist transgreseaza canoanele responsabilitatii academice, isi angajeaza intelectul in servitute, descalificandu-se implicit sub aspect profesional in a-si exercita atributiile de savant si de profesor. Stephen Whitfield mentioneaza in acest sens si un alt abuz isteric, apartinand congressmanului Donald L. Jackson (republican din California), care a obiectat public impotriva participarii compozitorului sovietic :ostakovici la Conferinta Culturala si stiintifica pentru Pace de la New York (1949), printr-o declaratie mustoasa, indelung mediatizata: :ostakovici are acelasi drept de a participa la o conferinta culturala pe care il are si un sarpe cu clopotei de a se apropia de altarul unei biserici (Whitfield, op. cit., p. 14) O societate vulnerabila Analizand climatul social in care prolifereaza isteria anticomunista din anii '50, Stephen Whitfield se opreste asupra unor detalii de sistem unele neplacute, chiar si azi -, care demonstreaza ca anticomunismul popular din anii respectivi a fost orchestrat subtil din culise, pentru reglarea unor disfunctionalitati sociale si psihologice interne (adica: exact teza lui Mary Kaldor, din The Imaginary War, pe care am discutat-o in eseul anterior si sumar in paragrafele de pornire, puse intre paranteze drepte, ale prezentului eseu). Primul detaliu vizeaza sincretismul dintre suspiciunea politica si cea rasiala, intr-un moment in care, pe fondul de stabilitate asigurat de incheierea celui de-al doilea razboi mondial, miscarea de emancipare a negrilor inregistreaza o recrudescenta. FBI-ul scrie Whitfield se dovedea a fi foarte prompt in a pune semnul egalitatii intre optiunea cuiva pentru egalitate rasiala si subversiunea politica. (op. cit., p. 21). Whitfield mentioneaza, in continuare, cercetarile sociologului David Riesman, conform carora, spre inceputul anilor '50, societatea americana inregistreaza, la nivel macrocomunitar, o translatie de la introvertire sociala (pricinuita de razboi) la extrovertire, isteria anticomunista si cultura vigilanturii pentru a recurge din nou la formula lui Christopher Lasch functionand ca mecanisme informale, insidioase de cenzura pe ansamblul hedonismului extrovertit, iresponsabil, nevigilent al majoritatii populatiei. Ecuatia lui Riesman mai sugereaza si un alt aspect, pe care-l putem aplica si la alte societati, chiar si la cele foste comuniste, care s-au desprins din blocul socialist dupa anul 1989: si anume ca o societate victorioasa dezvolta o vulnerabilitate holistica specifica, uneori chiar mai acuta decat vulnerabilitatea pe care o acuza o societate invinsa. La cea dintai, victoria se converteste, aproape intotdeauna, intr-un proces de slabire a retelei sociale, fortele centrifuge fiind mai puternice decat cele de conservare si de coeziune, pe cand o societate infranta isi strange de regula randurile dupa experienta negativa care i-a afectat existenta, punand in miscare o solidaritate retractila deosebita. Vulnerabilitatea postbelica a societatii americane este ilustrata spun specialistii si prin cautionarea superioara a religiei (a misticului) in raport cu politicul. In secolul 20 spune Whitfield (ibid., p. 83) , afilierea formala la biserica n-a atins nicicand si nu va atinge niciodata amplitudinea inregistrata in anii '50. Pe de alta parte, creste spectaculos, in aceeasi perioada, numarul bolnavilor psihici, numarul internarilor in spitalele de boli nervoase dublandu-se in epoca (ibid., p. 84). in 1956, numarul bolnavilor psihici internati il dubla pe acela al celorlalti bolnavi laolalta, consumul de pilule antidepresive si tranchilizante intrecand, in perioada 1953-56, cifra de 1 miliard. (ibid., p. 84) Epoca genereaza un guru bun la toate si mai ales la tamaduirea ranilor de suflet -, in persoana Reverendului Norman Vincent Peale, societatea americana inregistrand dupa aceea, pana in anul 1968 (intr-un deceniu de amplitudine a contraculturii, a generatiei beat, a miscarii hippy si a LSD-ului propovaduit de catre Timothy Leary) o continua progresie a nevoii de guru, necesitatea marcand un foarte pronuntat indice de nesiguranta sociala, macrocomunitara. Probabil cea mai populara carte a deceniului 1951-60 scrie Whitfield (op. cit., p. 84) a fost The Power of Positive Thinking (Forta de a gandi pozitiv), care substituie in preferinte The Guide to Confident Living din 1947, care ajunsese sa fie, in 1952, cea mai citita carte din America, dupa Biblie (Whitfield, op. cit., p. 84). Teologia anilor '50 conchide autorul (p. 30

87) s-a bazat mai putin sa spunem pe argumentatia lui Thomas de Aquino privind existenta lui Dumnezeu si mai mult pe convingerea ca religia era in mod virtual sinonima cu nationalismul american. Tom Engelhardt (The End of Victory Culture: Cold War America and the Disillusioning of a Generation, Basic Books, New York, 1995) analizeaza atat consecintele administrative ale acestei psihoze a calului troian, bazata pe convingerea ca dusmanul, ascuns, nevazut, se afla deja in cetatea noastra, cat si efectul de secretizare institutionala pe care acesta psihoza l-a generat, cu precadere la nivelui CIA si FBI. in 1947 precizeaza Engelhardt (op. cit., p. 118) -, CIA avea 100 de angajati: peste doua decenii, numarul lor ajunge la 16.000, dintre care anii '50 isi asuma, ca cifra de angajare, vreo 810.000. Cresterea e spectaculoasa, si nu mai trebuie comentata. O analiza mai subtila merita insa sugereaza Engelhardt celalalt aspect, al secretizarii institutionale. Prin definitie si prin cutuma democratica, o institutie americana care deserveste cetateanul este eminamente deschisa. si azi, institutiile federale pot fi, fara exceptie, vizitate, fiind deschise publicului, cu minime restrictii impuse de protocolul intern specific si de program. Exista, insa, o constanta asincrona in aceasta permisivitate, dictata de raportul fluctuant dintre segmentul transparent al unei institutii si cel secret, inaccesibil marelui public. in epoci de criza cum se intampla si azi, dupa atacurile teroriste din 11 septembrie 2001 - , cumpana se inclina inspre jumatatea secreta a balanteis dimpotriva, in epocile de stabilitate democratica asa cum s-a intamplat in timpul presedintiei lui Ronald Reagan, de pilda , talgerul transparent al balantei era mai greu decat cel secret. in anii '50, psihoza sociala potrivit careia dusmanul actioneaza din interior, camuflat, sub acoperire, fiind disimulat in spatele unei masti inselatoare, a cautionat spune Engelhardt (p. 120) practica secretizarii institutiilor de aparare si de propaganda americane, guvernarea dobandind dreptul de a avea o fata publica si una umbrita aceasta din urma fiind mult mai mai protejata decat prima. Simbolul acestei duplicitati il constituie fratii Dulles: Allen (director CIA), John Foster Secretar de Stat. Malcolm X Reamintim si de data aceasta ca procesul secretizarii benefice a fost declansat de catre George F. Kennan, prin faimosul sau text de presa semnat Mr. X (v. supra). Procesul odata pornit a dat nastere la mimetisme spectaculoase, un caz foarte cunoscut fiind acela al militantului de culoare Malcolm Little (supranumit Satan in detentie), arestat pentru jaf, care-si schimba numele in Malcolm X, metamorfoza sugerand cel putin doua lucruri la nivelul intentiei onomastice ostentative: 1. abandonarea etichetei de om mic (Little) si 2. asumarea unei ascendente africane necunoscute, altfel spus (ceea ce suna deja subversiv...): sugestia de descendenta genetica non-americana, extinsa apoi asupra unei intregi rase, cea a negrilor. Nascut in 1925, in Omaha, Nebraska, Malcolm Little va fi asasinat in data de 21 februarie 1965, activismul sau in favoarea puterii negre (black power e o sintagma pusa in circulatie de catre Stokely Carmichael cf. America in the Sixties. Right, Left, and Center. Edited by Peter B. Levy, Praeger, Westport, Connecticut London, 1998, p. 87) fiind mult mai radical si mai vehement in retorica decat acela al Reverendului Martin Luther King, ucis si el in 1968. Seducerea inocentilor Secretizarea are, ca tehnica sociala, pe langa beneficii institutionale evidente, si o dimensiune reziduala, concretizata in sentimentul difuz, dar foarte insidios si persistent ca o parte a societatii scapa de sub control, intra in penumbra incontrolabila a perimetrului de vigilenta, sau ca dispare de-a dreptul in intuneric, se ascunde. Vom incheia eseul de fata cu analiza unui asemenea caz, de asemenea celebru, dar si apocaliptic: volumul Seduction of the Innocent (Seducerea inocentilor), al doctorului Frederick (sau Fredric, depinde de grafie) Wertham (Rinehart, New York, 1954). Wertham a fost un pedagog si psihiatru newyorkez apocaliptic, punand bazele primei clinici psihiatrice din Harlem. In cartea sa din 1954, care s-a bucurat de un foarte mare succes de public la data aparitiei, el e interesat de efectul psihologic si educativ devastator pe care desenele animate din presa si din cartile specializate (comicsuri) il au asupra copiilor americani. Sub influenta acestor acte de violenta generate comercial scrie Wertham - , copiii nostri pot fi transformati in mici monstri, practicanti ai unei 31

subculturi deviante, de gasca si de generatie, extrem de periculoase pentru echilibrul psihic general al comunitatilor rurale si mai ales citadine (apud Engelhardt, op. cit., p. 134). Aceasta contaminare alienanta se petrece scria infiorat Wertham sub ochii aparent protectori ai parintilor, bucurosi sa-si stie odraslele acasa, cu o carte sau cu o revista respectabila in mana, in loc ca ele sa umble haihui pe strazi. Ceea ce se intampla in realitate este insa terifiant spune tenebros Wertham -, fiindca, citind aceleasi carti, in serie, pe care parintii nu le mai verifica, convinsi fiind ca, de vreme ce au primit girul unei edituri americane, ele sunt potrivite pentru odrasle, copiii se solidarizeaza pe nesimtite intr-o subcultura generationista alternativa, saturata de violenta si de nemultumire, otravita, demoralizanta, rupta insidios de cultura canonica a adultilor. Fredric Wertham este se pare primul care a sesizat ruptura culturala generationista din societatea postbelica americana, determinata de baby boom-ul de dupa 1945 (psihoistoria avea sa se ocupe foarte mult de consecintele fantasmatice ale acestui spectaculos spor de natalitate!). Ulterior, spre inceputul si mijlocul anilor '60, multe dintre temerile doctorului Wertham vor fi reiterate, la fel de spasmodic, dar sub alte forme, ca reactie la contracultura adolescentina a generatiei beat si a miscarii hippy. In ambele cazuri, spaima adultilor era alimentata de credinta ca sub efectul hedonismului de grup si al libertinajului subversiv, cautionate de aceasta sensibilitate culturala alternativa, adeptii ei se vor depolitiza premeditat, nemaiputand deveni cum se cuvine sa se intample intr-un razboi, chiar si numai daca el este doar rece buni cetateni ai unei tari permanent amenintate din afara si din interior.

Alexandru Vakulovski Interdictiile impuse ostasilor sovietici veterani ai razboiului din Afganistan

Abstract: The paper sums up the modalities used by the communist authorities to impede the soviet veterans of the Afganistan War speaking about the events seen or lived there. In this respect the article uses representatives from the Antoneti village in the Republic of Moldova. Keywords: Soviet Union; Afganistan War; censorship; totalitarian society Veteranilor sovietici ai razboiului din Afganistan li se interzicea sa vorbeasca despre ce s-a intamplat cu ei in Afganistan. Am avut prilejul sa vorbesc cu mai multi dintre ei (toti din comuna Antonesti, judetul Tighina, R.Moldova) si am aflat partial de ce. Pentru ce luptau ei? Nu li se spunea nimic concret. Le ziceau doar ca lupta pentru Patrie. Iar ce vedeau trebuiau sa duca cu ei, sa nu afle nimeni. Era interzis sa scrie ceva despre lupte, armamente, despre ce se intampla in Afganistan. Din aceasta cauza scrisorile lor sunt scrise parca de Daniil Harms: absurde, incearca sa te faca sa razi desi e cazul sa plangi. Sunt toate aproape la fel. Parca ar fi ciornele uneia si aceleiasi scrisori. Dupa ele ai zice ca baietii au plecat in Afganistan la pescuit, sau, in cel mai rau caz la vanatoare. Scrisorile li se controlau - nu cumva sa scrie ceva ce nu trebuie. Nici poze nu li se prea permitea sa faca, in special cu tehnica, armament sau prin orase. Toate pozele pe care le-am vazut din Afganistan sunt de o calitate proasta, facute de amatori. Majoritatea pe ascuns. Soldatii care au luptat in Afganistan erau pusi sa semneze ca, pe un anumit termen, de obicei 10 ani, nu vor vorbi despre ce se intampla si ce au vazut acolo. Daca luptau pentru Patrie, Patria nu trebuia sa stie de ei? in 32

caracterizarea lui Ivan Oprea pentru marirea gradului militar la sfarsit scrie: "??????? ? ??????????????? ????? ??????? ????? ". Era ceva important - sa te faca sa taci. Toata lumea sa creada ca ai fost sa te distrezi in Afganistan. in Afganistan se incercau multe arme noi - nimeni nu trebuia sa stie de ele. Nici soldatilor nu li se spunea. Doar li se comanda ce sa faca, fara intrebari. Fiecare trebuia sa-si indeplineasca misiunea. La intoarcerea acasa li se interzicea sa mai iasa din tara. K.G.B.-ul era prezent si in Afganistan. Doar ca K.G.B.-istii erau imbracati in civil, nu puteau fi recunoscuti. Baietii imi spuneau ca se faceau controale, stiau de existenta K.G.B.-ului acolo, dar nu-i puteau recunoaste din cauza hainelor. Dupa ce erau recrutati baietii faceau pregatirea militara - ucebka pentru Afganistan. Aici mai erau o data selectati. Sa nu fie unicul copil din familie, sa fie sanatos, sa nu aiba rude peste granita. in ucebka li se facea o buna pregatire fizica, in republicile Uniunii Sovietice unde clima si conditiile naturale erau asemanatoare cu cele din Afganistan. Faceau si pregatire politica - sa cunoasca dusmanii comunismului, sa invete cum trebuie starpiti. De Afganistan nu le spuneau de la inceput. Sa nu se sperie, sa nu puna intrebari, desi majoritatea spun ca se zvonea si presimteau unde trebuie sa ajunga. Tot in ucebka majoritatea faceau cunostinta cu dedovsina . Veteranii, dezii isi bateau joc de recruti - de maladaaie . Razboiul practic incepea din ucebka. Copiii de 17-18 ani erau aici crunt batuti, erau supusi unor asemenea conditii incat sa le dispara orice forma de demnitate, de mandrie. Vestea ca vor merge in Afganistan si conditiile acestea ii faceau pe multi sa se sinucida. Se impuscau, se spanzurau. Era o extrema a sistemului - de la inalte idealuri, direct in rahat. Chiar de la nasterea sa Uniunea Sovietica a mers pe aceste extreme. Aveam continua nevoie pe de o parte de idoli, de cauze marete, de idealuri, de jertfe, de incantare si de tampenia de a ne considera cetatenii celui mai puternic si corect stat din lumes si pe de alta parte aveam nevoie de dusmani, de ura, de rautatea fara de limite indreptata impotriva lor, simteam o continua dorinta de a ucide, de a anihila. in ucebka baietii nostri, din cauza lipsei de experienta, jucau rolul dusmanului ce trebuie anihilat. Era un proces de initiere a soldatului sovietic. Ofiterii inchideau ochii la cele petrecute, cu totii probabil trebuisera sa treaca prin asa ceva, din cauza asta li se parea nu doar normal, dar si util, necesar. Apoi cand dezii plecau, maladaie deveneau dezi si isi bateau joc de cei noi sositi. Baietii erau deprinsi cu ura, cu capacitatea de a nu mai pune intrebari inutile si de a face ceea ce li se cere. Dupa ucebka erau transportati in Afganistan. Care cu avionul, care cu masina. Aici continua initierea. impuscaturi si explozii din toate partile - senzatia ca te afli intr-un cosmar, nu in realitate. Cei noi veniti coborau pe o parte a scarii avionului, pe partea cealalta urcau dembelii care se duceau acasa. Duhi , vesaitesi - le ziceau ei in loc de salut. Dusmanii si cei noi sositi erau numiti in acelasi fel - duhi. Apoi injectiile, ca la vaci, cum mi se destainuiau baietii. Cativa ziceau ca s-au simtit schimbati dupa aceste injectii. Daca erau vaccine, de ce atunci au fost atatia bolnavi, de ce practic toti care s-au intors de acolo nu mai sunt sanatosi? in Afganistan iarasi ii astepta dedovsina. Dezii, care aproape nu mai participau la actiuni militare, isi bateau joc de maladaie fara nici un pic de mila. Maladaie ziua luptau iar seara si noaptea dezii isi bateau joc de ei. si asta se intampla cu copii de 17-18 ani care veneau din cel mai corect stat, carora li se vorbise doar despre dreptate si despre necesitatea pedepsirii dusmanului. Cine era acest dusman? La intrarea in Afganistan trebuiau sa inteleaga ca ei sunt dusmanii. Desigur ca poate ca dedovsina nu a fost peste tot, dar numai existenta ei te face sa te cutremuri. Cum sa-ti bati joc de un coleg de armata, de razboi, cand impreuna cu el mergi la lupta si puteti sa nu va mai intoarceti, sau unul dintre voi poate sa nu se mai intoarca? Sunt lucruri de neinteles, care nici nu trebuie explicate si intelese. si aici continuau sinuciderile. Se sinucideau cei noi veniti, din cauza chinurilor suportate din partea dezilor si din cauza neintelegerii acestui razboi in care trebuiau sa lupte. in timpul luptelor maladaie ii impuscau pe dezii care si-au batut joc de ei. Din cauza aceasta dezii deveneau mai buni inainte inceperii vreunei actiuni militare. Puteau fi in orice moment impuscati de colegii mai tineri. Teroarea era peste tot. Soldatii trebuiau sa faca ce le cereau ofiterii. Nu conta ce-ti spun. Daca iti cer sa faci o crima, cum s-a intamplat cu un baiat cu care am vorbit, trebuie s-o faci, altfel ajungi la tribunal si de acolo-i posibilitate foarte mare sa ajungi la zid. Apoi dezertarea. Multi intelegeau ca acest razboi nu are nici un rost, ca e o ucidere in masa. Altii nu mai puteau suporta chinurile. Altii se tratau de utopia sovietica si pur si simplu dezertau pentru a fugi din U.R.S.S. in America sau in oricare alta tara. Mai ales ca deja acasa, in URSS, afganti, veteranii 33

razboiului din Afganistan incepeau sa fie considerati criminali, nebuni. O parte din dezertori chiar luptau impotriva fostilor lor colegi. Daca erau prinsi dezertorii - nimeni nu-i mai vedea si nu se mai auzea de ei nimic. Trimiterea cadavrelor acasa era la intamplare - un picior de la unul, trei maini. Oricum era interzis sa deschizi sicriul de zinc. S-a intamplat ca au fost trimise acasa sicrie cand cel chipurile mort era viu si undeva prin America. si in raionul stefan Voda au fost astfel de cazuri. Cel mai mult fugeau soldatii originari din Asia Mijlocie sovietica, cei care intelegeau limba afganilor, care chiar aveau rude pe acolo, care aveau aceeasi religie. Din cauza aceasta erau urati de soldatii de alte nationalitati, incepeau conflicte si batai intre nationalitati. Soldatii sovietici luptau in conditii mizerabile. Li se intampla zile intregi sa nu manance, in general mancau doar conserve (care se stricau foarte repede) si alimente uscate. Se temeau sa bea apa din fantani - putea fi otravita. Aveau apa inverzita in cisterne. Astfel se explica ca nimeni nu s-a intors sanatos din Afganistan. Toate variantele tifosului, hepatita, malaria, dizenteria. Nemaivorbind de traumele psihice si mutilarile fizice. Trebuiau sa lupte un an si jumatate in Afganistan. Moldovenii, obisnuiti doar cu campia, acolo trebuiau sa lupte in munti, trebuiau sa suporte caldura. Pe drum erau atacati din munti, din zeleonka pe care si acum o viseaza in cosmaruri. Dusmanii erau peste tot. Nu intamplator i-au poreclit duhi, adica duhurile. Duhii iti apareau cand te asteptai mai putin. Ziua, daca era cazul, populatia pasnica vorbea, zambea soldatilor sovietici, ca seara sa otraveasca fantanile si sa lupte impotriva lor. Toti traiau dupa legile inumane ale razboiului: ucide sau vei fi ucis! Cand prizonierii de razboi erau prinsi trebuiau dati autoritatilor locale - peste o saptamana pe aceleasi persoane ii puteai vedea cu arma in mana. si nervii cedau. Daca ii mai prindeau, soldatii ii bateau "asa ca peste o saptamana sa moara", sau chiar ii ucideau. Unii ofiteri, in operatii de curatire, violau femeile si apoi impuscau toata familia. De soldatii sovietici isi bateau joc in cele mai inumane moduri daca erau prinsi. Li se scoteau ochii, li se taiau urechile, nasul, testiculele, erau jupuiti de vii. isi bateau joc pana mureau de la rani si mutilari. Uneori, dupa ce ii mutilau ii lasau undeva prin munti. Sau ii foloseau ca momeala pentru a opri coloanele sovietice. Capul unui soldat sovietic costa scump, al unui ofiter - si mai scump. in Afganistan devenise o afacere sa cauti capete de soldati sovietici. Cum in Afganistan erau foarte multe droguri, soldatii incepeau sa se drogheze. in cel mai bun caz cu anasha - marijuana, in cel mai rau - se injectau. Astfel fiecare isi vedea de treaba lui. Altii, ca sa uite ce se intampla cu ei, radeau de toate prostiile, altii nu mai puteau rezista si plangeau. iti aminteai si iti analizai toata viata, tot ce ai facut in viata. iti aminteai tot. Se zice ca nu a fost soldat sovietic in Afganistan care nu s-a drogat. Unii au reusit sa scape de droguri cand s-au intors acasa, altii. Ce sa-ti zica ofiterii cand si ei se drogau? Cea mai puternica armata din lume era distrusa din toate partile. Totul era putred, fara nici un sens. Trebuia sa ucizi ca sa scapi, trebuia sa incerci sa rezisti pana la urma, cu ajutorul amintirilor, al dorului de casa, al prietenilor, parintilor. drogurilor, alcoolului. Cineva mi-a zis ca rusii, cand se imbatau, incepeau sa impuste aiurea in toate partile, voiau sa termine pe toti duhi odata. Fiecare cu descarcarile lui nervoase: unul se calma impuscand, altul alcoolizandu-se, altul drogandu-se. Aceste lucruri se intamplau cu niste copii de 18 ani. Acestia au fost soldatii sovietici civilizatori si eliberatori. Pe langa aceste conditii se mai facea si contrabanda. Soldatii puteau doar sa-si cumpere droguri. Ofiterii, care in general "nu au mirosit praful de pusca", care isi duceau traiul pe la Statul Major, faceau contrabanda cu tehnica, armamente, droguri. E zguduitor un caz pe care mi l-au povestit mai multi baieti: unui soldat i se inmaneaza un plic sa-l duca la Moscova. El vine mai intai sa-si vada parintii. Cand ajunge acasa parintii tocmai se intorceau de la inmormantarea lui. Telefoneaza la comisariatul militar, la militie. Seara ii prind pe cativa care dezgropau mormantul sa ia sicriul plin de droguri. in plicul care trebuia dus la Moscova scria sa fie ucis. Multi vindeau armamente cu care mai tarziu erau impuscati soldatii nostri. Unii venisera in Afganistan pentru a face bani, iar altii pentru a se calici si muri. Unii au rezistat si cu ajutorul muzicii. in putinul timp liber baietii invatau sa cante la chitara. Cantau piese pe care le stiau si mai compuneau si singuri. Acum exista un repertoriu foarte variat cu cantece despre Afganistan. in general le canta blatnaie , dar nu neaparat. Li se mai facea cateodata cate un concert. Cand i-am intrebat cine a fost in concert, majoritatea mi-au spus ca Alexandr Rozembaum. Care de asemenea si-a facut serviciul militar in Afganistan. Piesele despre Afganistan nu prea au fost 34

mediatizate. Prea erau despre durere, prea erau inspirate din realitate pentru a fi facute publice. La intoarcerea in tara veteranii din Afganistan puteau constata ca sunt respinsi de societate. Ei purtau vina ca nu au castigat un razboi rapid. Asa cum se cuvine celei mai mari puteri din lume. Singuri nu puteau vorbi caci li s-a interzis. Au ramas pe nicaieri. Societatea nu mai avea nevoie de ei. O data pe an li se mai facea cate un concert, intalniri, ca sa taca si atat. Pensia ce li se acorda este mizera, in R. Moldova - nici trei dolari americani pe luna. U.R.S.S.-ul nu avea nevoie de soldati infranti, avea nevoie doar de cuceritori. Scoaterea armatei din Afganistan a fost vazuta ca o infrangere, desi multe mame au rasuflat usurate. Soldatii sovietici din Afganistan stricasera mitul soldatului sovietic eliberator si civilizator. incepeau sa se auda lucruri despre crimele de razboi, despre contrabanda, despre baieti ucisi acolo in cele mai stupide moduri. incepea sa se mai auda de sinucideri. Se auzea, dar nu la radio sau la televizor. Soldatul sovietic eliberator si civilizator incepea sa fie vazut ca o jertfa, utopia sovietica se ducea dracului si nu puteau fi iertati pentru asta. Din aceasta cauza acest razboi este poate cel mai putin mediatizat din toate razboaiele. Cetatenii sovietici se simteau rusinati din cauza lui. Mandria de a fi om sovietic incepea sa scada. Oamenii se trezeau din dulcea lor minciuna. Cei care pana atunci tacusera au inceput sa vorbeasca. S-a vorbit despre tot ce era interzis pana atunci si, culmea, despre greselile comunismului. si totusi mai putin despre Afganistan. Afganistanul a fost rana si nimeni nu vroia sa puna degetul pe ea. I-am intrebat pe baieti daca au vazut vreun ziarist sovietic in Afganistan. Majoritatea mi-au raspuns ca nu. A fost un razboi in care nu aveau ce cauta ziaristii. Le era doar transmis ce trebuie sa spuna si atat. Au fost o multime de lucruri care au trecut si mai trec inca in tacere. Doar n-au sa transmita la stiri ca: azi s-a bombardat un kislak pentru a incerca niste bombe noi, sau n-au sa spuna ca baiatul asta s-a spanzurat din cauza ca era batut de dezi, sau ca asta a fugit din cauza ca nu vedea nici un sens in razboi, sau ca ii era pur si simplu frica. Frica era ceva ce nu se admitea la soldatul sovietic eliberator si civilizator. De asemenea si bolile. Soldatul sovietic rabda orice pentru Patrie. Doar ca Patria a scuipat pe soldatii nostri trimisi in Afganistan. Patria a vrut sa faca un poligon din Afganistan, pe Patrie n-a interesat-o soarta acestui soldat. Patria a trimis acesti baieti care de abia au terminat scoala, dar nu i-a mai primit inapoi cu bratele deschise, ci i-a declarat nebuni. Cred ca razboiul din Afganistan a fost cauza principala a destramarii U.R.S.S.-ului. in primul rand economia tarii a fost puternic zdruncinata. Pe parcursul a noua ani a tot intrat armament in Afganistan dar inapoi nu a prea iesit. Se aduceau si armamente noi, scumpe, care trebuiau incercate. U.R.S.S.-ul incepuse sa se intreaca cu S.U.A. Economia a fost ucisa de acest razboi. O alta cauza, cea mai importanta cred, a fost zdruncinarea mentalitatii de om sovietic. Cu totii ne-am dat seama ca nu suntem cei mai puternici, ca nu suntem cei mai corecti. Am inceput sa ne indoim de cauzele si ideile noastre nobile. Am fost dezorientati in privinta dusmanului. Cine era dusmanul? incepeam sa banuim pe fiecare din jurul nostru, nici acum aceasta banuiala nu a trecut. Fostii cetateni sovietici si acum sunt mai incruntati, dezorientati, incapabili de a hotari cine e dusmanul si cine e prietenul. Ceea ce li s-a bagat in cap atatia ani s-a dovedit a fi o minciuna, alt adevar n-au gasit. Peste tot par a fi K.G.B.-isti. Totul a fost patat, de fapt petele au inceput sa se vada dupa ce au inceput sa-si scoata ochelarii utopici. si totusi nu-si scot toti ochelarii. Fiindca li se pare ca viata nu are nici un sens fara ei. Din cauza aceasta veteranii razboiului din Afganistan sunt urati, considerati nebuni si criminali. intr-o mare masura sunt priviti ca si clasicul dusman al poporului. Cei nostalgici dupa comunism nu le vor ierta niciodata infrangerea. A fost o infrangere de mentalitate. si nostalgici dupa comunism, dupa perioada de mandrie a cetateanului sovietic, sunt foarte multi. S-a intamplat ca, din motive tehnice, cu unii am vorbit de doua ori. Am ramas surprins de faptul ca, dupa ce prima oara nu au vrut sa vorbeasca, sa raspunda la intrebarile mele decat expeditiv si sa-mi spuna doar ceea ce li s-a spus ca se poate, a doua oara cand i-am intalnit s-au hotarat sa nu mai taca, sa vorbeasca. Am fost martorul a cat de diferite sunt varianta oficiala despre acest razboi si cea adevarata. Din cauza acesta am facut o carte cu interviuri cu oameni concreti, nu dupa statistici, care mint, se schimba, sau dupa carti (aproape inexistente) cu mai multe variante despre ce s-a intamplat in Afganistan. Am vrut sa vad razboiul din Afganistan prin ochii acestor baieti. Ei au vazut realitatea de acolo si dupa cuvintele lor o poti reconstitui. Mai ales ca acopera toti cei noua ani de razboi, sunt dintre ei si soferi, si din desant, si din trupe speciale, si tanchisti, si infanteristi, si genisti, si din trupe secrete de comunicatie de la baze cu armament nuclear. Voi anexa cateva scrisori trimise din Afganistan, cred ca mai departe comentariile mele sunt inutile. 35

SCRISORI DIN AFGANISTAN Scrisori de la Serghei Bejenaru catre Mihai Vakulovski (1) 5 - IV - 88 Sincere salutari din or. Kandagar!!! Noroc Mihail!!!!! Din primele randuri ale micii mele scrisori poti afla ca-ti scrie prietenul tau din departare Serghei. Despre mine poti afla ca eu sunt sanatos si cu slujba o duc bine, ceea ce-ti doresc si tie multa sanatate si spor in toate celea. Ce pot sa-ti mai spun despre mine? Luptam cu incetisorul. Acuma nu demult am venit de la boevae pe data de 25 - III - 88, si acuma undeva pe data de 7 - IV - 88 iarasi plecam. Aicea au inflorit lalelele, copacii, macii. Prin munti sant lalele cate vrei. Pogoda ii normala. Eu deacuma m-am zagarat. Tu fotografia mea ai primit-o, ori nu? Dai privet lui Sandu de la mine, Mame-tei, lui Tat-to. Nu, cu aceasta eu termin de scris mica mea scrisoare si-ti zic: "La revedere" "Astept raspuns" (2) 12 - IV - 88 Sincere salutari din or. Kandagar!!! Noroc Misa!!!!! Din primele randuri ale micii mele scrisori poti afla ca-ti scrie prietenul tau din departare Serghei. Poti afla ca scrisoarea ta eu am primit-o ieri pe data de 10 - IV - 88 si foarte mult m-am bucurat. Kak-paz am venit de la boevaie si mi-au dat scrisoarea ta si de acasa. Astazi data de 12 - IV - 88 am hotarat sa-ti scriu raspuns. Despre mine poti afla ca sunt viu si sanatos si cu slujba o duc bine, ceea ce-ti doresc si tie multa sanatate si spor in toate celea. Eu aicea m-am intalnit cu niste moldoveni din sindant. Ei il stiu pe Tolea Deleu. Eu le-am spus lor sa-i daie privet de la mine. Ma intrebi daca fumez, ori nu? De fumat, fumez numai cand ma enervez. Spui ca ti-ai cumparat magnetofon, cum se cheama? La noi aicea tot avem magnetofon in palatka . Noi nu traim in cazarma, dar in palatci . Misa, eu te rog un lucru. Scrie cantece de a lui Modern Talking, mai in scurt cantecele lui ansamblu ista si Forum. Eu te rog. Aicea copacii deacuma au inverzit, macii, lalelele au inflorit, romanita tot a inflorit, si multe alte flori au inflorit. Eu acuma iarasi m-am fotografiat si cand le-om face iti voi trimite. Pogoda ii normala. Eu deacuma m-am zagarat . is negru ca un tigan. Ce pot sa-ti mai spun eu despre mine? 36

Ce te intereseaza intreaba, eu iti voi raspunde. Dar de Antonovca mi-i dor, de toate dealurile pe care umblam noi. De iazurile unde prindeam noi peste. Dar acuma nemaiavand ce-ti scrie iti zic: "La revedere" Cu stima prietenul tau "Serghei" Astept raspuns "Mihail" (3) 4 - V - 88 Sincere salutari din or. Kandagar!!! Noroc Mihail!!!!! Din primele randuri ale micii mele scrisori poti afla ca-ti scrie mahaleanul Serghei. Poti afla ca astazi data de 4 - V - 88 eu am primit scrisoarea ta scrisa pe data de 23 - IV - 88. Am hotarat sa-ti scriu raspuns indata, sa nu astepti mult timp. Despre mine poti afla ca sunt viu si sanatos si cu slujba o duc bine, ceea ce-ti doresc si tie multa sanatate si spor in toate. Ce pot sa-ti mai spun eu despre mine? Da, ai dreptate, ca la noi in sat nu-i mai frumos. Pogoda ii normala. Nu, dupa cum ti-am spus in scrisorile celelalte degraba o sa fim in Soiuz . Altceva n-am ce-ti scrie. Cu aceasta eu termin de scris mica mea scrisoare si-ti zic: "La revedere" "Astept raspuns" Cu stima prietenul tau "Serghei" Misa, tu fotografii poti face, tatal tau nu face? Daca face, eu iti trimit pleonka si sa faci fotografii. Nu ladno . Privet la parintii tai. (4) 23 - V - 88 Sincere salutari din or. Kandagar!!! Noroc Mihail!!!!! Din primele randuri ale micii mele scrisori poti afla ca-ti scrie prietenul si mahaleanul tau Serghei. Despre mine ce pot sa-ti spun? Poti afla ca sunt viu si sanatos si cu slujba o duc bine, ceea ce-ti doresc si tie multa sanatate si spor la examene. La mine nou n-am nimica. Totul e pe vechi. Astazi data de 23 - V - 88 am fost la poligon si am facut pristrelka la pusti, pulimeoate , le gatim de vavod . Mehanicii au facut vojdenie . Acuma is mehanici noi. Aceilalti au zburat acasa la dembeli . La mine e totul Pogoda ii normala. Cu aceasta eu termin de scris mica mea scrisoare si-ti zic: "La revedere" 37

Cu stima prietenul tau Serghei. "Astept raspuns" Ce mai este nou prin sat? (5) 13 - VI - 88 Sincere salutari din or. Kandagar!!! Noroc Mihail!!!!! Din primele randuri ale micii mele scrisori poti afla ca-ti scrie prietenul Serghei. Poti afla ca astazi data de 13 - VI - 88 am primit scrisoarea ta si am fost foarte bucuros. Despre mine ce pot sa-ti spun? Sunt viu si sanatos si cu slujba o duc bine, ceea ce-ti doresc si tie multa, multa sanatate si spor la examene. Tu imi spui sa-ti scriu mai mult si mai des. De scris mai des eu pot sa-ti scriu dar n-am ce-ti scrie. Noi aicea tot ne scaldam, ne ducem la orak si ne scaldam spalam masinile de colb. Aicea am inghitit colb matinca pe toata viata. Cand am sa vin acasa am sa ma duc la spital sa ma odihnesc, sa ma controlez la sanatate. Nu ce pot sa-ti mai spun eu despre mine? Dar unde a fost garajul cel vechi ce-i acolo acuma? Eu timp liber am cat vrei. Asa ca clipa de odihna la mine nu-i scumpa, asa ca nu te gandi ca o sa mi-o rapesti. Nu ce pot sa-ti mai spun eu despre mine? La noi ii cald. Ca acuma ii seara, dar temperatura ii 40 C. Iar ziua pe la abed ii 50-55 C. Ploi nu-s. Pana acuma mai erau ploi si era mai racoare, dar acuma ploi nu-s si mi-i o caldura de nu mai poti. Dar nu-i nimica, deacuma au trecut aproape 2 ani in aceasta caldura si eu m-am deprins cu ea. Da, doi ani de zile sa nu vezi omat, asta-i ceva. Nu, Misca, la mine e cam totul. Mai scrie ce mai este nou prin sat. La mine e cam totul. Cu aceasta eu termin de scris mica mea scrisoare si-ti zic: "La revedere" Cu stima prietenul tau "Serghei" Transmite-i privet lui Sandu. Ce el nu scrie nimica? Nu, "Poka" "Misca" "Astept raspuns" Scrisoare de la Anatolie Deleu catre Mihai Vakulovski Nedatata, pe stampila din U.R.S.S. data - 29 - 04 - 88 Sincere salutari din sindant Noroc Misa. Din primele randuri ale micii mele scrisori poti afla ca-ti scrie sosedul tau Tolea. Despre mine pot sa-ti spun ca-s sanatos tun si cu slujba merge normal. Ceea ce-ti doresc si tie multa sanatate si spor la invatatura. Despre mine ce pot sa-ti spun slujba merge ca si cum eram acasa, dimineata ma sculam si 38

ma duceam in brigada zavodem tractorul si la lucru numai ca aicea ii altfel de tractor si drept ca te temi sa mergi pe drum cu dansul. Mai calci cate pe-o hlopuska ca-ti sar gusinitile ca nu le mai gasesti dar hlopusti de estea gasesti unde te intorci dar sapeorii nici nu se gandesc sa le stranga macar ca si eu is sapeor. O vezi inca ii dai cu 'cioru dar mergi cu transport iti sar rotile dar se intampla ca sar altii si ei cu tot cu roti. Asa ca ai Misa ii cam greu aicea dar ii interesant. Cu asta muntui de scris ca nu prea am vreme dar am de scris inca multe scrisori. iti zic la revedere. Astept raspuns.

Adrian Majuru Romanians and Hungarians Legislation, everyday life and stereotypes in interwar Transilvania Abstract: The article presents three historical aspects of the relationship between Romanians (majority population) and Hungarians (minority) in interwar Transylvania: the legislation, the everyday life and the collective phantasms, showing the discordant ways in which these three aspects interfered. Keywords: Romania; Hungarian minority; interwar Transylvania; collective imagination; everyday life

One of the subjects that have been more or less adequately analized during the past few years, has been the relationship between the Romanians majority and "the others", different ethnic, confessional, cultural communities. The present approach is a complete compendium of this extremely complex and delicate subject. I have chosen this subject, based on the similitudes between the debates and projects undertaken today, and the analogous ones from the interwar years. In fact, we deal with the same process, only nuanced by its historic context. My approach tries to make a trifold radiography: of the legislation, of the daily life and of the collective imagination. This three historic aspects combine in the following process: legislation, permanently connected to similar international models (by which it was, in fact, inspired) has been in perpetual discord with the local everyday life, which was fed by the local collective imaginary. The latter would eventually manifest itself as a final reaction of a particular local traditional background facing the modernization process triggered by the documents issued by the legislative power. In the present treatise, I shall deal with these three components of the relationship between majority and minority, during the interwar period. Because Transylvanian space is a most frequently discussed subject, I shall pay special attention to it. The evolution of the minority / majority relationship depended basically on the barometric changes of the legislative point of view. The Romanians' position (as they had finally united into a single national political structure, in 1918) concerning the minoritary communities beared the mark of the contrast between the European legislative model and the local background. The local tradition remained heavily indebted to the confluence between the Orient and Central Europe. This background was especially determinant for the Old Kingdom, as its institutional, cultural, political, behavior models were to be exported to, and cultivated in the new historic provinces that were interwoven to form, in 1918, Great Romania. 39

In spite of all this, the new Constitution adopted in 1923 took into consideration the new ethnical realities of Great Romania. In the case of the Old Kingdom, there had been just one major problem concerning the minorities, that of identity, rather than of ethnicity, that is the Jewish problem. Conversely, in Great Romania, the union of provinces with very diverse ethnic demographics created a new configuration of identity for the minority and, at the same time, gave a new dimension to the minority/majority relationship. The new provinces, Transylvania, Banat, Crisana, Bucovina and Bessarabia had strong minoritary communities that developped extremely dynamic cultural and confessional identitary complexes. After 1920, modern Romania could hardly be compared to the country it had been before the war. Thus, the 1923 Constitution introduced reference points similar to European ones concerning the situation of the minorities to the Romanian legislation. The constitutional document of Great Romania created harmony, from a legislative point of view, between the minority and the majority points of view, within the Romanian modern state. The constitutional reference points, taken from European models, stipulated the necessity of bestowing on the minorities all the rights of a Romanian citizen that is, all the rights defined in the epoch. Thus, the March 1923 document aimed at becoming an instrument by which the rights and liberties of the minorities would be applied within different political, social, economical, cultural and imaginary realities, in a generally hostile milieu. From this point of view, the document was considered a successful project. I shall render herein the reference points concerning the minorities' problems, in the larger context of Great Romania, present in the constitution in March, 1923: "Title II: On the Rights of Romanians A.5. Romanians, regardless of their ethnicity, native tongue or religion, enjoy the freedom of consciousness, education, press, meetings, association, and all liberties and rights established by law. (.). A.7. Differences of faith, confession, ethnicity or language do not represent, in Romania, an obstruction to acquiring civil or political rights, or to exerting them. A.8. All Romanians, regardless of language or religion, are equal according to the law, and obliged to contribute, with no exception, to public taxes and tasks. They alone are allowable in public, civil, military functions. (.). A.22. The State warrants freedom and protection to all cults, as long as their practice does not run counter to the public order, morals and the organized law of the State. (.). The Romanian Orthodox Church, representing the religion of the Romanian majority, is the dominant Church in the Romanian state; the Greek-Catholic church has priority over the other cults. (.). A.24. Education is free, within the conditions established by the special laws, as long as it is not contrary to the legislation and the public order. (.). A.25. The Constitution warrants everyone the liberty to communicate or to publish ideas and opinions, by voice, by writing, or by the press. (.). A.28. Romanians, regardless of their ethnicity, their language or religion, have the right to gather peacefully, without weapons (.) to deal with all sorts of matters; for these, no preliminary authorization is necessary. (.) A.29. Romanians, regardless of their ethnicity, their language or their religion, have the right to associate, according to the laws that stipulate the exercise of this right. (1) 15 years later, the new Constitution of King Carol II, although it preserved the individual and collective liberties mentioned by the previous Constitution, set before all these a series of obligations for all Romanians, regardless of their ethnicity. The March 1938 Constitution, that grounded King Carol II' regime of personal authority, restrained the collective and individual liberties stipulated by the previous Constitutional document dating from 1923. The 1938 document offered Romania a basis of organization for the corporatist state where the collective interests prevailed over the individual ones, which were incorporated within those of the community and were supported as far as they corresponded to the communitarian interests. Here are some illustrative reference points excerpted from the Constitution of King Carol II. 40

"Title II. On the Romanians' Duties: A.4. All Romanians, regardless of their ethnicity and their religious faith, are obliged to consider the country as the highest aim in their lives, to sacrifice themselves in defending its integrity, independence and dignity; to contribute to its moral rising and its economic advancement; to faithfully fulfill the communitarian tasks imposed by law, to contribute, freely, in fulfilling the public tasks, without which the state cannot survive. A.5. All Romanian citizens, regardless of their ethnicity and their religious faith, are equal according to the law and are obligated to respect and comply with the law. No one can consider oneself free from civil and military, public or private duties on the grounds of one's religious faith or any other kind of faith. (.) A.7. No Romanian is allowed to advocate, by speech or writing, changing the form of the State government, the distribution of private estates, the exemption from taxes, or the class struggle. A.8. Priests of any rite or faith are forbidden to set their spiritual authority at the service of any political authority, either in the places destined to the cult, or outside them (.). Any political action on religious grounds or pretexts is forbidden. (.) A.10. Romanians enjoy the freedom of consciousness, of work, of education, of the press, of congregation, association, and all the liberties deriving from these rights, in the conditions settled by law. (.) A.19. The relationship between the State and various cults comprises the subject of special laws." (2) Armand Calinescu formulated an interesting definition of the regime of monarchical authority, and the first unique party in the Romanian modern history - The National Renaissance Front, established by royal decree on December 16, 1938: "(.) What does the Front aim at achieving? It aims at re-establishing the rights of the State, its natural parts. (.). Elevating the idea of state, re-establishing it within its natural rights, means not only rebuilding its authority and prestige, but even more it means recognizing certain ideals that the State has the mission to re-formulate (.). The new State has to be a living center, an active (factor) surpassing the passivity of bygone times. (.). According to the Front, the individual should be subordinated to the State. Personal interests are not taken into consideration if they do not coincide with those of the collectivity, and do not aid them. (.). Promoting the general interests of the collectivity - this is the N.R.F. main mission. (.) Being mainly a spiritual movement, it undertakes to give life a sense of moral value. (.) An important sector within the N.R.F. is held by the elites. These are designated by serious and objective criteria." (3) By belonging to the N.R.F., the minorities were to acquire - according to the official version - an optimal ground of cultural and identitary development. (4) Here is, for instance, a fragment that sustains the idea: "(.) the Romanians have never been an exclusivist people. It has always been an honor for them to allow the free development of anyone, and to compete themselves, by their virtues and natural powers, in winning the place they deserve. Therefore, in the spirit of this tradition, the actual regime has undertaken to show its benevolence to the foreign elements, as long as they are sincerely integrated in the life of the State. At the same time, I consider it unnecessary to insist upon an elementary fact that, concerning these minorities, the only problems that arise are cultural and economical. There are not, and cannot be any territorial problems, in this respect. And I have the right to assert that these categories of citizens have never been treated as well by others as they have been by us." (5) The official politics of the corporatist state tended to make a homogenous society, reducing it to a monolithic collective mechanism that, in its turn, was meant to reduce the asperities of the relations between the majority and the minority. Carol's goal was to build a State policy and the project was to be fulfilled by propaganda and through some collective organizations of a corporatist type, such as the above-mentioned N.R.F.; the youth organization like "Straja Tarii" (The Guard of the Country), "Arcasii si Arcasitele" (the Archers and the 41

Archers Women) a.s.o. (6) According to its theoreticians, the National Renaissance Front had to represent the collective interests of the Romanian nation, and reduce the asperities between Romanians and "the others": "(.) This corpus comprises the people as a whole, and promotes only communitarian needs in an atmosphere of national union. (.). Any claim, of a single individual, to speak for the people, is absurd. Any attempt at agitation, made by any person, represents an act of guilt. (.) Finally, it includes all ethnical minorities, integrated in the life of our State, where they can satisfy all their spiritual and material needs. (.). The N.R.F. is the means by which the Nation can express its thinking, and it is the reservoir out of which, by a rigorous selection of the elites, the leading elements of the country will be recruited." (7) The regime of King Carol II even founded a General Commissariat of the National Minorities, boasting of its unprecedented tolerance and its openness, concerning the minorities' situation. (8) The propagandistic praising of the King and his regime on the part of the leaders of ethnical communities completed the official relationship between the new regime and the minorities. (9) Here are two of the "royal slogans" disseminated during the 30's by the official propaganda: "(.) Tolerance. We are a profoundly tolerant people. There are, in our society, like in other countries, anti-Semitic tensions, but the public spirit has never followed them and the government has refused them." (June 11, 1930) or: "I consider the minorities as Romanians, and as an integrated part of Romania. If they will be loyal citizens, they will be able to rely on Me." (June 11, 1930). (10) It becomes clear, from the text, that this was a monarchic attitude towards the minorities, rather than a public one; "they will be able to rely on Me, in respecting and legitimating their rights, only if they will be loyal citizens." On the other hand, other royal slogans opposed, by definition, the above-mentioned assertions: "(.) Ethnicity: The Romanians' superiority over others is this, precisely: we are not formed of three offsprings, starting from the same root, but of a single body that can never be divided." (January 24, 1934); or: "Romaniansm: By "Romanianism," I intend to underline the latent virtues of this people in order to present it as one of the strongest nations in the world. This work is the credo of my life." (June 8, 1936) (11) From a constitutional and legislative point of view, the relationship between majority and minority in the Romanian modern state was similar to that existing everywhere in Europe. But it was indebted to the myth of "Great Romania" crystallized after 1848 and stressed after 1878. This has inserted in the Romanian imaginary - mainly in the Old Kingdom (1881-1918) - a monolithical image, transposed in the model of the centralized, national, unitary state. Its political realization in 1918 would strongly influence the relationship between the majority and the minority, especially in Transylvania, Banat and Bessarabia. (12) Starting in 1919, the Romanian political universe diversified; the minorities founded active political parties, such as those of the Hungarians, the Germans and the Jews. Of course, the political parties in the Kingdom - both old and new - had a more or less rigid attitude concerning the minorities' problems. For instance, one of the most popular political parties during the 1919-1929 period, the People's league, later the People's Party (founded in December 1918, in Jassy, by the General Alexandru Averescu) expressed its position concerning the minorities very cuttingly. The position of this party did not differ much from those of other interwar parties. Although between 1919-1930 it had an equidistant position, after 1930 the People's Party would introduce the concept of "numerus clausus", deploring the extremely reduced number of Romanians in the main towns of Ardeal and in some social structures in Transylvania. (13) 42

*** To better understand the Romanian realities, let us examine a complex document concerning the minorities' problems in the interwar society. Thus, we shall also reach the everyday life. It is a report "concerning the rights of the religious minorities" in Romania writen by the "American Committee of the Rights of Religious Minorities". (14) The report impartially showed the great difference between the modern legislation at a European level and its weak representation in real life. In fact, the ethnic and religious minorities in Romania were facing serious problems, from the proliferation of antisemitic attacks, to the deficiencies of the educational system, that were depriving the minorities of the rights stipulated by the constitution. (15) The Committee reported the persistence of intimidation campaigns, the intolerance, the incomplete application of the law of Romanian citizenship, the 'black coats' organization who opposed the impartial application of the constitutional stipulations, the untidiness concerning the recognition of confessional liberties, as, for instance, the case of the Baptist church in Transylvania. As an argument, I shall choose to discuss the case of two unpublished documents concerning the situation of the Baptist and other minority confessions in Romania. Doctor Edgar Mullins, President of the "Southern Baptist Theological Seminary" Institute in Louisville (Louisiana), asserted that the Baptist' situation was "worse then that of the Jews or the Unitarians. About their treatment, the nonconformists asserted that the Baptists prefer the Soviet Russia, ten times more than Romania. In Russia, Baptist missionaries can wander everywhere, distributing Bibles, and converting everyone willing to listen to them. The Soviet Government knows that the Baptist churches cannot be organized according to political aims." In turn, Doctor Frederick Griffin asserted, in a sermon delivered in the first Unitarian Church in Philadelphia, that "it is undeniable that the Lutheran Church suffers, like all the similar institutions, from the difficult financial situation in the Romanian state of today. The cause of the financial crisis of this church is not the State, which allots considerable sums to this church, much greater than those allotted by the Hungarian State. (.) The financial crisis of the Lutheran church of the Saxons in Transylvania is due to the fact that its authorities allow themselves a luxury no other church in Romania can afford. (.) The Bishopric does not content itself with the salaries received from the state, but offers its workers bonuses 2-3 times greater than the above-mentioned wages. The same thing happens with the priests. (.). These are, essentially, the causes of the financial crisis of the Lutheran Church of the Transylvanian Saxons, crisis of which, as we have said, the Romanian government cannot be made responsible". Beyond these impartial assertions, the author does not forget to mention "the oppressed populations in Tran-sylvania, whose country was taken by force, whose estates are confiscated, whose members are fleeced by the Romanian government and people, of their religious services and their rights established by the treatises". (16) All these were everyday realities that were strikingly different from the stipulations of the constitutional document promulgated in 1923. In this respect, the report of the American committee is illustrative in its details: "(.) The Hungarian minorities in Romania enjoy the most complete protective measures, in concordance with the rights that were given them by the minorities' treatise. (.). The Committee considers that there is a great difference between the Constitution of the country - liberal in many regards - and its application by office workers, a striking difference visible mostly in the border districts. (.). The attempt at "Romanianizing" the minorities by force and at destroying their confessional schools, (.) will cause Romania to lose the confidence of those nationalities that, in other conditions, might have been its friends. (.). The Committee draws attention to the way the Romanian authorities apply the law of citizenship. Undoubtedly, the fundamental right of citizenship is not offered to thousands and thousands of inhabitants justified at receiving it. The minorities are thus refused, in an arbitrary way, that element of protection that each country owes to its population, and this despite all the solemn guarantees offered to the minorities. During the visit, the Committee has noticed the existence of horrid campaigns of intimidation and brutality against the 43

Jewish citizens of the state, coming from a mixture of intolerance, arrogance and ignorant hatred. (.). According to us, some governmental office workers have made a great mistake in not allowing several thousands of people belonging to the minority groups, to maintain their ethnicity, and by regarding as Romanian those who use another native language (.). We draw the attention of the Government upon the situation of the Hungarian church of Lutheran rite, and we insistently require that it be granted a satisfactory legal situation. (.) Finally, the Committee has noticed the fact that in the adjoined territories there is a considerable contingent of educated citizens who could serve the state most profitably. At present, many of these citizens are in a desperate state because of what seems to be a calculated and determined effort of the majority to remove them from their official functions". (17) The preliminary report of the American Committee for the Religious Minorities' Rights was completed with the data contained in de speech held by Mr. Lanthorp Howland, one of the Presidents of the Committee. According to the latter, "the Romanians' intention to form a national middle class was feeding the anti-Semitic attacks. To underline the application of some laws on a different organic base, Lathorp Howland gave example of the case of the town of Cluj where, in 1917, the population was mainly Hungarian, and the University had been turned into a Romanian university. He also cited that of the Ukrainian minority which was situated, according to the interwar Romanian imaginary, in a dangerous synonymy with the Russians who, in their turn, were equal to Bolsheviks - the main enemy of the Romanian modern state. Lathorp's approach is completely placed under the idea of the disagreement between legislation and everyday life reality. His reference to the changes that had occurred in the Ardeal region after 1918 are very categorically against the administrative system of the Romanian government. "(.) The Romanians wish to form a national middle class is, no doubt, worth encouraging. The middle class is formed, in Romania, by Jews. Thus, the problem consists in hindering the Jews' access in schools, so that Romanians have all the opportunities. (.). The Ukrainians have been the most terrorized of all minorities. Every Russian is a Bolshevik, to the Romanian authorities. Of religious minorities, the Baptists suffer more than any other sect, because they are the only ones who, like the Adventists, have crossed the Carpathians (to make proselytism). (.) The buildings are requisitioned in haste and turned into Romanian schools. The exams are held with Romanian teachers, and the children are asked all sorts of unfair questions, so they can be rejected". (18) Some objections were formulated when John Howland Lathorp delivered this lecture. A certain A. I. Popescu invoked the principle - still frequently in use today - according to which the misunderstanding of the Romanian case is due to the remote position of our country, compared to the European decision centers. Thus, the myth of the Romanian outskirts within the European space led, inevitably, to the ignorance of the Romanian realities. The author asserted that, in order to understand "the minorities' situation in our country," several things had to be made clear, among which one was essential: "Today's minorities were yesterday oppressors of today's majority. Subconsciously - I am not saying consciously,- they claim not their treatment as minorities, but their dominant situation from before the war." We deal with a kind of approach that does not completely deny the opponents' assertions, but tries to de-construct their image considered distorted because of their misunderstanding the real situation. His arguments are somewhere at the border between a current propagandistic approach and the real problems: "Mr. A. I. Popescu has objected that the lecturer did not really consider the truly liberal opinion in Romania. (.) Romania, a remote and unknown country, has been attacked "in toto" for every repressable fact due to a section of the country alone, a section that, unfortunately, has its counterpart in every country (.). To understand the situation of the minorities in our country, several things should be considered, without which a rightful perspective cannot be maintained in judging the situation. There is, first of all, a matter of psychology. (...) You know very well that the Hungarian State instituted, once, the oppression, the "dis-nationalization" and the conversion to other religions of the 44

Romanian majority. (.) We have proportionally shared these properties, in regards to the ethnic minority, so that neither the minorities' churches, nor the minorities' schools are as preponderent as they were before the war. (.) It would be ridiculous for you to believe that we - the majority native people of this country - could tolerate such an unfair distribution of goods in favour of some minority languages or cults. (.) I wonder how come your heart did not soften at all, before the war, at the situation of the majority, like you now pity the "oppressed" minority? Why don't you send identical commissions of inquiry in Hungaria, Yougoslavia a.s.o.? (.) We do not want to have in the 20th century the religious fights that we avoided in the Middle Ages. (.) If you will understand and respect our point of view, we are ready to discuss with you, point by point, everything that you have estimated as an "injustice", in your report. And I assure you that we, too, understand those who understand us". (19) The minorities' problem was at the heart of many analyses that sought fair solutions. One such analysis was elaborated in 1930 by the publisher Aurel Ciato, and presented by radio at Lugoj, Timisoara and Cluj, some Transylvanian towns. Aurel Ciato's project mainly had in view the conflict between Romanians and Hungarians". (20) The author insisted on the fact that there had never been conflicts between Romanians and Germans, invoking Daniel Roth's words from 1848. The latter had underlined the fact that both collectivities had been confronted with "the source of misfortunes" coming from the part of the Hungarians. Aurel Ciato's programme in five points was meant to solve the divergencies between Romanians and Hungarians, although it was clearly built to strengthen the Romanian element, mainly in Transylvania. The five clauses contain the following problems. All those orders that have given priviledges to one nationality or another, unjustly, illegally or to the detriment of the Romanian interests will be annulled; The Romanians in these territories will be integrally re-entitled to their own rights and, with that end in view, the propor-tionally corrective factor shall be used, according to which - by their number and within the state general interests - the sons of different nationalities will be appointed to public offices and the state benefits will be shared in the same proportions; At the same time, the Romanian state will have to make up for what was committed or reglected in the past concerning the Romanians, from a cultural and economic point of view. (.); Another duty of the state will be to help all Romanians who, forced by circumstances, (.) became estranged (.) from their nationality; The state will take care to further the most suitable means to cultivate the Romanian language". (21) Towards the end, the author stresses the common possibilities of the majority and the minority to solve the breaks between them, in order "to satisfy all expectations and, at the same time, to give due content to the Romanian state." The fundamental problem of the modern, unitary Romanian state was none other than "the re-establishment of the Romanian nation, according to the new conditions and social structure offered by these conditions." Aurel Ciato wished Great Romania to solve, as efficiently as possible, the Hungarian problem based upon the "dissensions between Romanians and Hungarians"' so that it could become "the coorder of a new type of state in central Europe." How was this ideal to be reached? The author developed a detailed programme according to which the minorities' rights had to become concordant with "the real conditions of life in Romania and its population." (22) The programme in five points made the following references to the minorities' problems: We shall rigourously observe that the fair interests and the rightful feeling of the population should not be harmed in any way. (.) The innovations to come should be a progression, an advantage, an amplification and a simplification, compared to the past. We shall have in view that the general feelings (.) of our statesmen should not be guided by the invention of regionalism, but by the sincere and firm intention to introduce an ideal government that would consolidate the voluntary joining of the solitary parts to the whole in which they are called to take part. Further on, we shall follow the principle of easing the minorities' participation in the life of the state, giving them the possibility to acquire public functions and employing them as an active personnel of the Romanian State (...). The nationalities will then be attracted by our various preocupations, having thus involved all their 45

interests in the future and the prosperity of our country. We shall even allow the co-habiting nationalities that were colonized here to play a civilizing part, consenting to their historic mission and, consequently involving them in loyally fulfilling their mission, fair-minded and patriotically - and their great economical and industrial entreprizes will be protected by the state." Regarding the use of native languages in the interwar Romanian everyday structures, Aurel Ciato offered the following solution: "(.) The use of the minorities' languages in our country will be ensured individually for each citizen, within the limits, in all functions and services where the need will occur. There would be two main sections in this respect: Measures will be taken that each official worker has the possibility to learn, as quickly and accurately as possible, the official language of the state; Each official worker will be obliged to know perfectly, besides the state language, the language of the majority population in his region." (23) The problem of the minorities - analysed variably in the interwar Romania - was, in fact, a European problem. From this point of view, Iuliu Maniu tried an approach concerning the matter in his article "Are minorities still an obstacle to the peace of Europe?" Iuliu Maniu stressed the improvement of the Transylvanian minorities' general situation and, finally, he expounded an interesting theory. According to him, "if Ancient Hungary would be restored tomorrow, within its former frontiers, it would not last one single day if universal suffrage would be established and its population would be given the right to vote as they chose." According to Iuliu Maniu, his government had respected the two fundamental directions of the minority communities' liberties. These two directions were: "Full national freedom for all peoples who live on our territory. Each people should get schooling, independent administration, and the possibility to judge in its own language the persons of its own race; Full equality and autonomy for all religious groups in the State." (24) On the other hand, the Ardealul daily news-paper underlined in the article entitled "The Hungarian minority in Transylvania" the generally positive status enjoyed by the Hungarian minority in Transylvania. Thus, "all the institutions the Hungarians had had in Transylvania, before the union, had not only remained intact, (.) but also acquired a new impetus (.)" and confessional freedom is a reality. The constitutional liberties and rights were represented both in teaching, as in what concerned the Hungarian language publications. Last but not least, the Hungarian minority - not the only one in Transylvania - actively participated in the democratic exercise, with a disciplined electorate, while the Romanian population and a large portion of the Hungarians in Transylvania did not have this right before the war. We present, further on, some reference points issued by this journal: "(.) Unlike the Hungarian state that has not sustained any Romanian school in Transylvania, the Romanian state has not only authorized the Hungarian schools to function, supported by churches, (.) but has also founded, on its account, primary and secondary schools of Hungarian language. In 1930, in Transylvania, there were 1362 primary schools and 57 Hungarian secondary schools, of which 483 primary schools and 5 secondary schools were financed by the state for 1,353,000 Hungarians (.). In 1918, there were hardly, in Transylvania, 4-5 Hungarian daily newspapers; in 1928, their number was 46. In 1928, 577 Hungarian periodicals were published. In 1913, were published 77 different Hungarian books ; in 1926, 400. (.). By the agrarian reform, 45,628 Hungarian peasants were provided with the assistance they needed for their existence, a necessity the Hungarian state had never thought of. (.) In 1910, the Hungarian Parliament had 286 members, but only 5 Romanian deputies, who represented 3 million Romanians. After the union, 1,351,000 Hungarians were represented, in the Romanian legislative structures, by 14 deputies and 12 senators, in 1926, and in 1928, by 16 deputies and 6 senators. (.)." (25) In the interwar Romanian imagination, the feeling of being under seige the Romanian population had had before the war, amplified. The perpetuation of this feeling, in spite of the projects and debates on the theme of the minorities' problems, has determined the diversification and the exacerbation of the 46

process of Romanianizing the historic provinces, often compared to a process of historic recuperation. (26) On the other hand, the Romanians in the historic provinces - mainly those in Transylvania - were going through a crisis of identity determined mostly by the irreversible fenomenon of implementing the institutional models of the Old Kingdom in the whole spectre of the daily life in Ardeal, which were more evolved from a cultural, social and economic point of view. The way of thinking of the Romanians in Ardeal has remained, though, strongly rooted in the world before the war for a long time. The dissolution of the Diligent Counsel, in April 1920, has caused discontentment in Transylvania among the minority as well as among the Romanians who lived with the real feeling of their high position in the Ardeal province, compared to the Old Kingdom. The image of the foreigner in the traditional Romanian culture can also be seen, with its "cliches", in the public, private, official and confidential attitudes of Romanians confronted with "the other". Although Romanians have always co-habited with foreigners and have been connected to many nations, it seems that none of these has ever complied with their expectancies, as "there is no nation Romanians would have come in contact with, that they would not have derided. For every foreigner they had to deal with, Romanians have discovered a negative attribute in comparison with themselves so that "there is no nation they could think of as just, good, honest." Among the attributes Romanians have bestowed on "the others" in time, we find out that, "the Germans are uggly as hell", the French enjoy the same "flattering" qualification, the Jews are stingy, the Greeks are scabby goats, the Germans are stupid, the Bulgarians are "with leek", and we would never end if we tried to list everything uttered against foreigners." (27) The Szeckler painter Barabas Miklos mentions the fact that the Bucharestans called the Germans "drunkards", and they even call one another "German drunkards", while disputing. (28) The reticence, the skepticism, even the opposition against foreigners, against "the other", can also be noticed in the conflict between formal and fundamental, or between "Europeanization" and traditionalism, between the new and the old. The confrontation continues, and is extremely complex, even today. (29) Somehow, the fury of Emil Cioran and his "furious generation" is explainable; it was fed by the sentiment of an acute lack of support and understanding. A new image of the relationship between minority and majority was, thus, born, in the confrontation between those who struggled, who had ideals, clearly defined aims, on one hand, and the others, the apathetic, the indifferent ones. 30) Great Romania was a complex world that made great efforts to define itself in order to achieve fulfillment. The minorities' problem was one of the essential points in this process. The present approach has tried to open up a perspective based upon the cleavage between the modernization process undergone by the Romanian society - a process in full development during the interwar period - and the Romanian social corpus that was hostile to the full achievement of such a process. This confrontation between the new and the old can also be noticed in the analyses and the orientations regarding the solution of the minorities' problem. Frequently, the above-mentioned confrontation was corroborated with the identity problem generated by the violent replacement of the old world with a totally different one after the war. NOTES: 1. "The New Constitution voted by the Constituant National Assembly, in the assemblies of March 26, 27, 1923", Scrisul Romanesc, Craiova, 1923, pp. 1-11. 2. The National History Archives, Bucharest, The Royal House Fund, King Carol II, Personals, dossier no. 33, 1938 3. "The law for the foundation of the political corpus of the NRF, from December 16, 1938, and its functioning regulations, January 5, 1939". The Juridic library, directed by Mr. I. Lugosianu, editura Ziarului Universul, 1939, Preface by Armand Calinescu, pp. 9-11. 4. "(.) We called, and received in the RNF numerous ethnical co-habitating minorities. This should not be a surprising fact, but it is also meant to illustrate the political conception and the typical spirit of the Romanians." (ibidem, p. 7) 47

5. Armand Calinescu, "Romania Renasterii", discourse held in the Deputies' Assembly, on June 28, 1938. 6. "The law for the foundation of the political corpus of the NRF, December 16, 1938, and its functioning regulations, January 5, 1939", p. 6. 7. Armand Calinescu, "Noul Regim.", pp. 127-128. 8. The official position of the regime of personal authority of King Carol II regarding the minorities was often published in epoch journals. I reproduce below a sample: "The legislative dispositions taken by the Romanian government to regulate the situation of ethnic minorities within the new Romanian state are bound to give full satisfaction both to the minority elements, as to the majority population. Indeed, by the norms prepared and carried out by the government, the minorities are warranted the rights they could aspire at, in their double quality of sons of the nations with a solid cultural and religious distinct individuality, and of loyal citizens of the state. (.) The creation of the General Commisariat of the Minorities, depending on the Presidency of the Counsel, is stipulated by the Constitution of February. The Commissariat for Minorities will have in charge - besides the past attributions of the director of minorities in the ministry of Cults, - some special attributes: to supervise the application of the legal dispositions concerning the minorities; to inform the competent authorities, in case of need; to ensure the correct and fair appliance of the abovementioned legislative and administrative dispositions; finally, to study the diverse problems concerning the life of the state minorities, suggesting the suitable solutions to the competent forums. (.) Romanian minority citizens are free to use their native language in matters of religion, press, personal and commercial relationship, as well as in their authorized reunions and meetings, according to the law, and according to the basic legislation approved by the competent forum. Minority citizens have the right to create, possess and survey, on their account, charity, religious or social institutions, as well as schools and any other educational institutions, with the right to use their own native language and perform their cults undisturbed. (.) There will be ensured proper facilities so that they can use their native languages within the local law instances, and in localities where a great part of the population is formed by minority citizens. (.) Regarding public education in localities inhabited mostly by minority citizens, the Romanian government give children of these minorities the possibility to be instructed in their own language, within the state primary schools. (.)", (Romania, August 11, 1938, year I, no. 71, p. 7, "The Minorities' Rights in Romania") 9. I present below some fragments relevant in this respect: "Blessed be the Lord as, (.), under the wise protection of your Majesty, we can achieve the work of love of Christ, to the benefit of the country and the praise of the Lord." (Vasarhely, Reformed Bishop, "Royal Generosity for the Minoritary Cults", Romania, June 8, 1940, year III, no.728, p. 9) "(.) Blessed country, happy people, whose destinies are lead with so much fatherly love, with so deep wisdom and knowledge (.)", (Alfred Alessandrescu, ibidem, p. 15) 10. Dan Smantanescu, Royal Slogans, Bucharest, 1940. 11. Ibidem. 12. "(.) The minority population of Transylvania saw with suspicion the "cultural offensive" of the central government, mainly the nationalization of the Hungarian and German schools. The Hungarians who could not accept the transition from their status of dominant nation to that of a subordinate one, would not resign themselves with the actual existence of a Romanian state on a territory that had belonged to Hungary for such a long time. In 1919, they still hoped in a diplomatic agreement that would annulate the Romanian national revolution. While waiting, they had withdrawn in enclaves of cultural autonomy." Irina Livezeanu, Culture and Nationalism in Great Romania, 1918-1930, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1998, chapter "The Minorities on the Defensive", pp. 212-214. 13. See indreptarea, year XX, no. 1, January 3, 1938, "The People's Party and the Minorities' Problem". 14. The American Committee on the Rights of Religious Minorities, preliminary report concerning the religious minority rights. Report signed by: Dr. Henry A. Atkinson, general secretary of the Church union for peace, and secretary of the Reverend RA. Mc Gowan Commission, of the Social Action Department of the National Catholic Conference, Reverend John Howland Lathorp, priest of the Unitarian Church in Brooklyn, (.), Reverend Dr. Graham C. Hunter (.) and Jules Jezequel, 48

representative in Paris of the Churches' Union for Peace. The National Archives in Bucharest, the Fund of the Ministry of National Propaganda, dossier 18, 1927-1928. 15. "(.) The minority teachers wanted to have their own teachers' organizations. The reformed teachers from the Baia Mare diocese, and the Roman-Catholic ones in Oradea had asked permission to establish their own associations, but were turned down, although the Romanian teachers had had their own associations, during the Hungarian administration. (.) The Romanian government went up to closing the confessional schools that were called "counterschools", institutions that, according to the Romanians, had been established by the Reformed Church only to oppose the new Romanian government, and to employ the Hungarian teachers who had refused to make their oaths to the Romanian administration, being, thus, dismissed." (Irina Livezeanu, op. cit., p. 213-219). 16. Dr. Edgar Mullins, President of the "Southern Baptist Theological Seminary" Institute in Louisville, and Dr. Frederick R. Griffin-preach, Conference delivered at the "First Unitary Church in Philadelphia; apud the Record newspaper, the National History Archives in Bucharest, the Fund of the National Propaganda, dossier no. 5 17. Ibidem. 18. Notes taken at the Conference of Mr. John Howland Lathorp, held at the Neighborhood Club, 104 Clark Street, Brooklyn Heights, on December 14, 1927; the Fund of the Ministry of the National Propaganda, dossier no 18, 1927-1928. 19. Ibidem. 20. The National Archives in Bucharest, the Fund of the Ministry of National Propaganda, dossier 125, 1928-1941, The Minoritary Problem. With a preface explaining the dispute between Hungarians and Romanians, conference held in Lugoj, Timisoara and Cluj, by Aurel Ciato, publicist, Cluj, 1930. 21. Ibidem. 22. "(.) We shall unconditionally have in view our minorities, and we shall follow the example of America, that has managed to create that blend of immigrants of various nations into a single nation, changing the civilization accumulated there into a special American culture, allowing, at the same time, all nationalities to preserve their distinct mother language." (Ibidem, p. 54) 23. Ibidem, pp. 56-63. 24. The article of His Excellency Mr. Iuliu Maniu, Prime Minister of Romania, the National Archives of Bucharest, The Fund of the Ministry of National Propaganda, dossier no. 8. 25. The National History Archives in Bucharest, the Vasile Stoica Fund, dossier 168, sequence from Ardealul, "The Hungarian Minority in Transylvania". 26. "(.) The Transylvanian purists saw the meanness, the lack of discipline and the mizery of bureaucracy, as a burden of the Balcanic Romania, refusing settle down to it (.) it can be felt, yet, that the political leaders of the Ardeal region restlessly waited for the moment when the kingdom would catch up with the more civilized Transylvania. (.) Accustomed with its own political life, different than the one of the rest of Romania, by virtue of its intelectual culture, of its habits and its economical interests, the Ardeal region waited for a special treatment from the part of the Old Kingdom. (.) The dissatisfaction was led by the continous state of siege-intensified, by the arrests, the numerous expulsions, and by the closing of many schools where the personnel had refused to make their oath to the state. Finally, the living had become more and more expensive, as a consequense of the onerouse affairs concluded by the merchants coming to Transylvania from Bucharest." (Irina Livezeanu, op. cit., p. 163, 194) 27. Andrei Oisteanu, "The Image of the Foreigner in the Traditional Romanian Culture", "22", no. 23, p. 12. 28. Andrei Verres, "Painter Barabas and the Romanians", the Romanian Academy, Memoirs of the Literary Section, series III, vol. IV, MEM 8, Cultura Nationala, Bucharest, 1930, p. 381. 29. Adrian Marino, For Europe. The Integration of Romania. Cultural and Idelogical Aspects, Polirom, Yassy, 1995. 30. The theme is extremely vast from a bibliographical point of view. In sustaining it, I have selected two fragments from a diary and an interwar novel: "(.) These people know not to behave themselves, to respect one another or their superiors (.). When I 49

return from abroad, I am impressed by the beggars in the streets, the gipsies, the Gipsy quarters, by the lack of urbanity from the part of the inhabitants. (.). I am irritated with the poverty of those who live in towns, of the many, of the peasants, by the lack of hygiene, of civilization, despite all the qualities of our people." Petru Comarnescu, Diary, 1931-1937, The European Institute, Yassy, 1994, p. 61. "(.) hygiene, sweet air, courage - this is what I need, this is what we, the young ones, need. (.) other towns, other generations, other men - that is what we need. If we could pull down the whole Bucharest, and if I only could build instead a city of the sun, a young city, white, virily, pure! A town without procurers, without old people - mostly without old people. Where are the old, there are rancour, venom, bitterness, cowardice, immorality. Only the children and the old are vicious, only they can practice the incest, for instance. (.). Health, courage, virility - instead of vice and cowardice!" Mircea Eliade, The Return From Heavens, Rum Irina, Bucharest, 1992, p. 171.

Zoltn Tibori Szab The Limits of Public Sphere in the Case of Minorities

Abstract: This article is an approach to minority media and its stereotypes due to cultural prejudice. It enlists some common recurrences in the minority public speech in the East European area, focussing on the Hungarian minority in Romania. Keywords: Romania; Hungarian minority; minority media; stereotypes; prejudices

There are many theories about the so-called self-censorship in the case of minorities. The great majority of scholars studying this issue are reaching mainly the conclusion that the public sphere of different minorities is very often too conservative, this being in their view the main reason why different important topics are not presented by the media of the minority in question. We can agree that this is a reality: minority media present mainly "the struggle of the minority against discrimination", "the struggle of the minority for human, civic, social, educational and economic rights" and "the struggle of the minority for keeping alive its mother tongue, traditions and all those institutions which help maintain their diversity". The mass media written or broadcast by minorities are trying constantly not to approach issues which are considered by their public as endangering the fight for the mentioned rights. Sociologists and political analysts agree that the main reason of this behaviour is the fact that the public sphere of minority media is against approaching such "dangerous topics". For a proper scientific approach it is important to study the roots and the mechanisms of this behaviour, as well as the limits of the public sphere in the case of minorities and the ways to demolish these limits. Prejudices, stereotypes and hate speech 50

We are well aware that especially in transitional periods - for example during the transition from communist regimes back to capitalism - media operate with stereotypes, clichs and prejudices. Mainly with such basic principals as love and hate. In the countries of the Balkans the media were oriented - as everywhere else in the world - towards a specific audience and were therefore filled with all the preconceived ideas of their audience. Working with this kind of ideas, media and audience used to influence each other like "inter-connecting vessels", one kept feeding the other and vice versa. This principle is also valid for the debates that are taking place between the media of the majority and the media of different minorities and in the case of the public speech of politicians and intellectuals belonging to these groups. Which is this principle? It is very important to recognise that both sides - the majority and the minority - are operating with stereotypes and prejudices created through history, already existing in the mind of their respective audience. Offering only chosen parts of the past and providing possibilities to prove whatever one wants to prove (from traditional hatred to territorial aspirations, from violence to the toleration of violence), the media promote divisions and individual concepts, and enforce myths and legends. This mechanism is in the meantime fed by the public speech of those politicians - from both sides again - who try very hard to keep the aforementioned stereotypes and prejudices alive. Consequently, the public speech and especially the social, political or ethnical identity speech have become over these past few years the main place for the transmission of scientifically unfounded presumptions that are targeting the enforcement of stereotypes and clichs. This way the world is splitting into just two parts - "we" and "they", and one of the consequences is the enforcement of an attitude, which expresses a great solidarity with all the members of a certain group and the rejection of everybody from outside of the group in question. Behaviour of minority media Because of the tensions created by the use of stereotypes, minorities are living in closed societies. They are in a certain way forced by the majority public speech to preserve this condition. The main reason why they do not want to demolish the boundaries of their society and to open it, is that the majority is not willing to accept the rights claimed by them, is not willing to enforce these rights with specific laws adopted by the parliament and to put the adopted laws and regulations freely into practice. Subsequently, minority media are facing a great challenge. Editors are always trying to balance between the proper presentation of certain facts and the danger that the facts presented in an honest way will be turned against the minority in its fight for rights. This alternative is also the cause why the audience of minority media is a conservative one, unwilling to take any risks, often forcing the minority media not to talk about negative aspects and facts of the community. Recent research made by the Lszl Teleki Foundation from Budapest has shown that Hungarian audience in Romania is against the presentation of honest information on the internal problems that the traditional Hungarian churches or the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (DAHR) are facing. The conclusion of the study was that for the Hungarian media in Romania there are several "unspeakable issues". Two thirds of the questioned journalists stated that they were directly or indirectly threatened for the articles they had published or were planning to publish on these issues. They also stated that mainly politicians tried to influence their work, unlike in the case of the majority media in Hungary for example, where journalists are influenced mostly by actors of the economic sphere. Hungarian journalists from Romania identified some of this "unspeakable issues" as being the question of autonomy, the inter-ethnic relations, the independence of Transylvania, the economic affairs of the leaders DAHR and the internal conflicts of the Hungarian churches. The majority of the questioned journalists said they were following those unwritten rules of the local Hungarian press, because they did not want to face any troubles, and they did not want to be blamed by the audience. Nobody has pointed out yet what causes this type of behaviour. Nobody has yet studied carefully why 51

the political pluralism of minorities is so difficult to be accepted by the members of these groups. The Hungarian minority communities living in different states of the region have solved this last dilemma in different ways. For example: within the DAHR there are several so-called platforms, constituted along different political orientations, but in Slovakia there are several political parties which joined the Party of Hungarian Coalition, one of the members of the Slovakian governmental coalition. The pattern is the same: the common "enemy" is forcing these structures with different political views to become parts of one organisation, and to accept only one agenda. The minority media reflect the daily life and the facts according to this pattern, becoming instinctively manipulative. This character of the minority media is a consequence of the fortunate nature of those regulations, which would transform the community in an open society. According to these conditions, daily editorial work is becoming more or less a question of continuously balancing issues: the editor must decide if a specific item of information is helping or not the fight of the community for the acceptance, adoption and enforcement of its claimed rights. This is the main reason why the negative news of the minority group is not transmitted by their media. The two levels of public speech Based on this behaviour, the minority public sphere develops a two-level publicity. One is the "official" level, on which the media broadcast "positive" information ("The parliament has voted against the educational rights of the minorities", "The mayor is not willing to put the local administration bill into practice, so he is not accepting bilingual signboards on the public institutions", "At the meeting with the president, the leaders of the DAHR protested against the nationalist speech of the PM" aso.). The other is the "unofficial" level, which broadcasts, almost exclusively orally, "negative" information that is targeted only at the members of the minority ("There are Hungarians involved in different corruption cases in Bucharest", "X. Y. could not account for the money received by the community from different Hungarian foundations", "The Hungarian priest rented the properties of the church in his own interest" aso.). The so-called historical Hungarian churches have played an important role in the development of the described conservative behaviour. According to their leaders, the presentation of the "negative" facts in the Hungarian media is unacceptable. Hungarian journalists doing this are immediately considered "bad Hunga-rians", individuals who try to demolish the walls surrounding the community, who put the entire group in danger. Simply because the conservative leaders of different historical churches consider reporting about negative facts, about corrupted Hungarian politicians as being against the highest interest of the community, the minority media are very often impeached for exposing internal corruption, stealing from community funds and other crimes. Based on these views, there are "strategies to protect the nation" and also "strategies to protect those who are protecting the nation". And because Hungarian churches played an important role in preserving the mother tongue and the traditions during communism, their impact on the audience of the Hungarian media is very high. Of course these strategies are adopted immediately by the majority - the Hungarian majority in Hungary. It is interesting to note that the Hungarian media in Hungary also present mainly the "positive" information about the Hungarian minorities living abroad. What can we do? There are three actions we have to take. One is to intensify the dialogue between the majority and the minority public spheres by different methods, in order to demolish all prejudices and clichs. The second is that the majority public sphere has to explain as soon as possible the necessity of adopting all those laws and regulations that will have as an effect the opening of the closed minority communities. And the third: it is very important to continuously educate the journalists from both sides towards 52

tolerance, towards rejection of hate speech, stereotypes and prejudices. This last question is a simple matter of transforming the East-European journalist into a really professional one. Notes 1 Milica Pesic: Media in the Balkans. Paper presented at the Conference about the Media of the Balkan Countries. Varna, Bulgaria, May 15-17, 1998. 2 Marius Lazar: Aparitia si transmiterea cliseelor si prejudecatilor interetnice de la o generatie la alta. In: Dialog Interetnic, Cluj, an. V., nr. 10(51), octombrie 1998, p. 2. 3 Tabutmk a romniai magyar sajtban. Az RMDSZ s az egyhz bels gyeit "nem illik" teregetni. In: Szabadsg, 2001.08.01., p. 3. 4 Tibori Szab Zoltn: A kisebbsgi jogok s a nyilvnossg. In: A nyilvnossg rendszervltsa. Ed.: Vsrhelyi Mria, Halmai Gbor. j Mandtum Knyvkiad, Budapest, 1998, p. 58-61.

Ruxandra Cesereanu De la "combustis libris" la cazul Pasolini Scene din iconografia cenzurii cartilor interzise si a imaginii filmice

From "Combustis libris" to Pasolini case Abstract: The article sums up the history of censorship in modern Europe with a special stress on the case of Pier Paolo Pasolini's movies, accused of blasphemy and obscenity. Keywords: Premodern religious censorship; modern moral censorship; Pier Paolo Pasolini; violence; biblical references

The first part of this essay presents several commentaries on the iconography of censorship of prohibited books, focusing on the image of the censors (who are presented as pyromaniacs in the majority of cases) as they appear in lithographs, drawings, engravings and caricatures. The second part of this essay presents the case of the famous Italian director Pier Paolo Pasolini, whose movies were accused of blasphemy and obscenity and subjected to special persecution and censorship. 1. "Doctorii cei buni". Piromani si macelari Asa cum sint numiti in documentele oficiale care ii catalogheaza a fi autorizati intru cenzurarea si distrugerea cartilor, cenzorii (in perioada de dupa inventarea tiparului) sint considerati de catre autoritati a fi "iubiti", "placuti", "fideli", "savanti", "competenti" si nu in ultimul rind "doctori buni" impotiva "toxinelor" intelectuale. "Combustis libris" era tutelata, de obicei, de Justitie, Ordine si 53

Morala Crestina (Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam), astfel incit sa fie impiedicate "perversitatile" de gindire si lectura. Perchezitiile care urmareau gasirea cartilor interzise erau efectuate in prezenta unor martori studiosi. Ce este de notat ca simptom pentru iconografia distrugerii cartilor este faptul ca, imbracati corect si pozind in "intelepti", cenzorii si slujbasii lor adiacenti, sint cel mai adesea, niste piromani. Ei au privirile moralizatoare, incruntati catre vilvataia focului unde ard cartile. Pina cind acestea nu vor fi arse complet, constiinta cenzorilor nu va fi impacata. Cam aceasta este iconografia tipica a arderii cartilor interzise, asa cum apare ea in gravuri, litografii, desene, caricaturi. De mentionat, niciodata cartile sortite incendierii rituale nu sint putine: intotdeauna sint multe, groase, avind coperti impresionante. Imaginile care insotesc comentariile mele, pe tema aici anuntata, sint preluate din lucrarea Censures. De la Bible aux larmes d'Eros, Paris, Editions du Centre Pompidou, 1987. Atunci cind cartile interzise erau numeroase, cenzorii intocmeau Indexuri. Uneori, insa, cenzorii nu se multumeau doar cu incendierea cartilor, ci declarau necesara inclusiv arderea pe rug a autorului (ca eretic), dupa ce, in prealabil, acesta era batjocorit ori chiar spinzurat. Se ajungea, in unele cazuri extreme, ca inclusiv librarii care gazduisera cartile respective sa fie arsi. Arderile erau oficiate, asa cum am spus deja, de batrini "intelepti", "profeti", singurii apti sa decida destinul cartilor respective. Cind Biserica catolica avea cuvintul cel mai greu in cintar, intr-o asemenea situatie, aceasta legitima, la nivel inconografic, doi apostoli marcanti, Sfintul Petru si Sfintul Pavel, pe post de piromani. Intr-o astfel de litografie, cei doi apostoli incendiaza ei insisi cartile considerate eretice, dar intr-un mod aparte. Originea focului se doreste a fi una sacra: Duhul Sfint incendiaza (inflacareaza) inimile apostolilor, de unde mai apoi focul tisneste razant asupra cartilor blasfematorii. Incendierea cartilor este considerata, in acest caz, a fi sacra (Autodafe realizat de Sfintul Petru si Sfintul Pavel, 1711), adica mai mult decit legitima. Dar acesta nu era decit un artificiu scolastic. Alteori, tocmai aparatorii cartilor interzise si ai libertatii de gindire si exprimare sint autorii imaginilor privind distrugerea cartilor. In acest caz, imaginile sint voit grotesti. Iata, de pilda, o scena infatisind doisprezece magari imbracati precum niste filozofi-ginditori-teologi-somitati, care danseaza in jurul unui rug pe care ard carti. Dintre aceste carti zboara un Phoenix solitar, semn ca, vorba Maestrului din romanul Maestrul si Margareta de Mihail Bulgakov, "manuscrisele nu ard". Cei doisprezece magari trimit, evident, la cei doisprezece apostoli, dar demitizati de data aceasta: ei danseaza satisfacuti (desi nu neaparat demonic) in jurul focului, intretinut de un al treisprezecelea magar, slujbas cu foalele (Phoenixul renascind din cenusa, 1791). Piromanii anteriori secolului XX nu au stirnit, insa, ceremonii exaltate precum celebrele autodaferi care au avut loc, de pilda, la Berlin, in 1933, in timpul regimului nazist. Cartile arse, in acest caz, erau evreiesti si "antigermane", de aceea ritualul trebuia sa fie inflamat: multimile asistau pe margine, in timp ce soldatii vegheau orgoliosi, fluturind steagurile Reichului. In mitologia nazista, aceste autodafeuri erau considerate, probabil, un rit de initiere. Dar nazistii, oricit de orgoliosi in piromania lor, se inspirasera, printre altele, de la bolsevicii din URSS care, si ei, chiar daca nu in ceremonii spectaculoase, incendiasera cartile considerate a fi anti sau non-comuniste. Spre deosebire de nazisti, insa, sovieticii nu se lasasera fotografiati, asa incit despre piromania lor nu exista imagini concludente. Cartile lui Lenin nu au avut nici ele o soarta mai buna, in timpul revolutiei din Ungaria, in 1956. Fotografiile de epoca redau incendierea steagurilor comuniste si a cartilor sovietice intre care, la loc de cinste, arde o carte a lui Lenin. De data aceasta, in 1956, nu este vorba, insa, de o cenzura a cartilor, ci de o sanctionare a insisi cenzuratorilor. Un tinar revolutionar anticomunist, imbracat improvizat militareste (cu pusca, bocanci si manta, dar care ii sint prea mari) si cu o tigara la coltul buzelor, supravegheaza provocator autodafeul. Privirea lui spune, de fapt, urmatoarele: acum v-a venit si voua rindul sa ardeti (cu referire la comunisti). Incendierea cartilor nu este intotdeauna singurul mijloc de a le distruge. In secolul XX ia amploare, printre altele, cenzura impotriva imoralitatii (cenzura gindita si impusa, de obicei, de diferite ligi catolice). Afise uriase, expuse in strada, infatiseaza, de pilda, o matura uriasa care arunca la gunoi filme, muzica si carti corupatoare. In spatele maturii radiaza o familie in halou stilizat. In secolele anterioare, masurile erau mai dure. Atunci cind nu erau incendiate, cartile erau calcate in picioare sau ciopirtite. Smulgerea paginilor echivala cu o spintecare, de fapt, a unui trup omenesc sau cu lobotomizarea unui creier (ginditor). Imbracati corect (in context cu epoca, dar cu alura de deratizatori), distrugatorii cartilor interzise folosesc si instrumente (obiecte) contondente pentru 54

lichidarea cartilor: furci, clesti, topoare. Iata, de pilda, intr-o gravura (Vinatoarea literelor, 1827) o cavalcada de vinatori (avind figuri de briganzi) dotati cu foarfece si insotiti de ciini haitasi (unii dintre ei cu urechi-foarfece): ei vineaza literatura pe fuga (cu picioare de insecta), in timp ce, in primplan, trei sugari, care nu intentioneaza sa fie pervertiti, alunga literele alfabetului. Intr-o alta imagine, un cenzor adormit inca, strins lipit de foarfeca sa (instrument de baza, pe post de lance a unui sfint razboinic, dar in sens ironic) se inalta dintr-un cosciug deschis, speriind autorii: scena este, evident, o parodie la Resurectia lui Hristos, dar punind in cauza resurectia cenzurii (Resurectia cenzurii, 1832). In sfirsit, cea mai spectaculoasa imagine dintr-o alta gravura este aceea a unei carti uriase, distrusa de unsprezece barbati (tortionari): unul maninca din ea, altul o sterge cu buretele, altul o taie cu fierastraul, altul bate cuie in ea, altul o spinteca cu o limba-cutit, altul o ciopirteste cu foarfecele, altul o arde la luminare, altul o sfisite cu o undita de pescuit, altul o sfarima cu un tocator, altul se strecoara intre foile ei, pentru a o distruge din interior (calcind-o in picioare), altul o raneste cu o coasa; in fundal, alti barbati se apropie cu torte, pentru a o incendia, dupa ce cartea a fost profanata si schingiuita in prealabil (Nu exista opera atit de implinita incit..., 1939). 2. Pier Paolo Pasolini si inchizitorii sai Personaj contestat, intelectual rasat, homosexual notoriu, poet, prozator experimental, ginditor nonconformist, regizor de marca, marxist excentric, acesta este Pier Paolo Pasolini, cel care a fost ucis brutal in 1975, intr-o crima caracterizata fie ca pasionala, fie ca derizorie. Cazul, pe care il sintetizez aici, ma intereseaza doar pentru filmele sale care au fost inculpate pentru blasfemie si obscenitate, cu asupra de masura. Adevarat, Pasolini a fost denuntat, la un moment dat, si pentru corupere de minori (ori pentru scrierile sale), dar cea care a fost supusa boicotului si unei persecutii rar intilnite a fost cu precadere filmografia sa. Obsesia lui Pasolini, anume erosul (cu limitele sale incalcate fie in sensul unei senzualitati exacerbate, fie in sensul invertirii) si credinta (dar nu neaparat catolicismul) si schisma intre acestea doua au fost prea putin intelese si acceptate in Italia din a doua jumatate a secolului XX. In cele ce urmeaza voi prezenta o succinta cronologie a filmelor sale "scandaloase" si a acuzelor care le-au fost aduse, asa cum reies acestea din documentele de la diferitele procese care i-au fost intentate regizorului. In 1962, Pasolini este denuntat pentru filmul Mamma Roma, considerat a avea un "continut obscen", in contra moralei. In 1963, i se intenteaza proces pentru filmul La ricotta (ricotta este un tip de brinza), inculpat pentru a fi blasfemiat crucificarea lui Hristos. Protagonistul filmului, tilharul cel bun din scena crucificarii, este un proletar din Italia anilor '60, care moare pe cruce chiar in momentul in care regizorul-personaj (interpretat de nimeni altul decit Orson Welles, un alt rebel si nonconformist) filmeaza scena Calvarului. In 1968, Pasolini este denuntat pentru filmul Teorema, care ar ofensa "pudoarea comuna". Este ordonat sechestrul filmului, dar tribunalul il absolva pina la urma pe regizor. In sfirsit, anii '70 ii aduc lui Pasolini diverse chemari in instanta pentru filmele din "Trilogia vietii", anume Decameronul (1970-1971), Povestirile din Canterbury (1970-1971) si O mie si una de nopti (1973-1974), acuzate de "obscenitate". Lucrurile nu se incheie nici macar o data cu moartea lui Pasolini, in 1975, intrucit acestuia i se intenteaza proces postum pentru cel mai violent film al sau, Salo sau cele o suta douazeci de zile ale Sodomei. Cum Pasolini este mort, cel inculpat va fi, in cele din urma, producatorul Alberto Grimaldi. Filmul este sechestrat o perioada, apoi sint taiate cinci minute, apoi eliberat, apoi resechestrat. Din 1977, Salo este "liber" sa fie vizionat. Voi lua pe rind filmele aici incriminate de inchizitorii lui Pasolini, pentru a le apara, dat fiind ca regizorul lor este, probabil, cel mai cenzurat autor de filme din secolul XX, cel putin prin procesele care i-au fost intentate si linsarea mediatica la care a fost supus. Desigur, Pasolini a fost intr-atit contestat si datorita homosexualitatii sale: dar nu intra in preocuparile acestui eseu nici invertirea lui Pasolini si nici implicatiile acesteia, la modul simbolic sau nu, in filmografia sa. Acuzarea filmului Mamma Roma, pentru "continut obscen" este cel putin ciudata, intrucit, desi neorealist, acesta are o tendinta felliniana, pe de o parte, profund etica pe de alta parte: Anna Magnani interpreteaza o femeie "fatala" din popor, devenita prostituata, care mai apoi incearca sa isi creasca fiul sub semnul legii si al moralei. Societatea, insa, o obstructioneaza in fel si chip, iar fiul ei, devenit 55

delincvent, va muri in mod absurd, ca un fel de nou Hristos sacrificat. Este evident ca sensul prostitutiei este utilizat contextual de Pasolini si ca miza filmului este aceea a sacrificiului absurd, datorita moralei burgheze care afiseaza simtul onoarei si al legii, dar care este corupta si aplica iubirea christica doar propagandistic, fara o miza reala. Acesta este motivul real pentru care filmul a iritat. De altfel, finalul peliculei este explicit: Mamma Roma este o Mater Dolorosa adica Madonna pe durata Calvarului, de unde se poate deduce cine este fiul ei... La ricotta reia tema Calvarului (alaturi de eros, fiind probabil cea mai limpede obsesie a lui Pasolini), dar filmul se dovedeste a fi o grotesca Imitatio Christi, dat fiind ca personajul proletarului (in rolul tilharului cel bun) care moare, in chiar timpul filmarii scenei crucificarii, devine chiar el noul Hristos, martirizat de concetatenii sai care nu il lasa sa isi manince brinza: personajul moare de indigestie, dupa ce, infometat, consumase, totusi, in graba, brinza mult rivnita. Fondul muzical al crucificarii (twist si cha-cha-cha) e considerat blasfemic de inchizitorii lui Pasolini, la fel Maria Magdalena care face streap-tease, la fel Hristosul rizind de Madonna. Ii este reprosata regizorului, de asemenea, viziunea crucificarii care reproduce si reinterpreteaza doi pictori celebri, Rosso Fiorentino si Pontormo. Dar ceea ce le scapa in chip absolut acuzatorilor este tocmai indentitatea lui Hristos: acesta nu este "Hristosul" clasic, ci tocmai proletarul din rolul tilharului cel bun, muritorul de indigestie. Crucificarea sa este atipica, si ea, intrucit indigestia letala a personajului indica in La ricotta o viziune grotesca asupra Italiei contemporane lui Pasolini. Iar grotescul este un simptom al decaderii: inclusiv a credintei. Desi nu a fost inculpat intr-un proces, inclusiv filmul Evanghelia dupa Matei (1964), care fusese recompensat cu trei premii catolice, a suscitat discutii si acuze. Pasolini povesteste, in amintirile sale, despre conclavul de cardinali care, precum niste cenzori, au asistat la prima proiectie a filmului, inainte ca acesta sa intre pe piata. Regizorul rememoreaza fosnetul final al cardinalilor, care nu erau inca siguri cum sa reactioneze, si de aplauzele lor in rafale cind au citit dedicatia regizorului catre Papa. Se pare ca aceasta dedicatie a salvat filmul de la orice fel de reactie oficiala in contra. In amintirile sale, Pasolini povesteste ca a fost obsedat de ideea mortii si ca a ales sa regizeze tocmai Evanghelia dupa Matei, fiindca aici figura lui Hristos i s-a parut a fi cea mai umana, in comparatie cu celelalte evanghelii. Dar, in sensul filmului a actionat si ateismul atit de sucit al regizorului, intrucit era rebel contra catolicismului dogmatic, insa nu neaparat contra credintei pur si simplu. Citeva din marturisirile lui Pasolini sint extrem de interesante in acest sens: "nu am nici inhibitiile unui catolic practicant /.../, nici inhibitiile unui catolic inconstient"; "eu nu cred ca Hristos este fiul lui Dumnezeu, pentru ca nu sint credincios /.../ Dar cred ca Hristos este divin"!!! Nu vad alt comentariu al acestor citate decit acela ca, refuzind catolicismul, dar neinlaturind credinta in sine (chiar daca, in virtutea marxismului sau, se declara a fi ateu), Pasolini era de fapt credincios, dar fara sa stie, fara sa recunoasca acest lucru fata de sine insusi. Apoi, desigur, credinta sa era atipica si, de aceea, putin priceputa ori acceptata. Filmul Teorema, cu tot denuntul la care a fost supus, a primit un premiu catolic, si nu in zadar. Pasolini, utilizind ca suport romanul sau cu acelasi titlu, imagineaza venirea unui Oaspete (un fel de inger sau daimon senzual care aduce revelatia erosului) intr-o familie burgheza, pe care o schimba din radacini, intrucit toate celelalte personaje care intra in contact cu Oaspetele vor fi bulversate pentru totdeauna: Servitoarea care il adora si doreste fizic devine in cele din urma o sfinta; Fiica isi descopera feminitatea si cade intr-o transa extatica; Fiul isi descopera invertirea si devine pictor anarhist, dar acesta este doar un alt fel de a numi nebunia; Mama descopera gustul adulterului si, dupa o serie de partide de sex cu tineri asemanatori Oaspetelui, se refugiaza intr-o biserica, ca intr-un mormint; Tatal isi descopera virilitatea ce fusese amortita, apoi, asemeni unui nou Sfint Francisc (cum l-au vazut analistii filmului) isi da jos vesmintele in marea gara din Milano, ramine gol si astfel strabate desertul in cautarea credintei si a mintuirii. Cel putin trei dintre personajele atinse de Oaspete sfirsesc intr-o forma de credinta: Servitoarea care se inalta la cer, apoi se lasa ingropata si care, lacrimind, da nastere unei fintini; Mama refugiata in biserica, precum o mare pacatoasa; si Tatal, al carui urlet disperat in finalul filmului, este un semn al umanitatii dilematice si intrebatoare. Ce era, oare, obscen in acest film? Putea fi descoperirea senzualitatii si a virilitatii considerata obscenitate, chiar si atunci cind urmarea era mortificarea? Marxistii l-au acuzat pe Pasolini de misticism, iar fetele bisericesti l-au acuzat de reactionarism. Cum isi comenteaza regizorul propriu-i film: "Daca Hristos s-ar intoarce astazi pe pamint, ar fi un scandal; la fel a fost in vremea sa, la fel ar fi si acum"; Oaspetele "nu este 56

Iisus in context actual, nici Eros identificat cu Iisus; este mesagerul unui Dumnezeu nemilos, al lui Iehova care printr-un semn concret, printr-o prezenta misterioasa, ii face pe oameni sa se indoiasca de siguranta lor. Este Dumnezeu care distruge buna constiinta /a burghezilor, se deduce, n.m./..." Nu este greu de ghicit ca cel indoit in sine insusi este chiar Pasolini, dar tot Pasolini este si Tatal urlind disperat in finalul filmului si ratacind prin desert in cautarea credintei sale. Cele trei filme deja amintite din "Trilogia vietii" au fost incriminate in bloc pentru obscenitate, Pasolini avind parte de un adevarat linsaj mediatic italian. Referindu-se la "Trilogie", regizorul afirma interesul sau pentru corporalitate si senzualitate, mai exact pentru senzualitatea voioasa (termenul mi se pare a fi emblematic si bine ales). Boccaccio il pasioneaza pentru optimismul, jucausenia si naturaletea sa. In apararea filmului Povestirile din Canterbury, Pasolini declara ca personajul principal este "corporalitatea populara" si ca aceasta corporalitate i s-a parut necesara a fi proiectata in secolul XX, marcat de o puternica criza culturala; de aceea, singura realitate palpabila i s-a parut a fi cea a corpului. Nu in ultimul rind, Pasolini ia apararea lui Chaucer pentru ironia sanatoasa (vivificatoare, adica) si pentru grosolania vitala (iata alti doi termeni emblematici), dar si pentru temele sale care s-au potrivit ca o manusa cu obsesiile regizorului: sexul, dragostea si moartea. Nu in zadar O mie si una de nopti a fost considerat filmul de capatii din "Trilogia vietii": Pasolini afirma aici normalitatea corpului uman in nuditatea sa, libertatea sexuala si puritatea acestei libertati, cind sexul nu era considerat nici malefic, nici obscen, ci inocent si dezinhibat. Este un film despre virsta de aur a trupului, cu mult inainte de a cadea din Paradis. Pentru pudibonzi si rigizi, "Trilogia vietii" a constituit, insa, o sfidare a moralei. Sfidare a moralei era, probabil, si Via Veneto (strada cu prostituatele de lux ale Romei), dar aceasta nu avea pretentia de a se preschimba in arta. Ceea ce a iritat a fost, de aceea, curajul lui Pasolini de a vorbi, prin imagini, si de a proiecta o estetica a corpului liber. In sfirsit, ultimul film al lui Pasolini este Salo sau cele o suta douazeci de zile ale Sodomei; probabil ca, daca regizorul nu ar fi fost ucis in 1975, el ar fi fost tracasat prin tot felul de tribunale si poate ar fi facut chiar inchisoare pentru acest film. Adaptat, in stil pasolinian, dupa Marchizul de Sade, Salo reda povestea a patru "Signori" fascisti (reprezentanti ai puterii nobiliare, ecleziastice, judiciare si economice) din Italia anului 1944, care aduna baieti si fete ai partizanilor italieni, pe care intentioneaza sa ii reeduce. Pentru rom]ni, filmul vazut acum (adica din 1990 incoace) aduce aminte de fenomenul Pitesti. Tinerii sint trecuti prin trei cercuri ale infernului: al nebuniei, al excrementelor si al singelui (toate etapele sint insotite de torturi rituale si, in cele din urma, de ucideri rituale); unii dintre ei devin colaborationisti (semn ca reeducarea a izbutit) sau ramin victime pure, murind in chinuri. Sexualitatea necrofila a agresorilor socheaza in film, dar acesta este sensul pe care il da si Marchizul de Sade in cartea sa. Pasolini nu a mai avut cum sa apere acest film, intrucit a fost asasinat inainte ca Salo sa aiba acces la public. Totusi, marturii ale regizorului despre continutul peliculei exista. Pasolini a fost frapat de asemanarea dintre infernul lui Sade si cel al lui Dante, prin urmare a rivnit sa faca un film dantesc si politic, in acelasi timp, intrucit tinerii adusi spre a fi reeducati se afla de fapt intr-un lagar camuflat in castel. Transant, regizorul declarase, la un moment dat, ca a fost interesat sa transpuna ideea "transformarii umanitatii in obiect". Sexul in Salo, va declara regizorul in Corriere della Sera", in martie 1975, este o "metafora a raportului Puterii cu cei care se afla in opozitie"; intentia filmului ar fi, astfel, "reducerea corpului la stadiul de obiect". In ce ma priveste, insa, ultimul film al lui Pasolini mi se pare esential fiindca discuta, de fapt, universul concentrationar in faza sa de brutalitate extrema. Salo trateaza tema perversiunii, dar o trateaza in termenii unui film politic. Extremismul peliculei tine de portretul complet pe care il face universului concentrationar. "Pitestizarea" tinerilor din film este absoluta si ea ar putea fi inteleasa, astazi, de pilda, de spectatorul rom]n care cunoaste ceea ce s-a petrecut in inchisoarea Pitesti, intre 1949-1952. Pentru Italia anului 1975 era, insa, o provocare si inca una neinteleasa. Oricite acuze de obscenitate i s-au adus lui Pasolini si din cauza acestui film, cred ca invertirea regizorului are prea putin de-a face cu viziunea extrema din Salo. Moralitatea si etica acestei pelicule consta tocmai in portretul imoralitatii absolute pe care il face universului concentrationar si reeducarii prin tortura. Detinutii politici care au trecut prin Pitesti si care mai supravietuiesc astazi ar intelege perfect acest film. Poate fi acuzat Pasolini de cinism fiindca a regizat Salo? El nu sanctifica violenta, asa cum a fost incriminat, ci o studiaza sub lupa, microscopic, ca un entomolog, un insectar de atrocitati. Iar filmul sau este un Calvar modern in sensul cel mai crestin cu putinta, infatisind o ceremonie in ralenti de 57

ucidere a incocentilor. Filmul este proiectat pentru prima data la trei saptamini de la moartea lui Pasolini. "Cine ar putea sa se indoiasca de sinceritatea mea atunci cind spun ca mesajul filmului Salo este denuntarea anarhiei puterii si a inexistentei istoriei?", declarase regizorul. Intr-un articol, publicat in Corriere della Sera, in decembrie 1975, Alberto Moravia, prieten cu Pasolini, va apara filmul Salo in fata acuzelor lui Italo Calvino, considerind ca acesta nu este un film sadic, ci unul profund cerebral si provocator; este un film impotriva unei Italii corupte si decazute, care si-a uitat Renasterea de odinioara; de aceea, tragedia lui Pasolini este aceea a unui patriot dezamagit de tara sa. Chiar daca Pasolini anuntase ca intentiona sa realizeze dupa Salo un film demistificator despre apostolul Pavel, obstinatia sa in a aborda subiecte legate de tema credintei si a revelatiei, chiar a iluminarii, indica faptul ca era credincios, chiar daca unul atipic, cum am spus deja, si in ciuda marxismului sau afisat. Era atipic si fiindca nu voia sa recunoasca fata de sine insusi credinta neobisnuita, chiar stranie, care il locuia. In ce priveste ultimul sau film, extrem violent, acesta face parte dintr-o lectie de etica pe care regizorul a inteles sa o predea fara vreo cosmetica. Avind in vedere aceste tendinte (sa nu uit, insa, nici de erotismul eliberat din "Trilogia vietii"), dar si ca sa-i respect provocarile si sfidarile adresate societatii timpului sau, il vad pe Pasolini mai degraba in fruntea ultimilor gnostici ai secolului XX, decit in trena blasfemiatorilor atei.

Boyan Manchev FAUT-IL CENSURER LES CRITS NAZIS ? CONSIDRATIONS P RLIMINAIRES

Abstract: The article discusses the problem of censoring Nazi writings, and the ethical problems raised by such texts. Keywords: Censorship; Nazi writings; political discourse Un cas particulier Pour aborder le sujet, je procderai d'un cas particulier. Il s'agit du scandale public qui a eu rcemment lieu en Bulgarie et qui a t provoqu par l'initiative de la maison d'dition Jarava 2002 (prolongeant de son ct les activits de la maison d'dition Jar Ptica) ayant publi une dizaine d'crits nazis et ngationnistes plus ou moins " classiques " : de Mein Kampf a un ouvrage ddi au fameux ngationniste Robert Faurisson. Cet vnement a provoqu un dbat houleux dans les mdias culturels en Bulgarie . Le dbat se rduisait en fin de compte a la simple question pragmatique : est-ce que la publication de livres nazis (et en gnral de textes qui propagent la haine raciale et religieuse et mettent en question les droits dits universels de l'homme ainsi que la dignit de diffrents groupes de gens) doit etre permise ? La question supplmentaire tait : est-ce que les ditions en question sont lgales du point de vue de la lgislation bulgare et si non, n'est-il pas ncessaire que le pouvoir judiciaire engage des poursuites contre les diteurs ? D'ailleurs, la police est intervenue plusieurs fois en confisquant les exemplaires en vente, sans sanctionner pourtant les libraires qui les distribuaient (en fait, le mot " libraire " n'est pas 58

tres exact parce que les livres taient distribus exclusivement par les bouquinistes sur un march a ciel ouvert sis place Slaveikov en plein centre de Sofia). Il faut dire que ces actions policieres n'ont pas laiss l'impression d'etre bien coordonnes, systmatiques et ce qui plus est, leur base judiciaire n'tait pas tout a fait claire (selon les critiques des publications ces dernieres taient illgales pour avoir transgress les articles 162 et 164 du Code Pnal concernant la propagation d'intolrance religieuse, politique et raciale ; dans ce cas s'imposait la question de savoir pourquoi les actions du pouvoir n'taient pas plus radicales ). Lors du dbat mdiatique qui a pris les dimensions d'un scandale, deux " camps " se sont forms autour des deux rponses unilatrales possibles a la question : faut-il autoriser la publication de textes (no)nazis. En fait, la formulation " deux camps " est un peu exagre : dans ce dbat il n'y avait qu'un seul camp, celui des critiques plus ou moins acharns de la publication, une grande partie d'entre eux rclamant l'exercice du pouvoir rpressif de l'tat, dans toute la svrit de la loi, contre les propritaires de la maison d'dition Jarava. L'autre " camp " ne comprenait en effet que les diteurs eux-memes - une minorit infime (deux personnes en fait) mais en meme temps faisant grand bruit, grace surtout a la presse a sensation ou a des mdias prtendus srieux qui ont profit du " scandale " et qui leur ont donn une tribune favorisant la libre expression de leur pense. L'nergie critique s'est focalise sur ces quelques personnages, ce qui, me semble-t-il (au moins), a men a passer sous silence le fait de loin plus inquitant que derriere cette redoutable minorit se cachait une majorit muette et invisible - la majorit des lecteurs de ces livres dont on ignore toujours le tirage, mais qui tait sans aucun doute - a en juger par les signes d'un grand succes commercial - fort lev - 10000 exemplaires ? ou meme 20000 ? De toute faon, derriere le bavardage arrogant des diteurs-businessmen se cachait la majorit muette des lecteurs qui rendait possible ce grand succes commercial. Alors, s'il est sans doute problmatique de qualifier les redoutables diteurs de no-nazis - ils sont avant tout, comme je viens de le dire, des businessmen d'initiative voire d'envergure qui ont russi a dcouvrir une mine d'or non exploite jusqu'a maintenant par l'conomie de march - que dire des lecteurs en question ? C'est la la grande question qui se pose et qui s'imposait naguere sans etre explicitement formule : est-ce que les nombreux lecteurs des ditions de Jarava taient eux-memes des adeptes des ides national-socialistes et ngationnistes? Cette question concrete servira de point de dpart a ces quelques considrations prliminaires sur le probleme de la censure. Et on se dirigera ensuite vers quelques remarques marginales sur la psychologie de la lecture. Si on a recours a la clebre notion de Wolfgang Iser d'acte de lecture, on peut se poser la question : quels sont les actes de lecture qui font la lecture de la littrature nazie non seulement possible mais meme dsire ? Le risque de la lecture et son enjeu politique Les dveloppements qui vont suivre n'ont qu'un caractere de notes prliminaires et d'hypotheses de travail. Ils ne sont qu'un premier pas dans la voie de la rflexion critique qui nous incombe toujours a nous autres, gens du livre et de la plume (une autre minorit infime). Et de fait, mon expos va procder bien de la figure de ces gens du livre et de la plume. Peter Sloterdijk a lanc dans sa confrence " Regles pour le parc humain " qui a fait du bruit rcemment en Allemagne l'opposition entre les notions de " humanisation " - procdure essentielle du devenir de l'homme - et de " bestialisation ", le proces qui en prend le contre-pied et qui dsinhibe l'homme en le faisant retourner au regne animal . Dans le proces d'humanisation la culture du livre a occup une place cruciale. Sloterdijk insiste sur la these que la lecture a t l'instrument privilgi de " l'humanisation ". Cependant, notre exemple tmoigne de faon vidente du fait que la these de Sloterdijk ne peut pas etre prise en tant que modele universel, surtout si on envisage la notion de " humanisation " dans un sens " humaniste " (ce qui contredirait en effet les prmisses de Sloterdijk lui-meme qui pose, au contraire, l' humanisme dans la ligne du proces continu de l'humanisation). Dans la perspective d'une psychologie de la lecture on peut risquer une apostrophe a la these de Sloterdijk. La culture du livre impose un nouveau type de relation et de tension entre la sphere publique et la sphere prive. Dans un 59

certain sens, la pratique de la lecture (surtout de la lecture littraire) a toujours cr un espace d'indistinction entre le public et le priv qui a reu a l'poque moderne la dnomination courante de " fiction ". Cet espace d'indistinction est un espace de risque, un espace dangereux. Il est un espace de risque du ct " personnel " (un espace plastique ou l'etre se risque et s'exprimente) mais aussi du ct " public ". Ce qui quivaut a dire que c'est, ni plus ni moins, un espace de risque politique. De la on pourrait essayer de retracer l'histoire du livre et l'histoire de la lecture en tant qu'histoire des pratiques restrictives dont le but est la neutralisation de ce risque politique fondamental (sans doute le point de dpart d'un tel parcours devrait etre cherch dans la position paradoxale de Platon exprime dans le Phedre ou il expose sa position extremement critique envers l'criture (et par consquent envers l'mergente culture du livre), et cependant il l'exprime a travers l'criture ; ce parcours aboutira bien sur a nos jours, au cas significatif de Rushdie et au-dela). En deux mots, l'histoire de la lecture peut etre vue aussi comme une histoire de la censure. La confrrie nationale - une communaut de lecteurs-amis Dans cette perspective on pourrait considrer le projet national comme la plus radicale tentative d'apprivoisement du risque littraire. L'idologie nationale va mettre a sa base meme le principe littraire : elle aspire a crer une unit politique a travers la langue commune et surtout a travers la lecture des livres - une communaut d'amis-lecteurs. Le projet national forme un espace de fiction commun, c'est-a-dire public, un espace de fiction qui unit toute la communaut. Le canon de la littrature nationale consiste toujours en un nombre restreint de livres sacraliss dont la lecture (souvent a haute voix), l'exgese admirative et parfois meme leur apprentissage par cour forment une vraie communaut dans le sens de communion. Les autodafs nazis sont, dans ce sens, non seulement une violation excessive des principes humanistes mais aussi un phnomene inscrit profondment dans la logique des projets nationaux. En forant la transformation de la fiction littraire en mythe communautaire fondamental, l'idologie nationale doit empecher le fonctionnement de la littrature comme un projet alternatif et priv. Elle ne serait que l'manation d'un seul individu, un paradoxal individu universel : la Nation. De ce point de vue les autodafs nazis sont l'accomplissement total d'un programme venu au monde avec le nationalisme, le programme politique du modernisme par excellence. De ce fait, on ne peut qu'adhrer a la these de Sloterdjik selon laquelle le nazisme occupe une position ambivalente dans l'histoire politique - il reprsente a la fois les tendances de l'humanisation et les tendances de la bestialisation. Psychologie d'une lecture redoutable Ceci dit, nous pouvons revenir a notre question de dpart, et meme a la question qui lui est pralable : faut-il censurer la littrature nazie aujourd'hui ? Et pourquoi jouit-elle d'un relatif succes ? A cause d'un nombre lev de crypto-fascistes dans nos socits ? D'abord, il faut donner une rponse a la question : Quel est le principe de base, le garant transcendant pour ainsi dire, sur lequel une telle censure s'appuierait ? Ce sont, sans aucun doute, les droits universels de l'homme. Un principe universel qui prolonge les ides des Lumieres et de la Rvolution franaise - en principe, du point de vue structurel, le meme principe qui a t pos a la base des projets nationaux. Alors, ce principe prsuppose et exige a son tour une communaut de lecteurs. Le paradoxe c'est qu'aujourd'hui cette communaut manque de plus en plus (s'il a jamais exist) d'un canon commun. Mais une communaut est-elle possible sans un canon commun ? On peut dire plus brutalement : c'est la communaut qui manque aujourd'hui, a l'poque de la mondialisation (ou la globalisation), de plus en plus. Le paradoxe c'est qu'a l'poque de la mondialisation - un phnomene rgi par la sphere conomique - le seul horizon commun devient la " culture " de masse, ce qui n'est qu'un signe inquitant d'un proces de " dlittralisation ", ou bien de re-bestialisation, comme dirait Sloterdijk. Ce proces de bestialisation s'avere sans alternative a cause du simple fait qu'en l'absence de possibilit d'adhsion globale a un canon commun, le domaine de la violence reste le plus simple et le plus facilement partageable dnominateur commun possible. Et c'est bien dans cette situation de d-littralisation qu'une inversion tout a fait paradoxale a vu le jour, 60

et elle concerne justement le cas qu'on a cit ici en exemple. Il s'agit du fait que dans une priode ou la violence s'impose comme un horizon universel, des textes chargs de violence extreme ont un nouvel essor. D'abord, le seul fait que la violence lie normalement a la bestialisation est de retour dans le mdia meme de " l'humanisation ", le livre, mrite une analyse attentive. Est-ce que le nazisme pourrait renaitre de la culture du livre qui autrement se trouve en plein dclin ? Et si non, quels sont les lecteurs invisibles, anonymes des crits nazis et quelle est la raison de leur intret ? La rponse est contenue dans la structure de la question meme. D'abord et avant tout les lecteurs de ces livres sont des lecteurs, des lecteurs dans le sens qui a t investi ici dans ce terme : ils entrent dans un espace indfini entre le public et le priv ou couvent des risques fondamentaux. Sans doute, s'approprier le risque radical de s'exposer au mal radical (ou, au moins, a ce que le sens commun considere comme mal radical - ce serait la formule la plus exacte de ces lecteurs redoutables) - est un choix conscient et consciemment dangereux. Et peut-etre est-ce avant tout et surtout le dsir de retrouver la possibilit d'un tel risque radical, c'est-a-dire, d'une exprimentation radicale de soi-meme avant tout autre (un dsir qui est dans la plupart des cas de caractere compensatoire et de genese traumatique), et en meme temps et du meme coup le dsir d'une position critique radicale quant a l'aspect public, qui rend un tel choix possible. Comment ne pas censurer les crits nazis ? Ce n'est pas pour dculpabiliser les lecteurs de livres nazis et meme non pas pour rpondre ngativement a la question si ces lecteurs sont ncessairement des nazis (je suis bien conscient que parmi eux se cachent plusieurs crypto-nazis) que je dis tout cela, mais pour essayer d'analyser les raisons de l'effervescence inquitante de cette littrature. Et cependant, j'ose insister sur le fait que ce phnomene ne pourrait etre qualifi purement et simplement de phnomene no-nazi, de signe de la renaissance des attitudes fascistes, parce qu'une telle qualification va simplifier beaucoup les choses, va crer une homognisation peu dsire et en fin de compte empecherait la vritable analyse critique des causes du phnomene. D'abord, ces lecteurs ne peuvent pas etre traits de simples nazis a cause du simple fait que le nazisme est un phnomene communautaire. Mais dans le cas bulgare au moins on ne peut pas parler d'une vritable communaut de lecteurs (dans le sens de la communaut monastique, universitaire ou nationale par exemple). Et la constatation d'une telle absence est aussi a la base de mon inquitude au sujet de ce que c'est plutt la censure que la libre diffusion de ces crits qui pourrait ouvrir le chemin a la formation d'une telle communaut, exactement a cause du fait que la mise hors la loi pourrait crer un climat favorable pour la formation d'une communaut sotrique de lecteurs, communaut qui partagerait le meme danger, le danger de la lecture qui va etre transcend en tant que principe public, bien que restant souterrain - un vrai ferment communautaire, le principe d'une future confrrie, d'une communaut de confreres. Mais alors faut-il accepter sans rserve la rdition et la distribution libre de cette littrature ? Ma rponse aura deux phases lies aux deux phases de la question : 1. Il est tres difficile d'exiger sans aucune rserve l'interdiction de publier ces livres. Si la libert d'expression est un principe universel, il ne doit pas etre transgress . C'est cette transgression qui a vu son exces terrifiant dans les monstrueux rgimes totalitaires du siecle pass. 2. En meme temps, dans la mesure ou il s'agit de la diffusion, la rponse serait " non ". La diffusion de la littrature en question ne peut et ne doit pas etre libre. Il me faudrait ici retourner une fois de plus aux tendances dja mentionnes de la bestialisation contemporaine. D'abord, il faut que je fasse la remarque que ce terme me semble lui aussi trop redoutable, tant inscrit dans une tradition combattue par Sloterdijk lui-meme et fonde sur l'opposition radicale entre l'homme et l'animal qui prsuppose toujours une dfinition essentielle, et de la essentialiste de l'homme. Je vais tout de meme garder la figure de Sloterdijk d'un proces qui va a l'encontre du proces historique d'humanisation a travers la culture du livre, pour affirmer, sans trop grande originalit d'ailleurs, que les tendances en question procedent surtout de l'ontologisation de l'conomie de march qui marque notre poque : apres la chute 61

du bloc communiste, en d'autres termes, apres la fin de la priode des grandes idologies politiques, le principe conomique reste la seule grande force motrice du monde contemporain. De la ma these : s'il ne faut pas rduire le droit universel d'expression, il faut rduire le droit dit " de libre entreprise ", en postulant qu'un produit (ce qui veut dire une chose faisant l'objet d'un commerce), en l'occurrence un texte, qui humilie les droits et la dignit de l'homme, qui propage des modeles de violence, ne peut pas etre utilis comme source de profit conomique. La rdition de textes de ce type pourrait avoir lieu mais elle devrait etre superviser par des organismes publics (universits, muses, instituts de recherches). Je doute fort qu'avec une telle rgulation, meme envisage ici comme une hypothese sans contours prcis et bien utopique a cause de cela, le phnomene qui a servi de prtexte a cette breve rflexion ait pu jouir de son envergure actuelle (combien ont t les lecteurs de ces livres dans les bibliotheques ?). Et ce qui est encore plus certain, c'est que les businessmen de Jarava auraient perdu tout intret a cette affaire. Car aujourd'hui le nazisme n'est sans doute plus possible comme projet politique dans le sens traditionnel, c'est-a-dire moderne, du terme. Mais en meme temps, il ne faut pas nous calmer trop et relacher notre vigilance. Le fascisme, comme toutes sortes d'avatars du totalitarisme et d'autres projets monstrueux est toujours possible, surtout sous condition d'etre et dans la mesure ou il est source de profit conomique. Pourrait-on dire dans cette perspective qu'avec le nationalisme nous tions en prsence d'une idologie qui crait le canon littraire, tandis qu'aujourd'hui (oserais-je dire, avec la globalisation a l'amricaine) nous avons les best-sellers qui crent l'idologie ? Alors, les no-nazis, s'ils existent parmi nous, doivent devenir des lecteurs dans les bibliotheques. Ce qui est tres peu probable. Le vrai danger aujourd'hui n'est plus le livre. Et dans cette situation, lui, le livre, retrouverait peut-etre une nouvelle possibilit, sa chance nouvelle - de redevenir une exprience de risque ou toutes les prtentions universelles peuvent etre remises en question. Un espace critique sans aucune condition.

Vladimir Cvetovic Media Responsibility of Politicians in Serbia

Abstract: The paper describes the Serbian media during the Yugoslavian War, observing its fluctuant relationship with the Serbian political structures. Keywords: Serbia; Yugoslavian War; media and politics; censorship What differentiates today's potentates from all other potentates in the history of humanity and society? Here is the answer: while all previous potentates paid attention to the deeds of their lieges, today's potentates pay attention primarily to the thoughts of their lieges. Duro unjic The power of the media was recognized very early by politicians as a means of controlling and influencing the public. The last decade of the twentieth century in Serbia showed this power of the media in society and politics in the most brutal way. Censorship, a practice inherited from the past, had 62

an important role in manipulating the public and influencing the behaviour of all: the public, the journalists and the politicians. This paper deals with the issue of censorship in the light of its consequences on the behaviour of the new political elite, and examines the media after the breakdown of the authoritarian regime in Serbia, the last one in the Balkans. The behaviour of Serbian politicians, who tend to rely on censorship in some aspects of public life, can be treated as a heritage of the past. Therefore, the first part of this paper focuses on a brief analysis of the characteristics of mediaconstructed reality, with special attention to the place of internal censorship. Additionally, media legislation, together with legal and political practices related to the media, is also covered, since it established the circumstances in which a media communication culture was created. In the second part of the paper I shall give some examples regarding the behaviour of the new Serbian political elite, whose origins are in the previous period, and its tendency to perpetuate practices that are characteristic of authoritarian rather than democratic rule. Nevertheless, I shall start this paper with some general remarks about the media and censorship. Ideology, propaganda and censorship In a capitalist society (though not exclusively), media play an important ideological role in legitimising the system. However, ideological control through the media is not firm, but rather informal and implicit, with imperfect effects. Political leaders often blame the media for political problems (caused by politicians) because it is very difficult to keep the editorial policies of different media under total control, and the information released by some authority is usually distorted before it can reach the audience. Therefore, the media can somewhat overcome the influence of one particular interest group. The media offer a socially-shared established viewpoint, articulated somewhere in the interaction between many social subjects (see more in Parenti, 1993). In countries undergoing transition, the role of the media can be even larger, since changes in the political and economic systems are accompanied by the deconstruction of ideology and value ladders attached to it. Here the media can be a very important agent for articulating a new ideology and value system. Opinion leaders and politicians in transitional countries are probably the most influential in this sense, and have immense responsibility in the public sphere because they have to change the practice of mass communication and to set the basis for a new public communication culture. Unlike capitalism, socialism used firmer, more brutal ways of controlling the media and publicly available information. A case from former Yugoslavia is relevant in this sense, since censorship became much more widespread after the country's breakdown (see more in Thompson, 1994). Whereas in capitalistic democratic societies the editorial policy sets the priority of the news, and selects the information that should or not be published (justified by the importance of some news items over others), in socialism news selection was made on the basis of its lucrative potential for the collective interests1; the information that might be detrimental to such interests was simply forbidden openly and by force. This does not mean that censorship is not present in democratic capitalist societies, but there it is countered by the culture of the freedom of information and by the numerous groups that fight against restricting the information area. Thus, censorship on the media usually comes from external sources, from various powerful interest groups such as the government in politically centralized societies, some informal or even criminal groups, and groups with particular economic interests, etc. The second characteristic of censorship is that it is imposed by pressure and force, and if some media or journalist should break restrictions, they face repression, which leads us to the problem of selfcensorship. The simplest and safest means by which the media or journalists can avoid repression is to impose self-censorship. Contrary to censorship which is imposed from external sources, self-censorship is an internally regulated way of behaviour. "Journalists will treat their self-censorship as a matter of being 'realistic' or 'pragmatic' or 'playing by the rules.' In their ability to live in a constant, if not always conscious, state of anticipatory response while maintaining an appearance of independence, newspeople are not much different from professionals in other hierarchical organizations" (Parenti 63

1993:41). As a result, self-censorship becomes a part of a culture influencing the communication practice of a society. Media regulation and practice in Serbia This communication practice has two main aspects, or rather areas in which it is manifested: the already mentioned journalists, and the audience, or the media consumers. In the long run, mediacreated reality, no matter how big the discrepancy between it and the real life, becomes a very important factor in any citizen's everyday life. People's cognitive schemas, created under incessant long-term impact of selected and censored information, are usually very resistant to changes, even when full access to information is allowed. There is no critical attitude toward information provided by the media, or there is significant distrust in the media in general, or just in some of them. Therefore, the fact that after the liberalization of the press at the beginning of the 90s, people in Serbia found themselves aligned as readers of either Politika (the government's newspaper), or Telegraf or Blic (independent, pro-opposition journals) is not out of the ordinary. A significant number of readers in Serbia simply continued to follow the same source of news as before (the Communist Party, transformed into the new Socialist Party of Serbia, took over the main media), disbelieving the media founded after 1990. However, even the audience of these new media in Serbia were/are affected by the system that existed before the 90s. While before the changes everyone knew what should or should not be published and claimed publicly, and what language should be used, new circumstances brought potential freedom and width, but only with vague and imprecise ideas about basic communicational rules. This lack of any elaborated rules for practice influences the behaviour of all: the politicians, the media, and the public. However, the question remains: whose responsibility is it to change this? Here we have two contenders, politicians and the media: for certain aspects of culture it is politicians who are responsible, as public figures, whereas for some others it is journalists and editors who are responsible. The environment in which the media in Serbia used to function, the environment that influenced the communication culture in Serbia can be treated as political interventionism over the media; it can therefore be accounted for as engendered by politicians (not only as public figures who claim something publicly, but also as an interest group which can go to such lengths as to forbid the work of some media). Independent media in Serbia were experiencing different kinds of pressure and hardship, some of the most significant being imposed through legislative and economic regulations and practices. First of all there was an (extremely repressive) Public Information Law issued in 1998, which was at variance not only with international regulations, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, but also with the constitutions of Serbia and Yugoslavia. The information law was specifically aimed at controlling the independent media in Serbia, and at establishing censorship on a legal basis. The following three points highlighted in an analysis conducted by Marijana Filipovic (Filipovic, 2000:18) represent the best illustration. Articles 3 and 30 require the press (both printed and broadcast media) to publish/ broadcast only information that is entirely true. If they do not succeed in reaching this goal, the author, editor, publisher, or broadcaster carries personal responsibility for the truthfulness of information. Articles 42 and 50 provide censorship actions against the press, which would include both pre- and post-publication sanctions. Articles 67 and 69 of the Public Information Law provide punishments for violations of Articles 2 and 42. These punishments mainly include fines, which do not meet the 'proportionality' requirement in respect to the harm that was done. Fines are also to be paid for "broadcasting or re-broadcasting programs of a political-propaganda nature in Serbian or in any of the recognized national minorities' languages" (Article 27).

64

The part of the Law which regulated the work of media during the war was even more explicit, introducing censorship openly (Articles 5, 7, 8, 10, 13, 14, and 15). There was a restriction on reporting from the battlefield, which included a ban on giving information about loses incurred by the Yugoslav Army and Police. The Law also gave instruction as to how the language should be used while reporting on a conflict and the sides involved (Filipovic, 2000:19). Hence, armed Albanians in Kosovo were called terrorists, refugees from Kosovo during the conflict were described as Albanian victims of the NATO campaign, and NATO soldiers were described as the dogs of war. The application of the Public Information Law had a dramatic outcome for the freedom of expression, imposing extremely high sentences in terms of money primarily. The trials for alleged crimes committed by the media were conducted in an express manner, and the reasons invoked included critical coverage on the activities of the country's power structures. The Evropljanin weekly magazine was found guilty of blaming the president of FRY for the country's bad situation. On October 24th 1998 this magazine was fined with around $150.000 (Filipovic, 2000:22). For similar reasons were punished also editors and journalists, with sums that exceeded their salaries many times. Fortunately, this repression did not last long enough to completely diminish the alternative view offered by the independent media. The other aspect of media behaviour is a consequence of the lack of appropriate rules that would regulate the basic professional standards. The essential problems of Serbian journalism were the reason for publishing the Ethical Code, a handbook made by the Independent Association of Serbian Journalists. "It was in fact, a response to the voices which expressed doubts on the question - is there any rule in our profession, or is everything allowed?" (Bogoeva, Rokvic, Vojnovic, 1999:5). The main aim was to conduce to the education of journalists and advancement of the profession. By giving an overview of the media codes in 26 out of 28 European countries, the authors categorized the content of these codes under six categories. Among them, two appear to be the most important and the most exhaustive: the responsibility of the media and journalists toward the public (citizens), and the protection of the integrity of the profession from any external influence (ibid. 17). Although these analysed codes belong to Western Europe mainly, it is obvious that even in the countries with a solid tradition of free press the most problematic issues are the same as in countries without any tradition of independent journalism. Of course, these problems have specific characteristics in the West and somewhat different features in the former socialist countries. The situation in Serbia was among the most difficult compared to all other European countries, because the "clash between declared objectives and clandestine resistance was perhaps the most clearly expressed" (Thompson, 2000:6). To complete the picture we have to pinpoint the main characteristics of media reporting in Serbia before the elections in 2000. One can find two interpretations of reality: one given by the regime and the other given by independent media. Therefore, the contents of pro-regime Politika and independent Glas Javnosti (Voice of the Public) give us two significantly different stories. Reality as presented by Politika was oriented towards Russia and China, putting them in a very positive light, while Western countries were depicted as threatening. Furthermore, Russia and China were seen to have a very decisive role in international affairs, as well as the power to dictate the world's politics. On the other hand, reports about any cooperation between the West and the abovementioned countries were scarce. Moreover, if there was any kind of official agreement between Russia and the United States about issues concerning Yugoslavia, there was no report on that but on the reaction of Russia's anti-American opposition. As far as reporting on internal affairs was concerned, there was an almost complete absence of coverage on the political parties which formed the opposition. These parties were mentioned only as exponents of the west or of the forces which went against Serbian national interests. Both the West and the opposition were the main perpetrators responsible for the bad situation in the country. Everything was justified by national interests, and national interests were strongly linked with the regime as the 'only guarantee' of national sovereignty, freedom and prosperity. Glas Javnosti presented more Western-centred views, whereby the US and Western Europe played the key role in international affairs, also decisively influencing Serbia's internal affairs. The presence of numerous articles on activities of the opposition parties, as well as on informal anti-regime groups such as NGOs, set up a completely different context for the government's activities. The West was 65

depicted in a much more positive light than in Politika. For example, in Glas Javnosti there was a clear link between the crisis in Kosovo (this was in 1998) and international sanctions against Yugoslavia, and the role of Serbian/ Yugoslav government in creating the country's disastrous internal as well as external situation. In Politika, there was no reference to any event (the Serbian policy in Kosovo, for example) as a reason for introducing the sanctions. In order to avoid somehow the threat posed by the Information Law, Glas Javnosti resorted to different authorities, politicians, economists, foreign celebrities and professionals, etc. to criticize the government. However, at the time even such tactics were not sufficient to prevent punishment for 'disobeying' written and unwritten rules. Comparing the two newspapers, one can see how important censorship was for the previous government, in order that it might gain and retain control over the public opinion. The same content which is presented in Politika looks absolutely different put in the context of all relevant information. This alternative view given by independent media significantly diminished the influence of the government's propaganda, and the only way to cope with that problem was, for the state officials, to unify the media. Therefore, the control and repression of the independent sources of information and the media until September 2000 were constantly tightened. After the changes What has changed with the new government? First of all, the new Serbian government (the ruling political force, DOS, the Democratic Opposition of Serbia, is a coalition of 18 political parties) built its image on the opening of the country, especially toward the West. The message that these parties are sending all the time is that Serbia/ Yugoslavia is a part of Europe and, as such, it must be a modern democratic state. They are constantly insisting on the right for free access to information, and the need for independent and critical media, criticizing the politics of censorship. The way from criminalized autocratic rule to the 'modern country of western democracy' is claimed not to be easy, but definitely reachable. On the other hand, the former opposition, which has preserved its name even under the new circumstances (the Democratic Opposition of Serbia), had strong support from the Western European countries and the US before the elections, and this support has continued ever since. Shortly after the elections Yugoslavia became a member, or at least was granted a privileged status in many international organizations, and citizens have been able to see the results of the new policies. This huge international support and economic help from the West has additionally obliged the government to comply with the rules of modern western democracies. Consequently, the new government could not even imagine introducing any kind of open censorship, as the previous regime did. Under these circumstances (the process of integration into international institutions, and ten years of authoritarian rule which set some 'standards' of political game), it might be expected that there has been some receding into the past, particularly when the new politicians came to unpleasant issues and topics; censorship, nevertheless, has had to be as covert as possible. Basically, there are two options: because open censorship of specific information is out of the question, politicians can try to invoke the self-censorship of journalists by 'advising' publicly whether some published information or issue could be dangerous or bad for the national interests. This could be good tactics, since the journalists from the pro-regime media developed this kind of self-censorship during the previous years, and they would just have to adjust to the new politicians in heeding to what could be sanction-proof reporting. The second way to control the media is even more efficient, because it counts on editors or journalists loyal to certain political factions within DOS, who will convey the desired editorial policy. In this case, politicians have to lobby for their purposes, and to offer some privileges to the editors or journalists. However, I will focus here only on this visible appeal to self-censorship, namely, to the politicians' advice as to what could be an appropriate editorial policy, through suggestions concerning what issues and information might be best to avoid in public. The other aspect that also influences the media's credibility - the lack of a communication culture and the public figures' liability for this (including the media as authorities in public opinion moulding) - is indivisible from the previously mentioned problem. Politicians in Serbia have very often made statements that were not checked beforehand, or adequately prepared for publication. Of course, there is always the journalists' or the editors' responsibility to additionally check some information, or to 66

prepare it in an adequate way for publication, but my intention here is to focus on politicians. The reason for this lies in already mentioned fact that they bear most of the burden for changing practices in the media, by modifying the law (which has not been changed, but at least is not used anymore), and showing, through personal examples, what correct communication practices mean. Three interesting events that became big public affairs are the best illustration of the above mentioned: the case of assassinated former policeman Gavrilovic, the affair about the law on extra profiteers and the published list of the profiteers' names, and finally the issue of the mass-graves of Kosovar victims. The Gavrilovic affair started when the Blic daily newspaper published on its front page a story about some documents that Gavrilovic had given to Yugoslav president Kotunica on the day of his assassination. These 'documents' allegedly contained some proofs about the connections between the Serbian political leaders and organized crime in the country. The newspaper published this information as received from a confidential source, presumably from some person close to president Kotunica. At that time disputes between the two most influential factions in DOS (the Democratic Party to which Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Dinidic belonged, and the Democratic Party of Serbia to which Yugoslav president Vojislav Kotunica belonged) were amongst the main political topics, and this story simply served to kindle this dispute. From initial 'proofs' of the connection between criminals and politicians, after a few days only some accusations and suspicions about the poor performance of the Serbian government (which were already obvious to the public, and partly already stressed by the media) remained; the assassination was used only for political purposes. As far as media are concerned, this story is interesting on two accounts. After publishing the story, Blic editors and journalists were summoned to the police headquarters for questioning, at around the same time when the Serbian minister of police was promising that the authorities would not force the newspaper to reveal the source of its information. This event reinforced public suspicion that the new government did not to have full control over the Serbian police, and that the threat of repression was still present. Fortunately, after this first excess, the focus moved from Blic to a quarrel between politicians, which in fact posed another question: was this newspaper used for some political games? One public statement of the Independent Association of Serbian Journalists is pretty much in line with the posed question. The Association warned that there was ongoing pressure on the media in Serbia, but also advised the media that they should be cautious not to become involved in situations which could compromise them, and turn them into an excuse for heated political debates (Blic, 14 August, 2001). State Security Service Chief of Cabinet claimed that the 'Gavrilovic case' was a subject of media manipulation (Politika, 31 August, 2001). The second example is related to publishing the list of extra-profiteers who were supposed to pay special taxes because they had earned money under the previous regime and had been profiting from some privileged position. The law that should regulate this was conceived as an act of social justice, in the sense that those who had been making huge profits had to pay a tax which would be used to cover social expenses. After the list of enterprises and persons that should pay this tax appeared in the media, another public discussion started, this time about the correctness of such an act (publishing the list). The main argument, which could be partly justified, was that the list resembled to some extent the practices of the previous regime and its lists of those who deserved public condemnation. However, this was also a necessary quest for justice. Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Dinidic brought the soundest arguments against publishing the list, arguing that it could harm the safety of some citizens and their reputations. In reply, Mladan Dinkic, Governor of the Federal Bank, claimed that Dinidic was under pressure (from some of the tycoons) to withdraw the list (Blic, 26 July, 2001). Although directed to Dinkic, the Prime Minister's call was also an indirect call to the media to avoid this hot issue. However, Dinkic, as well as the commission that had compiled the list and made it public without thorough checking, also had some share of the blame. Negligence resulted in mentioning one family on that list, though that family had used the money received under special terms for a medical operation of blind twins (they were removed from the list after the intervention). The biggest concern related to this issue was raised after broadcasting a video clip where the faces of the main extra profiteers appeared for the first time on state television. This video clip was instantly removed, and journalists from this TV station had to 'put ashes on the heads', claiming that everything had been a big mistake and a bungled job of inexperienced new employees. "RTS (Radio Television of Serbia) does 67

not function in such a way that everything is under control; hence, excesses of this type are possible. The mistake was not broadcasting the video clip, but the way in which the clip was made. Everything was like propaganda action and that is the reason why the problem appeared" - these were the words of Aleksandar Crkvenjakov, chief editor of RTS (NIN, 26 July, 2001). Again, there is overt intention on the part of politicians to avoid publishing some information, and on the other hand, inappropriate practice standards of media professionals, but also of officials from the Federal Bank in preparing the information for the public. Finally, there was the notorious affair of mass graves found on several locations in Serbia, where the victims of the Kosovar war had been buried by the previous regime in order to hide its crimes. Therefore, it is not strange that the parties that were in power at the time when these crimes and coverups happened should have criticised the action of revealing such facts. They claimed that the whole thing was framed, that there were not so many bodies as it was alleged, that everything should stop because it was not in Serbia's best interest (Mirjana Markovic in Politika on 25 July, 2001), etc. In this context, it is interesting to analyse the statements made by Yugoslav president Kotunica on several occasions (for example at his regular press conference held on 24.05.2001), when he claimed that the information about these mass graves was not accurate and that even public mentioning of that issue was detrimental to the national interest. Besides the fact that Kotunica indirectly insisted on selfcensorship of state officials and the media, he did not make a clear distinction between the previous regime and the new governments (republic and federal). This attitude also had firm support from the public, consolidated during the previous 10 years through constant propaganda; the responsibility of perpetuating a basically similar political message is very serious. One survey published in Politika on 30 July 2001 on the question of whether "war crimes and mass graves should be obliterated or not", showed that 44.7% citizens of Serbia thought that there had been war crimes committed by the Serbs, but that the others (Croatians, Muslims, etc.) had committed even more. However, almost 28% considered that the revealing of mass graves was a shameful act and that it had to be stopped immediately. These attitudes are likely to be strengthened if they are supported by persons with high reputation. One more example is illustrative in relation to censorship. A documentary movie about the massacre in Srebrenica committed by the Yugoslav Army forces was broadcast on the state TV on Wednesday 11th July, 2001. The very next day a regular session of the Serbian assembly was dedicated to this event at the request of the opposition, the parties which had been in power at the time when the massacre took place. The opposition demanded that the people responsible for that broadcast - which had laid such blame on the Serbs - should be identified. In a reply, the DSS (a party of president Kotunica) phrased the question differently: who had blamed the Serbs for committing those crimes? Concurrent with this ongoing debate, the state television started to reprise the documentary, which was, however, aborted when a break in the assembly session started. There was no explanation why this broadcasting was aborted or at whose request. Conclusion These examples show something that could be named as uncertainty in the roles that should be played in the new circumstances. On one hand, they wanted to behave in a responsible, professional and democratic manner. The main actors of the mentioned affairs, Kotunica and Dindic, stressed the importance of independent and professional media on many occasions, but in some aspects they would rather make use of some advantages that only practices inherited from the previous regime could confer. On the other hand, the problem of educating journalists and editors came into focus, since there was no longer strong political control that would 'prescribe' ways of reporting. The way in which information is presented, as in the case of broadcasting the video on profiteers, is crucial because under loose (political or economic) control, media professionals must introduce self-control under a professional code or some similar positive regulations. That would also be one of the ways of preventing censorship, by not allowing some external groups to lay down the rules for the media. The general conclusion is that the new circumstances in Serbia are much more favourable to the media, but the situation is still relatively critical: the institution of independent media is not very strong 68

yet. However, a good aspect of the political constellation in Serbia is that the ruling coalition is much more diversified. Among the coalition partners it is not strange to see opposite approaches or attitudes toward certain issues. This should ensure mutual political control in following democratic rules and fair play, which would subsequently have positive consequences on the media. The pluralism of public voices is the best way of preventing manipulation, which has also proved to be true in the case of Serbia. The previous regime tried to take complete control over the public information area because propaganda could not be efficient enough. A paradigmatic example is the period of the Kosovar conflict, when war propaganda had full effect on the public at the beginning (people were confused, frightened, informed mainly from one source, namely the state), but started to decline when people began searching for and listening to alternative sources of information provided by foreign news services, such as Deutche Welle or Voice of America. While questioning ways of preventing censorship as enforced not by media professionals but by some external sources (different interest groups), we should not neglect the role of media and market professionals. The media market poses demands for different types of content and information, and different segments of audience can justify alternative information, approaches or viewpoints. Additionally, media professionals are not a homogeneous professional group (the majority of modern positive regulations give journalists the right not to work for the broadcasting company whose editorial policy is in collision with the journalist's personal feelings. To sum up, it is hard to believe that censorship in Serbia will be eradicated, since those who have the responsibility to do that, namely politicians, would rather follow their own interests and find ever more sophisticated and invisible ways of maintaining some degree of control. Therefore, pluralism of the media and the interest groups behind them is the most realistic aim, which can provide the basis for monitoring the problem of censorship and media professionalism through a mutual control of the media actors. 1 Collective interests are usually defined in a very vague way, which allows the regime to interpret them in accordance with daily or other specific political needs. Bibliography: Bogoeva, Julija, Rokvic Dragutin, and Vojnovic, Dura, (Eds.) (1999). Eticki kodeksi za tampane i elektronske medije (Ethical Codeses for Press and Electronic Media), Nezavisno udruzenje novinara Srbije, Beograd. Filipovic, Marijana (2000). Unpublished MA thesis at The Sociology department of the Central European University, Warsaw Parenti, Michael (1993). Inventing Reality: The Politics of News Media. St. Martin's Press, New York. unjic, Duro, (1995). Ribari ljudskih dua: ideja manipulacije i manipulacija idejama. Cigoja tampa, Beograd. Thompson, Mark, (2000). Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Hertzegovina, Macedonia (FYROM) and Kosovo International Assistance to Media. OSCE, Representative on Freedom of the Media, Vienna. Thompson, Mark, (1994). Forging War (The Media in Serbia, Croatia

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Nicolae M. Constantinescu Deadly Lies

Abstract: This paper presents the Romanian Revolution in 1989 in connection to issues like censorship, violence and insecurity. Keywords: Romania; anticommunist revolution; censorship; violence

There is more than one way to tackle the subject of our conference. I will choose to discuss how a distorted presentation of reality can lead to a manifestation of incredible aggressiveness in the part of Europe where Romania is situated. The right to be informed is a fundamental human right. Basically, every managerial act has three pillars: information, decision and control, regardless of whether it concerns the manner in which I take care of my family or the manner in which, for instance, the President of the US manages his country. In other words the quality of decisions is largely dependent on the quality of information, so it would be incorrect to blame a wrong decision made on the basis of inaccurate information. Every democratic society responsibly accepts the establishment of the mechanisms that allow every citizen to have free access to information. The major priority of all communist societies - and, generally speaking, of all totalitarian regimes - is to obstruct their citizens' access to information, thus making them unable to make the right decisions. As a matter of fact, it is dictators who make all the decisions, while citizens have to enforce those decisions obediently. Otherwise they have to bear the consequences. One could say that while a democratic society is starved for information, in a totalitarian society only a small group of people can lay their hands on information and use it in their exclusive interest. Getting rid of the communist totalitarian regimes has not led to an eradication of the old reflexes of secrecy. Moreover, in these countries false information has been used to force the making of wrong decisions, which has led to an aggressive behavior, even to crime. One can say that the struggle of the recent period has been between information on the one hand, misinformation and noninformation on the other hand. I am neither a historian nor a sociologist, I am neither an expert in media nor an expert in politology. I am just a citizen of this country who wants to tell you about the events I have experienced since 1989. I believe these events can be serious subjects for anyone to think about. As a surgeon, I operated the first wounded people in Piata Universitatii starting December 21st, 1989, in the afternoon. It was a real carnage launched against innocent people who were shot, molested, run over by tanks in the center of Bucharest. Beginning at 3 a.m., on December 22nd, 1989, the entire Piata Universitatii was cleaned using water from hoses and detergents so as to eliminate any drop of blood, any evidence of the slaughter committed there. This is an example of how totalitarian societies can wipe off all the evidence of their crimes. On 22nd of December, 1989, in the evening, Corneliu Coposu - leader of PNT - was not allowed to enter the TV building and address the population, although he had been one of the most persecuted Romanian citizens after '45. As a consequence, the population of this country was not allowed to listen to one of the most authorized people. The idea that 60,000 people had been killed in Romania was launched by the National TV Channel and Radio, as well as by some newspapers, in order to justify the sham trials that led to the execution of Nicolae Ceausescu. Images of dead people in a few hospital morgues in Timisoara were also used as evidence, although those people hadn't been killed in the revolution. As Professor Lazar Lalici from 70

The Cinema Institute in Belgrade declared in 1996, this justificatory method of using images of dead people from hospital morgues had also been used to start the Serbo-Croatian war in Vukovar in 1991. Since 1990 television has been the decisive instrument for influencing the Romanian public opinion. I have witnessed numerous cases of censorship, and I should first like to discuss a situation I was involved in during a session of the Surgical Society in Bucharest. As Secretary of the Society at that time, on February 15th, 1990 I organized a special session where we presented the case studies of the people who had been shot and then treated in various Surgical Clinics across Bucharest in December 1989. To this session I invited the TV, the newspapers, the foreign correspondents and the radio. The session took place at the Coltea Hospital. The Free Romanian Television was represented by Mrs. Stefania Bratu and by several cameramen. Mrs. Bratu assured me that the material would be broadcast a week later. On the following Tuesday, at 5 pm, there was an interview with Mr. Silviu Brucan. A little bit upset, I phoned Mrs. Bratu, who told me that Mr. Brucan's program had priority and that the material about the people shot during the revolution would be broadcast the following Tuesday. Indeed, on the morning of the following Tuesday - it was already March - she informed me that the program would be shown in the afternoon. I waited until 5 p.m. I pressed the button and was stupefied to see that they were broadcasting a program about Artificial Limbs. I got very angry; I went to the Hospital to visit my patients. I consulted my patients going from one ward to another and suddenly, in a double-bed ward, which also had a TV set, a patient embraced me, congratulated me on the program and on my courage to show what had happened. I was again stupefied, hearing from my patient that the program had actually started with a material about artificial limbs, showing this kind of operations performed at the Military Hospital. After the presentation, the reporter said: "Such artificial limbs were also needed for the wounded people of December 1989, and listen to what happened during the revolution in Bucharest". I was truly indignant. I called Mrs. Bratu and, ill at ease, she said: "Doctor, this was the only way Mr. Razvan Theodorescu, manager of the TV channel, could approve of the program being broadcast". Moreover, a great part of the material used at the Coltea session had been cut out. In April-May 1990, during the 52-day meeting in Piata Universitatii, the same Mr. Razvan Theodorescu introduced a tough brand of censorship on this unique Romanian phenomenon of civilian awakening, not allowing the presentation of the speeches on TV, most of which were patriotic and common sensical. On the other hand, in the afternoon of May 13th 1990, the same Mr. Razvan Theodorescu decided to break off the TV programs in order to generate a feeling of insecurity in the country, referring to an attack against the fundamental institutions of the state. I was on night duty at the Coltea Hospital between June 13th-14th. At 2 in the morning, I heard prolonged automatic gunshots, after which 4 people were brought to me: one was already dead, another one had been shot in the head and was in a coma, and two other people, who had been shot in the thighs, had to undergo surgery. At about 5 in the morning, I saw the miners' invasion of Piata Universitatii: barbaric acts against the civilians were committed. I can still see the image of an old man, his left eye streaming down from his socket after having been pierced by a miner's bludgeon. In the afternoon, a miner brought a man with a wide gash in the scalp, telling me that he had been hit by mistake. After I finished the treatment, I asked the miner why they had come to Bucharest. "We have come here to finish off with the fascists and the legionnaires who arrested Mr. Petre Roman and are persecuting Mr. Iliescu". I asked him where he had heard of all these things. He answered: "Haven't you watched TV, doctor? The fascists have stopped any TV broadcasting." No comment. During June 14th-15th, 1990, the "Adevarul" newspaper published a series of stigmatizing articles stating that at the PNTCD headquarters, drugs, dollars and money- and gun-making machines had been found. Later on I asked Mr. Dumitru Tinu if his newspaper would ever disavow this lie. I asked him this because the facts published by the newspaper were entirely untrue and disproved the name ADEVARUL= THE TRUTH. Instead of an answer, Mr. Dumitru Tinu chose to poisonously attack me in the pages of "Adevarul". He did all this because I had told him that the name of his newspaper was like Damocles's sword hanging over his head. In December 1990, Mr. Dumitru Iuga, the leader of the TV Trade union, went on a hunger strike 71

asking for democratic elections of the Romanian TV managerial team. After several days during which his health had deteriorated, I asked for an appointment with Mr. Razvan Theodorescu and was accompanied there by Mr. Mihai Sora, Mr. Stere Gulea and Mr. Nicolae Manolescu. The partiality of the Romanian TV was brought up, as was the problem of censorship and freewill. Mr. Razvan Theodorescu demanded that I give him concrete examples. I told him what had happened with the program recorded at the session of the Surgical Society. With utter effrontery, he said that it had been my mistake because I had not requested him to reschedule the program. Again no comment! I insist on Mr. Iuga's case from a medical point of view. Three weeks after he ended his hunger strike, I operated him for a giant duodenal peptic ulcer, the result of the stress he had been under. Is it possible for a lie to kill? Unfortunately, yes, it is! A few points of view. The interference of politics in media must always be fought against. Free access to information must be established de jure and put in practice de facto. After four decades of dictatorship, the 1990-2001 period represented a change for Romania, but a slower one compared with the other Central and East European countries which had also belonged to the socialist camp. The decisive demolishing factor against censorship on reality is the INTERNET. I am sure that with the INTERNET we have stepped into a period without censorship.

Andreea Iacob Mijloacele de manipulare in masa si cenzura gindirii

Mass manipulation and the censorship of thought Abstract: The article compares different types of censorship (media-based, economic, legislative, moral) in totalitarian societies and also in democratic ones, reaching conclusions about how does censorship influence or abmit thought. Keywords: Romania; communism; censorship; totalitarian societies; theory of discourse The basic goal of the communist system was to transform people in an army of believers without questioning. For such a plan, individuals had to be persuaded, their minds emptied and then filled with the images offered by the only available system, the communist one. The best manipulating device was the mass media, the press, the community's most reliable institution. Offering as less information as possible, cut out of it's context, the few media institutions, all working for the Government, succeeded in turning their "victims" in a mass of obedience. Today media censorship is less official, but maybe even more powerful and dangerous: it now works mostly on people who's background is the lack of trust and confusion. Modern censorship, especially economical and legislative, comes again as a wall between the press and its "consumer".

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in anul 1984, DEX definea cenzura ca fiind un "control prealabil care asigura pastrarea secretului de stat; controlul prealabil exercitat asupra continutului publicatiilor, emisiunilor de radioteleviziune etc.; organ care exercita acest control." La peste un deceniu, cuprinzator de diverse schimbari profunde, DEX-ul din 1996 da aceleiasi cenzuri urmatoarea definitie: "Control prealabil exercitat de anumite organe specializate ale unui stat asupra publicatiilor, spectacolelor etc. si, in anumite conditii, asupra corespondentei si convorbirilor telefonice; organ care exercita acest control." Similitudinea abordarii este debordanta, dar ironia cea mai pura sta in faptul ca aceasta limitare definitionala a timpurilor noastre (neintentionind aici a afirma ca un dictionar explicativ ar trebui sa prezinte si o istorie a termenilor), fara macar schitarea unor puncte de plecare in ratiunea existentei cenzurii si, mai ales, a efectelor acesteia, este o decupare a realitatii care calca ea insasi pe urmele cenzurii. Existenta acestui fenomen, de-a lungul istoriei lui, dar cu predilectie in totalitarism, nu poate fi luata in discutie fara context. in ceea ce priveste Sistemul comunist, cenzura a functionat, intr-adevar, ca un control, dar esenta fenomenului o constituie urmarile pe care le-a avut, la nivelul mentalitatilor. A inceput cu necesitatea partidului ca noul Sistem sa fie acceptat pe scara nationala si pe termen nelimitat: la un asemenea nivel intruziunea nu se putea desfasura prin forta, la nivel fizic, ci prin convingere, prin persuasiune, la nivel mental. Iar unul dintre mijloacele cu roluri bine cotate in aceasta manipulare era presa, operind in special decuparea realitatii, si asta printr-un numar limitat de institutii de aceasta natura, pentru a se evita riscul scaparii de materiale necenzurate. Lipsa de acces a cetatenilor la informatii, cel putin la cele care vizau aspectele de ordin politico-economic ale Romaniei, incepind din anul 1945, era primul pas spre inregimentarea indivizilor-pioni, incepind cu inregimentarea gindirii lor. Dupa aceasta golire a creierelor, echivalind implicit cu lipsirea de constiinta, singurul Sistem social pe care pionii proaspat curatati il aveau la dispozitie, cel comunist, devenea cel mai bun posibil, in lipsa oricarui alt sistem concurential, si, respectiv, singurul care putea umple acele creiere. in ceea ce priveste prezentul, intr-o analiza critica pe care a facut-o societatii de consum, francezul Bernard Nol propune o redefinire a acestui concept, folosind termenii Sensure - ca cenzura a sensului, si Censure - ca cenzura a textului, observind ca, intr-o lume a spectacolului mediatic, din care presa face negresit parte, cenzura a devenit mult mai subtila, a devenit Sensure. Noua cenzura priveaza de sens atit excesul imaginar, cit mai ales valorile rationale, intr-o dezolanta sinonimie cu scopurile Sistemului totalitar: amorteste spiritul critic, cu imagini ale spectacolului. Acesta este rezultatul, iar manifestarea cenzurii in presa zilelor noastre, fara a fi un fenomen controlat de o institutie anume, tine cel putin de doua aspecte: fie o limitare proprie in ceea ce priveste responsabilitatea etica (un fel de autocenzura datorata inculturii profesionale), fie forme pragmatice, de natura legislativa sau economica. Stirile orei de comunism Scenariul comunist, in care indivizii-pioni urmau sa joace roboticul rol al vietii lor, si care presupunea curatirea si apoi umplerea creierelor cu informatiile nou venite la putere, a fost construit dupa o structura in mare parte viabila si astazi, avind dimensiuni in trepte, ce au evoluat in principiu de la frica la adeziune (mai mult sau mai putin schizoida). Astfel, noaptea comunista s-a lasat pentru inceput asupra istoriei, care fusese rescrisa pentru ca Nicolae Ceausescu, liderul absolut, sa fie indubitabil o personalitate cu baze pure, puternice si viitor aurit; fapt care se interfera cu un amplu proiect, cultul personalitatii conducatorului, vizind transformarea acestuia in dumnezeul Sistemului ateu. De informatiile care priveau prezentul acelor ani se ocupa presa. Cenzurarea acestora presupunea in principal decuparea realitatii, ceea ce echivala cu prezentarea a cit mai putine informatii de interes public si cu folosirea unor formulari laconice, fara mentionarea de date precise. in privinta contextului international, la fel erau tratate informatiile despre "tarile fratesti socialiste"; in schimb, tarile occidentale aveau parte de un alt regim, cu scopul exclusiv de a sublinia unica perfectiune a Sistemului comunist: indeobste, materialele de presa aveau forma unor paralele trase intre realizarile socialismului si aspectele strict negative ale capitalismului. Cuvint care, in treacat fie spus, nu este rostit foarte des in 73

mediile romanesti actuale, preferindu-se mai degraba formula economie de piata. Tabu-urile Sistemului, conspirationiste, erau ocrotite cu sfintenie, asta pina in momentul proclamarii lor ca secrete de stat, si deci a oficializarii situatiei lor in raport cu presa, subiect la care voi reveni atunci cind voi vorbi despre legislatia cenzurii. Lipsa de esenta a informatiilor publicate era imbracata stilistic intr-un limbaj apropiat efectului scontat, de limitare a gindirii si a atitudinii critice: unul cliseistic, fara nuantari, redus la un vocabular limitat, repetitiv, care insista pe formule ca forta politica conducatoare, ideologia burghezo-mosiereasca, incununare a luptei poporului, forte sanatoase etc. Un ciine de paza castrat Senzatia de dolce far niente, ca atitudine pe care o emanau produsele finite publicate in ziare si reviste, induceau o relaxare cenusie, pe care se miza implicit, ca inceput al imbecilizarii prin limitare, urmind ca, dupa citeva decenii de experienta a abordarilor generale, presa sa devina un instrument si mai aplicat, uneori cu roluri clar trasate. De pilda, in cazul revistei Femeia, infiintate in 1947, aceasta publicatie devenise in anii '80, odata cu "sporirea numarului femeilor in conducerea organelor si organizatiilor de partid, de masa si obstesti, ca directori de intreprinderi (.), in invatamint, arta, cultura, sanatate" , un organ indreptat cu predilectie spre inregimentarea femeilor casnice in activitati muncitoresti. Colectia revistei poate fi acum vazuta ca un jurnal a re-reeducarii femeilor, prin canalizarea precisa a dragostei de patrie si eventual a fanatismului masificarii lor. Daca pina atunci femeile fusesera doar gospodinele, mamele viitorului patriei, acum ele nu mai puteau ramine doar atit. Iar amenintarea care plana, respectiv greseala Sistemului, era evidenta: cum propaganda cea mai de impact se facea in fabrici si uzine, unde pionii-barbatii erau curatati de murdaria gindirii capitaliste ("dusmanoase"), se intorceau mai apoi la mintea (chiar si doar putin) mai limpede a sotiilor, femeile casnice ce fusesera protejate intr-o oarecare masura de tentaculele partidului. Ca un amanunt, fatada demersului o reprezenta lupta pentru egalitatea femeii in fata barbatului-sot, drept care revista ar fi actionat, chipurile, ca un impuls pentru trezirea simturilor. Presa, ca element-emblema al unui stat de drept, nu fusese deci desfiintata, cum de altminteri nici democratia nu fusese "abrogata". Rolul ei a fost insa stilcit, devenind un fel de monstru cirpit, functionabil numai in stricta subordine a creierului unic, al carui organ era: partidul. Daca lavajul national trebuia sa curete indivizii de spiritul civic, de buna seama ca si ciinele lor de paza trebuia fie castrat, fie ucis. S-a ales prima varianta, mult mai viabila, mai putin riscanta (toate statele evoluate au presa), dar si cea mai perversa, transformind o institutie civica, prin natura ei, intr-un instrument care sa functioneze pe invers, intru pervertirea constiintei. Iar lipsa accesului la informatii clare despre mersul lucrurilor, sustinuta de lipsa contextului real al situatiei internationale, nu putea crea decit o stare de confuzie, devenita politica de stat. Clivaje intra- si inter-umane Aceasta confuzie, coroborata in primii ani ai comunismului cu lipsa de incredere, a dus la aparitia limbajului dublu, a unui fenomen cu recurente puternice in privinta relatiei prezente dintre presa si indivizii care formeaza societatea civila. Rostirea adevarului numai acasa, respectiv neadeziunea la programele partidului, iar in celelalte medii, exprimarea acceptarii si chiar imbratisarea noului Sistem, era o raportare schizoida a individului, care a dus in cele din urma la o ruptura intre spatiile privat si public. Abordabila in contextul media ca separare intre indivizi si presa, motivul principal fiind tocmai lipsa increderii, aceasta indeparatare a supravietuit revoltelor anticomuniste, prin lipsa profesionalismului si implicit a responsabilitatii cu care activeaza mass media. in ansamblu, reactia acestor indivizi "inregimentati" la demersurile civice in general, si implicit reactiile la revolte, ca expresie a unei coagulari civice de cea mai puternica anvergura, nu poate fi decit de respingere necontrolata, civicul devenind un referent al spatiului public. Or, acest aspect, sustinut de limitarea gindirii critice, confera o posibila explicatie diferentei de perceptie asupra Revolutiei din '89, pe de o parte, si a fenomenului Piata Universitatii, pe de alta parte, in cazul masei de mijloc, a "maturilor" care se impotriveau de pe margine demonstrantilor din '90. Daca in cazul Revolutiei tinta care trebuia inlaturata era singulara, clara si palpabila, Nicolae Ceausescu, cerintele si modul de formulare a 74

acestora depaseau bariera de perceptie a "pionilor", de unde si renasterea lipsei de incredere si a unei distantari extreme. "Probleme fundamentale, din punct de vedere filosofic, erau total ignorate in numele propovaduit de ideologii comunismului." in al doilea rind, confuzia (ca element indus) si vocatia ridicatului din umeri (ca bagaj propriu) au schimbat raportarea indivizilor-pioni la Sistem, intervenind participarea, adeziunea. Cu atit mai mult cu cit "cineva spunea ca secretul viabilitatii unui sistem ca al nostru este ca promite putere." Iar raspindirea acestei puteri, in special in miinile celor lipsiti de pregatire si deci neprofesionisti, avea un rol articifial, dar cu dublu efect: pe de o parte, recunostinta vesnica (si manifestarea acestei recunostinte) a celor care "niciodata n-au crezut ca vor ajunge.", iar pe de alta parte, folosirea acestui strat de populatie pe postul unei saltele timpe, care amortizeaza si lasa fara replica eventualele nemultumiri din partea indivizilor inca neinregimentati. De altminteri, in acest context al accesului si al exercitarii puterii isi gaseau loc singurele forme de atitudine critica a "pionilor": fie autocritica, fie deconspirarea celorlalti pioni care nu-si faceau datoria. Acesta era/este, deci, portretul robot al individului modelat de Sistem, relatia lui cu presa si cu ideea de profesionism. Cenzura moralului Ca lipsa cenzurii este aspru resimtita in zilele nostre, si posibil regretata, e un fapt evident in ceea ce priveste relatia dintre presa si politica, la fel de prezente fiind si urmele de sinonimie cu practicile amintite mai sus. Pilda cea mai la indemina si mai relevanta o constituie reactia lui Adrian Nastase la dezvaluirile "armaghedonale": aducerea in spatiul public a unor tabu-uri care ar putea pata imaginea atit de fin lustruita, eventual pentru viitoarele alegeri, a fost un examen mult prea greu pentru premier, drept care l-a picat. Un alt exemplu al repetarii efectelor pe care le viza cenzura comunista il reprezinta (din pacate pentru buna intentie a realizatorului) citeva momente din emisiunea lui Stelian Tanase de pe Realitatea TV (din 13 iunie 2002), avind ca tema fenomenul Piata Universitatii si pe Marian Munteanu ca invitat. Trei elemente frapante in discutia publica dintre doi intelectuali, ambii participanti la fenomenul ce a durat aproape doua luni in 1990. Prima. intrebarea realizatorului: Se stie cine i-a chemat pe mineri la Bucuresti? Raspunsul lui Marian Munteanu: Nu, dar acum nici nu mai conteaza. A doua. De ce au fost chemati minerii, din moment ce multi dintre demonstranti se retrasesera dupa alegerile din mai si, oricum, fortele oficiale de ordine intrasera deja in Piata? Raspuns: A fost o gafa politica. Cei care ajunsesera la putere nu scapasera insa de pornirile specifice puterii comuniste din care, se stie bine, proveneau. Trei: De ce a refuzat Iliescu dialogul, dupa ce anuntase ca il accepta? Raspuns: A fost o neintelegere. intrebare ajutatoare: Nu din cauza camerei de filmat? Raspuns: Da, eu voiam sa proiectam in Piata inregistrarea intilnirii cu Iliescu, de aceea aveam camera, dar nu, nu din acest motiv nu a mai avut loc dialogul. Mai intii, discursul lui Iliescu din 14 iunie 1990 catre mineri, prin care le multumeste ca au dat raspuns "chemarii noastre" si alte citeva inregistrari video sint dovezi deloc discrete ale faptului ca prima putere politica democratica de dupa '89, si respectiv liderul acestei puteri, Ion Iliescu, i-a chemat la Bucuresti pe mineri. Ca aceasta atitudine ar fi fost doar efectul unei reminiscente de spirit comunist, si deci o gafa politica, este iarasi o concluzie de suprafata. Varianta acestei reprimari singeroase ca lectie pentru cei care in viitor ar indrazni sa mai recurga la asemenea revolte, tot ca reminiscenta a regimului cu cenzura oficializata, este probabil o interpretare mult mai conforma cu spiritul si intentiile vechiului si noului regim. in privinta motivului pentru care dialogul mult dorit nu a mai avut loc, si a importantului rol pe care l-a avut camera de filmat, vorbesc tot inregistrarile video. Tot ca un amanunt, ca fundal al acestor discutii s-au folosit citeva dintre inregistrarile de la mineriada din '90. Chiar si imagini cu Marian Munteanu care era batut, pe rind, de zeci de mineri. in privinta pozitiei lui Marian Munteanu, trecerea acestuia din tabara victimelor in cea a calailor, dincolo de libertatea unei alegeri personale, repeta modelele "rosii": un telespectator cu vagi informatii despre fenomenul luat in discutie, trebuie sa fi ramas cel putin confuz, nu doar in privinta faptelor, ci si a interpretarii lor. in ceea ce-l priveste pe Stelian Tanase, ca realizator al unei emisiuni de televiziune (fara a-i compara pozitia cu cea a lui Marian Munteanu), faptul de a nu fi amintit macar lucrurile 75

evidente pe care invitatul sau le-a eludat, chiar fara vreo intentie de manipulare din partea moderatorului, tin din pacate de lipsa profesionalismului jurnalistic, din pacate mai ales pentru cazul atit de sensibil al istoriei prezente si al adevarului despre un fenomen moral ca Piata Universitatii, cu sanse din ce in ce mai slabe de a se repeta. in aceasta privinta, a principiilor care schiteaza responsabilitatea jurnalistica, pasul inainte al presei romanesti este extrem de discret, iar oferirea unei baze pentru (re)facerea spiritului critic si mai apoi civic al indivizilor este implicit aproape inexistenta. "Teoriile imperativului divin si fundamentele metafizice ale normelor au devenit problematice la un secol distanta de Darwin, Freud si Einstein. Multi teoreticieni cred ca orice pretentie despre adevar este imposibila dupa J. Derrida si M. Foucault". Dar relativizarea si liberalizarea relationala ale prezentului, de care aminteam in introducere, nu pot echivala, in special intr-un context ca cel din Romania, cu refuzul unor norme etice. Structura emisiunilor informative, prin imbinarea stirilor de interes public cu cele de spectacol mediatic (fara a insinua totusi ca numai stirile de interes public ar avea acceptul normelor etice), si forma standardizata de prezentare a informatiilor, cu variatii extrem de subtiri in functie de importanta pe care o prezinta, sint exemple formale ce nu pot provoca decit haos in mintea publicului de presa, disproportii false si, oricum, o lipsa totala a contextului si a sistematizarii. Dincolo de aceste aspecte, care, in caz de profesionalism, ar avea ca finalitate provocarea unei atitudini critice reale, respectarea normelor care tin de responsabilitatea jurnalistica are un rol esential si in trecerea de la receptarea pasiva a materialelor de presa la cea activa, in masura in care individul dispune, la rindul lui, cel putin de energie si interes, o asemenea schimbare de niveluri presupunind "declansarea unui angrenaj in care curiozitatea noastra de cunoastere sa se conjuge cu disponibilitatea noastra de a modifica universul personal al reprezentarilor, printr-o noua atitudine" . Cenzura legislatiei inainte de 1949, organul de cenzura din Romania era Directia Presei si Tipariturilor, care functiona in subordinea Ministerului Artelor si Informatiilor. in '49 insa, sub considerentul ca institutia era invechita si trebuia deci perfectionata, printr-un Decret al Consiliului de Stat aceasta era transformata in Directia Generala a Presei si Tipariturilor (DGPT) si subordonata direct Comitetului Central al Partidului Comunist si Consiliului de Ministri . Din aproximativ aceleasi considerente, un Decret din 1975 horara infiintarea Comitetului pentru Presa si Tiparituri, care urma sa fie desfiintat in 1977 (pentru ca astfel sa se instaleze autocenzura). Pe linga aceste modificari de ansamblu, numai in primii trei ani de functionare a DGPT-ului apar aproximativ sapte Hotariri ale Consiliului de Ministri, reinnoind mereu atributiile care ii reveneau si pe care Consiliul avea puterea sa le administreze. Toate aceste revizuiri dovedesc, daca mai era nevoie, importanta pe care o avea buna instrumentare a informatiilor. Constitutia Romaniei de dupa '89 a adus, formal, o specificare clara: cenzura de orice fel este interzisa (Art. 30, alin. 2). Acelasi articol prevede faptul ca libertatea de exprimare a gindurilor, a opiniilor sau a credintelor si libertatea creatiilor de orice fel, prin viu grai, prin scris, prin imagini, prin sunete sau prin alte mijloace de comunicare in public, sint inviolabile. Cu o "exceptie": libertatea de exprimare nu poate prejudicia demnitatea, onoarea, viata particulara a persoanei si nici dreptul la propria imagine (alin. 6). Acest prim exemplu de contradictie, fara macar precizarea unei deosebiri intre situatiile in care persoana este una publica sau nu, da contextul unui cadru legislativ restrictional, in care delictele de opinie, de pilda, tin de domeniul penalului. Comparatia poate fi facuta cu principiile Curtii Europene in privinta libertatii de exprimare, respectiv in problema posibilitatii guvernelor de a limita discursurile presupus calomniatoare. Doua asemenea principii edifica lucrurile: 1. Rolul proeminent al presei in informarea opiniei publice asupra chestiunilor de interes public si functia sa de ciine de paza al societatii indica faptul ca presa trebuie sa aiba o anumita libertate atunci cind comenteaza asupra unor chestiuni de interes public/ politic. 2. Limitele criticii acceptabile sint mai largi in privinta personalitatii politice sau a organismelor guvernamentale, decit pentru persoanele particulare. Aceste exemple, de fapt derivate ale mult mai vechiului principiu american FOIA (Freedom of Information Act), si care reprezinta bazele apararii libertatilor impotriva legificarii restrictionare, sint cu totul indepartate de practica romaneasca. in absenta unei legi a presei, care ar fi asigurat cenzurii un 76

loc din nou oficializat, Codul Penal este cel care sanctioneaza aceasta breasla. Nu numai amenintarea cu inchisoarea in schimbul afirmarii unor opinii, ci mai intii incadrarea juridica rezuma o restrictionare cel putin dezolanta. Articole din C.P. ca cele privitoare la insulta (205), calomnie (206), ofensa adusa autoritatii (238) sau ultraj (239) reglementeaza situatii care, intr-o societate cu adevarat democratica, sint lasate cel mult in seama codurilor deontologice. Si asta fara a comenta amanunte legate de redactarea acestor reglementari, cum ar fi de pilda cazul Art. 238 C.P., in spatele caruia se pot ascunde pina si cei mai de jos functionari publici. Lezat abuziv, dreptul la expresie al jurnalistilor (respectiv dreptul cetatenilor de a fi informati), prin limitarea legislativa la care e supusa, este la ora actuala inca un element democratic din Romania urmarit de un nor negru. Iar singura schimbare ce se arata este o proaspata Ordonanta de Urgenta a Guvernului, din 23 mai 2002, care propune, printre altele, eliminarea pedepsei cu inchisoarea pentru insulta si abrogarea Art. 238. Cum probabil aceasta problema va fi din nou supusa discutiilor doar peste multi alti ani, mult rivnita libertate a presei nu a cistigat nimic, principial, decit o aminare si o imbunatatire mai mult sau mai putin valoroasa. Cu tot acest cadru legal limitativ, relatia dintre societatea civila si presa nu poate exista in mod real decit pe baza increderii, iar aceasta este direct dependenta de profesionalismul si implicarea institutiilor media. Cu atit mai mult cu cit schimbarea nu poate avea loc decit la nivelul individului. Si in aceasta schimbare, la fel ca in pervertirea urmarita de Sistemul comunist, un rol nemijlocit il are presa, si mai cu seama responsabilitatea pe care trebuie sa si-o asume in acest context, indiferent de feliile de realitate pe care aleg sa le prezinte, intr-un act care s-ar putea finaliza intr-un exercitiu de gindire.

Silviu Lupascu THE RITUAL CENSORSHIP THE ANCIENT INDIAN SACRIFICIAL ESTABLISHMENT THE EVIDENCE PROVIDED BY SRAUTAKOSA Abstract: The study focuses on the rethorics embodied in the Ancient Indian sacrifice ritual as depicted in Srautakosa, the ritual sum of the sacrificial norms from the Kalpasutras belonging to various Vedic schools. Keywords: Antiquity; India; sacrificial ritual; Srautakosa

The Indian tripartite theology, formulated according to the treaty discovered at Bogazkoy (concluded between Mativaza, leader of the Hourrite Empire - situated in the bend of the upper Euphrates, with its capital city at Mitani -, and a Hittite king, his neighbour) and to the Vedic hymns, is implied by the threefold structure Mitra-Varuna / Ind(a)ra / Nasatya or Asvin. The complementarity and solidarity uniting the two "celestial consuls" (the Ouranian deity, concerned with the immensity of the cosmic ensemble, and the so-called "personified Contract". interested in everything pertaining to the human 77

beings) is completed by the warrior god and by the twin deities of peace, welfare, fertility and liturgical fulfillment. It is worth nothing, for the purpose of our research, that the Hindu ritual canon assigns the perfect offerings to Mitra, while the blemished ones appertain to Varuna. If the mythological architecture of the social hierarchy (brahmanas -ksatriyas -vaisyas or priests-warriorscommon people) follows the triune sequence of the godhead, it must be noted that the ritual dialogue engaged between the human society and the divine realm has, as is the case with all the other IndoEuropean nations, a sacrificial nature (cf. Georges Dumezil, L'ideologie tripartie des Indo-Europeens, p. 8, 34-39, 62-64; also Les dieux souverains des Indo-Europeens, p. 59). The sacrificial injunctions from the Brahmanas, as re-elaborated in the Srauta-sutras, generated in the corpus of the sacred scriptures the codification of the Hindu animal-sacrifice, called n i r u d h a p a s u b a n d h a (where pasu-bandha can be translated as "animal-binding") in Sanskrit. In this appendix we will present and comment some of the informations contained in the Srautakosa (Encyclopedia of Vedic Sacrificial Ritual, I, P. II, p. 770-876), priestly and the ritual sum of the sacrificial norms from the Kalpasutras belonging to the various Vedic schools. (According to Katyayana-Srautasutra, Haviryajnavidha -animal-sacrifice consisting in the acomplishment of the rites "from the commencement of the vow up to the stepping of the Visnu-steps" -must be distinguished from Savavidha -animal-sacrifice performed as "ancillary to the Soma-sacrifice"). To begin with, the scripture carefully enumerates the sacrificial ustensils which, one by one, will be called to ceremonial life during the ritual event, a sort of indispensable "stage requisites" which allow the happening of the sacred slaughter: sticks from the putudru tree (pinus deodara), bdellium, sugandhitejana, a bunch of white wool which has grown between the two horns of a ram, two cords -one with two strands and the other with three strands, two forks (vapasrapani) -one two- pronged and the other one-pronged, heart-pike (hrdayasula), sticks from the karsmarya tree (gmalina arborea), a staff for the maitravaruna from the udumbara tree, sacrificial grass and faggot, a faggot for carrying forth the fire, twig of the plaksa tree (ficus infectoria), idasuna or wooden plank, two darbha -blades, barley, flour, curds and gold (cf. Srautakosa, I, P. II, p. 774). The nirudhapasubandha is integrated in the cosmological whole, being an essential act in the life of the universe and a central element in the sacrificer's (or yajnamana, from yajna, "sacrifice") personal "history of redemption" (major feature and religious significance of yajna-anta or "sacrifice-end"), fact manifest in canonical statements such as: "After having performed the New-moon sacrifice or under some suitable constellation one should perform the animal-sacrifice." (cf. Baudhayana, 20.25); "One should perform the animal-sacrifice for Indra-Agni once every six months or at the commencement of every course of the sun or once every year." (cf. Satyasadha, 4.1); "One should perform the animalsacrifice on the full-moon day or on the new-moon day or under any auspicious constellation in the bright part of the month." (cf. Vaikhanasa, 10.1-5); "One should perform the animal-sacrifice in the rainy season every year on the new-moon day or on the full-moon day or on the day of the commencement either of the southern course or of the northern course of the sun." (cf. Katyayana, 6.1.1.); "The time for the animal-sacrifice to be performed in the northern course of the sun does not pass over until the time for the performance of the animal-sacrifice in the southern course of the sun. The time for the animal-sacrifice to be performed in the southern course of the sun does not pass over until the time of the performed of the animal-sacrifice in the northern course of the sun. Thus is the animal-sacrifice concluded." (cf. Baudhayana, 28.12); "The animal which is offered in a sacrifice endows a sacrificier with long life and surrenders itself for him." (cf. Apastamba, 7.28.8); "It is said in the scripture that by performing the animal-sacrifice one buys himself off from the death, and one has all his desires fulfilled." (cf. Vaikhanasa, 10.1-5); "One who performs the animal-sacrifice wins all the worlds." (cf. Apastamba, 7.1.1). The scripture (Vaikhanasa, 10.1-5) also prescribes that six priests should officiate in the animalsacrifice: two brahmans -the brahman and the agnidhra; two hotrs -the hotr and the maitravaruna; two adhvaryus -the adhvaryu and the pratiprasthatr. As in Ancient Greece, the ritual slaughter, the sacramental culmination expressed in the immolation itself, is preceded by a cultic "construction" of the sacrifice and followed by its "deconstruction". When running over the stages of the nirudhapasubandha, the analyst has the impression of visualising the "assembling" and the "disassembling" of a material-spiritual-seen-unseen "device" which is 78

minutely prepared for the mysterious purpose of the release of a religious "shot" and afterwards gradually dismantled: the cutting out of the sacrificial post and the preparation of the uttaravedi, the measurement of the altar (with its "navel"), the carrying forth of the fire and the raisingup of the sacrificial post, the formal dedication of the animal, the churning out of the fire and the carrying round of the fire, the immolation (sacrificial act), the offering of the omentum, the offering of the pasupurodasa and the animal's organs, the anuyajas and the expiation-rites (cf. Srautakosa, I, P. II, p. 770-876). All the actions accomplished by the priests during the sacrificial time are determined by the mantras or sacred formulas. After the animal had been bathed, the adhvaryu makes it stand in front of the sacrificial post, facing towards the west. Keeping two darbha -blades in his hand, he utters the words for the dedication of the animal (the ritual touch of the blade represents the formal offering of the animal to the divinity). Afterwards, the adhvaryu must address to the hotr the three injunctions concerning the sacrificial fire: "Do you recite the verses for the fire being churned out." ; " Do you recite the fire which has been generated." ; "Do you recite the verses for the fire being deposited into the ahavaniya fireplace." The animal (it must be one out of twins, belonging to a flock, and having mother, father, brother and friend; it must not be impotent, unsteady or deaf -Satyasadha 4.3) is caught with the cord, fastened to the sacrificial post and sprinkled with water on all the parts of he body ("Verily on all sides should one render it sacred.") before the adhvaryu begins to anoint it with the clarified butter (ghnita). Concerning the anointment, Baudhayana (20.27-28) states that the priest should not dissect the animal with that edge of the knife by means of which he has applied the clarified butter, nor should he cut out portions from the cooked animal by means of that edge of the knife. The agnidhra must go round three times by the right of the animal with a fire-brand taken from the ahavaniya fire, after the adhvaryu addressed the maitravaruna with the command "Do you recite the verses for the fire being carried round." The ritual dedication of the animal to the divinity consists in its touching by the priest with a darbha -blade, gesture accompanied by the formulas upavir asi and upa devan (cf. Katyayana, 6.3.17-5.4). In the priestly ritual dialogue, the sacrificial knife is introduced by the injunctions "Do you bring hear the knife." and "Let this edge be known to you." For the climax of the sacrificial drama the animal is carried in the sounds of the mantras (nana prano yajamanasya pasuna ... and revatir yajnapatim ...) and placed upon a darbha -blade, in the samitra -chamber, to the east or to the north of the sacrificial spot, with its head towards the west and the legs towards the north. The ritual killing must occur in silence (there is no equivalent of the Greek Ololyge) and the animal, when immolated, should be announced. Usually the death by strangulation is followed by the dismemberment of the body. As the moment of the slaughter is imminent, the other priests direct the samitr with the words: "Do you immolate the animal in such a way that it does not make any sound." and they withdraw in proccesion by the same route which they followed previously in the opposite direction. When the animal is dead, the cord is released and thrown away (cf. Baudhayana, 4.6-7, 20.28-29; Satyasadha, 4.3-4). Katyayana (6.5.5-6.27) prescrobes that the priest should close the animal's mouth tightly and obstruct its breathing, while it is lying upon the darbha -blade, without allowing any sound to issue from it. The adhvaryu addresses the samitr with the words: "Do you immolate the animal; it has gone to the gods." After an oblation is offered with the formula svaha devebhyah, the samitr announces: "The animal is immolated" and the adhvaryu answers: "Let it lie for a moment." (except for the savavidha). The brahman should recite, with reference to the animal being immolated, the half-verse, ye no dvisanty ... (cf. Vaitana, 10.14-16.19). The appeasing of the sacrificial crisis is connected with the entrance on the ritual stage of the sacrificer's wife. While she is holding a vessel filled with water, the pratiprasthatr introduces her in the cultic area (" O pratiprasthatr, bring forth the sacrificer's wife."). With the formula namas ta atana, she looks up at the sun. Directed by the mantras, she moves towards the north and towards the east. When she has reached the samitra -chamber, the adhvaryu commands her to look into the water, at her face reflected in the water, with the formula apo devih suddhayuvah. She must make the various limbs of the animal swell in the following order: the mouth, the nose, the eye, the ear, the navel and the anus, before washing the four legs of the animal joined together. The remaining water must be poured towards the south along the back of the animal (cf. Baudhayana, 20.28-29). The invocation of the 79

elements and the purification with water of the animal's organs where the four senses are located can be interpreted as a ritual help given to the animal's soul in order to reach "the other" life, in the divine realm. After the offering of the omentum, all the priests, the sacrificer and his wife should step across and sprinkle themselves with the words: "Come, o sacrificer.", before all of them may touch water again and take their respective seats (cf. Baudhayana, 24.36). The hotr and the maitravaruna should turn about by the right, while the brahman and the sacrificer should turn about by the left (cf. Asvalayana, 1.4.4-3.7.13). The offering of the omentum is followed by the offering of the pasupurodasa and of the animal's organs. We can read in Baudhayana Srautasutra (24.11): "Now will be mentioned the sacrifices to be performed by kings. They are: rajasuya (consecration of a king), asvamedha (horse-sacrifice for territorial expansion), purusamedha (sacrifice of purusa or "primordial man"), sarvamedha, somasava, prthisava, mrtyusava, kanandhayajna and sunaskarnayajna." Rad-yajna must be remembered in the same context, as a sacrifice performed in order to restore a deposed king to his throne. It is also stated (28.38) that the animal-offerings in the asvamedha should be characterized by mantras recited in low tone (cf. Srautakosa, I, P. II, p.877-952). The renewal of the political power implies, we may presume, not only the sacrificial gain of everlasting power drawn out from the divine sources, but also the stillness of the sacred formulas. The royal sacrifices, therefore, had a manifest political purpose: to gain dominion, to confirm the monarchical authority (cf. Benjamin Walker, The Hindu World, II, p.316-321). Together with the sacrifice of Yajna (the deer-headed son of Ruchi and husband of Daksina, goddess of the rewards given to the sacrificial priests, Yajna was slain by the monster Virabhadra and afterwards raised to the heavens by Brahma, and transformed into the constellation Mrigasiras or "deer-head") and with the sacrifice performed by Vaivasvata after the Flood, purusamedha represents a major paradigm of the Hindu ritual. In Samkhya philosophy, purusa is the first principle, the eternal, uncaused and causeless Cosmic Spirit, counterpart of prakriti (cosmic, primordial substance, unevolved matter), theological edifice which reelaborates the Vedic myth (Rig-Veda) according to which from the limbs of the "sacrificed man" emerge all the constituent parts of the universe (cf. B. Walker, II, p. 316; also R.L.Turner, A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages, p. 601, where yajniya is translated as "pertaining to the sacrifice" or "suitable for sacrifice"). The asvamedha, as sacrificial foundation of the royal power, unites and transfigures in the ritual the essential features of warfare, manliness and fertility. The visible ceremonial power displayed by the king is identified with the political power as a whole, with the welfare of the entire people as expression of a wise, strong and well-omened art of governing. The hymns contained in Rig-Veda (I, 162, 163) seem to describe the two divine hypostasis of the eartly royal power: the sacrificial horse lying on the altar (which is reffered to by the officiant priests with the formula "In heaven you envelop yourselves, for that indeed is heaven where they immolate the victim.", answered by the mahishi or Queen Consort with the words: "May the vigurous male, the layer of seed, lay seed!") and the great bird (ritual metamorphosis of the asva) who, according to Satapatha Brahmana (V, p. 315), takes the king-sacrificer to heaven (cf. Margaret and James Stutley, Harper's Dictionary of Hinduism, p. 24-27). It is interesting to note in this respect that, the horse not being indigenous to India, probably a bull constituted initially the focus of the cult, fact which brings the asvamedha close to the Greek bouphonia as a fundamental of the archaic Indo-European sacrificial worship. Asvamedha can be understood as a ritual of a military undertaking, with its preliminaries, with (sometimes) the real engagement in the fighting and with the celebration of the victory. From this point of view it presents features of the mannerbunde type, being a sort of feasting of the king's vigour by the elite of the warriors society. The asva (a white young male) was released in a north-easterly direction (the way towards the gods), the place where the unconquered territory is situated. The wanderings of the horse were considered to define the new frontier of the aggrandized royal feoff. The monarchical authority could thus have been imposed on a forlorn section of the "unknown" land or against the authority of a neighbour king, "clash" between "powers" which could not have occurred without real encounters between the armies of the two kingdoms. The ritual aggressiveness was turned into battle. The eventual defeat of the asva -king had the choice between affirming the preeminence of 80

his own sovereignty on the field or submitting to the "vigour" of the invading king. If everything went well for the asva -monarch, he returned in triumph before the ritual year expired, together with the sacrificial horse and with his followers. According to Taittiriya Brahmana (III, 8.9, 4), a weakling who attempted to perform undeservedly the asvamedha, was doomed to annihilation. The escort was composed of a hundred princes ("born in wedlock"), a hundred sons of chiefs and heralds, and a hundred sons of attendents and charioteers, "all armed according to their rank". Only those members of the royal entourage who were able to endure all the hardships implied by the enlargement of the king's estate were allowed to share in the divine -political power procured by the asvamedha. The hieros gamos between the mahishi and the immolated horse represented the conclusion of the king's consecration, the public proof of his intact and powerful virtues, able to safeguard the well-being of his country and subjects. The religious and political ideals connected with the sacrifice of the horse merged into a sort of theological-sacrificial utopia, implying that the accomplishment of one hundred asvamedhas would enable a mortal king to gain supreme power over Indra, the gods and the entire universe (cf. B.Walter, I, p. 458-459; M.&J.Stutley, p. 24-27). The religious-political power embodied in the leaders (kings, brahmanas and ksatryas) was regarded as a divine gift, a sort of sacred everlasting substance (earthly hypostasis of the divine power) which had to be ritually guided back to gods in the most cautious way after the decease of the prominent individual who hosted it during his life time. As a consequence, the funeral rite accomplished in these circumstances was assimilated with a sacrifice (cremation) of the dead body to Agni and to the major figures of the Hindu pantheon, ceremony integrated in the Brahmamedha and conducted by the socalled caturhotr -formulas. Baudhayana Pitrmedha (2.2) recalls the legend about the sleep of Prajapati, as he fell exhausted after the accomplishment of creation. In order to awake him, the gods and the brahmanas collected the essence (the lustre) of the beings, which is lodged in the caturhotr -formulas, also called "the most sacred utterances" or param brahma. The scripture warns against the use of the formulas in the funeral rites performed commonly or in the funeral rites for a deceased "who was not a perceptor or one wellversed in the Veda or a teacher". The recovery of the essential power of life (embodied in the "pilars" of the earthly establishment) and its return into the divine realm must be regarded as the main feature of the Brahmamedha. The bhartr -hymn commended the ritual trajectory of the dead body, before he was brought to the sacrificial post, where the wife of the deceased had to lie near it (as in the hieros gamos of the asvamedha) with the patni -formulas. After pieces of gold are placed upon the various limbs of the deceased (for example, the mouth) with the hrdaya -formulas, the sacrificial ustensils must be piled up upon the dead body with the sambhara -formulas. Finally, the dead body is cremated with the jyotismati -formulas. Vaikhanasa (7.1, 2) expresses with a sort of ecstatic lucidity the ineluctable code of the funeral sacrifice: "There are two sacraments -one pertaining to birth and the other to death. As the result of the first, one wins this world; and as a result of the second, he wins the other world. The cremation of the dead body is said to constitute the sacrement pertaining to death. The offering of a faultless body is very dear to Agni. As the result of this offering, the deceased person goes to the world of gods." (cf. Srautakosa, I, P. II, p. 1115-1116, p. 1128). BIBLIOGRAPHY Georges Dumzil, Les dieux souverains des Indo-Europens, Gallimard, Paris, 1986 Georges Dumzil, L'idologie tripartie des Indo-Europens, Collction Latomus, vol. XXXI, Latomus - Revue d'tudes latines, Bruxelles, 1958 Srautakosa - Encyclopaedia of Vedic Sacrificial Ritual, 4 vol., Vaidika samsodhana mandala, Poona, 1958-1973 Margaret Stutley, James Stutley, Harper's Dictionary of Hinduism, Harper & Row, New York, Hagerstown, San Francisco & London, 1977 R. L. Turner, A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages, Oxford University Press, 81

London & New York, 1966 Benjamin Walker, The Hindu World, 2 vol., Frederick A. Praeger Publishers, New York & Washington D. C., 1968

Corin Braga De l'utopie a l'antiutopie. La censure de l'imaginaire aux XVIIe-XVIIIe siecles

Abstract: The article is a bird's eye view on the religious, rationalistic or empiricist censorship of utopias during the European 17th-18th centuries. Keywords: The Age of Reason; censorship; utopia; anti-utopia Aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siecles, la culture europenne a soumis a une profonde critique les traditions hrites du Moyen Age. L'Age de la Raison a eu pour consquence le dsenchantement de la pense mythique et merveilleuse du millnaire antrieur. Une extraordinaire censure idologique, multidimensionnelle et pluritropique, a refoul les themes et les symboles de tout imaginaire considr htrodoxe. Il est intressant d'observer que, dans un premier temps du moins, jusqu'au XVIIIe siecle, la censure religieuse, exerce autant par l'Eglise catholique, surtout apres le Concile de Trente, que par les glises protestantes, et la censure rationnelle professe par les reprsentants de la " nouvelle science " n'taient pas en contradiction. Par contre, elles partageaient les memes fondements spirituels, plus prcisment l'ide du primat de la raison. Forge et raffine dans la mthode syllogistique de l'Ecole, la thologie chrtienne, dans sa variante scolastique, se rencontrait avec les axiomes de Descartes qui font de la raison la mthode d'analyse et le critere de certification de la vrit. Ce n'est que vers la fin du XVIIe siecle, avec l'ascension de l'empirisme, que le nouveau critere impos par la philosophie anglaise, celui de l'exprimentation, provoquera le divorce entre la science et la religion. Cette censure idologique que les courants " main-stream " de l'Age de la Raison ont applique aux formes de pense htrodoxe (hrtique, magique, sotrique, merveilleuse etc.) peut etre documente par l'volution, assez trange, du nouveau genre littraire invent par Thomas More, celui de l'utopie, vers son contraire, l'antiutopie. La contre-utopie ou l'antiutopie est gnralement associe a l'chec des totalitarismes du XXe siecle. Pourtant, les germes de la transformation de l'eu-topie (la place bonne) en dys-topie (la place mauvaise) se sont manifests bien avant cette poque, comme un rsultat ou une raction interne au sein de la pense utopique elle-meme (dans le sens ou Jean-Jacques Wunenburger voit dans l'utopie le symptme d'une crise de l'imaginaire). Mon tude se propose de cerner les causes et le trajet de ce processus qui, du XVIe au XIXe siecle, a conduit du theme de la quete utopique russie au theme de la quete qui ne peut plus aboutir ou qui conclut sur un chec antiutopique. *** Pour analyser cette volution de l'imaginaire collectif, je pars de l'ide que les utopies de la Renaissance, a commencer par celle de Thomas More, sont des pseudomorphoses du Paradis terrestre chrtien. Des son avenement, le christianisme a remplac le theme paien de la quete initiatique de 82

l'immortalit par le concept du Paradis terrestre interdit, devenu inaccessible apres le pech originel. Pour rcuprer le mythe dnique, il a fallu attendre que, au-dela du Moyen Age, l'humanisme de la Renaissance redfinisse le rle de l'homme face a Dieu et a la nature. More, Bacon, Andreae, Campanella et toute une pliade de penseurs et crivains ont retir le jardin d'Eden a la juridiction de Dieu et l'ont attribu a l'humanit. A la cit de Dieu, les humanistes ont oppos une cit construite par l'homme. Les voyages initiatiques ont t refaonns en fonction de ce nouveau but - le jardin artificiel habit par une humanit rnove. Les siecles suivants ont repris l'utopie humaniste dans des cadres idologiques nouveaux, mais qui favorisaient toujours plus l'activisme athe face a la pit religieuse utopies puritaines et protestantes (Robert Paltock, Ralph Morris, Simon Berrington, Zaccarie Seriman, Hildebrand Bowman), distes et libertines (Gabriel de Foigny, Denis Vairasse d'Alais, Tyssot de Patot, le Marquis de Sade, Casanova, Rtif de la Bretonne), rformistes et progressistes au XVIIIe siecle, scientistes et socialistes au XIXe. Pourtant, l'optimisme de la Renaissance n'a pas eu une tres longue vie. A l'espoir retrouv que le Paradis peut etre atteint trois objections majeures ont t opposes, qui ont censur, de faons diverses, l'imaginaire utopique. Le rsultat de cette triple censure a t la transformation de l'utopie en antiutopie. La censure religieuse La premiere attaque contre la mentalit utopique est venue de la part de la pense religieuse orthodoxe. L'imaginaire des utopies mergeait au sein de la pense humaniste et proposait souvent des thories et des solutions contraires aux dogmes. La satire des systemes sociaux de l'poque, plus ou moins patente dans le soustexte de tout texte utopique, a t ressentie comme un critique de l'Eglise et de son correspondent sculaire, la monarchie de droit divin. En plus, l'utopie s'associait, par ses desseins et ses lignes de force, a deux des courants d'opinion majeurs qui se voulaient une alternative aux enseignements de l'Ecole : le protestantisme et l'occultisme. L'utopie partageait avec la Reforme l'ide de la possibilit d'une restructuration de l'establishment catholique et meme de la condition humaine ; de meme que les utopies, les millnarismes protestants envisageaient des paradis sur terre, habits par des communauts angliques. D'une part, l'utopie s'accordait avec la pense occulte de la Renaissance dans l'utilisation un fonds et des dcors fantastiques qui ne concordaient pas avec le miraculeux chrtien. Les iles et les continents utopiques hritaient de l'imaginaire merveilleux des quetes plus ou moins paiennes : de la pierre philosophale, du Graal, du Mag Mell ou de l'Avalon celtique, de l'El Dorado et d'autres pays mythiques des explorateurs etc. Face a cette invasion d'hrsie, l'Eglise catholique et bientt les Eglises protestantes a leur tour, ont ragi avec des mesures drastiques. Le genre de l'utopie a t inclus dans le complexe htrodoxe contre lequel s'rigeait la contre-offensive de la socit chrtienne. Avec le durcissement de position qui a rsult du Concile de Trente, le noyau dur du catholicisme a trangl bien vite la tendance librale qu'on dsigne comme un humanisme chrtien. Les glises de Luther et de Calvin ne manifestaient, elles non plus, beaucoup de sympathie pour les mouvements millnaristes des sectes radicales. Les monarchies de l'poque, construites sur une formule pyramidale thocratique, avaient, elles aussi, intret a preter leur bras fort a la prohibition des traits et des rcits utopiques, puisque ceux-ci exprimaient, par des antitheses souvent satiriques, une critique plus ou moins voile de l'institution monarchico-ecclsiastique. La censure des livres a t pratique pendant tout le Moyen Age, mais c'est surtout avec l'invention de Gutenberg et le flux de livres imprims qui a envahi l'Europe pendant la Renaissance qu'elle s'est dveloppe d'une maniere totalitaire1. Les mesures directes contre la pense utopique se sont concrtises dans la censure et la perscution des ouvrages et des auteurs pratiquant ce genre. A une premiere poque, la prohibition visait surtout les dviances htrodoxes au dogme catholique ; des la fin du XVIa siecle, avec le rle de plus en plus accentu des autorits laiques dans le systeme de la censure, les rois et les parlements ont commenc a perscuter aussi les auteurs de satires et d'attaques a la politique d'tat et aux mours des hauts personnages. Le contrle idologique s'appliquait, avec plus ou moins de svrit, selon le pays et le monarque au pouvoir, a toutes les mailles de la chaine 83

constitue par l'auteur - l'diteur - le libraire - le lecteur. Les plus importants mcanismes administratifs de surveillance, visant les imprimeurs et les libraires, taient les licences de publication et les Index de livres interdits, avec leur corollaire - la combustion ou l'expurgation des livres. Tout au long de l'histoire moderne, le droit d'accorder des licences de publication a t octroy par la papaut et les monarchies europennes a plusieurs institutions : universits, archeveques et autres hirarques de l'Eglise, l'Inquisition, parlements, chanceliers du roi etc. Des 1275, une ordonnance de Philippe le Hardi avait dja charg l'Universit de Paris du contrle doctrinaire des manuscrits colports par les libraires, afin d'empecher la propagation des livres hrtiques. En 1479, le Pape Sixte IV accorde a l'Universit de Cologne un privilege l'autorisant a surveiller et a poursuivre les auteurs, les diteurs, les libraires et meme les lecteurs de mauvais livres. Quelques ans plus tard, en 1482, l'veque de Wrzburg produit une loi similaire pour son diocese, et en 1486, l'archeveque de Mayence ordonne que tous les livres en latin, en grec ou d'autres langues soient auparavant rviss par l'un des docteurs ou des professeurs de l'Universit de Mayence. En 1487, le Pape Innocent VIII promulgue la premiere Bulle papale visant la censure des livres, demandant aux diteurs de soumettre tous les manuscrits, avant de les publier, au contrle des autorits religieuses. En 1501, le Pape Alexandre VI donne une Bulle similaire, mais limite a la Rhnanie, confiant aux prlats le soin de dlivrer une autorisation pralable a l'impression de tout ouvrage. Par la Bulle Inter Solicitudines mise au Concile de Latran de 1515, le pape Lon X tend cette mesure de contrle pralable des publications a toute l'Europe catholique. Enfin, a sa fin en 1563, le Concile de Trente, grand architecte de la ContreReforme, confirme le pouvoir des veques et labore les instruments ncessaires pour l'exercice du contrle sur les livres a paraitre. Les institutions laiques ont relay ces efforts de la papaut et de l'Eglise. Les rois Ferdinand et Isabelle d'Espagne ont mis, en 1502, une circulaire par laquelle ils imposaient aux diteurs-libraires le devoir d'obtenir une licence pour l'impression des livres autochtones et meme pour l'importation des livres trangers. Les licences taient accordes par les Chancelleries de Valladolid et Grenade et par les prlats de Tolede, Sville, Grenade, Burgos et Salamanque. Cette mesure a peu impit sur la libre circulation des livres imports en Espagne, mais le scandale provoqu en 1558 par la dconspiration d'un groupe Protestant a induit la rgente Juana, la sour de Philipe II, a mettre un dcret radical, qui obligeait tous les diteurs a demander des licences de publication au Conseil de Castille et interdisait l'introduction de tout livre publi a l'tranger. En France, en 1521, inquits par le succes de la Rforme, les thologiens de l'Universit de Paris ont pouss le Parlement, en accord avec l'esprit de la Determinatio doctrinale contre Luther, a introduire des arrets contre les libraires diffusant des livres htrodoxes. Franois I, considr, du moins au dbut, comme un prince libral, protecteur des humanistes, n'a pas manqu d'appuyer cette ordonnance qui obligeait les diteurs a ne rien publier sans l'autorisation de la Facult de Thologie. En 1526, apres des dissensions avec les docteurs de la Sorbonne, Franois I investit galement le Parlement du droit de censure, mesure qui touchait cette fois non seulement les livres de thologie, mais toutes les catgories de publications. La collaboration entre le roi, le Parlement et la Facult de Thologie a trouv son expression en 1551, dans l'Edit de Chateaubriant, qui comprenait pas moins de quatorze chapitres sur la censure des livres. En Italie, des lois concernant l'obligation des licences ont t promulgues au cours des annes 1540. En Angleterre, Henry VIII, autoproclam tete de l'Eglise a la place du Pape, a assum aussi le droit de constater et de punir les hrsies. En 1538, il a tabli un systeme de licences qui obligeait les diteurs a soumettre les manuscrits a un contrle pralable par des autorits ecclsiastiques, systeme qui a dur jusqu'en 1695. Les artisans de la Rforme, comme Martin Luther, Jean Calvin, John Knox, bien que victimes des excommunications et d'autres dcrets prohibitifs catholiques, n'ont pas manqu de poursuivre a leur tour les catholiques et les protestants radicaux. La libert de conscience et la tolrance qu'ils clamaient pour leurs positions ne s'appliquaient pas aux doctrines des autres, qu'ils s'efforaient de juguler par des mesures de censure similaires a celles employes par l'Eglise catholique. Pour que le contrle des licences fut efficace, il fallait que les censeurs disposassent d'une liste avec les auteurs et les livres prohibs. C'est ainsi que sont ns les fameux Index, catalogues destins a maintenir la puret dogmatique de la religion chrtienne. En 405, le Pape Innocent I numrait dans une lettre plusieurs textes apocryphes, qu'il considrait dignes " non solum repudianda sed etiam damnanda ". Le premier catalogue de livres hrtiques a t produit par le Pape Gelasius en 496. Au Moyen Age, 84

plusieurs textes ont t interdits, qu'il s'agisse d'auteurs comme Ablard, John Wyclif et John Hus, de livres talmudiques et arabes, d'crits cathares et albigeois, ou des traductions de la Bible en langues vulgaires. Pendant la Renaissance, avec l'mergence et l'clat de la pense magique noplato-nicienne, de l'Humanisme et de la Rforme, le nombre d'crits susceptibles de contre-venir aux dogmes augmente d'une maniere exponentielle. Les Neuf Cent Theses de Pico sont supprimes par une Bulle du Pape Innocent VII de 1487. Un livre programma-tique de l'humanisme, Epistolae obscurorum virorum, est interdit par une minute du Pape Lon X de 1517. Par la Bulle Exsurge Domine, de 1520, le meme pape excommunie Luther et condamne ses crits, excommunication reprise par diverses Lettres du Pape Adrian VI en 1522 et par la Bulle Consueverunt du Pape Clment VII de 1524. L'Universit de Paris participe a cet effort, interdisant un grand nombre d'auteurs rforms et humanistes, dont Erasme, Lefevre d'Etaples et Rabelais. En 1540 et 1543, a partir des dnonciations faites par l'veque de Chartres, la Facult de Thologie remit au Parlement deux listes d'ouvrages interdits, qui cependant sont restes en manuscrit. Mais en 1544 la Facult finit par imprimer cette liste, qui comprenait 230 titres, le premier de tous les Index publis. Les cinq catalogues suivants, de 1545, 1547, 1549, 1551 et 1556 ont ajout progressivement de nouveaux noms, le dernier montant a 526 titres. Ce furent les seuls Index publis par l'Universit de Paris, mais, a partir de 1559, le relais a t repris par les Index romains. Les autres pays ont commenc a produire des catalogues a la meme poque. En Italie, diffrentes listes ont t compiles dans les annes 1540. En 1542, apres la dfection de Bernardino Ochino, le chef de l'Ordre des Capucins, et de Curione et Vermigi, convertis au Protestantisme, le Pape Paul III interdit tous leurs crits. Milan, Lucca, Sienna et Venise laborent leurs propres listes (bien que celle vnitienne, de 1549, a t vite rejet a cause de la forte opposition des libraires). A partir de 1553, Rome distribue une liste propre a l'intention de Florence et de Venise. L'Universit de Louvain publie son premier catalogue en 1546 et continue avec plusieurs ditions. Au Portugal un Index apparait en 1551. Pendant la meme anne, en Espagne, l'Inquisiteur gnral Fernando de Valds mane un premier rpertoire calqu sur l'Index de Louvain de 1550. En 1559, collaborant avec le dominicain Melchor Cano, Valds revient avec une dition largement amplifie, qui groupait environ 700 ouvrages prohibs en plusieurs catgories : les livres des hrsiarques, les livres religieux crits par les auteurs condamns par l'Inquisition, les livres sur les Juifs et les Maures avec des allusions anti-catholiques, les traductions hrtiques et vernaculaires de la Bible, meme les livres dvotionnels en langue vernaculaire, les livres de posie utilisant des citations scripturaires d'une maniere " profane ", tous les livres anti-catholiques, toutes les images et illustrations manquant de respect a la religion, tous les livres sur la magie, tous les livres publis sans le nom de l'auteur et de l'diteur. En 1559, l'Eglise romaine publie son premier Index librorum prohibitorum, rassemblant environ 1000 titres et plus de 583 auteurs (bien qu'avec des rptitions a cause des pseudonymes non-identifis). Conu par le Pape Paul IV, ce catalogue, le premier d'une longue srie qui continuera jusqu'en 1965, prpare les mesures les plus amples prises dans les cadres idologiques du Concile de Trente, comme la publication d'un Index comprhensif et la cration d'une Congrgation du Saint Office, Congregatio Indicis Librorum Prohibito-rum, institution charge de dcider sur l'orthodoxie ou l'htrodoxie des positions exprimes par les livres circulant sur le march. L'Index tridentin est publi en 1564, immdiatement apres la clture des travaux du Concile, et il deviendra le modele autoritaire des ditions ultrieures. La Congrgation de l'Index prendra naissance en 1571, sous le Pape Pius V, et sera confirme par les Bulles Ut pestife-rarum du Pape Grgoire XIII de 1572 et Immensa Aeterni Patris du Pape Sixte V de 1588. Les mesures dcides par le Concile de Trente ont bnfici du support de Philipe II, qui, en 1564, promulgue les documents et les arrets conciliaires comme loi d'tat. En 1570, le roi fait publier l'Index tridentin aux Pays-Bas. Une anne plus tard, en 1571, toujours a la demande de Philipe II, apparait l'Index de Benito Arias Montano, qui introduit une nouveaut importante. Alors que les autres catalogues recommandaient la simple destruction des ouvrages prohibs, le catalogue de Montano introduit la pratique de l'" expurgation ", c'est-a-dire de la rayure ou de l'encrage des passages et des images problmatiques. Cette innovation se retrouve dans le grand Index imprim, en 1583 et en 1584, par l'Inquisiteur gnral Gaspar de Quiroga, qui divise les 2315 titres en deux volumes, un pour les livres prohibs, l'autre pour les livres expurgs, dont Pierre Ablard, Rabelais, Savonarola, Jean Bodin, 85

Machiavelli, Juan Luis Vives, Ariosto, Dante et Thomas More. Les grands Inquisiteurs continueront de produire des Index tout au long du XVIIe siecle, en 1612, 1632 et 1640. L'inclusion dans l'Index entrainait des mesures contre les ouvrages prohibs et leurs auteurs, dont la plus fameuse a t la combustion des livres. Jeter les livres hrtiques au feu tait une pratique ancienne, l'empereur Constantin l'avait dja utilise contre les crits des Ariens. Au Moyen Age, en 1248, les clercs de Paris avaient brul quatorze ballots de livres juifs. Au XVIe siecle, l'holocauste des livres a t pratiquement adopt par tous les pays d'Europe, l'Espagne, l'Italie, la France ou l'Angleterre. En Espagne, par exemple, Torquemada avait organis un bucher dans son monastere de Salamanque. En 1490, en Tolede ont t consums par le feu des livres sacrs juifs, et en 1501, en Grenade, des livres arabes. A partir de 1552, l'Inquisition a donn la disposition que les ouvrages hrtiques fussent incinrs publiquement, dans des crmonies officielles comme celle de 1558 de Valladolid. En Angleterre, ex-communi lui-meme par l'Eglise romaine, Henry VIII n'a pas hsit a perscuter a son tour les papistes aussi bien que les rforms, brulant les traductions en Anglais du Nouveau Testament. Il parait que la destruction par le feu tait la mesure la plus radicale mais aussi la plus expditive que les inquisiteurs et les autres personnages chargs du contrle des libraires avaient trouve pour liquider les amas de livres qui s'accumulaient apres chaque inspection. Pour des raisons videntes, les organes de censure n'taient pas prpars a stocker ces quantits de papier et prfraient s'en dbarrasser le plus commodment possible. En meme temps, la combustion tait un acte symbolique. Le frontispice de l'Index librorum prohibitorum romain de 1711 reproduit un autodaf par saint Pierre et saint Paul. Au Ciel, dans une ouverture entre les nuages, assiste par des anges, on voit la colombe du Saint Esprit irradier des rayons de lumiere et de feu. Deux de ces rayons descendent sur terre sur les deux saints et, se refltant dans leurs poitrines, tombent sur un bucher et incendient les pages d'une paire de livres. La couverture de l'Index de 1786 expose plusieurs docteurs de l'Eglise, rassembls dans la place publique, comme les philosophes dans l'agora antique, autour d'un grand feu. Avec des gestes mesurs, apres des lectures et des dbats, ils prennent la dcision, ostensiblement sage, de jeter au feu les volumes damns. Le symbolisme est clair, la combustion des livres est un holocauste inspir par l'esprit de Dieu et ddi a Dieu. Le meme rituel purificatoire et apotropaique sera d'ailleurs organis non seulement par les catholiques contre les ouvrages des hrtiques, mais aussi par les rforms contre les textes manant de Rome. En 1520, confront avec son excommunication et avec la condamnation de ses crits au feu, Luther met a son tour feu, dans la place publique, a la bulle du pape Lon X. Les mesures punitives prises contre les auteurs, les imprimeurs, les libraires et les lecteurs de ces livres variaient largement, en fonction du contexte, allant de la simple rprimande, la confiscation des biens, la proscription et le bannissement a la pendaison, l'tranglement et le bucher. En 1621, pour ne donner qu'un exemple, Jean Fontanier est condamn pour avoir crit le Trsor inestimable, livre " rempli d'impit, blasphemes et injures contre Dieu, la Vierge Marie et toute la chrtient ". Les dispositions prvues par l'arret du Parlement comprennent l' " amende honorable en chemise et tete et pieds nus au devant de l'Eglise Notre-Dame, la corde au col et a genoux tenant en ses mains une torche ardente du poids de deux livres ", les " biens acquis et confisqus au roi " et, finalement, " etre brul vif a un poteau qui pour ce serait dress en la place de Greve, son corps rduit en cendre avec le livre ". Les auteurs de satires et d'utopies tombaient videmment eux aussi sous la menace de se voir entrains dans des proces d'hrsie, d'etre excommunis, de se faire entrer dans l'Index, de ne pas obtenir le droit de publication, de se faire confisquer les ouvrages publis ou de subir tout simple-ment l'opprobre officiel. Face a ces restrictions, les utopistes ont dvelopp des ractions d'esquive et d'autocensure des plus varies: l'anonymat (beaucoup de livres ont t imprims sans nom de l'auteur, de maniere que la restitution de la paternit reste pour certains impossible jusqu'a ce jour) ; la publication dans des maisons d'dition trangeres (dans des pays ou soit la censure tait plus permissive, soit le pouvoir politique ou religieux tait en conflit avec le pays de l'auteur) ; la cration d'un langage " cod ", allusif et allgorique, destin a une lecture seconde, couverte ; le refaonnage ou la rcriture des textes, apres ou meme avant l'expurgation par les censeurs des passages problmatiques ; mea culpae publiques, quand l'auteur tait saisi etc. Dans les cas de l'utopie, la censure religieuse touchait aux themes qui garantissaient l'optimisme utopique en opposition avec la doctrine chrtienne : la nature non-corrompue, l'innocence pr86

adamique, le bon sauvage, la communaut des biens, la capacit de l'homme de manipuler la socit et le destin, la libert sexuelle, la raison dominante. Tous ces concepts, qui garantissaient la possibilit d'une restauration de l'homme sans l'aide de Dieu ont t soumis a une critique d'inspiration orthodoxe, centre sur l'ide de la condition dchue de l'homme et de sa dpendance du Crateur. Intriorises et assumes par des auteurs plus ou moins proches a l'Eglise, ces critiques ont commenc a agir comme un systeme mental prohibitif, qui a fini par renverser le genre de l'utopie en antiutopie. Ce n'est pas la censure directe, exerce par les autorits ecclsiastiques ou laiques, qui a ruin, au XVIIe siecle, l'imaginaire utopique, mais l'autocensure d'une classe d'auteurs qui ont adhr, a l'encontre des valeurs des humanistes, aux valeurs du christianisme redcouvert par la Contre-Rforme, la Rforme, le Puritanisme etc. Ce processus suit le grand courant idologique de l'Europe d'apres le Concile de Trente. Les contre-utopies de Joseph Hall, Jonathan Swift, Guyot Desfontaines, Zaccarie Seriman et autres, qui succedent aux utopies de More, Campanella, Bacon, s'inscrivent dans un art et une littrature de patente inspiration chrtienne qu'un Emile Male et un Werner Weinsbach dfinissent comme le Baroque. La censure rationaliste La deuxieme attaque contre l'imaginaire utopique est venue, a partir du XVIIe siecle, de la part de la pense rationaliste. Apparemment, il y a la une contradiction, tenant compte du fait que les constructions utopiques relevent d'une mentalit humaniste domine par la raison. Les cits de l'utopie sont le plus souvent organises d'une maniere mathmatique et gomtrique, qui tmoigne d'un dsir d'ordre et d'architecture spcifique pour une prdisposition pesamment intellectuelle. Cependant la mise en place de l'urbanisme mthodique de la cit idale a impliqu aussi le recours a des dispositifs imaginaires et narratifs provenant d'autres sources. A commencer par Thomas More, si la description de l'Utopie se soumet aux rigueurs d'une fantaisie logocentrique, qui se dveloppe en un genre a part (celui de l'utopie prcisment), le besoin de situer cette place sur la mappemonde et le voyage ncessaire pour l'atteindre font recours aux procds d'un autre genre, de longue tradition, le rcit de voyage merveilleux. L'imaginaire rationaliste de l'utopie s'est vu ainsi greffer, des le dbut, sur la " pense enchante " du Moyen Age. Les relations de priples en Asie, vers les Indes fabuleuses, aussi bien qu'au Nouveau Monde, ont laiss en hritage au rcit utopique un riche matriel fantasmatique, qui comprend traverses prilleuses, obstacles et lieux tranges, plantes luxuriantes et animaux terrifiants, races humaines monstrueuses, richesses et objets magiques qui conferent divers pouvoirs et meme l'immortalit. Or, des la deuxieme moiti du XVIe siecle, la culture de la Renaissance a t soumise a ce que Ioan Petru Couliano appelle la " grande censure de l'imaginaire". Apres la censure religieuse mise en place par le systeme monarchique-clrical, surtout apres le Concile de Trente, au XVIIe siecle c'est le tour du rationalisme classique de dtruire les " illusions " et les " erreurs " de la pense magique. S'appuyant sur une philosophie de facture noplatonicienne et hermtique, les philosophes de la Renaissance avaient rehauss l'imagination a une position de premier rang. La fantaisie tait conue comme un pouvoir de projection et de matrialisation des images internes de l'ame (les naissances monstrueuses, par exemple, taient attribues a la vis imaginativa mal employe de la mere). Le magicien tait dcrit comme ayant le pouvoir de concrtiser sa volont dans des figures surnaturelles et d'entrer ainsi en communication avec le monde des esprits et des gnies qui contrlent les lments et la nature. Les fantasmes taient envisags comme participant par leur nature et leur substance a l'Anima Mundi universelle, donc au principe qui assure la cohrence du monde et les liaisons magiques entre les parties du grand organisme cosmique. Avec Descartes, l'importance de la fantaisie dans l'anthropologie et la psychologie dcline d'une maniere dramatique. Dans le petit trait rest indit du temps de la vie de son auteur, mais circulant en copies manuscrites, Regulae utiles et clares ad ingenii directionem in veritatis inquisitione, Descartes distingue d'une maniere premptoire entre l'imagination et l'intellect. Plus prcisment, il soutient que l'ingenium, ou la force cognitive de l'homme, se manifeste sous quatre aspects, ou quatre fonctions : perception, mmoire, imagination et intellect. Dans le cadre de sa conception dualiste, qui spare entre 87

l'esprit et la matiere, il considere que l'intellect pur formule les ides abstraites et non-figuratives de la substance spirituelle, alors que l'imagination s'applique aux sub-stances corporelles distinctes et visibles. Bien plus, la fantaisie serait elle-meme un " vritable corps rel, tendu et figuratif ". La fonction cognitive maitresse, la seule qui permet l'acces a la vrit, est l'intellect, bien que, pour assurer une comprhension complete, Descartes ne ddaigne pas l'apport de l'imagination. Ce que peut faire la fantaisie est de complter les ides sur les " natures simples " de la substance spirituelle avec des exemples des especes particulieres de la substance corporelle2. L'harmonie et la coopration entre l'intellect et l'imagination, que Descartes continuait tout de meme de penser possibles, ont t contestes par Spinoza. Dans son trait propdeutique, rest lui aussi indit jusqu'apres la mort de son auteur, Tractatus de intellectus emendatione et de via qua optime in veram rerum cognitione digitur, Spinoza, a la diffrence de Descartes, exclue l'imagination de la " mthode " cognitive. Pour reflter d'une maniere adquate et vridique les " lments premiers " de la nature, le philosophe doit laborer une mthode capable d'isoler les " ides claires et distinctes " des " ides fausses et confuses ". Les ides correctes reprsentent les choses tres simples ou les choses qui ont t dcomposes par la pense en des lments simples ; par contre, les fictions correspondent aux choses confuses, que la pense n'a pas su saisir en leurs parties composantes. Bien qu'invoquant l'adquation entre l'ide intellectuelle et la ralit extrieure, Spinoza n'opte pas pour une solution empiriste, dans la descendance de Bacon, mais pour une solution rationaliste, de type cartsien. Plus exactement, selon lui le critere de vridicit qui distingue les ides vraies des ides fausses est a chercher dans l'intellect seul : " la forme du raisonnement correct doit etre cherche dans la raison meme, sans la rapporter a d'autres choses et sans admettre comme cause un objet extrieur ; elle doit dpendre exclusivement de la force et de la nature de l'intellect "3. Postulant une homologie entre le comportement " objectif " de l'ide et le comportement " rel " de son objet4, Spinoza peut imposer les catgories du cogito comme criteres de vrit. Selon la relation entre l'essence (ou la nature) et l'existence des choses, les objets de la connaissance sont soit impossibles (quand leur nature est en contradiction avec leur existence), soit ncessaires (quand leur nature est en contradiction avec leur inexistence), soit possibles (quand leur nature admet autant leur existence que leur inexistence)5. Les objets ncessaires sont les ides claires de l'intellect, qui refletent les choses vraies de la nature ; les objets impossibles sont des fictions construites par l'imagination, qui n'ont pas une essence ou une existence relle ; les objets possibles gnerent le plus souvent des erreurs d'interprtation, par l'attribution errone a une existence donne d'une essence incompatible avec elle. L'intellect est le seul capable d'indiquer les regles de conception des objets ncessaires, alors que l'imagination est responsable de la propagation des fictions et des erreurs, comme les ides que " les arbres parlent, que les hommes peuvent se transformer en un moment en pierres, en sources d'eau, que les miroirs font visibles des apparitions, que de rien peut naitre quelque chose, que les dieux peuvent se changer en betes ou en hommes, et bien plus d'autres du meme genre "6. De la religion chrtienne et les mythologies antiques aux superstitions populaires et aux conceptions animistes de la magie culte, l'imaginaire enchant de la Renaissance est relgu en bloc par Spinoza dans les limbes de l'inexistence. L'" ame fantastique " (fantasticon pneuma) de la philosophie no-platonicienne devient responsable des garements et des hrsies de la culture de la Renaissance. A l'Age de la Raison, l'imagination apparait comme le facteur qui corrompt l'intellect et provoque la folie. Elle est vue comme une " maladie de l'ame ", comme l'chec dans le contrle des passions, qui paralyse et dtruit les facults suprieures7. Dryden, dans sa Prface au Notes and Observations on the Empress of Morocco, affirme que les hommes qui ne s'adonnent qu'a la fantaisie ne sont pas mieux que les fous. Johnson pense que la folie est occasionne par " too much indulgence of imagination ". Walter Charleton, dans son Treatise of the Different Wits of Men (1669), nous instruit que " plus nous nous laissons entrainer par le feu de la Fantaisie, plus nous approchons de l'Extravagance, qui est un degr de Folie ". Ecrivant un Treatise of Dreams and Visions, to which is added A Discourse of the Causes, Nature and Cure of Phrensie, Madness or Distraction (1689), Thomas Tryon trouve qu'il y a une affinit ou une analogie entre les reves et la folie, en ce que, dans les deux cas, l'ame est libre des chaines des Sens et de la Raison et possde par " l'Imagination incontrlable et sans limites ". John Brydall, dans son Non Corupos Mentis (1700) utilise la mtaphore platonicienne du char de l'ame pour montrer que, " quand 88

la raison est (.) laisse de ct, la Fantaisie gagne l'ascendant et, comme Phaton, s'lance furieuse et dsordonne ". Enfin, combinant dans un Sermon de 1718 la prdication morale avec l'explication rationaliste, l'veque Andrew Snape prvient que la folie est due a la 8. Sur ces bases conceptuelles, les promoteurs de la mthode cartsienne ont commenc par soumettre a une critique sceptique tous les topoi mythiques que l'utopisme hritait de la vision enchante du Moyen Age. La censure religieuse de l'imaginaire exerce par l'Eglise et par l'Etat a t ainsi double et souvent relaye par une censure rationnelle impose par le paradigme naissant de la nouvelle science. Ce que la pense religieuse culpabilisait, la pense rationaliste s'est ingnie a prendre en drision, dans un effort conjugu d'extirper ces " idoles " que la " tribu " europenne avait crdites pendant des millnaires. Robert Burton, par exemple, dans son Anatomie de la mlancolie, de 1621, condamne en bloc la ligne des voyageurs fantastiques, de Pline et Soline a Marco Polo et Mandeville, comme une pliade de menteurs. Plus symptomatique encore est la dmarche de sir Thomas Browne, qui, dans ses Enquiries into vulgar and common errors de 1641 (Opinions reues comme vraies qui sont fausses et douteuses, dans la traduction franaise de 1733), s'efforce de dconstruire la constellation de mirabilia du Moyen Age9. Se penchant sur ce qu'il appelle la " pseudo-science pidmique " (Pseudodoxia epidemica), Thomas Browne offre un exemple parfait de la continuit et la coopration entre la critique religieuse et la critique rationnelle des traditions mer-veilleuses. Son livre est un commentaire sur les conditions de l'apparition des fausses opinions et sur la morphologie et la taxonomie des erreurs communes, s'inscrivant donc dans le paradigme de la " nouvelle science " qui, au XVIIe siecle, s'attaque aux fondements et a la mthodologie de la (ou des) science(s) traditionnelle(s). Le principe directeur que Thomas Browne utilise pour certifier la validit ou la fausset des opinions publiques est, comme chez Descartes ou Spinoza, la rationalit, la consistance logique. Cette position a la curieuse consquence (curieuse pour nous, mais tout a fait normale pour l'homme de l'Europe post-tridentine) de regrouper dans une meme catgorie la vrit rationnelle et le dogme religieux, en opposition avec les superstitions htrodoxes et les fables populaires. Le critere du raisonnement syllogistique, de la logique interne du discours, communs a la philosophie scolastique et a la nouvelle science cartsienne, permet donc a Thomas Browne de prendre, de meme que Descartes, comme point de dpart de son analyse rationnelle un axiome religieux, plus exactement la doctrine chrtienne sur Dieu, Satan et l'homme. Les " pseudosciences pidmiques " sont donc expliques, d'une part, par la mtaphysique chrtienne, de l'autre, par une psychologie rationaliste. Du point de vue religieux, la figure tutlaire des erreurs et des fautes est le diable, le grand trompeur, le trickster qui parodie et fausse le logos de Dieu. Satan est la source premiere qui inspire les garements et les alinations du monde, il est " l'agent invisible ", le de l'obscurit oppose a la clart divine. Il est l'archtype actif de la corruption et de la dformation de la vrit que le Crateur a pose comme principe constructeur de l'univers. Il est le modele ngatif qui conduit l'humanit par les voies de l'erreur et de l'aberration. Par un renversement subtil, appris a la casuistique de l'Ecole, Thomas Browne voit dans toutes les positions et les doctrines polythistes et paiennes antiques, ou htrodoxes, distes et athes de son poque, le rsultat d'une grande mystification opre par le diable. Satan aurait abus l'humanit par cinq manouvres doctrinales qui visent l'existence de Dieu et du diable10 : il a instill dans l'homme la croyance que Dieu n'existe pas, que " la vrit naturelle de Dieu est une cration artificielle de l'homme, et que le Crateur lui-meme n'est qu'une subtile invention de la crature "11 (l'athisme) ; quand il n'est pas parvenu a dtruire la croyance en Dieu, il a suscit l'ide qu'il n'y a pas un seul Dieu, mais plusieurs (le polythisme) ; plus perversement encore, il a besogn pour faire croire aux hommes qu'il est lui-meme Dieu, capable de ressusciter les morts, de donner des oracles etc. (le gnosticisme) ; au ple oppos, quand il n'a pas pos en Dieu, il a feint d'etre infrieur aux humains, soumis aux charmes de la magie (l'animisme magique, l'hermtisme etc.) ; finalement, la supreme supercherie a t de faire croire aux hommes qu'il n'existe pas et que donc le mal est intrinseque a la nature humaine (le nihilisme). Les doctrines sotriques (l'alchimie, l'astrologie, la sorcellerie, la magie etc.) de la Renaissance, aussi bien que le scepticisme progressif de l'age moderne seraient donc, dans la subtile dmonstration de Thomas Browne, que reprendra maint philosophe et essayiste ultrieur (voir par exemple le discours que tient a Mphistophles le Faust de Paul Valry), 89

une habile machination d'occultation du sacr conue par le diable. Pour que ses intrigues aient prise sur l'imaginaire des hommes, Satan a du corrompre, des le dbut, la nature humaine. Ceci amene Thomas Browne a postuler que la premiere cause des erreurs collectives est " l'infirmit commune de la nature humaine "12. L'auteur fait remonter la premiere violation de la vrit a Adam et Eve, utilisant le texte de la Genese sur le pch originel comme un mythe tiologique pour la prsence des fausses opinions dans le monde. En effet, il attribue la chute des proto-parents, en premiere place, a la " transgression de la loi de leur propre raisonnement "13 et seulement en deuxieme place a la dsobissance aux commandements de Yahv. La faute de raisonnement d'Adam a t de croire a la promesse du serpent, qu'en mangeant de l'arbre de science il atteindrait la condition de Dieu. " Il a mal compris la nature de Dieu et il a dvelopp une fausse apprhension de soi-meme ; c'est pourquoi, visant en vain non seulement des insolences, mais des impossibilits, il s'est tromp soimeme"14. Le pch originel est vu comme une infraction archtypale des lois de la raison dont Dieu, le seul etre infaillible qui ne puisse pas se tromper, a dot sa crature. Dans une lecture allgorique de la Bible, l'essayiste se demande meme si on ne peut pas interprter " la tentation de l'homme par la femme comme la sduction des parties rationnelles et suprieures par les facults infrieures fminines "15. Evidemment, l'homologie de la position religieuse a la position rationaliste est rendue possible par l'assimilation, par Thomas Browne, de Dieu et de Satan comme les principes mtaphysiques de la Vrit et de l'Erreur. Apres avoir emprunt a la thologie les fondements ontologiques de sa thorie sur les fausses opinions, sir Thomas peut se pencher sur le fonctionnement psychologique de ces principes. Dans les termes d'une anthropologie d'inspiration autant chrtienne que cartsienne, qui fait front commun contre l'anthropologie noplatonicienne de la Renaissance, l'essayiste anglais distingue entre deux facults de l'ame, la raison et les sens. Insuffle et inspire par les " lumieres divines ", la raison jouit de la garantie de vracit offerte par la nature meme de Dieu. Le pch d'Adam a marqu, en meme temps que le dtournement de l'homme de vers Dieu vers le diable, une chute du niveau de la raison au niveau des sens. Dfinie comme un " faux jugement des choses ou un consentement a la fausset "16, l'erreur est vue comme une clipse ou un ombrage de l'intellect. Dans cette interpretatio cartsienne de la mythologie biblique, la nature dchue de l'homme adamique apparait comme une dominance des apptits, " la part irrationnelle et brutale de l'ame qui, prenant le dessus sur la facult souveraine, interrompt les activits de cette part noble ". Les vices n'affectent pas l'homme qu'en tant qu'il " dserte sa raison et consent a leurs aberrations " 17. Dans le sens de la meme rinterprtation rationaliste de la religion chrtienne, le message de Christ est compris comme un retour du spirituel, comme une rorientation des esprances populaires de flicit des choses sensibles vers les choses loignes des sens, vers la jouissance intellectuelle de et en Dieu18. L'homologation de la raison et de la vrit a la thologie chrtienne permet a Thomas Browne de distribuer les sens (les apptits) et les erreurs aux hrsies. De cette perspective chrtienne et rationaliste combine, il jette un vote de blame sur toutes les traditions et formes de pense alternatives, qui comprennent les mythologies de l'Antiquit, l'imaginaire merveilleux du Moyen Age et les doctrines occultes, magiques, de la Renaissance. Il regroupe dans la meme catgorie " inventeurs subtils " des hommes qui s'ingnient a duper les masses, les pretres des cultes antiques, les prophetes des fausses religions et hrsies, les mdecins (apparemment ceux dans la tradition de la mdecine spagirique d'un Paracelse), les saltimbanques et les charlatans, les astrologues et les kabbalistes, les diseurs de fortune, les jongleurs, les gomantiens, mais aussi les hommes d'Etat et les politiciens. Tous ces reprsentants d'un autre paradigme cognitif, celui de la pense symbolique et analogique, sont condamns comme des imposteurs qui propagent dans l'opinion publique, avertis de ce qu'ils font ou dupes eux-memes, les erreurs de la pseudodoxia epidemica. Sur cette anthropologie et sociologie qui postulent la nature intellectuelle dchue de l'homme, Thomas Browne continue par identifier les causes des erreurs communes dans les " dispositions errones " des gens. Il inventorie quatre typologies de l'erreur. La premiere est la fausse apprhension, l'quivoque ou l'amphibologie, qui suppose une confusion entre les plans du rel ou de la parole, comme dans le cas de Centaures, figures rsultes de l'impression qu'ont eue les Grecs ou les Amrindiens a la vue des premiers chevaliers, ou respectivement dans le cas de la comprhension littrale des mtaphores. La deuxieme est la fausse dduction qui, bien que partant de choses ou de mots corrects, fait des 90

injonctions errones a base de ce que la logique aristotlicienne appelle le petitio principii ; le a dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter ; le a non causa pro causa ; et le fallacia consequentia. La troisieme est la crdulit des hommes, c'est-a-dire le consentement facilement donn a ce qui est accept par les autres. La quatrieme est l'indolence (" supinity ") ou l'indiffrence a la ncessit de vrifier les choses reues, meme les plus douteuses et problmatiques. Enfin, en cinquieme position, il invoque l'adhrence a la tradition, la soumission a l'autorit des sources, " l'tablissement de nos convictions sur les dictats de l'Antiquit". Dans le cadre de cette critique du critere de l'autorit, Thomas Browne dresse une vritable liste noire des auteurs traditionnels qui polluent avec leurs crits l'opinion publique. Bien que cette liste, de nature rationaliste et non religieuse, n'ait pas eu les consquences sociales des Index, elle n'a pas eu moins d'efficacit intellectuelle. L'imposition d'un nouveau paradigme cognitif, celui de la " nouvelle science ", a impliqu l'extirpation radicale des principes et des constructions de la mentalit traditionnelle. Grand nombre des auteurs bannis par Thomas Browne sont les plus importants membres du lignage qui a form la " pense enchante " du Moyen Age et le genre des rcits de voyages merveilleux. Il y a les historiens et les gographes antiques, comme Hrodote, Ctsias de Cnide, Pline, Claudius Aelianus et Soline ; les auteurs de lapidaires, bestiaires, physiologues et d'autres traits sur les phnomenes, les plantes et les animaux merveilleux ; les encyclopdistes chrtiens, comme Basile, Ambroise, Isidore de Sville, Albertus Magnus, Vincent de Beauvais ; les auteurs de narrations fabuleuses sur des voyages en Orient, comme sir John Mandeville ; et les magiciens et docteurs hermtiques de la Renaissance, comme Cardan, Alex. Pedimontanus, Antonius Mizaldus et Batista della Porta. Sans s'engager dans une rfutation minutieuse de chaque mytheme et symbole constitutif de l'imaginaire merveilleux, Thomas Browne s'attaque directement aux fondements de la mappemonde enchante. Plus prcisment, il critique les prsupposs des deux types de cartes qui ont domin le Moyen Age : les cartes Terrarum Orbiculus (T-O) et les cartes macrobiennes (ou zodiacales). Les cartes T-O imaginaient le monde comme un disque plat, de forme circulaire, contourn par le fleuve Ocan. Le monde connu (l'oikumene) occupait toute la mappemonde, sans laisser aucune autre terre ferme en dehors. Les cartes zodiacales considraient le monde comme une sphere, partage sur l'axe Nord-Est en cinq zones : Froide - Tempre - Torride - Tempre - Froide. L'oikumene occupait la zone tempre de l'hmisphere Nord ; pour la zone tempre de l'hmisphere Sud, quelques gographes d'inspiration no-pythagoricienne clamaient l'existence d'un continent symtrique a l'oikumene - les Antipodes -, alors que d'autres gographes, inspirs par la Bible, niaient la possibilit de ces terres " renverses ". En plus, meme si ces Antipodes avaient exist, l'acces y aurait t interdit par la zone torride, rput infranchissable a cause de la chaleur. Les dcouvertes de la Renaissance avaient dconstruit ces modeles cosmologiques. Thomas Browne utilise les nouvelles acquisitions gographiques pour dmontrer la distance entre la vrit objective et les constructions fictionnelles. Il reprend les arguments sur la zone torride ou contre les Antipodes comme des exemples d'erreurs communes longtemps transmises par la tradition. Les " vnrables peres de l'Eglise " ne sont que des " hommes en dehors de leur profession ", dont le tmoignage scientifique est de moindre validit. Leur autorit a assur la transmission des fausses thories, comme celle de la forme plate de la Terre (Lactance), de l'inexistence de Antipodes (Augustin) ou de l'inhabitabilit de la zone torride, infirmes par l'exploration des Amriques19. L'introduction d'un nouveau critere de certification de la ralit, la validation rationnelle et la confirmation empirique, permet a Thomas Browne de submerger tout le continent de la fantaisie gographique du Moyen Age. L'effet du scepticisme rationnel est encore plus dvastateur pour la mentalit utopique que la critique religieuse. Tandis que l'idologie chrtienne ne se propose que de rtablir la vrit dogmatique, donc de refermer les portes du Paradis terrestre illicitement ouvertes par les quetes humanistes, la vision rationnelle, par contre, est sceptique en ce qui concerne la possibilit meme d'existence de l'Eden, fut-il religieux ou utopique. En fait, Thomas More dja se sentait oblig de marquer le topos idal par la particule privative ou. Il marquait par cela son doute que la cit parfaite soit jamais ralisable. Mais au XVIIe siecle, avec le dveloppement des techniques rationalistes de la pense, le virus nihiliste provoque une scission dramatique au sein du genre de l'utopie. Le courant des utopistes se divise en deux grandes veines : alors qu'une grande partie d'entre eux continuent de faire les plans du royaume idal, une autre partie se complaisent en dtruire les idaux, imaginant des contre-cits, des places 91

infernales. Pour ces auteurs dsenchants, la nature et la raison humaine ne finissent pas par instaurer des socits angliques, mais plutt des socits totalitaires. Leur refus ou leur incapacit de croire a la comptence de l'homme d'organiser un jardin divin sur terre provoque la ruine de l'utopie, du moins sur un segment de son volution, et l'apparition de l'antiutopie, en tant qu'utopie manque. La censure empirique La troisieme attaque vient de la part de la pense pragmatique, nourrie par les principes de l'empirisme anglais. A la diffrence de la tradition cartsienne, Francis Bacon, David Hume ou Thomas Hobbes doublent et meme remplacent, en tant que critere de vrit, la consistance rationnelle par le tmoignage des sens. Or, l'appel a la confirmation par l'exprience s'avere fatal pour les mirabilia de la tradition enchante. Dans le Novum Organon, par exemple, Francis Bacon propose aux reprsentants de la nouvelle science de dresser " une collection ou une histoire de tous les monstres, les naissances ou les crations merveilleuses, et, en un mot, de toutes les choses nouvelles, rares et extraordinaires de la nature". Ce panorama servirait a distinguer les objets rels des objets illusoires, c'est-a-dire des idoles de toutes sortes (idola tribus, idola specus, idola fori, idola theatri). Les auteurs de relations sur des phnomenes de la religion, de la magie naturelle ou de l'alchimie sont, selon Bacon, conduits par "une propension incontrle pour la fausset et la fabulation"20. Un siecle plus tard, dans ses Two Dissertations concerning Sense, and the Imagination. With an Essay on Consciousness (1728), Zachary Mayne reprend l'ide que " l'Imagination est presque toujours, dans un degr ou un autre, dangereuse et prjudicielle pour l'Entendement ". Si l'Intellect ne reste pas sur ses gardes a toujours trier les Ides que lui procure l'Imagination, il risque de certifier ces fantaisies comme vraies et pertinentes, alors qu'elles ne sont que peu ou nullement en relation avec la matiere de ses penses et mditations21. Utilisant la raison comme critere de certification scientifique, des rationalistes comme Descartes, Spinoza ou Thomas Browne pouvaient distribuer la nouvelle science et la thologie du meme ct. Avec l'introduction du critere de la vrification empirique, la religion tombe dans un domaine diffrent de celui de la science. Dans son trait sur l'intellect humain, David Hume reprend l'argument d'un certain docteur Tillotson pour dmontrer que l'vidence que nous avons pour la vrit de la religion chrtienne, fournie par la dposition des aptres, est moins directe et immdiate que le tmoignage contraire de notre exprience empirique. Donner le consentement a une thorie comme celle de la prsence relle du corps de Jsus Christ dans l'eucharistie, en dfaveur de l'vidence des sens, serait contre les regles du raisonnement correct. David Hume se flicite d'avoir conu cet argument qui, s'il est correct, peut s'avrer " pour le sage et pour le savant une barriere dfinitive contre toutes les especes d'illusions superstitieuses ", contre toutes les relations sur les merveilles et les miracles22. L'argument ne se veut pas athe, il ne s'attaque pas a l'existence meme de Dieu et donc aux fondements du christianisme. Seulement, il dtruit le couple mthodologique entre thologie et raison et distribue la science a la rationalit et la religion a la croyance. Soumettre la " sainte religion chrtienne " aux criteres de l'intellect, preuve qu'elle n'est pas prpare a supporter, serait une mthode sure de la discrditer23. La science est le domaine des phnomenes uniformes et rptables, alors que la religion est le champ des miracles, que Hume dfinit comme " une violation d'une loi de la nature par un acte dtermin de la volont de Dieu ou par l'intervention d'un agent invisible ". Bien qu'il scurise de cette maniere le territoire de la religion, Hume n'est pas dispos a lui cder les traditions fabuleuses de l'Antiquit et du Moyen Age, qu'il rsume dans la classe des " relations miraculeuses de voyage, descriptions de monstres de la mer et de la terre, rcits sur des aventures merveilleuses, hommes tranges et mours bizarres ". Si ces fables ont eu un grand crdit dans l'opinion publique, a l'opposition de la regle de l'uniformit des phnomenes de la nature, c'est qu'elles ont excit " le penchant humain pour la surprise et l'merveillement "24. Thomas Hobbes part a son tour de la dfinition du miracle comme " un acte de Dieu, accompli pour rendre manifeste a ses lus la mission d'un Ministre extraordinaire envoy pour leur salut "25. Mais tout en acceptant la prsence du sacr dans l'histoire, il critique les beaucoup plus nombreux faux miracles des charlatans qui dupent la population. Ces mystifications sont rendues possibles par 92

l'ignorance et l'aptitude pour l'erreur commune a tous les hommes, et spcialement a ceux qui ont une moindre connaissance des lois et des causes naturelles. Pour expliquer les garements de l'opinion publique, Hobbes dveloppe une psychologie a trois tages, comprenant les sens, l'imagination et la raison. Partant de l'axiome qu'il n'y a pas de construction mentale qui n'ait pas pass premierement par les sens, il dfinit l'imagination comme une sensation dchue, la rminiscence obscurcie d'une image procure par la perception. En fonction de l'tat de l'homme qui imagine, il y a plusieurs formes d'imagination : l'imagination dans l'tat de veille (les fictions, les reveries), l'imagination pendant le sommeil (les reves) et l'imagination qui ne distingue pas entre l'tat de veille et de sommeil (les apparitions et les visions). Les apparitions sont des reves que l'homme pense avoir vus en tat de veille. Ces accidents sont dus a des circonstances et des motions fortes, qui troublent la facult discriminatoire de l'individu26. Or, voila que, selon Hobbes, de cette ignorance ou incapacit de distinguer entre les reves et les fantaisies, d'un ct, et les sens et les fictions, de l'autre, est ne la religion des gentils d'autrefois, qui adoraient les satyres, les faunes et les nymphes, et des hommes d'aujourd'hui, qui continuent de croire aux Fes, aux Fantmes et aux Gobelins. La sorcellerie est galement vise par cette accuse, non pas parce qu'elle aurait commerce avec le diable, mais parce qu'elle perptuerait une confusion pernicieuse. Quoique l'attitude envers la sorciere et le magicien ait chang (le philosophe ne les considere plus des apostats, mais des charlatans ou des naifs), on voit que la censure rationaliste ne manque pas de prendre le relais a la censure religieuse. L'Ennemi, le diable lui-meme, n'est plus une crature relle, extrieure, qui tente et corrompt les hommes ; il est le faux jugement, la corruption de la facult de discrimination entre la fantaisie et la ralit. Si le monde contemporain de Hobbes est un Royaume des Tnebres, cela est du aux faux prophetes qui ont transform les fantaisies des poetes paiens en une Dmonologie, propageant une " doctrine fabuleuse sur les dmons, qui ne sont que des idoles, ou des fantasmes du cerveau, dpourvus de toute nature relle propre "27. Progressivement, au cours des XVIe-XVIIIe siecles, l'exprience empirique, nourrie par les explorations gographiques, a rendu le paradis terrestre ou l'utopie introuvables sur les cartes. Le Moyen Age plaait les Iles des Bienheureux, les Hesprides, le Mag Mell et l'Avalon, les iles de saint Brendan ou des saints Enoch et Elie dans l'Ocan Atlantique. La dcouverte de l'Amrique a absorb pour un temps ces mythes dans l'espace du Nouveau Monde. Cristophe Colomb tait convaincu, au cours de son troisieme voyage, quand il atteignit pour la premiere fois le continent amricain, d'avoir abord le Paradis terrestre que les cartes T-O plaaient au bout des Indes. Les explorateurs et les conquistadors ultrieurs ont dploy sur le nouveau monde toutes sortes de fantasmes paradisiaques, comme la Terre de jouvence, la Terre de promesse, l'El Dorado, les sept Cits enchantes de Cibola, la Cit des Csars. Divers religieux, ordres et sectes, comme le franciscain Bartolom de las Casas en Amrique centrale, les jsuites au Paraguay, diffrents protestants radicaux en Amrique du Nord, ont mis en place, a leur tour, des projets de socits millnaristes. Cependant, a mesure que le nouveau monde tait mieux connu, on voit les places utopiques migrer, a commencer dja par Thomas More, vers des rgions plus lointaines, vers le Pacifique. Au XVIIe siecle, c'est un hypothtique continent austral, la Terra Australis Incognita, qui abrite le plus grand nombre d'tats idaux. Et plus tard, quand les blancs de la mappemonde finissent par etre remplies, les centres paradisiaques se replient vers des iles inconnues, mystrieuses, mouvantes, flottantes, submerges (chez des auteurs comme Coyer, Morrely, Poe, Jules Verne, Melville). Soit ils s'enfoncent sous la terre (Holberg, Collin de Plancy, Jules Verne). Soit ils sont projets dans l'espace astral, dans les planetes, que Fontenelle avait dcrites comme habitables (F. Godwin, Cyrano de Bergerac, D. Defoe, Voltaire, Jules Verne, Wells etc.). C'est un processus d'occultation progressive, inscrit sur les mappemondes, mais se droulant au fond sur la carte de l'imaginaire europen meme. *** La triple censure exerce par la thologie chrtienne, par le rationalisme cartsien et par l'empirisme anglais a fini par dtruire la vracit et la crdibilit des objets de la pense enchante. Relgues au champ de la subjectivit, les mirabilia du Moyen Age ont souffert une sorte de collapsus ontologique. Le corpus de rcits hrit de la tradition a t soumis a une critique qui l'a fait basculer de la ralit 93

dans la fiction. Les auteurs de ce XVIIe siecle tout autant Baroque que rationaliste, qu'il s'agisse d'un Cervantes ou d'un Richard Brome, ont subi un " dsenchantement " qui les a fait sceptiques face aux idaux merveilleux des aventures chevaleresques, des voyages fabuleux et des autres quetes surnaturelles. Richard Brome, par exemple, dans sa comdie Les Antipodes, prsente l'aspiration au voyage initiatique comme une maladie mentale, de meme que Cervantes traite la quete chevaleresque comme une folie. Tous ces dplacements et mtamorphoses tmoignent de la malaise de plus en plus accentue que, depuis la fin de la Renaissance, l'homme europen exprimente quand il essaye de donner une ralit ontologique a ses fantasmes paradisiaques. Il ne faut donc pas attendre le XXe siecle pour voir le virus du pessimisme gagner l'utopie et la transformer en contre-utopie. Notes 1 Pour les donnes historiques voques dans ce chapitre, voir : - Censures. De la Bible aux Larmes d'Eros, Conception et ralisation : Martine Poulain, Franoise Serre, Editions du Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris, 1987 - Index of Prohibited Books, in Catholic Encyclopedia, www.newadvent.org - Daniel Becourt, Livres condamns, livres interdits, Paris, Cercle de la librairie, 1972 - Anne Lyon Haight, Banned Books, New York et Londres, R. R. Bowker, 1978 - Henry Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition. An Historical Revision, London, Phoenix Press, London, 1997 - G. Peignot, Dictionnaire critique, littraire et bibliographique des principaux livres condamns au feu, supprims ou censurs, Paris, A. Renouard, 1806 2 Descartes, Reguli utile si clare pentru indrumarea mintii in cercetarea adevarului, Regulile XII et XIV, Bucuresti, Editura Stiintifica, 1964, pp. 50 sqq. 3 Baruch Spinoza, Tratatul despre indreptarea intelectului si despre calea cea mai buna care duce la adevarata cunoastere a lucrurilor, Bucuresti, Editura Stiintifica si Enciclopedica, 1979, p. 33 et passim. 4 Ibidem, pp. 19-20. 5 Ibidem, p. 24. 6 Ibidem, p. 28. 7 Voir Michael V. DePorte, Nightmares and Hobbyhorses. Swift, Sterne, and Augustan Ideas of Madness, San Marino, The Huntington Library, 1974, p. 14. 8 Toutes les citations dans Ibidem. 9 Pseudodoxia Epidemica, in Sir Thomas Browne's Works, Including his Life and Correspondence, vol. II, Edited by Simon Wilkin F.L.S., London, William Pickering, Josiah Fletcher Norwich, 1835. 10 Pseudodoxia Epidemica, chapitre X. 11 Ibidem, p. 248. 12 Ibidem, chapitre I. 13 Ibidem, p. 185. 14 Ibidem, p. 187. 15 Ibidem. 16 Ibidem, p. 193. 17 Ibidem, p. 195. 18 Ibidem, p. 194. 19 Ibidem, pp. 224, 227. 20 Francis Bacon, Noul Organon, Traducere de N. Petrescu si M. Florian, Bucuresti, Editura Academiei R.P.R., 1957, p. 155. 21 Cit par Michael V. DePorte, op. cit. 22 David Hume, Cercetare asupra in-telectului omenesc, Sectiunea X (Despre minuni), partea I, 86, Traducere de Mircea Flonta, Adrian-Paul Iliescu si Constanta Nita, Bucuresti, Editura Stiintifica si Enciclopedica, 1987, p. 177. 23 Ibidem, 100, p. 195. 94

24 Ibidem, partea a II-a, 93, p. 184. 25 Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, Edited with an Introduction by C. B. Macpherson, London, Penguin Books, 1985, p. 473. 26 Ibidem, Part I, Chapitre II " Of Imagination ". 27 Ibidem, Part IV, Chapitre 44 " Of the Kingdome of Darknesse ", p. 629.

Jean-Jacques Wunenburger L'ambiguit utopique : temple de Dieu ou prison de verre ?

Abstract: The author investigates the fundamental ambiguity of the concept of Utopia, seen either as an ideal society or as a totalitarian system. Keywords: Utopia; anti-utopia; millenium; imagination; eschatology Si l'on admet que la seule ralit concrete se confond avec ce que chaque homme vit ici et maintenant, dans le prolongement d'une histoire archive et dans l'imminence d'un futur, a porte de volont, l'utopie peut apparaitre, dans sa plus large amplitude, comme l'ensemble des reprsentations et des actions, faisant rfrence a une autre organisation spatio-temporelle de la vie. En ce sens l'utopie se confond avec l'ensemble des activits et des productions de l'imagination, donc de reprsentations de ce qui n'est pas, n'a pas t ou ne sera pas, ce qui en fait communment le synonyme de l'irralit. L'utopie releve par consquent des oeuvres de l'imagination reveuse qui anticipe et simule des images de ce qui n'est pas encore prsentifi dans l'exprience du rel. Or la question est de savoir dans quelle mesure cette production de l'imagination lui a permis de dvelopper une activit vraiment onirique et symbolique. Les utopies ont-elles vraiment constitu un relais de l'imagination mythique traditionnelle, qui avait, pour sa part, su donner une figure religieuse et mystique a une socialit de bonheur et de perfection ? Ou bien, au contraire, ne peut-on pas voir dans l'utopie une forme hybride, voire infidele, d'imagination, qui n'aurait engendr que des plans et des idaux strotyps ? Bref l'utopie ne seraitelle pas un cas typique d'une contamination de l'imaginaire, ici socio-politique, avec une rationalit unidimensionnelle et donc rductrice ? 1- Le mythe des espaces de batitude Bien avant l'ere des utopies consacres par le nom gnrique donn par Thomas More en 1517, l'imagination socio-culturelle ne s'est jamais prive de donner une consistance symbolique a des espaces idaux, jardins ou villes, qui trouvaient place dans les rcits et croyances des mythes religieux. Toutes les grandes religions ont en effet donn naissance a des reveries que l'on peut en un sens appeler utopies, au sens tymologique de lieux sans coordonnes assignables physiquement, et qui servent en quelque sorte de point de contact entre les dieux et les hommes. Tel est, en particulier, le sens de la Jrusalem cleste, cette Cit supra-historique, dcrite dans les traditions mystiques juives (vision d'Ezchiel), chrtiennes (Apocalypse de Jean) puis musulmanes, qui permet de visualiser la beaut et la perfection du royaume divin . Ville de lumiere clestielle, lieu dot d'une corporit 95

immatrielle, la Jrusalem cleste ne peut etre dcrite que par les yeux de l'ame, puisqu'elle ne dispose d'aucune trace visible en ce monde. Comme l'atteste la tradition apocalyptique du monothisme, cette Ville sainte releve d'une exprience visionnaire proprement imaginale, qui prsuppose une sorte de troisieme oeil rserv aux spirituels et mystiques. Son plan et sa gomtrie symboliques sont repris dans le registre de la thologie dite "templiere", a qui elle sert d'"imago Dei", de figure de Dieu, de thophanie dans l'ame , utopie spirituelle dont H.Corbin commente longuement la thmatique et la signification dans la tradition mystique musulmane . Cette utopie spirituelle, ancetre de l'utopie moderne, prsuppose, dans les traditions qui la vhiculent, un ensemble de facults notiques, imagination visionnaire et intellect passif, qui rendent possible l'intelligence d'une surralit mtaphysique. Comme l'a montr H.Corbin, l'intellect est fait pour contempler les ralits suprasensibles, Ides ou essences divines, qui donnent la vritable connaissance des etres dont nous ne percevons que les aspects particuliers et contingents par nos sens corporels ; il met a son service l'imagination active, non dpendante des particularits psychologiques de l'individu, qui dvoile entre le sensible et l'intelligible des images typifiantes, servant d'intermdiaires pour accder a la vrit. Dans ces traditions mtaphysiques visionnaires, largement inspires par le platonisme et le noplatonisme, la connaissance de la Nature conditionne, source de la science, est subordonne a une connaissance suprieure d'etres inconditionns. Mais si cette derniere est faite de reprsentations et d'intuitions d'lments irreprsentables, elle met en jeu aussi bien l'intellect que l'imagination, en tant que facult de l'ame. Ainsi l'utopie visionnaire n'a de sens que sur fond d'une pense supra-rationnelle, qui cherche non a se rendre maitresse du monde empirique mais a atteindre une perfection intrieure, qui ne peut se trouver que dans l'assimilation a Dieu. L'esprit y exprimente une lumiere surnaturelle, en provenance de Dieu, qui le guide vers la source transcendante, au lieu qu'il ne devienne lui-meme lieu d'mission d'une lumiere naturelle qui va clairer le monde pour le rendre commensurable. A l'imagination, dvoye par la raison gomtrique et opratoire, s'oppose donc une imagination prophtique, qui s'leve aux rvlations d'une perfection divine, mais sans rpondant, sans correspondant autre qu'analogique dans le monde extrieur . 2- Genese ambivalente de l'utopie Ce theme de haute spiritualit visionnaire, qui va de pair avec une mtaphysique des niveaux de ralit, dont la ntre est la plus dgrade, resurgit prcisment a la Renaissance, mais sous des formes ambigus qui se pretent a des interprtations divergentes. Si l'on prend en effet en considration la premiere grande floraison de pense utopiste au XVIeme siecle en Europe, on peut y reconnaitre une superposition, voire un syncrtisme, de deux grandes formes d'imagination, nettement distinctes auparavant, tant du point de vue de leur mode de constitution que de leur champ de dveloppement. D'un ct, l'utopie apparait encore comme une variation des themes et motifs symboliques de l'imaginaire visionnaire et mystique, bien que ses formes commencent a se strotyper, de l'autre le mytheme utopique se voit pris en charge par une imagination bien plus intellectualise qui met le reve au service d'un projet nettement rationnel : - d'une part, l'utopie se nourrit toujours a une imagination mythico-prophtique affecte a la reprsentation des espaces-temps qui encadrent, en amont ou en aval, l'existence terrestre de l'homme. Elle se rattache encore a la production d'une luxuriante gographie des terres supra-sensibles ou les etres ont vcu avant leur naissance ou vont vivre apres leur mort physique (Iles des Bienheureux, Enfers, purgatoires et paradis, Jrusalem cleste, pour rester dans la tradition monothiste). Ces images religieuses d'un autre monde, aux localisations et datations variables, loin d'etre de pures fictions, se prsentent comme des rvlations de mondes autres, directement inaccessibles, mais dont l'existence est authentifie par des traditions. Elles servent avant tout de support a la rminiscence des origines individuelles ou collectives, et/ou a l'esprance eschatologique en une survie. Mais si nous pouvons en acqurir des visions, elles ne sauraient donner lieu a une appropriation volontariste par les hommes. Que les premieres reveries des utopies modernes aient encore quelque lien avec de telles ralits spirituelles suprahistoriques est attest par la vivacit a la Renaissance de divers courants de pense religieux ou mystiques (hermtisme chrtien, kabbale juive, mythes des Cits solaires des stoiciens), qui donnent lieu a toutes sortes de syncrtisme. L'utopisme renaissant reste ainsi dans la mouvance de 96

l'imagination des Grecs pour qui la reverie urbanistique, depuis Hippodamos de Milet, comme la nostalgie des pays du bonheur ternel, chere aux romanciers du bas stoicisme (Iamboulos, par exemple), sont insparables de l'vocation de lieux solaires situs dans un autre monde - mais simultanment l'utopie est dja place sous le contrle d'une imagination allgorisante ou typifiante, destine avant tout a confrer un contenu sensible, figuratif a des Ides spculatives et abstraites. Des idaux de vie collective, d'institutions socio-politiques, des idologies meme, peuvent ainsi trouver une expression concrete dans des hypotyposes, qui modlisent ou exemplifient ce que l'on a pralablement pos comme contenu intellectuel . Les maquettes de communauts heureuses et parfaites servent alors a traduire in individuo ce que la pense philosophique et politique se contente de produire sur le mode de l'Ide, d'une reprsentation rflchissante de ce qui doit etre en vertu de ses proprits intrinseques. Une telle imagination se subordonne donc a des informations rationnelles, dont elle conserve souvent nombre de traits constituants : uniformit, transparence, lgalit, symtrie, dont on connait la prgnance dans les utopies . A partir de la Renaissance l'imaginaire utopique est donc le lieu d'une rorganisation majeure de l'imagination symbolique. L'utopie "imaginale" renvoie encore a un lieu mtempirique, qui accueille des vnements de l'ame. Chez un mtaphysicien persan comme Sohrawardi, le terme de Na-KojaAbad, littralement le "pays du Non-ou", dsigne bien "une Terre, un pays (abad) et c'est justement le pays ou ont lieu les vnements des rcits mystiques. C'est un pays que l'on peut etre admis a voir ; mais aucun de ceux qui l'ont vu n'est en mesure de le montrer" . L'utopie moderne repose au contraire sur une inversion-perversion de cette figure mystique et laisse derriere elle une imagination mtaphysique, trop loigne de la nouvelle raison lgaliste cartsienne. L'utopie, telle qu'elle se rpand a partir de Thomas More, rsulte donc d'un abatardissement des images d'une Cit mtahistorique, dont la vision tait trangere a toutes domestication et instrumentalisation spatio-temporelle dans notre vie. Les nouvelles maquettes utopiques vont de plus en plus se prsenter comme des versions rsiduelles, des scnarios tronqus de mythes religieux, dont elles dcalquent manifestement la topographie spirituelle, reprenant, en particulier, tous les mythemes de la lumiere et de la transparence. Mais au lieu d'en faire des archtypes d'un espace spirituel, qui doit servir de lieu ultime pour les transformations de l'ame dans sa quete divine, les utopistes en projettent la forme sur terre, en en faisant le prototype d'une Cit dsire des hommes . L'poque qui voit merger l'utopie moderne fait donc coexister, se mlanger et se combattre deux formes d'utopies, deux quetes de Cits, spirituelle et historique, et donc deux modeles de la pense, l'une qui remonte des tnebres de l'ame vers une lumiere qui la dpasse, l'autre qui cherche a imposer sa lumiere a tout ce qu'elle rencontre. Il n'est donc pas tonnant que les grands textes classiques de la tradition utopienne, qui voient coexister dans leur conomie symbolique ces deux ples structuraux et fonctionnels de l'imagination, puissent etre compris et interprts selon des orientations tres opposes. Si Andr Prvost, par exemple, rapatrie fortement l'utopie morenne vers une parabole vanglique en y retrouvant la perptuation d'un exercice spirituel et religieux, Louis Marin au contraire prfere y dceler des configurations d'images agissant comme oprateurs d'ides abstraites, politiques, conomiques, sociales nes de la pratique . A moins d'invalider dogmatiquement une de ces mthodes, prises aux extremes, on ne peut que conclure que l'utopie, en son texte paradigmatique dja, se prsente comme un lieu mental et textuel ouvert non seulement a des combinatoires formelles, mais aussi a des filiations opposes. Peut-etre l'utopie (re)naissante devrait-elle prcisment etre considre comme un type mixte de production d'images, un espace indtermin d'intentionnalits imageantes, qui visualise d'autres modes de ralisation de l'humanit en se plaant a l'intersection de grandes familles d'images de l'Autre. C'est pourquoi les nouvelles utopies peuvent a la fois assurer la prennit d'archtypes religieux, favoriser des exercices d'inventions imaginaires, accrditer des plans dduits par une raison abstraite et se substituer a des pratiques sociales. Aussi n'est-il pas contradictoire de soutenir que la meme utopie peut apparaitre comme un avatar religieux traditionnel, comme une audace fictionnelle et comme un exercice rgl de dduction scientifique. L'utopie ne saurait donc etre qualifie unilatralement de fruit d'une imagination crative puisque son unit vient prcisment de la condensation (au sens freudien) de reprsentations a statuts diffrents . 3- La contagion par la rationalit optique 97

Sous quelles formes se manifeste donc cette normalisation du reve socio-politique par un intellectualisme uniformisant qui va aller croissant ? Qu'est-ce qui peut permettre de comprendre cette lente rgression voire invalidation de l'imaginaire spirituel ? Le genre utopique, n avec Thomas More, et qui lui empruntera nombre de ses codes rhtoriques, cherche clairement a confectionner des plans de cits, a fabriquer des maquettes de socits, qui permettraient de rompre avec les imperfections humaines constates dans l'histoire. Mais ce tableau de la socit idale ne ncessite pas tant une transformation effective du rel, un changement radical de la nature des choses, qu'un simple changement d'clairage. Car la mthode utopienne consiste essentiellement en un exercice optique qui doit permettre de regarder la ralit humaine sous une lumiere vive, qui a la puissance d'liminer l'ombre, de dbusquer le cach, c'est-a-dire mtaphoriquement les maux d'une socit. En ce sens, l'utopiste n'invente rien de vraiment nouveau, mais clarifie, pure l'ancien par des jeux de rflexion et d'inversion, qui relevent essentiellement des effets de miroir et de lumiere . La Cit, vue au grand jour de l'utopie, peut se comparer ainsi a un dispositif optique, tout en verre, qui assure une transparence de toutes ses parties et en facilite la vision panoramique et intgrale. Cette symbolique de la lumiere solaire, d'une lumiere de midi sans ombre, comporte d'ailleurs une vidente dimension thique, dans la mesure ou les hommes, exposs a la vue, mis sous la surveillance d'un regard qui voit tout, se laissent moins aisment aller au vice, a la faute, au pch. Car etre expos a la lumiere, etre toujours visible, incite a faire bonne figure, a bien agir et a bien vivre, sans se faire remarquer . Le solaire devient ainsi l'embleme de la vertu. Cette dmarche optique, propre au genre utopique, nait prcisment au 16e siecle, dans un contexte culturel marqu par la prgnance d'une symbolique de la lumiere et de la spcularit. Dja au MoyenAge les universaux, le vrai, le bien, le beau, se laissent reconnaitre et noncer a travers l'image de la lumiere solaire, analogue a la lumiere divine. Ce langage mtaphorique de la lumiere astrale remonte aux traditions franciscaines et augustiniennes et meme a une mythologie solaire, active en Grece et dans l'Egypte anciennes. La ractualisation utopienne la plus acheve de cette symbolique, source d'inspiration pour la longue descendance des utopies, est assure par le dominicain calabrais Campanella. Sa "Cit du soleil" , inspire par l'exprience monacale, voit son harmonie et sa perfection assures et garanties par rfrence a un changement d'optique. Alors que nous sommes encore affaiblis par notre vision dficiente, celle du pch, la cit idale espre doit etre rgie par une autorit unique, celle du grand Mtaphysicien, dont l'oeil pourra placer toutes choses sous son juste regard (rminiscence du Dieu "pantocrator" de la tradition byzantine ?). Car ainsi les habitants de la nouvelle Cit, ne pouvant plus chapper aux regards, intrioriseront sans violence les normes de la vie bonne. C'est pourquoi Campanella dispose la ville en tages a flanc de colline, a la maniere d'un amphithatre, amnage des salles communes pour renforcer la socialit et institue des confessions publiques le jour du grand culte solaire. La Cit est ainsi pure ou purifie, parce qu'y sont bannis les coins et recoins invisibles, lieux du vice, du mal, parce que tout doit s'y faire en plein jour, en public. Le changement est significatif : a la fin de la Renaissance, il ne s'agit plus d'attendre de la lumiere divine un salut, mais de s'approprier son omnipotence, son omnivoyance, pour perfectionner le monde ici-bas. L'optique, en tant qu'elle permet de maitriser par des artefacts la lumiere et ses rayonnements, devient ainsi la technique, et plus tard la science, idale, car elle est celle qui est le plus a meme d'idaliser le rel, de nous le faire voir clairement, sans l'obstacle des asprits et des rsistances des choses, vues par l'oeil imparfait, sans lunettes correctrices. Le succes du genre utopique est en fait contemporain de la monte et de la gnralisation du paradigme optique, qui permet de tout voir et qui modifie les choses vues. L.Mumford a bien not comment les progres accomplis dans la fabrication des verres, fenetres et miroirs, avaient permis de valoriser les vertus d'un oeil chauss de lunettes et arm de verres . Phnomenes de rfraction et de rflexion donnent alors lieu a la formulation de lois scientifiques et a une phnomnotechnique rptable. La mutation de la peinture va en condenser toute la symbolique. Car la reconstruction artificielle de l'espace a l'aide du quadrillage gomtrique et des lignes de perspective, n'obit pas seulement a la volont de rsoudre le probleme de la reproduction du rel, celui de la mimesis. Comme l'a soulign M. Braxandall, des le Quattrocento (15e siecle), la perspective est adopte parce qu'elle rapproche aussi d'une meilleure connaissance des choses. Anticipant la perception acheve, inaltrable, que l'homme va connaitre apres le jugement dernier, la perspective est cense confrer a l'humanit 98

une vision nouvelle des cette vie . Les regles de l'optique picturales s'imposent donc comme la conquete d'une orthodoxie des sens, analogue a la puret morale promise aux lus. La reconstitution d'une vue totale prend valeur spirituelle, puisqu'elle corrige la chute, libere du pch et nous arrache a notre finitude. L'utopie accompagne donc une rforme a la fois technique, artistique et morale, dont les tendances et motivations profondes concernent la sanctification solaire de l'oeil : mieux voir comme etre mieux vu garantissent une transformation thique et ontologique, permettant d'obtenir des ici bas les conditions approches de la batitude et du paradis. Ces tendances culturelles qui engendrent l'utopie convergent enfin avec la philosophie nouvelle, qui trouve dans le cartsianisme l'expos canonique de sa mthode. La raison peut, en effet, esprer s'affranchir et de l'empirisme aristotlicien et du panpsychisme renaissant, qui entremele l'ame et le corps, par une mthode nouvelle, qui ne tiendra pour vrai que ce que l'esprit aura apprhend a travers des vidences, des ides "claires", c'est-a-dire intgralement descriptibles, et "distinctes", c'est-a-dire aises a discriminer de tout ce qui leur est associ par analogies trompeuses. La nouvelle science est invite ainsi a partir de reprsentations pures, vides de leurs surcharges sensorielles, afin de procder par dcomposition, par inventaire des lments, par dveloppement de chaines de raisons ncessaires, afin d'en dduire des noncs nouveaux et vrais . Triomphe d'un ordre intellectuel lumineux, impos par un regard non encombr de limites empiriques, le cartsianisme dveloppe dans le domaine de la connaissance du monde la meme utopie que les prescripteurs de cits solaires, nettoyes de leurs scories par un pouvoir oculaire. Il est significatif en ce sens que Descartes exprime simultanment sa dception a l'gard des villes anciennes, encombres par le dsordre labyrinthique et l'illisibilit des modifications successives, et son gout pour l'art (monarchique) rcent de cration des villes nouvelles, toutes d'une seule piece, claires, ares, symtriques et gomtriques, a l'image de la raison . L'utopie littraire et politique s'est ainsi impose comme une technologie socio-politique, qui pouse les formes nouvelles d'une rationalit, dsireuse d'arraisonner le monde pour exalter la puissance de l'homme sur la Nature, une fois spare de Dieu. Science et politique de l'age classique vont ainsi etre marques par la meme procdure utopique, en cherchant a obtenir des effets de savoir ou de pouvoir par un nouveau regard, qui s'abstrait des contingences empiriques et leur substitue une modlisation unidimensionnelle. A travers l'utopisme, l'imagination se trouve contamine par la raison, le possible se voyant rduit a une lumiere artificielle charge d'arracher le rel a son opacit. Ainsi l'age classique ramene l'imagination au seul dreglement des reprsentations et rcupere son pouvoir d'anticipation, de visualisation des possibles, au profit de la seule mthode rationnelle. La Cit comme la Nature peuvent faire l'objet d'une science, dans laquelle les hommes tels qu'ils sont, vont etre remplacs par des individus rectifis, standardiss, par les lois, la mdecine, le travail spcialis, tayloris avant l'heure. Philosophie post-cartsienne et utopies urbaines marchent ainsi en parallele, confiantes dans les vertus rformatrices de l'optique. 4- La mise au pas de la nouvelle Cit C'est bien pourquoi, dans les nouveaux schemes de l'imagination utopique, l'espace-temps de la socialit idale s'est trouv progressivement vid de sa profondeur symbolique. L'imaginaire symbolique, et souvent visionnaire, des terres de perfection a fait place a des maquettes de plus en plus standardises, dans lesquelles des hommes uniformiss abandonnent leurs dsirs et leurs projets aux mains de planificateurs maniaques de l'ordre. Ce glissement est, a bien des points de vue, favoris par les images issues de la vie rgle des monasteres, par les contraintes rigides des architectes modernes imprgns de cartsianisme, par les exigences de normalisation de la nouvelle socit militaire . Les valeurs d'galit, de justice, de bonheur, ne prennent sens qu'a l'intrieur de socits closes, sans exces ni excdents. Comme le souligne G. Lapouge, la communaut traditionnelle, vivant a proximit des dieux, se transforme en un corps social, forg de toutes pieces sur le modele des corps physiques, dots de lois simples et uniformes de la physique scientifique . Ce rgime tranch de l'imagination utopique se retrouve clairement dans le mode de vie des cits idales. Le bonheur collectif, en effet, n'est plus situ dans une sorte de niche cologique ou dans une cit cleste spirituelle. L'utopiste moderne reve, au contraire, d'une ville construite a partir d'un plan scientifique et fonctionnel, fortifie contre les menaces extrieures par de multiples dfenses 99

infranchissables, et dcoupe, a l'intrieur, en ilots et quartiers spars, spcialiss, protgs, pour l'hygiene et la scurit, de toute initiative individuelle. Meme lorsque l'espace urbain profane, qui remplace les terres sacres du mythe, ractualise encore un paysage de type dnique, il s'agit a prsent d'un lieu clos sur lui-meme, indiffrent aux variations de la vie. Standardisation de l'habitat, surveillance des activits, contraintes des activits productives, intriorisation des memes lois par tous les citoyens, sont autant d'indices d'un imaginaire diurne, qui spare, fige, oppose les lments . Ainsi donc, l'imaginaire de l'utopie moderne se fige autour d'une configuration unidimensionnelle et rductrice. La polymorphie des mondes alternatifs qui traverse la reprsentation mythique des communauts traditionnelles s'effondre dans une figure qui refuse l'espace des dissymtries, des irrgularits, aussi bien que le temps des retours, des rythmes multiples. Comme l'a montr, par exemple, J.Gabel, l'imaginaire utopique s'apparente a une pense socio-centrique, crispe sur des oppositions irrductibles et inconciliables, qui ddialectisent le tissu de la socit complexe, qui immobilisent et atomisent un ordre rebelle a toute vie spontane, a tout flux vnementiel, a toute action imprvisible . L'imagination utopique, loin d'exprimer une fcondit cratrice des images sociopolitiques n'est pas sans rapport alors avec les productions aplaties et strotypes de certains troubles psychopathologiques. Il n'est pas surprenant alors que l'on puisse identifier, comme Mhlmann, chez certains messies sociaux, qui veulent hater l'avenement d'un monde parfait, des symptmes paranoiaques, ou comme F. Laplantine, chez certains rformateurs obsessionnels, qui figent le social dans des programmes minutieux, des symptmes schizophrniques . Il est donc tentant de dire, qu'en laissant libre cours a des aspirations utopiques, l'homme occidental a adhr a un tableau sociopolitique dvitalis, monocorde, magiquement arrach aux forces centrifuges de la diffrence et du changement ; et plus profondment, que l'utopie a particip a un affaiblissement de la puissance du reve, a une dcalcification de la fonction de l'irrel. Car l'utopie n'est pas morbide parce qu'elle nous dtournerait du rel, mais bien parce qu'elle nous condamne a idaliser des prototypes de socialit plus pauvres que le rel. 5- Le sursaut du reve millnariste Mais l'aspiration a une justification rationnelle d'un ordre civique idal a du mal a se tenir a l'cart des dsirs et des reves. L'utopisme occidental va engendrer de nouvelles matrices de reves sociaux, orients vers un futur proche ou lointain, au lieu d'etre mesurs a l'aune du paradis des origines. L'adoption d'un modele de temps linaire et progressif, orient vers un salut individuel et collectif, issu des traditions juive et chrtienne, va mobiliser des esprits messianiques qui aspirent a prvoir et a contrler l'avenement de socits plus justes. Encourags par les reveries millnaristes mdivales, en particulier par celle de Joachim de Flore, des hommes d'Eglises, des responsables politiques vont, a partir de la Renaissance, trouver dans les maquettes de socits nouvelles, un lan nouveau pour adhrer aux idaux d'galit et de justice du monothisme. L'utopie moderne prend donc corps dans l'imaginaire occidental a mesure que la culture s'impregne de la croyance en l'avenement d'un changement proche et irrversible dans les conditions de vie des hommes, qui trouve son fondement dans l'attente apocalyptique . En s'emparant des maquettes utopiques nombre d'activistes sociaux ont ainsi cru renchanter les modeles et laisser s'enflammer de nouveaux dsirs d'infini. L'impatience de l'action qui pousse a raliser concretement les idaux revs pousse a imaginer un grand nombre de scnarios qui illustrent les flamboiements de l'imagination sociale dans le sillage des utopies littraires. Ainsi prennent forme et force un imaginaire de rvoltes et plus tard de rvolutions qui atteindra son apoge a l'ere des grands messianismes socialistes et romantiques. Cette pousse d'imaginaire activiste prend a son tour des voies multiples, parvenant plus ou moins a briser les carcans de la rationalit politique. En effet que l'activit utopique se tourne vers un programme explicite de transformation de la ralit ou qu'elle s'en tienne, en apparence, a un simple jeu sur des variations possibles, elle comporte invitablement une dimension de ralisation pratique. La reprsentation d'une altrit suscite ou renforce un dsir de changement et amene a envisager une mtamorphose du prsent. De ce point de vue aussi, il apparait que le champ de l'utopie est travers par plusieurs vises pratiques dont le contenu et les effets se rvelent tres diversifis. Ainsi on peut ainsi distinguer trois manieres de penser le rapport de l'utopie a 100

la transformation du rel qui dessinent un spectre de cette nouvelle hybridation de l'imagination et de la raison : - une voie anarcho-extatique pour qui le contenu du tableau utopique doit pouvoir se substituer, sans dlai, d'un seul coup, a la ralit existante. L'utopiste, faisant fi de la substance de l'histoire, de la maturation des vnements, espere matrialiser ici et maintenant le contenu imaginaire. Cette impatience activiste se nourrit d'ailleurs de modeles topologiques, dans la mesure ou la reprsentation d'un monde invers semble faciliter sa mise en pratique. Pour changer le monde il suffit de retourner ce monde sur lui-meme, faire le meme chose mais en sens contraire (mythes antiques du monde invers, pays de Cocagne a la Renaissance, etc.), ce que les socits exprimentent dja elles-memes a travers des rituels (la fete comme inversion de l'ordre du monde) . De ce point de vue l'utopie avoue des affinits avec toutes sortes d'imaginaires religieux qui ont voulu, a ct de la socit globale, instaurer des modes de vie alternatifs : mystique essnienne en ancien Isral, communauts gnostiques ou cathares, dont nombre de traits vont se retrouver dans les expriences de rupture avec l'ordre social de communauts politiques (anarchistes au dix-neuvieme siecle, courants dits alternatifs rcemment); - une voie messianico-rvolutionnaire : l'utopie prend place ici dans un calendrier historique, sa ralisation pouvant etre annonce prophtiquement. Le dvoilement de la maquette de la socit idale est insparable d'une rvlation de son avenement futur. La prescience de ce perfectionnement a venir de la socit ou de l'humanit, confirm souvent par une personnalit messianique, autorise des lors a prendre des dispositions pour le prsent, qui peuvent aller jusqu'au dclenchement d'une violence contre l'ordre tabli pour prparer l'avenement du monde meilleur . Le millnarisme, en tant que prophtie religieuse relative a l'avenement d'une royaut christique sur terre pour mille ans, apres le triomphe avant-coureur des forces du mal (l'Ant-Christ) a ainsi souvent exerc une puissante attraction sur l'utopie, qui s'est vue, a travers lui, embray sur l'histoire rvolutionnaire ; - une voie utopico-ecclsiale : a la dmarche d'altercation avec la socit existante, justifie par l'annonce des changements a venir, s'oppose enfin un modele d'alternance selon lequel l'ordre ancien cedera la place un jour encore indterminable a un ordre nouveau. En attendant, une organisation ecclsiale ou sectaire, selon les cas, est charge d'entretenir la promesse et de prparer l'avenement d'une ere de justice universelle. De nombreuses communauts d'inspiration utopique se structurent ainsi autour d'une esprance apocalyptique, tout en refusant toute transformation volontariste voire violente, des conditions prsentes du monde. La croyance au monde utopique permet au contraire de supporter irniquement l'existence avec la certitude qu'un autre monde viendra en son heure lui succder, a l'horizon terrestre ou sur un plan mtempirique. Ainsi l'utopisme, des lors qu'il rencontre la temporalit linaire de l'histoire collective, se voit contraint de dfinir l'cart plus ou moins grand qui le spare de la ralit et l'intervalle de temps qui spare la perfection de sa ralisation concrete. Alternative, altercation ou alternance dfinissent alors autant de formes d'intensification de l'utopie selon qu'elle veut se prsentifier totalement, s'incarner progressivement ou demeurer dans une sorte de relation asymptotique avec l'histoire. S'il est vrai qu'a l'intrieur de la socit idale le temps perd sa puissance de corrosion ou de cration, plaant ainsi les hommes dans une sorte d'ternisation indfinie, l'utopie se tient, pour ceux qui se la reprsentent, dans un tel rapport au prsent qu'elle finit par jouer le rle d'un acclrateur d'histoire. A travers la praxis et ses tropismes de transformation, l'imagination se greffe a nouveau sur le rel pour essayer de transformer le reve en ralit. Il reste que toutes ces tentatives de ralisation des utopies ont vu en gnral se briser le reve sur des ralisations oppressives voire totalitaires qui ont fini par faire naitre les contre-utopies, sortes d'exercices de dnonciation, de dmystification et finalement d'exorcisme des utopies. L'aspiration obsessionnelle des utopies a une cit coupe du monde, ferme comme une cellule monacale, tournant comme une horloge sur elle-meme, se voit donc amplifie par l'imaginaire de l'histoire. L'utopiste, matin de millnarisme, cherche gnralement a planifier l'heure de la descente de sa maquette dans l'histoire, voire a la hater, quand ce n'est pas a en exprimenter, ici et maintenant, une premiere esquisse. Les images millnaristes, prsentes aussi bien chez Campanella que chez Thomas Mnzer, chez les Levelers anglais que chez les puritains d'Amrique du nord, dclenchent, chez beaucoup d'activistes, une prise en charge conflictuelle et tourmente du rel . La socit globale dans laquelle l'utopiste se voit envoy comme rformateur, voire comme prophete d'une nouvelle 101

Jrusalem, est vcue comme lieu et moment d'une intense concentration de forces du mal. L'aventure utopique repose des lors sur un manichisme outrancier ou les puissances du mal, ou de l'Antchrist, retardent l'avenement prvu de la socit juste. L'utopiste s'identifie alors a une sorte de cavalier de l'Apocalypse, qui s'autorise a semer le vent de la rvolte parmi les opprims et commence a purifier le monde par de sanglantes purations, pour mieux prparer l'arrive du Messie . L'impatience et l'exaltation, nes de la vision de la cit idale, provoquent la haine du prsent, une peur du devenir, une crispation sur le salut. De meme que l'espace de la Cit idale est cltur contre les forces extrieures et pacifi de l'intrieur par un pouvoir tentaculaire, de meme le temps de l'histoire se voit scind entre un prsent diabolique et intolrable et un avenir lumineux et anglique., ce qui fige et appauvrit a nouveau le reve historique. 6- Les malentendus de l'imagination utopique Ainsi, paradoxalement, les images utopiques malgr leur frquentes ranimations par les reves de l'action et de transformation ont, non seulement abatardi l'imagination sociale, mais ont permis de mimer, de simuler, une rationalit politique, qui du coup, n'a pas toujours pu se librer du carcan de ses attentes idalises. Et la place prise par l'utopie dans la sphere des ides et des dbats politiques a fait que nous sommes au bout du compte, a la fois frustrs de vrais reves sociaux et amputs d'une rationalit critique instituante. En nous donnant a voir et a raliser une socit, construite par des architectes maniaques de la ligne et par des lgislateurs totalitaires, et prpare souvent par des purateurs sanguinaires, les utopistes ont donc contribu a un nivellement et a un dtournement de notre imaginaire social. D'abord, les images de la cit idale ont dport l'attention des socits modernes vers cette seule dimension exclusive qu'est l'avenir et ont asservi l'imagination a la seule conquete d'un progres imminent. Jamais, comme ces derniers siecles, la trame de l'existence socio-politique n'avait connue une telle saturation de prophties, de prospectives, de futurologies, de rcits de science-fiction . Si le possible est certes une source privilgie d'invention, de combinaison et donc de cration, on peut cependant dplorer que l'avenir utopique ait t anticip sur un mode si rptitif et que le temps a venir ait t attendu de maniere tellement nvrotique. Ensuite, cette saturation du vcu social par un imaginaire prospectif a, par la meme, entrain une dvaluation correspondante de la dimension du pass. Le mythe social du progres, charri par l'utopie, s'accompagne donc d'une dmythologisation du pass et d'un dracinement de l'homme hors du terrain de son histoire. L'utopie exalte ainsi l'amnsie et travaille dans le degr zro de la tradition, dans le vide aseptis de la continuit culturelle . Alors que le mythe traditionnel renvoie l'homme au primat de l'origine, mais en lui offrant toujours la perspective d'une rnovation cosmique dans l'avenir, l'utopie linaire tente de dlier dfinitivement les hommes de la pesanteur des choses, du temps de l'erreur et de l'ignorance. Si l'on peut, certes, soutenir que certaines socits archaiques se sont immobilises dans un conservatisme passiste, source d'inertie culturelle, on peut aussi se demander, si au dela d'une certaine densit d'idaux utopiques, nos socits modernes n'ont pas, au nom d'une exclusion intolrante, jet l'enfant avec l'eau du bain, et consacr un temps dvitalis et bancal. En faisant table rase du pass, l'imagination utopique a peut-etre stimul une esprance et libr l'esprit du poids de modeles devenus inertes, mais elle s'est peut-etre aussi prive de reperes rgulateurs, d'une rythmique dynamique, insre dans une longue dure, qui seuls permettraient d'viter une instabilit historique, source de tant de traumatismes guerriers et de catastrophes psychiques. La boulimie progressiste, la mobilisation permanente des nergies, usent une socit ou une culture, qui, dtourne de son pass, ne trouve plus nulle part de lieu ou se ressourcer, de moments pour se reposer des fatigues de l'histoire . Enfin, l'imagination utopique, absorbe par la fuite vers l'avenir et le rejet du pass a finalement t responsable d'une ccit des hommes sur leur prsent. Le moment prsent ne vaut plus que par ce qu'il annonce ou permet d'instaurer. A force de le courber devant les projets et les programmes, de prparer le terrain aux formes et aux forces de demain, l'imagination, comme le souligne M. Maffesoli, a asphyxi le " sens du prsent " . Ferm a la chaleur et a la profondeur des choses dans leur diversit et leur imperfection, l'utopiste ne voit partout que signes de blocages ou signes avant-coureurs, que minutes perdues ou a gagner. L'utopiste a ainsi touff en l'ame de l'homme la libert sans finalit, le 102

repos sans angoisse du lendemain, l'action sans effet d'avenir, le geste beau et gratuit, le vrai jeu et donc le vrai reve. L'utopie ne retient du prsent que ce qui est conforme au modele anticip ou espr. L'utopisme est une machinerie d'images qui broie la vie prolifique qui surgit de toutes les formes les plus banales et les plus prosaiques du quotidien. Son reve standardis dcolore et dsenchante la palette bariole et anarchique du train du monde. L'utopie est bien refus de la diffrence sans fin de la vie. C'est pourquoi en fin de compte l'utopie au dbut de l'ere moderne, dans ses formes purement scripturaires, comme dans ses versions activistes, ne peut satisfaire pleinement ni aux exigences potiques ni aux exigences rationnelles, scientifico-philosophiques. Du potique elle retient certes souvent un dpaysement fascinant, une floraison de curiosits idylliques ou fantastiques, mais sans accder a une crativit verbale, a une jouissance des images, a une subjectivation intimiste. Les crits utopiens relevent d'un genre strotyp, proche des froids inventaires, des classifications maniristes, des manuels catchtiques, voire des modes d'emplois de bricoleurs, ce qui explique leurs ressemblances formelles et leur anesthsie esthtique. A l'abstraction scientifico-philosophique les utopies empruntent souvent des propositions normatives sur l'institution, des exposs austeres de codes, des normalisations quantophrniques, des rfrences obsessionnelles a des lois physiques ou juridiques ; mais a l'inverse elles se contentent d'une dmarche purement ostentatoire, se limitant a l'exposition de dispositions sans en produire, par dduction rationnelle, la justification thorique ou axiologique. De ce tlescopage de discours et de modes de construction naissent a la fois la fascination pour une imagination hybride et une certaine complaisance morbide a l'gard d'activits mentales prives de leur condition de validit propre. Cette ambiguit de l'utopie explique alors qu'elle puisse servir parfois a imposer de droit un ordre socio-politique qui n'a pourtant aucune ncssit, ni onirique ni rationnelle. L'utopie passe gnralement pour avoir t le moteur d'un renouvellement sans prcdent des reprsentations et des idaux politiques. A la rflexion, il y a peut-etre la une illusion d'optique tenace. Car, en premier lieu, l'utopie a surtout appauvri les reprsentations socio-politiques en les laissant se cristalliser autour d'une meme matrice rptitive et fortement simplifie par des canons rationnels. En ce sens, l'utopie a bien davantage nourri des idologies politiques strilisantes que vraiment provoqu aux reves alternatifs. Dans l'utopie l'imagination socio-politique se rvele la plupart du temps pauvre et glace. En second lieu, la surdtermination de l'imagination utopique en Occident a entrain une sorte de confiscation de l'imaginaire au profit de la seule obsession politique. Cette hypertrophie du politique, de ses esprances, de ses idaux, a, rtroactivement, appauvri l'imagination en gnral. La reverie cosmique, la fabulation mythique ont, plus d'une fois, t refoules au profit des seules maquettes de Cit idale. L'utopie serait bien, de ce point de vue, responsable d'une atrophie paradoxale de notre imaginaire.

Mihaela Mudure Restrictii si cenzura in auctorialitatea feminina a Iluminismului englez si nu numai

Abstract: The article analyzes different theoretical approaches to authorship and the conceptual difficulty to inscribe feminine authors in most of these models. It also discusses the restrictions and the censorship of the feminine writings during the English Enlightment and nowadays. 103

Keywords: English literature; Enlightment; female autorship; authority

The article analyzes different theoretical approaches to authorship and the conceptual difficulty to inscribe female authors in most of these models. Historically, the English Enlightenment, with its intense valorization of the individual, did encourage female writing. But these female authors' authority is still strongly marked by the indirection of translation, by anonymity, and by gender biased negotiations with critics, publishers, editors, censors or patronizing friends. Some of these restrictions survive even nowadays. The dis-embodiment of the author and his or her placement exclusively in the abstract air of "pure" creativity is a strategy that prevents the assessment of both the commonality and the specificity of male and female authorship. Motto: "Si daca femeile de astazi pot incearca acum sa foloseasca al lor condei cu energie si autoritate, ele pot sa o faca deoarece inaintasele lor din secolele al XVIII-lea si al XIX-lea au luptat intr-o izolare perceputa ca boala, alienare perceputa ca nebunie, obscuritate perceputa ca paralizie pentru a depasi anxietatea auctoriala care era endemica culturii lor literare." (Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar, 'Contaminarea in propozitie')1 Auctorialitatea este o problema extrem de complexa, abordabila din multiple puncte de vedere: cultural, juridic, politic sau psihologic. Problema de geografie, nu doar de geografie fizica, dar si de geografie cultu-rala, de practici culturale, auctorialitatea este o chestiune care tine, in principal, de valorizarea individului. Nu intamplator, problema auctorialitatii capata consistenta teoretica si impact practic in Europa, in modernitate. Si din nou, nu este intamplator ca Anglia iluminista, spatiu al modernitatii europene timpurii, ofera exemple interesante din acest punct de vedere. Inca din aceasta perioada auctorialitatea individuala este modelata in functie de opozitii politice ori culturale, sau de rezistenta la influenta culturala a metropolei. Ne referim aici mai ales la anumite genuri ale literaturii coloniale (cum ar fi naratiunile de sclavie2 sau istorisirile de convertire3 ori istorisirile din captivitate4) unde auctorialitatea poate deveni o chestiune extrem de complicata. Problema auctorialitatii literare fascinea-za gandirea europeana si euro-atlantica din doua motive: traditia noastra culturala, precum si un anume voyeurism, curiozitatea de a participa cat mai aproape la spectacolul auctorial, dar, daca se poate, fara a face fata si riscurilor acestui exercitiu. Primul motiv se leaga de marele simbolism cu care este incarcata Cartea in cultura europeana sau de sorginte europeana. Acest simbolism atinge nivelul sacrului in cazul operelor lui Homer sau al Bibliei. Cel deal doilea motiv se leaga de incrancenarea cu care autorii au aparat intimitatea propriului lor proces creator. Daca romanticii sunt responsabili in mare parte pentru intelegerea auctorialitatii ca un efort individual al unei personalitati exceptionale, ca o reevaluare a eului, germenii insistentei cu care este abordata auctorialitatea apar in secolele al XVII-lea si al XVIII-lea occidental prin valorizarea individului si a ratiunii sale. Filosoful Petru Tutea considera ca auctorialitatea literara tine de doua moduri de cunoastere simultana. Pe de o parte, este increderea desantata a autorului ale carui plasmuiri au devenit ratiunea existentei sale, intocmai ca lumea care l-a precedat si in care el, autorul actioneaza. Pe de alta parte, auctorialitatea apartine inventiei, care este o natura de grad secund, sau o natura "plasmuita" cu tehnica si indemanare, si insemnata cu mandrie, chiar ingamfare (243). Ori aceste abordari ale auctorialitatii arata amandoua, fara urma de indoiala, si dilemele auctorialitatii feminine de secole. Femeia a fost incurajata, de secole, sa creeze, sa autorizeze exclusiv prin maternitate, deci prin corporalitatea ei lucru care nu ar fi negativ in sine, chiar din contra. Problema este ca acest minunat dar al naturii, capacitatea de a da viata prin nastere, a devenit o limitare impusa din exterior femeii prin coercitie. Pe de alta parte, femeia fiind asociata naturii, devine imposibil pentru ea, din cauza acestui model cultural, sa creeze natura de grad secund, ea ramane cantonata in natura de grad prim, realitatea biologica a copilului. 104

Auctorialitatea a fost intotdeauna asociata cu un efort de exteriorizare. Potrivit lui David Wyatt, autorul este un fel de fiu ratacitor. El pleaca de acasa pentru a culege experiente si impresii pe drumuri. Autoritatea auctorialitatii nu ar fi altceva decat valorizarea fiului risipitor fata de fiul ascultator, dar lipsit de personalitate, care ramane acasa. Or nici chiar evanghelistul Luca care a notat pilda fiului risipitor pentru posteritate nu se gandea ca fiul risipitor ar putea, cumva, deveni o fiica. Fiicele sunt ascultatoare si stau acasa. Ele nu ratacesc nici pe drumurile de-a adevaratelea, cu atat mai putin pe cele ale . auctorialitatii!? Wyatt intelege auctorialitatea ca una dintre multele cariere posibile pentru un individ (un individ de sex masculin, se intelege). Aceste cariere se pot schimba, pot evolua teleologic, dar ele trebuie intelese arheologic (151). Ori in cazul femeilor, atat teleologia cat si arheologia, istoricul carierelor sunt influentate de faptul ca timp de secole accesul femeilor in sfera publica a fost restrans sau chiar interzis. Chiar daca incercam sa limitam auctorialitatea la o "simpla" chestiune de identitate, deoarece asa cum spun Wellek si Warren, la urma urmei, cauza cea mai evidenta a unei opere de arta este creatorul ei, problema nu devine mai simpla.5 Stabilirea autorului poate deveni o problema demna de un Hercule Poirot textual. Cazul lui Shakespeare este celebru din acest punct de vedere.6 Din punct de vedere istoric, auctorialitatea, ca expresie a identitatii individului, este un element al modernitatii7, dar prestigiul autorului ca individ nu este suficient pentru a da stabilitate functiei-autor, a carei structura difera de-a lungul secolelor. in primul rand, functia-autor ofera doar o anume acreditare, o anume coerenta identitara celui/celei din spatele operei literare. Autorul este, deci, luat ca principiu al unitatii si coerentei operei literare. Autorul este un punct de referinta atunci cand vorbim despre sursa de inspiratie originara a operei, despre celebritatea operei sau despre ade-varul operei. in toate aceste situatii, femeia autoare se descurca cu greutate din cauza poverii stereotipurilor culturale adesea contradictorii- despre femeia lipsita de cre-dinta (incapabila, deci, a oferi adevar ope-rei) sau despre femeia, inger al caminului careia nu ii sta deloc bine in spatiul public. Dar autorul este o functie care are si configuratii gnoseologice. Nici aici, insa, nu este femeia autoare mai in largul ei. Cunoasterea acelor aspecte ale vietii proprii femeii nu este valorizata in cultura inalta situatie tipica si pentru Iluminism. Iar accesul femeii la cultura inalta a fost si el problematic timp de secole. Functia auctoriala este, deci, influentata de relatii de putere, ea suporta presiunea socialului, a politicului si a mijloacelor mass-media.8 Adaugati la aceste noi realitati faptul ca modernismul a ucis geniul romantic. Urma-torul pas istoricocultural a fost Barthes.9 El, ca si distinsul sau coleg Michel Foucalt, a ontologizat discursul pana la extrema in care a uitat ca aceste discursuri care ne vorbesc sunt, totusi, folosite de indivizi inzestrati cu vointe si privilegiul alegerii. Fabricarea aluziilor, reluarea motivelor, sau ale tramelor a fost o forma obisnuita a auctorialitatii timp de secole, pana in epoca moderna. Este vorba mai ales de mediile religioase in care autorul era doar voce prin care se exprima, de fapt, divinitatea. Si daca acceptam ideea ca noi toti citim potrivit divinei caligrafii inscrise in marea Carte a Naturii, al carei autor este Dumnezeu (Curtius, 384), un Dumnezeu inzestrat cu atribute de Tata suprem,10 femeia nu poate fi autorul nici unei carti. Eforturile ei, din acest punct de vedere, nu pot depasi tacerea respectuoasa ori eventuale interdictii mai putin agresive. O semnificativa schimbare, din acest punct de vedere, are loc in timpul Renasterii engleze din cercurile aristocratice.11 in intimitatea propriului lor anturaj sau aureolate de prestigiul lor princiar ori curtenesc femeile au putut sa isi asume fie auctorialitatea directa, fie auctorialitatea mediata prin intermediul traducerii. Cercul din jurul Contesei de Pembroke, sora lui Philip Sidney, sau doamnele de onoare ale reginei Elisabeta I sunt exemple edificatoare din acest punct de vedere. Odata cu asaltul asupra autoritatii divine, mai ales din secolului al XVIII-lea, personalitatea auctoriala este secularizata din ce in ce mai mult, ceea ce duce la "un inalt nivel al tensiunii etice" (Rainsford, 224). Cartea devine un soi de "auto-icoana" (Rainsford, 219) creata cu orgoliu si o anume constiinta agresiva a propriei valori. Treptat, aceasta a dus la o criza a eului, iar auctorialitatea a devenit o manifestare a eului creativ si a autoritatii. Potrivit lui Georges Thines si Agnes Lempereur, autoritatea poate fi de trei tipuri: antropologica, sociologica si pedagogica (Thines si Lempereur, 113). in toate cele trei cazuri autoritatea stabileste o relatie ierarhica. Auctorialitatea literara ascunde si ea o forma mediata de putere, de unde si agresivitatea ascunsa a lumii literare. Ea este o putere care activeaza o lume cu oarecare asemanare cu 105

realitatea, dar suferind de un tragic defect: verisimilitudine in loc de rea-litate. De aceea auctorialitatea este o moda-litate de a fugi de viata, sau de a cuceri viata in aceasta forma mediata (Sartre, 49)12. Dar daca evadarea din contingent sau dorinta de a coplesi imediatul pot fi resortul auctoria-litatii feminine, socializarea traditionala a femeilor ingreuneaza asumarea auctoria-litatii ca dorinta de a te simti esentiala in aceasta lume,13 ca manifestare a unei autonomii existentiale. Pentru femei, socializate, in mod traditional, prioritar prin etica grijii fata de cei din jur, nu prin etica dreptatii, auctorialitatea devine cu atat mai tentanta si cu atat mai interzisa prin cutuma sau prejudecata, ori, concret, prin imposibi-litatea femeii de a avea propriul ei colt unde sa scrie si sa mediteze14. Produs al unei constiinte reflexive auctorialitatea implica o anume constiinta de sine (Rusu, 149), un conflict interior, dar si un mediu spiritual care sa favorizeze o dispozitie creativa (Rusu, 151). Cu cat auctorialitatea este mai autentica, cu atat ea este o chestiune mai personala, dovada tangibila a unicitatii personalitatii creative, aprecia pe buna dreptate Liviu Rusu in remarcabilul sau studiu asupra creativitatii artistice (185).15 Un singur lucru nu este abordat de renumitul estetician clujean in studiul sau: coordonatele de gen ale creativitatii. Ce inseamna a fi creativ pentru un barbat si pentru o femeie? Este oare acelasi lucru? Beneficiind de genericul, care se exprima in limba prin genul gramatical masculin (din ratiuni analizate deja de Luce Irigaray sau Deborah Cameron si care nu tin de obiectul prezentului articol)16, precum si de avantajele pozitiei de gen careia ii apartine, marele estetician ia avantajele de care se bucura barbatul, printr-o lunga traditie istorica si culturala, drept un dat de drept asupra caruia nu isi pune intrebari.17 Ori tocmai deoarece au fost socializate, in mod traditional, prin ideologia sacrificiului si a amanarii gratificarii, femeile au fost impinse prioritar spre daruirea de sine pentru ceilalti. {nsa auctorialitatea presupune si o concentrare "egoista" asupra sinelui care se considera capabil a se ridica deasupra celorlalti si de a-i exprima. in mod semnificativ, daca extindem problema creativitatii ca o chestiune a individului creator, inevitabil, vom ajunge la etica. Importanta individului pentru auctorialitate nu diminueaza dimensiunea juridica sau politica a chestiunii, cu atat mai mult cu cat Iluminismul este perioada in care se contureaza discursul juridic si politic modern. Se cuvine sa precizam, totusi ca problema scrisului feminin nu este aceeasi cu problema drepturilor femeilor, chiar daca exista anumite zone de convergenta intre cele doua. Din punct de vedere legal, auctorialitatea este o problema statuata diferita in functie de contextul cultural, de constiinta existentei unei proprietati intelectuale, de autonomia individului18, sau de existenta unei pieti pentru produsele intelectuale19. Interferenta dintre politica si auctorialitate, scrierile subversive, stilul esopic, sau curajul aluziilor20 sunt, cu deosebire, importante in regimurile absolutiste, totalitare, secolul al XVIII-lea nefiind o exceptie din acest punct de vedere. Un alt nivel al politicii acopera relatia autor/ autoare - editor, strategiile literare pentru a fi publicat(a), circumstantele sociale in care apare o lucrare. intr-un cuvant, institutia auctorialitatii are de-a face si cu economia politica sau cu politica economica ce influenteaza practicile discursive ale fiecarei perioade istorice, inclusiv ale Iluminis-mului. Daca scriitoarele Iluminismului au beneficiat, cu siguranta, de valorizarea individului, de cultul ratiunii si de chemarea la luminarea (educarea) generala, specifice exercitiului teoretic din aceasta perioada, practica istorica a timpului a inregistrat mai multe tendinte de a exclude femeile de la aceste "beneficii" conceptuale decat de a le include si incuraja. Nu putem decat sa fim de acord cu Sartre ca esenta auctorialitatii este libertatea21. Dar daca aceasta libertate nu da seama si de insusirea (am zice abuziva) a genericului uman de varianta masculina a umanitatii exprimata prin apropierea genericului de formele masculine ale limbii, ea devine li-bertate doar pentru unii. Or tocmai in perioada Iluminismului aceasta apropiere e cu atat mai agresiva si contradictorie in raport cu idealurile exprimate deschis in acest timp revolutionar.22 Existenta unei dimensiuni politice a auctorialitatii nu inseamna o negare a auctorialitatii ca manifestare de exceptie a individului. Diferenta tine mai degraba de nivelul personalitatii: nivelul evident, de suprafata fata de cel intern, profund. Ori pentru a intelege auctorialitatea la nivelul ei cel mai profund, probabil ca definitia data de Vivas23 - personalitatea este o conselatie de valori inrudite, al caror centru este tocmai valoarea intrinseca pe care eul si-o atribuie lui insusi - ar fi de mare folos. Credem ca auctorialitatea, exercitiul creativ dovedeste existenta urmatoarelor caracteristici identitare: dorinta de putere, exhibitionism, narcisism, curajul/slabiciunea de a te exhiba in fata cititorilor. Confruntarea dintre controlul auctorial si supunerea auctoriala fata de cenzura, conventii, conflictul dintre dorinta de 106

afirmare a autorului si indepartarea sa de existenta reala, prin crearea acelei lumi posibile care este opera literara, a dus la acreditarea ideii ca autorul, barbat sau femeie, este o fiinta bolnava. Circula, cu un anume succes, ideea ca autorul este o persoana tulburata, chiar suferinda, pentru care textul este atat o povara, cat si un mijloc de auto-promovare. in acest sens, s-ar putea afirma ca fiecare autor e un fel de pharmatikos, un soi de vrajitor care face nemaipomenite giumbuslucuri cu limbajul, dar si un soi de tap ispasitor ale carui experimente sunt sinechochic exprimate asupra propriei persoane (Rainsford, 224). in cazul femeilor aceste consideratii au implicatii mult mai agresive caci lipsa lor de modestie (in sensul intrebuintat si in secolul al XVIII-lea) era imediat sanctionata ca lipsa de respectabilitate, iar interesul lor pentru auctorialitatea culturala (eventual in detrimentul celei biologice prin nastere) era adesea patologizat24. Dar tot atat de adevarat este ca valorizarea individului, cu precadere, in perioada Iluminismului a ajutat, a inspirat multe femei sa isi depaseasca aprehensiunile si sa incerce sa faca istorie literara. Nu a fost acest proces lipsit de sincope. O astfel de sincopa era (sau mai este inca) distinctia dintre autorul real si cel implicit.25 Confuzia sau interferenta dintre aceste nivele poate duce la acele acuzatii de imoralitate care au fost intotdeauna un mod de a discredita auctorialitatea feminina. O strategie adoptata adesea de femei in perioada Iluminismului a fost aceea de a pretinde un simplu rol de editor, respingand orice responsabilitate in ceea ce priveste autenti-citatea presupei relatari originale sau chiar lasand citititorul sa decida daca relatarea corespunde realitatii sau este fictionala. O alta stratagema feminina este a scrie o poveste pur imaginativa, care pretindea a nu avea nici un fel de legatura cu realitatea, si a proteja, astfel, narcisismul autoarei26. Si cum narcisismul este o inclinatie spre autoconservarea subiectului27, imaginarul este spatiul in care eul se simte protejat de intruziunea agresiva a autorului implicit din viata reala. in critica si teoria literara contemporana, problema diferentei dintr autorul implicit si autorul real poate fi tradusa lingvistic ca spatiul conflictual in care se gaseste vocea feminina, undeva intre limba si ideolect. Dar pentru autoarele secolului al XVIII-lea confruntate cu ardente probleme politice si sociale, problema limbii conta mai putin. Absenta experientei feminine in limba, contestarea limbii ca expresie a relatiilor patriarhale, ideea de a spune trupul (poate printr-o vorbire ventriloca) sunt cumva, printr-un consens tacut, considerate niste probleme de mai putina actualitate28. Din contra, de mare interes in perioada Luminilor, este problema constructiei auctorialitatii. Deoarece o relatie reusita dintre autor/autoare si cititorii sai este una de seductie, autoarele, in cautarea unei constructii a identitatii lor auctoriale care sa aiba si coordonate de gen, au atacat, mai ales, doua modele: autorul ca un androgin utopic29 sau autorul pastrand o primordialitate lipsita de gen. Ca exista o anume bisexualitate a subiectului vorbitor, autor sau cititor, care ne permite sa ne intelegem unii pe altii, acesta problema va fi explorata mult dupa Epoca Luminilor30. Pe de alta parte, functioneaza viguros metafora auctoriala feminina sau masculina. Auctorialitatea este, intr-o cheie metaforica masculina, o izbucnire orgasmica31. Metafora feminina a auctorialitatii se bazeaza pe imaginea graviditatii. Nasterea devine expulsia noului produs in lume, publicarea. Se taie astfel cordonul ombilical iar opera devine o noua entitate, cu propria sa viata, separata de cea a . mamei. Este interesant ca Sartre, care beneficiaza de genericul masculin al limbii in consideratiile sale auctoriale, foloseste o metafora feminina pentru auctorialitate. Carte este copilul aruncat in lume de autor32, separat pentru totdeauna de el. Specificitatea celor doua tipuri de reprezentari auctoriale a fost subliniata si de Susan Stanford Friedman care arata ca metaforele masculine indica traditionala separare dintre creativitate si procreativitate, pe cand cele feminine sfideaza asemenea diferente si incearca a uni eul fragmentat al femeii intr-o unitate de carne si cuvant, trup si spirit33. Dar folosirea metaforelor auctoriale masculine sau feminine nu trebuie sa duca la esentialism. Exista un spatiu in care sexul (biologicul) si genul (culturalul, socialul) nu se suprapun deoarce nu intotdeauna sexualitatea din text coincide cu textualitatea (constructia) de gen (gender) a autorului. Aceasta intelegere nuantata si gradata a legaturii dintre autorul implicit si cel real nu diminueaza importanta problemei care e la temelia auctorialitatii feminine in perioada Iluminismului: femeia ca origine a textului. in timpul Iluminismului vocile feminine au devenit mai puternice, mai distincte, mai eficiente in gasirea unor modalitati directe sau mijlocite de afirmare in pofida autoritatii. Scriitoarele au incercat sa isi creeze propriul spatiu pentru exprimare. Un astfel de spatiu a fost romanul. Adesea, recenzentii - barbati - si frecventa lor trivializare a romanului a fost un fel de incurajare pentru 107

condeiul feminin care se simtea mai in largul sau in aceasta zona, socotita atunci minora, a creativitatii literare. Asa cum spune Mary Eagleton, femininul ajunge sa se refugieze in hiaturile, in absentele din discursul dominant al epocii (300)34. Exista un model de auctorialitate feminina in perioada Iluminismului? Raspunsurile sunt diferite. Autoarele isi pot asuma postura prostituatei pocaite care isi povesteste aventurile, postura intrusei care isi povesteste istoria vietii, tot cu scop educativ, sau se pot ascunde in dosul manuscrisului gasit35. Anxietatea auctoriala36 este definitorie pentru auctorialitatea feminina a perioadei. Un alt tip de raspunsuri se poate orienta spre stabilirea si evaluarea strategiilor concrete ale femeilor pentru a deveni autoare. Valorizarea individului in timpul Iluminismului (desi nu era feminista in intentie) a dat femeilor mai mult curaj pentru a se numi si a se hotari sa faca istorie literara, nu numai sa fie construite de istoria literara ca iubite, mame sau prietene, eventual, gazde de saloane literare. Desi autoritatea autoarelor este puternic marcata de anonimi-tate, de strategii indirecte precum traducerea libera, de negocieri cu critici, editori, cenzori sau prieteni cu pretentii sau manifestari patronale, scrisul femeilor Iluminismului este un efort de a afirma subiectul feminin. Anonimatul nu a fost adoptat doar de femei, dar el a fost adoptat mai mult de femei ca o strategie de aparare deoarece, pentru ele, auctorialitatea devine un spatiu conflictual sau de anxioasa negociere intre autoritatea oficiala si cea individuala. Cultura secolului al XVIII-lea este inca aproape de o cultura a cuvantului vorbit, prin excelenta, o cultura in care povestitorul este atat autorul cat si naratorul. in consecinta, importanta semnaturii poate fi inca socotita a fi minima. Anonimitatea mai poate fi pusa in legatura si cu idea iluminista despre autoritatea ratiunii. Starea sau statutul autorului sunt, inca, socotite a fi mai putin importante decat argumentatia lui. Miscari de rezistenta sau de revizuire caracterizeaza auctorialitatea feminina. Charlotte Lennox, de exemplu, scrie un Don Quijote feminin. Se semneaza opere literare cu titlul de Doamna. pentru a devia efectul autoritatii. Titlul de 'doamna' sugereaza prezenta unui sot si subliniaza descendenta pe linie patriarhala. Se foloseste astfel in mod subversiv constructia femeii ca fiinta relationala, nu ca membru independent, autonom al corpului social, tocmai pentru a atenua agresivitatea auctorialitatii, afirmare a autonomiei eului creator. S-ar putea, desigur, argumenta contra agresivei politici de numire caracteristica auctorialitatii europene moderne. "Odata scris, un text si-a implinit destinul. daca circula sau nu e mai putin important. A socoti insa ca un text si-a implinit destinul in momentul in care a fost incheiat, inseamna a-i acorda o valoare existentiala; a-l socoti un act de traire, de autenticitate, de spovedanie: penitentul se confeseaza pentru el insusi, nu pentru duhovnic. Cartea sau pagina respectiva nu sunt zamislite in ve-derea unei finalitati culturale programatice ("exegi monumentum") ci devin cultura. Pot foarte bine sa nu devina; acesta fiind un al doilea act in destinul unui text; act care nu mai este responsabil pentru autorul lui" (Ciachir, 43). Adesea autoarele Iluminismului englez sau european au adoptat exact aceasta tactica existentiala, caci scrisul era oricum o alternativa preferabila tacerii. Elizabeth Haywood, de exemplu, a practicat adesea anonimatul. Femeile au scris sperand in acest destin transcedental pentru a evita realitatea opresiva in care traiau si scriau. Obligate sa uite de logica auctoriala occidentala dupa care circulatia si valorizarea sociala imediata a textului erau absolut necesare, adesea chiar o semnificativa ratiune de existenta a textului insusi, femeile au adoptat strategii mai exotice, marginale, care se regasesc in gandirea orientala. Totul este fapta, actul, si nu rezultatul sau valorificarea sa. Asadar, atractia sau tensiunea dintre condeiul anonim si condeiul feminin, o anomalie daca-l vedem ca o prelungire culturala a anatomiei masculine, au contribuit la ambiguitatea prezentei auctoriale feminine in Iluminism. Ernst Robert Curtius include in discutia sa despre simbolismul cartii urmatoarea poveste preluata din traditia araba iberica (422). Abenhayum canta la Sevilla frumusetea celei pe care o iubeste. "Oare tot acest alb vrea sa spuna ca tu, iubito, imi acorzi favorurile tale iar aceste puncte negre sunt semne ale racelii tale?" Ea raspunse: "Tatal meu este gramaticul regilor si atunci cand ma apropiam de el pentru a-i arata iubirea mea de fiica, el se temea ca eu as putea sa descopar secretul scrisului si, scuturandu-si pana, el imi stropea chipul cu cerneala." Povestirea reflecta admirabil atat anxietatea freudiana a tatalui privind frumusetea fiicei, cat si modul in care a fost aparata traditia scrisului de fiice sau sotii prea curioase, ori prea indraznete. Tatal isi inscrie propriul mesaj de putere pe chipul fetei prin petele de cerneala. Se indeparteaza astfel vreun eventual petitor 108

nedorit, atras de frumusetea tinerei. Orice tentatie subversiva este inlaturata. Patriarhia are nevoie de acest mesaj inscris pe chipul uratit al tinerei pentru a-si pastra pozitia privilegiata. Dar probabil ca cel mai eficient mod de a ilustra diferenta dintre auctorialitatea feminina si cea masculina in perioada Iluminismului este a permite scriitorilor insisi sa vorbeasca. Daca Fielding concepe esenta auctorialitatii ca o penetrare a mintii celorlalti,37 pentru sora sa, Sarah Fielding, auctorialitatea vine din interior si este tot atat de imanenta precum femeiescul, zidirea in propriul trup care te condamna inexorabil la o anume pozitie sociala ori simbolica.38 Iar pentru consideratiile finale, iata-l si pe Samuel Richardson cu aprecierile sale generoase si cuprinza-toare: Semnificativ, ele vin de un scriitor pentru care sexualitatea textului ori textualitatea sexului arata ca delicata perceptie feminina poate veni si de la un barbat.39 Legata de trupul care e salasul material al elanului creator, auctorialitatea este prioritar cenzurata, restrictionata de modul in care autorul este construit ca gen. Destruparea de care unii poeti vorbesc cu atata patos40 este o frumoasa, atragatoare utopie care neglijeaza ca pana si cel mai catarctic text tot intr-un context concret opereaza si tot dintr-un context concret porneste. Note 1 Traducerea apartine autoarei articolului. 2 Termen lansat de antologia cu acest titlu (Slave Narratives) a lui Henry Louis Gates. Este vorba de scrieri autobiografice ale unor sclavi din Lumea Noua, din secolul al XVIII-lea si al XIX-lea. Se urmareste crearea unui curent de opinie favorabil miscarii abolitioniste prin descrierea ororilor vietii de sclav, autenticitatea fiind un argument forte in favoarea acestor texte. Sunt celebre naratiunile lui Olaudah Equiano, Frederick Douglass ori Mary Prince. Din punct de vedere auctorial, naratiunile sunt scrieri de o tulburatoare ambiguitate. Cum majoritatea sclavilor erau analfabeti, rezultatul este, cel mai adesea, un hibrid intre marturisirea genuina a martorului martir si scriptorul (de regula un intelectual alb, liberal) care face propria sa selectie in notare. Separarea celor doua voci, a autorului oral si a scriptorului, este extrem de dificila, daca nu chiar imposibila. Acest fapt afecteaza in mod deosebit textele auto-rizate de femei. Abuzurile sexuale suferite de fostele sclave sunt trecute cu vederea sau exprimate extrem de lapidar. Scriptorul isi impune aici autoritar propriile conventii si tabuuri sexuale. Prejudecatile sau judecatile de valoare ale scriptorului sunt impuse paternalist prin chiar "vocea" pretinsului autor. 3 Scrieri autobiografice apartinand mai ales unor autori amerindieni. Conflictul dintre culturi si religii este exprimat dureros de autentic in aceste texte. Chiar daca superio-ritatea crestinismului nu este pusa defel la indoiala, subtextul deplange brutalitatea ne-crestina cu care noua religie a fost impusa. Aculturarea, chiar daca justificata religios, ramane un proces dureros de complex. Este antologica, din acest punct de vedere, istorisirea convertirii lui Samson Occam, povestita de el insusi. 4 Scrieri autobiografice autorizate mai ales de femei, exemplare pentru complexitatea aspectelor culturale ale colonizarii si pentru construirea trupului femin ca spatiu marcat de puterea barbatului.. Barbatii luati prizonieri de amerindieni erau, de obicei, ucisi. Doar copiii sau femeile erau lasati in viata. Spatiul captivitatii devine, de regula, un spatiu, descentrat, situat intre cele doua culturi inamice. Antologica este istorisirea lui Mary Rowlandson despre captivitatea ei printre indieni si dureroasa revenire intre ai sai. 5 "La cause la plus vidente d'une oeuvre d'art est son crateur, l'auteur: c'est pourquoi l'une des mthodes critiques les plus anciennes et les mieux tablis consiste a expliquer la littrature par la pesonnalit et la vie de l'crivain" (Wellek si Warren, 101). 6 Astfel de situatii au dus la aparitia stilometriei, studiul statistic al auctorialitatii. Studierea frecventei unor lexeme sau constructii gramaticale cu ajutorul computerului poate facilita identificarea autorului. Stilometria a oferit o perspectiva noua asupra parteneriatelor literare feminine din Evul Mediu, Renastere sau Iluminism stabilindu-se mai precis contributia fiecarei participante la acest. contact literar. Stilometria s-a dovedit utila si in cazul identificarii operelor anonime. Cf. Bette Lynn si Jack Stillinger. 7 Cf. Michael Newbury si Jeremy Hawthorn. 8 O noua forma de auctorialitate ne ofera internetul. Exista numeroase site-uri care permit practicarea 109

unei auctorialitati interactive. Participantii isi construiesc propriile texte redactand fiecare cate un paragraf. 9 Eugen Simion. "Postmodernismul: un concept care isi cauta sensurile" Fragmente critice. Scriitura taciturna si scriitura pu-blica. Bucuresti: Editura "Grai si suflet - Cultura nationala," 1998, p. 71. "Moderni-tatea a ucis geniul (creatorul) si a desfiintat autorul ca institutie. L-a regasit, intr-un tarziu, prin Barthes, care, prin aceasta inteligenta miscare a spiritului, a depasit fanatismul modernitatii." 10 "Astfel, cautarea din partea noastra, a autorului model este Ersatz-ul unei alte imagini, aceea a unui Tata, care se pierde in ceata infinitului, fapt pentru care nu obosim niciodata a ne intreba de ce exista Fiinta mai curand decat nimic" (Eco, 151). 11 Aceasta nu inseamna ca nu a existat auctorialitate feminina inainte de aceasta perioada. Dar ea a fost rodul incapatanatei stradanii a unor femei de a merge contra modelelor dominante ale timpului. 12 "Pourquoi crire? Chacun a ses raisons: pour celui-ci l'art est une fuite; pour celui-la, un moyen de conqurir". 13 "Un des principaux motifs de la cration artistique est certainement le besoin de nous sentir essentiels par rapport au monde" (Sartre, 50). 14 Vezi celebrul argument al Virginiei Woolf. Pentru a scrie o femeie are nevoie de o suta de lire sterline (adica, de independenta economica) si de o camera, un coltisor, o nisa macar a ei insisi (adica un spstiu pentru meditatie si insingurare). 15 "Un artiste est d'autant plus authentique, qu'il russit a se replier sur soi-meme, en donnant un sens propre aux impressions qui lui viennent du dehors." 16 Cf. Studiul The Feminist Critique of Language al lingvistei Deborah Cameron sau studiile Speculum of the Other Woman sau This Sex Which Is Not One ale lui Luce Irigaray. 17 Aceste avantaje incep cu o lunga istorie in care femeile nu au avut decat un acces foarte limitat la stiinta de carte, la formele inalte ale culturii si se continua cu faptul ca modelele auctorialitatii feminine sunt mult mai putine (consecinta a cauzelor de mai sus), sau cu politici care tin de promovarea femeii in comitete redactionale, jurii, etc. 18 Cf. Martha Womandsee. 19 Cf. Michael Anesko. 20 Cf. David Glenn. 21 "SLs'essence de l'oeuvre littraire c'est la libert se dcouvrant et se voulant totalement elle-meme comme appel a la libert des autres hommes" (Sartre. 185) 22 "En outre, au XVIIIe siecle, les liberts ncessaires que rclame la littrature, ne se distinguent pas des liberts politiques que le citoyen veut conqurir, il suffit a l'crivain d'explorer l'essence arbitraire de son art et de se faire l'intreprete de ses exigences formelles pour devenir rvolutionnaire: la littrature est naturellement rvolutionnaire, quand la rvolution qui se prpare est bourgeoise parce que la premiere dcouverte qu'elle fait de soi lui rvele ses liens avec la dmocratie politique" (Sartre, 151). 23 "The person is a constellation of espoused values at the center of which is to be found the intrinsic value that the self ascribes to itself" (326). 24 A se vedea cazurile prcieuses ridicules (pretioasele ridicole) in Franta, scribbling women (femeile care mazgalesc) in spatiul de limba engleza, sau al "nebunei" Margaret Cavendish care se incapatina sa studieze filosofia si stiinta in loc sa se ocupe de treburi mai feminine, etc. etc. 25 Cf. Nicholas Visser. 26 "Women generally write in order to tell their own family story (father, mother and/or their substitutes). When a woman novelist does not reproduce a real family of her own, she creates an imaginary story through which she constitutes an identity: narcissism is safe, the ego becomes eclipsed after freeing itself, purging itself of reminiscences. Freud's statement 'the hysteric suffers from reminiscence' sums up the large majority of novels produced by women" (Julia Kristeva. "Creations," New French Feminisms. An Anthology, 166). 27 "Le narcissisme est une pulsion d'autoconservation rserve a la survie du sujet et les pulsions sexuelles voues a la survie de l'espece" (Bellemin, 32). 28 Strigate ardente, precum cel al lui Chantal Chawaf, nu se regasesc in discursul secolului al XVIIIlea. Soarele arzator al ratiunii parleste totul, dar limbajul unui barbat si al unei femei arde diferit. "Isn't 110

the final goal of writing to articulate the body? For me the sensual juxtaposition of words of words has one function: to liberate a living paste, to liberate matter. Language through writing has moved away from its original sources: the body and the earth. Too often GOD was written instead of LIFE. Classicism and rationalism have mutilated the verbal paganism of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Linguistic flesh has been puritanically repressed. Abstrac-tion has starved language, but words must die. They have a sensorial quality. Their role is to develop consciousness and knowledge by liberating our unconscious as well as to bring back hope" (Chantal Chawaf. "Creations," New French Feminisms. An Anthology, 177). 29 Modelul se bucura inca de mare popularitate, relevand acea des-trupare caracteristica modelelor culturale patriarhale care se simt mai in largul lor imbatandu-se cu aerul, pretins tare, al abstractiunilor si neglijand contextul concret (inevitabil legat de gen) din care auctorialitatea, de exemplu, izvoraste si in care se manifesta (vezi nota 40). 30 "All speaking subjects have within themselves a certain bisexuality which is precisely the possibility to explore all the sources of signification, that which posits meaning as well as that which multiplies, pulverizes, and finally revives" (Julia Kristeva "Creations," New French Feminisms. An Anthology, 165). 31 O anume pre-eminenta a metaforei auctoriale masculine este evidenta din studierea terminologiei literare. Aceasta terminologie arata dominatia masculina de-a lungul secolelor. Vorbim despre paternitatea unei opere (maternitatea fiind strict biologica si trupeasca, iar "mamele romanu-lui" doar o recenta gaselnita a istoriei lite-rare), despre 'filiatia literara' sau despre 'diseminare'. 32 "Ainsi l'crivain ne rencontre partout que son savoir, sa volont, ses projets, bref lui-meme; il ne touche jamais qu'a sa propre subjectivit, l'objet qu'il cre est hors d'atteinte, il ne le cre pas pour lui" (54). 33 "Male metaphors intensify difference and collision, while female metaphors enhance sameness and collision. In spite of the individual variation, male metaphors often covertly affirm the traditional separation of creativity and procreativity. Female metaphors, in contrast, tend to defy those divisions and reconstitute woman's fragmented self into a (pro)creative uniting word and flesh, body and mind" (Stanford Friedman, Susan. "Creativity and the Childbirth Metaphor," Feminisms. An Anthology of Literary Theory and Criticism, 1991, 390). 34 ". the 'feminine,' in this scheme is to be located in the gaps, the absences, the unsayable or unrepresentable of discourse and representation. . The feminine text becomes the elusive, phantasmal inhabitant of phallocentric discourse". 35 Cf. Catherine Gallagher. 36 Cf. Maggie Humm. 'Anxietatea auctoriala' este un termen inventat de Sandra Gilbert si Susan Gubar in The Mad Woman in the Attic. Pentru a descrie eforturile si situtia problematica a scriitoarelor din secolul al XIX-lea in conflict cu misoginia lumii victoriene, ele au modificat notiunea lui Harold Bloom de 'anxietate a influentei', care se refera la relatia scriitorilor cu inaintasii lor. In viziunea lor condeiul devine un fel de falus metaforic. Dar aceasi anxietate a auctorialitatii exista deja in secolele al XVII-lea si al XVIII-lea cand autoarele erau adesea suspectate ca nu si-au scris propriile texte, ci doar au semnat operele rudelor lor masculine. Pentru a preveni astfel de acuzatii, de exemplu, Henry Fielding a scris prefate pentru romanele surorii sale Sarah Fielding. Sigur anxietatea nu este proprie doar femeilor autoare. Si barbatii autori o pot incerca, dar anxietatea are cauze si ma-nifestari diferite in poetica sau poietica masculina ori feminina. 37 "The only ways by which we can come at any knowledge of what passes in the minds of others, are their words and actions, the latter of which hath by the wiser part of mankind been chiefly depended on, as the surer and more infattigable guide" (Apud Allot, p. 275, Henry Fielding. "The Champion" 11 December, 1739). 38 "The motives to actions, and the inward turns of the mind, seem in our opinion more necessary to be known than the actions themselvess and much rather would we choose that our readers should clearly understand what our principal actors think, than what they do" (Allot, p. 275, Sarah Fielding. "Preface to The Cry, 1754) 39 "I have just gone through your two vols. of Letters. Have re-perused them with great pleasure, and found many new beauties in them. What a knowledge of the human heart! Well might a critical judge 111

of writing say, as he did to me, that your late brother's knowledge of it was not (fine writer as he was) comparable to yours. His was but as the knowledge of the outside of a clock-work machine, while yours was that of all the finer springs and movements of the inside" (Apud Allot, p. 275, Samuel Richardson. "Letter to Sarah Fielding, 7 December, 1756, Correspon-dence, 1804). 40 "Despre poezia feminina nu se poate vorbi pentru simplul motiv ca poezia e feminina. Poezia este unul dintre acele putine cuvinte carora sensul absolut nu le permite determinante. .Totul a provenit, probabil, dintr-o lipsa de misoginism necesar. Nu s-a inteles ca nu poate ajunge la arta decat o femeie care si-a depasit condtia de femeie, asa cum nu poate ajunge la arta decat un barbat care si-a depasit conditia de barbat" (Blandiana, 49). Bibliografie Feminisms. An Anthology of Literary Theory and Criticism. Eds. Robyn R. Warhol and Diane Price Herndl. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers UP, 1991. New French Feminisms. An Anthology. Ed. Elaine Marks and Isabelle de Courtivron. New York: Schocken Books, 1981 (1980). * Anesko, Michael. "Fiction with the Market": Henry James and the Profession of Authorship. New York: Oxford UP, 1986. Allot, Miriam. Novelists on the Novel. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul; New York: Columbia UP, 1959. Barthes, Roland. "The Death of the Author," Critical Theory since Plato. Revised Edition. Ed. Hazard Adams. Fort Worth: Harcourt, (1972), 1992, pp. 1130-1133. Bell, Ian A. Henry Fielding: Authorship and Authority. London, New York: Longman, 1994. Bellemin-No, Jean. La psychanalyse du texte littraire. Introduction aux lectures critiques inspires de Freud. Paris: Nathan, 1996. Blandiana, Ana. Eu scriu, tu scrii, el scrie. Bucuresti: Cartea romaneasca, 1976. Bloom, Harold. The Anxiety of Influence. New York: Oxford UP, 1973. Booth, Wayne C. The Rhetoric of Fiction. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1961. Burke, Sean. Authorship from Plato to the Post-Modern: A Reader. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 1995. Ciachir, Dan. "Odata scris, un text si-a implinit destinul." Luciditate si nostalgie. Iasi: Institutul European, 1996, pp. 43-45. Curtius, Ernst Robert. "Le symbolisme du livre," La littrature europenne et le Moyen Age latin. Trans. Jean Brjoux. Paris: PUF, 1956, pp. 368-428. Douglas, Kelly. The Conspiracy of Allusion: Description, Rewriting, and Authorship from Macrobius to Medieval Romance. Leidens Boston: Brill, 1999. Eagleton, Mary (ed.). Feminist Literary Theory. Cambridge, USA: Blackwell, S1986s, 1996. Foucault, Michel. "What Is an Author?" Critical Theory since 1965. Eds. Hazard Adams and Leroy Searle. Tallahassee: University Press of Florida and Florida State University Press, pp. 138-147. Eco, Umberto. 'Sase plimbari in padurea narativa'. Trad. Stefania Mincu. Constanta: Pontica, 1997. Fitzgerald, F. Scott and Mathew Joseph Bruccoli. Fitzgerald on Authorship. Columbia SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1996. Gallagher, Catherine. Nobody's Story: The Vanishing Acts of Women Writers in the Marketplace 16701820. Berkeley: California UP, 1994. Glenn, David. Authorship as Alchemy: Subversive Writing in Pushkin, Scott, and Hoffmann. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1994. Gilbert, Sandra M. and Susan Gubar. "Infection in the Sentence," Feminisms. An Anthology of Literary Theory and Criticism. Eds. Robyn R. Warhol and Diane Price Herndl. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers UP, 1991, pp. 288-300. --. The Mad Woman in the Attic: The Woman Writer and the Nineteenth-Century Literary Imagination. New Haven, CT: Yale UP, 1979. --. No Man's Land. New Haven, CT: Yale UP, 1988. 112

Hawthorn, Jeremy. A Concise Glossary of Contemporary Literary Theory. London, New York, Melbourne, Auckland: Edward Arnold, 1992. Humm, Maggie. The Dictionary of Feminist Theory. Prentice Hall: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989. Ingrassia, Catherine. Authorship, Commerce and Gender in Early 18th Century England: A Culture of Paper Credit. New York: Cambridge UP, 1998. Kewes, Paulina. Authorship and Appropriation: Writing for the Stage in England, 1660-1710. Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford UP, 1998. Lamb, Mary Ellen. Gender and Authorship in the Sidney Circle. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990. Leader, Zachary. Revision and Romantic Authority. Oxford: Clarendon Press; Oxford, New York: Oxford UP, 196. Lynn, Bette. Writing Double - Women's Literary Partnerships. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1999. Marino, Adrian. Biografia ideii de lite-ratura. Vol II Secolul Luminilor, Secolul al XIX-lea. Cluj: Dacia, 1992. Masten, Jeffrey. Textual Intercourse: Collaboration, Authorship, and Sexualities in Renaissance Drama. Cambridge, New York: Cambridge UP, 1997. Minnis, Alastair J. Medieval Theory of Authorship: Scholastic Literary Attitudes in the Later Medieval Ages. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 1988. Mulgan, Alan Edwards. Literature and Authorship in New Zealand. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1943. Munteanu, Romul. Cultura europeana in epoca luminilor. Bucuresti: Minerva, 1981. Newbury, Michael. Figuring Authorship in Antebellum America. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1997. Peters, Gerald. The Mutilating God. Authorship and Authority in the Narrative of Conversion. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1993. Rainsford, Dominic. Authorship, Ethics, and the Reader. Blake, Dickens, Joyce. Houndmills and London: Macmillan, 1997. Liviu Rusu. Essai sur la cration artistique. Contribution a une esthtique dynamique. Bucarest: Univers, 1972, p. 149. Jean-Paul Sartre. Qu'est-ce que la littrature? Paris: Gallimard, 1948. Scheick, William J. Authority and Female Authorship in Colonial America. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1998. Seller, Susan. Hlene Cixous: Authorship, Autobiography, and Love. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press; Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996. Simion, Eugen. "Postmodernismul: un concept care isi cauta sensurile." Fragmente critice. Scriitura taciturna si scriitura pu-blica. Bucuresti: Editura "Grai si suflet - Cultura nationala," 1998, pp. 70-75. Srinivasa, Iyengar K.R. Literature and Authorship in India. Introd. E. M. Forster. London:G. Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1943. Stanford Friedman, Susan. "Creativity and the Childbirth Metaphor," Feminisms. An Anthology of Literary Theory and Criticism. Eds. Robyn R. Warhol and Diane Price Herndl. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers UP, 1991, pp. 371-404. Stillinger, Jack. Multiple Authorship. New York: Oxford UP, 1991. Thines, Georges si Agnes Lempereur. Dictionnaire gnral des sciences humaines. Paris: Editions Universitaires, 1975. Todd, Jane M. Gender and Literary Voice. New York: Holmes & Meyer, 1980. Tutea, Petre. Filosofia nuantelor. (Eseuri. Profiluri. Corespondenta). Antologie, prefata si aparat critic Mircea Colosenco. Postfata Sorin Pavel. Iasi: Timpul, 1995. Wellek, Ren si Austin Waren. La Thorie littraire. Trad. Jean Pierre Audigier si Jean Gattegno. Paris: Seuil, 1971. Woodmansee, Martha. The Construction of Authorship: Textual Appropriation in Law and Literature. Durham: Duke UP, 1994. Wyatt, David. Prodigal Sons: A Study in Authorship and Authority. Baltimore and London: The John Hopkins UP, 1980. * 113

Ursa, Mihaela. "O arheologie a auctorialitatii," Echinox, no. 4-5-6/2000, pp. 8-11. Visser, Nicholas. "Authors, Narrators and the Poetics of Radical Fiction," Orbis Literarum, vol. 51, no. 3, 1996, pp. 131-147. Vivas, Eliseo. "The Self and Its Masks," The Southern Review, vol. 1, April 1965, nr. 2, pp. 317-337.

Carmen Bujdei Monstrosity and Self-Censorship in Mary Shelley's Frankenstein

Abstract: The article explores the symbolic meanings of Mary Shelley's Frankenstein. It discusses the monstrous body in relation to the delineation and the construction of human identity. Keywords: English literature; Romanticism; Gothic; Mary Shelley; Frankenstein; feminine authorship 'Presumption, or the Fate of Frankenstein' (1) '[W]hat a tissue of horrible and disgusting absurdity this work presents. and the author, notwithstanding the rationality of his preface, often leaves us in doubt whether he is not as mad as his hero.' This scathing critique (2) of Mary Shelley's anonymously published first novel was the first in a series of several dismissive reviews which, besides purporting to highlight the seriously flawed design of the monster-making narrative, helped to perpetuate a misconception regarding the presumed 'author's' identity, in the case of what appeared to be a 'tale told by an ideot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing' (3). Most of the 1818 reviewers, while expressing their concern about the impact such 'very bold fiction' (4) might have on its readership (5) and making deprecatory assessments of its tediousness, impiety, risibility or improbability, did not however fail to commend its excellence of style and language (6) or to detect the discrepancy between the apologetic tone of the Preface revealed later on to have been penned by Percy Shelley - and the insufficiently delineated moral in the book proper. Faced with such critical detractions and finding her own voice 'silenced' by both her husband's massive interference in her text and the common misapprehensions of the true authorship of her novel, Mary Shelley dedicated her Introduction to the third edition of Frankenstein (7) (1831) to clarifying the quandary of 'How I, then a young girl, came to think of, and to dilate upon, so very hideous an idea?' (F 1). Percy Shelley's intrusive editing of the text, ranging from changes of punctuation to altering its feminine criture into a more masculine, 'inflexibly public and oratorical' diction (Levine, 1979, 3) has been carefully documented, some critics maintaining that far from representing an improvement of the original, the 1818 version was actually a substantial distortion of Mary Shelley's authorial intent. Aiming to safeguard the authenticity of her 'true compositions, the airy flights of [her] imagination' (F 2), the 1831 paratext resorts to a decisively feminised imagery in outlining the fictional creative process, casting it in terms of delivery and maternal nurturance: her 'story' is seen as 'the offspring of happy days', 'born and fostered' out of 'the grim terrors of my waking dream' (F 4-5).

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'And now, once again, I bid my hideous progeny go forth and prosper' (F 5) The past couple of decades have witnessed a tremendous growth of interest in unravelling the profusion of meanings that Mary Shelley's Frankenstein - the novel and the monster (8) - encodes. Extensive research has been devoted to narrowing down the scope of monstrosity in the novel, various readings conveying partial, often competing and contradictory approaches to the fluid symbolic potential of the monster. Under the scrutinising gaze of feminist, psychoanalytical, political, or cultural critics, Victor Frankenstein's monstrous creature has been seen to embody specific anxieties related to motherhood and female authorship; to express the pathological narcissism of a presumptuous individual who wants to recreate the world in his own image (9); to reanimate anxieties generated in Britain by the French Revolution; or to represent a portentous signal of the dangers of scientific and technological ventures. However, considering the diversity of construal that the monster invites, rather less attention has been paid to the overall picture of 'prodigious generativity' (Huet 1993, 126) that monstrosity conveys. Given the 'versatility of Mary Shelley's myth' (Moers 1979, 86) and the ambiguity of Mary Shelley's reference to her 'hideous progeny', which invites interpretation as both the humanoid creature begotten by Frankenstein and the textual offspring of the author herself, the 'going forth' and 'prospering' are bound to be seen as applicable to the book itself. Not only does the monster emerging from the scientist's workshop seem to circulate excessively in critical discourse, but the book itself has generated, since its publication, an array of dramatic, fictional or cinematic reworkings, engendered by what appears to be its 'mythopoeic productivity' (10). It is the purpose of the present paper to explore the plurisignificatory potential of Mary Shelley's monster, proceeding in full awareness that a comprehensive view of monstrosity is hindered by the very fact that monsters resist classification and taxonomical systematisation (11). I start from the assumption that Frankenstein's creation represents a 'totalising monster' (12), which conflates signifiers of cultural, political, racial, economic, sexual otherness into one body. If it is true that cultural epochs are intent on defining their essentially human characteristics by ousting pollution phenomena (13), it will be interesting to see what other kinds of alterity are inscribed across the monstrous body of Frankenstein's creature and how they assist in the delineation and construction of human identity. As Cohen maintains, the monster is 'a kind of cultural shorthand for the problems of identity construction, for the irreducible difference that lurks deep within the culture-bound self' (1999, 5). 'I almost began to think that I was the monster that he said I was' (F 68) An entire line of critical inquiry, often resorting to biographical support for clarifying the uncanny equivalence between this novel of monstrous procreation and the author's perception of her novel as misshapen progeny, claims that Frankenstein articulates not only a 'dialectic of monstrosity' (14), in its description of the genesis of a monster, but also a 'dynamics of monstrous creation' (15) as a complex trope for literary inspiration. A self-proclaimed monstrosity, the novel appears to establish connections between 'sexual and textual generation' (16), monster and book duplicating each other as regards their construction, as well as their generic hybridity. A similar insistence on the analogy between monstrous creature and monstrous textuality occurs in Rubenstein's statement that Frankenstein is 'a book constructed like a pregnancy' (17), with the monster's narrative embedded within that of his parent just like in a concentric Russian-doll frame. While conceding that some analogies between artistic creation and biological procreation are, to some extent, far-fetched (18), Baldick (1987, 33) nevertheless credits the hypothesis, also maintained by Gilbert & Gubar (1979, 221-224), that in the novel anxieties of parenthood and anxieties of authorship are overdetermined by Shelley's literary parentage and competitive artistic pressures: hence, Frankenstein's daring transgression could be the projection of a woman writer's own ambitious aspiring to authorship, without necessarily seeing in the issue of self-reproduction - both Frankenstein's authoring of his monstrous offspring and Mary Shelley's parenting her book - a question of 115

representing the self as monstrous, in terms of a fictive transposition of 'her own frustrated female penenvy into a tale of catastrophic male womb envy' (19). Ellen Moers' study of 'Female Gothic' (20), includes a groundbreaking biographical approach to the issue of monstrous genesis in Shelley's novel. Focusing on the author's 'early and chaotic experience. with motherhood' (1979, 79), Moers sees Frankenstein as a 'birth myth', which explores the relationship between the birth-giving experience and the pangs of female authorship, representing the origin of monstrosity as a failure of postpartum bonding. Homans, on the other hand, takes issue with Moers, insisting that the novel stages a 'collision between androcentric and gynocentric theories of creation' (1993, 175-177). In view of Mary Shelley's experience of birth as either causing the death of the mothers or producing illegitimate offspring, Homans considers here 'writing as literalisation, as a form of mothering' (idem, 163), as a means of eschewing the horrific concreteness and materiality of biological motherhood. Shelley's personal experience of monster-engendering biological creation led her to appropriate the idealistic, disembodied creation pattern of male Romantic artistry. This tension is also sensed by Poovey, who talks about Mary Shelley's entrapment between two conflicting - familial and societal - pressures: towards artistic self-assertion, 'by means of her pen and her imagination', and towards compliance with conventional models of feminine propriety, demanding 'self-effacement' (1990, 163). Shifting the emphasis from the monstrous offspring onto the monstrosity of womanhood itself, Poovey's reading seems to be consubstantial with the view according to which, in Lacanian terms, the novel stages a subtle critique of the symbolic realm's decidedly patriarchal bias, whereby Victor Frankenstein's transition from the visual, imaginary stage into the linguistic, public stage is conditioned by matricide or suppression of the mother. Huet, for instance, sees in the haunting image of his dead mother the 'ultimate model for Victor's monster' (1993, 133). By creating a monster from stolen corpses Victor has obscurely attempted to resuscitate the mother whose death he has sacrilegiously forgotten, and by giving birth, Frankenstein is conducting a sacrilegious misappropriation of motherhood. As Collings has shown, the monster represents Frankenstein's attempt to recuperate and animate the dead, corporeal mother, which may also account for his relinquishment of the standard oedipal path that would require the pursuit of a substitute, figural maternal representation (Elizabeth), of a symbolic rather than an imaginary mother. Flaunting the symbolic order, which 'negates and excludes the feminine body' (1992, 251) of 'the archaic, physical, nameless mother' (idem, 252), Collings maintains, both Mary Shelley and Victor Frankenstein stage their creations in the imaginary order (21), initiating thus an 'imaginary revolt against the symbolic' (idem). This association of femininity with monstrosity is also evinced by the episode of Frankenstein's nightmarish vision of his mother's animated corpse displacing Elizabeth in his embrace, encapsulated as it is within the two apparitions of the monster, subsequent to his resurrection from the dead: 'I was disturbed by the wildest dreams. I thought I saw Elizabeth, in the bloom of health, walking in the streets of Ingolstadt. Delighted and surprised, I embraced her, but as I imprinted the first kiss on her lips, they became livid with the hue of death; her features appeared to change, and I thought that I held the corpse of my dead mother in my arms; a shroud enveloped her form, and I saw the grave-worms crawling in the folds of the flannel' (F 46). Whereas for Cawson (1995, 72), this macabre reverie represents a vision of Frankenstein's inner self on his awakening from his hubris, Poovey sees in this succession of nightmare and horrific apparition a conflation of the dead female figure ('lover and mother') into an image of 'murdered domestic tranquillity': the monster, therefore, becomes an objectification of his transgressive, oedipal desire: 'a monstrous urge, alien and threatening to all human intercourse' (1990, 166), Shelley implicitly indicting the egotistical drive of Romantic aesthetic self-assertion. (22) Gilbert & Gubar have also placed Frankenstein's self-censoring phantasm and Mary Shelley's own anxieties about birth and motherhood specifically in relation to the controversial figure of dead mother. While not dismissing the interpretation of Walton, Frankenstein, Clerval and, ultimately the monster, as Promethean overreachers, Gilbert & Gubar insist on 'the fluidity of the narrative's symbolic scheme' and demonstrate how, through endless patterns of 'continual duplication and reduplication of roles' (violation of paternal decrees, the prevailing sense of guilt, complicity in sin, blasphemous appropriation of divine and female generation), verging on symbiotic slipperiness, the male characters 116

in the novel merge identities as 'fallen angels', and, more exactly as the Eve-figure (1979, 230). This analysis moves firmly towards outlining the assumption that 'Victor Frankenstein's male monster may really be a woman in disguise' (idem, 237): he is linked, on the one hand, to Milton's Eve through their motherless orphanhood, 'filthy materiality', creation in the image of the father and their speculary awareness of physical/moral deformity (23); and, on the other hand, to the 'authoress' herself, given their intellectually similar background. For those who understand monstrosity in Frankenstein to represent a continuum with femininity, reference to another seminal scene is customary. Emphasising the perspective on the female body as a site of abject liminality (24), the episode which took place on an evening in July 1816, on Lake Geneva, when, after Byron's recitation of Christabel, Percy Shelley mistook his wife for a monster with eyes on her breasts and dashed screaming out of the room, is interpreted by Homans as a manifestation of Percy Shelley's incapacity to reconcile 'the ideal of disembodied femininity' with his real lover, noting that Mary Shelley's 'sense of herself viewed as a collection of incongruent body parts - breasts terminating in eyes - might have found expression in the demon, whose undesirable corporeality is expressed likewise of ill-fitting parts' (1993, 172). However, this conflation between the abject materiality of the female body and the horrific physicality of the monster is most visible in the scene of the exceptionally violent dismemberment of the monsterette (25): 'The remains of the halffinished creature, whom I had destroyed, lay scattered on the floor, and I almost felt as if I had mangled the living flesh of a human being' (F 130). 'My midnight labours' (F 43) If monstrous progeny, often displaying ill-assorted morphological parts, have variously been accounted for as the result of miscegenation between species (26), or of illicit intercourse between the human and the demonic, it is nevertheless true that an important strand of thought in teratology (particularly from the Renaissance to the end of the Enlightenment) considered physiological prodigies to be the result of the disordered and dangerous powers of female imagination (27). Frankenstein is seen by Huet to mark the end of the tradition that had erased the legitimate father's image from monstrous offspring. Whereas for critics capitalising on Shelley's profession of sole authorial responsibility for the novel ('I did not owe the suggestion of one incident, nor scarcely of one train of feeling, to my husband', F 5), this is a text about anxieties of motherhood and literary procreation, for others, who see it as an intriguing case of 'literary collaboration' (28), Frankenstein is still part of the tradition tying the birth of monstrous children to their mother's deranged imagination ('my imagination unbidden possessed me', F 4). The extraordinarily complex genesis of the novel has also espoused a critical attention to its 'uncommonly bookish and artificial' genesis (Kiely, 1985, 65). Seeing in Frankenstein 'a fictionalised rendition of the meaning of Paradise Lost [and its creation myth] for women', Gilbert & Gubar have signalled Shelley's self-conscious literariness, insisting on the novel's 'bibliogenesis' (29) (1979, 221224): deprived of maternal nurturance and paternal affection, Mary Shelley appears to have resorted to a 'crucial if voyeuristic method of exploring origins, exploring identity' (idem., 225), by assembling and scrutinizing a mass of literary influences from Milton to the writings of Wollstonecraft and Godwin, similar to the monster's own culturally-mediated examination of his genesis through Paradise Lost and Frankenstein's laboratory notes. The similarity between the fragmented, contorted, apparently disjointed narrative surface and the monster's patchwork anatomy is evident: the novel is 'an aggregate of narrative pieces' (30), approximating a 'jigsaw puzzle, a collection of apparently random documents', basically contained within the 'three concentric circles of narration' (Walton's epistles, Frankenstein's and the monster's speeches), which in their turn contain embedded narrative 'pockets' (accounts of dreams, the stories of Caroline Beaufort, Elizabeth Lavenza, Justine, the DeLaceys, Safie, etc.) (31). For some, the novel's intricate and fragmented narrative is proof of Shelley's incapacity to rise to the standards of male Romantic accomplishment (32), while for others, the circularity of the novel's manifold narratives deliberately functions as multilayered screens around her 'authentic voice' (33). 117

The monster's artificial creation out of 'the unhallowed damps of the grave' (F 43) is, to some extent, similar to the manner in which the novel itself appears to have been assembled 'from dead fragments to make a living whole' (34) (read human tissue and bone, for the former; literary and philosophical works, for the latter). For Mary Shelley, literary creation represents, however, a process of synthetically, and not mechanically, combining preexisting fragments: 'Everything must have a beginning, to speak in Sanchean phrase, and that beginning must be linked to something that went before it. . Invention, it must humbly be admitted, does not consist in creating out of void, but out of chaos; the materials must, in the first place, be afforded: it can give form to dark, shapeless substances, but cannot bring into being the substance itself. . Invention consists in the capacity of seizing on the capabilities of a subject, and in the power of moulding and fashioning ideas suggested to it' (F 3). Shelley's raw materials, as acknowledged in her Introduction and evinced by the text of the novel itself, encompass a variety of influences (a whole 'fund of literary sources on which Frankenstein cannibalistically feeds' (35)), ranging from conversations at the Villa Diodati on 'the nature of the principle of life' (F 4), on galvanism and Erasmus Darwin's wriggling vermicelli, to German ghost stories, or Coleridge's Rime of the Ancient Mariner. Only after having amassed these materials, can the artist's imagination synthesise the composite layers of philosophical, literary and mythological sources underlying the 'successive images that arose in my mind with a vividness far beyond the usual bonds of reverie' (36) (F 4). Recounting the visionary incentive of her narrative (the dream of 'the pale students of unhallowed arts' within her own dream), Shelley tellingly focuses on the scene of monstrous birth in the novel, rendering both experiences in terms of speculary encounters: the 'hideous corpse' opens its murky eyes to gaze at creator, author and, implicitly, at the audience, transforming all of them into the object of his paralysing stare. The 'hideous phantoms' - book and monster - have awakened to life. 'My workshop of filthy creation' (F 43) Frankenstein becomes so engrossed (37) in his project of animating the dead that he appears to realise the deformity of his progeny only on the 'dreary night of November' when 'the spark of life' is infused into the 'lifeless thing' lying at his feet, 'breathless horror and disgust fill[ing] his heart' (F 45). Determined to unravel the mystery of 'the principle of life' and enthused with the dawning realisation ('an almost supernatural enthusiasm') that life and death are inextricably intertwined, Frankenstein understands that in order to examine the principle of life, he 'must first have recourse to death', proceeding with his investigation into 'the natural decay and corruption of the human body' (F 41). It is in charnel-houses and cemetery vaults that the cyclicity of life and death is revealed to him: decaying matter is merely sustenance for the emergence of a new form of life: 'I saw how the fine form of man was degraded and wasted; I beheld the corruption of death succeed to the blooming cheek of life; I saw how the worm inherited the wonders of the eye and brain. I paused, examining and analysing all the minutiae of causation, as exemplified in the change from life to death, and death to life' (F 41). On the threshold demarcating darkness from light, death from life, he envisages himself not merely as a transgressor of these 'ideal bounds', but as the creator of a new species of 'many happy and excellent natures', a modern version of the Ovidian Prometheus plasticator (38). Rather than yielding a human being, Frankenstein produces an unnatural monstrosity, pieced together from somatic fragments (the Promethean 'lifeless clay', F 43), furnished by the dissecting room and the slaughterhouse. Relinquishing his initial intention of selecting average-size human limbs ('the minuteness of the parts formed a great hindrance to my speed'), Frankenstein decides 'to make the being of a gigantic stature; that is to say, about eight feet in height, and proportionably large' (F 43). The result is an aggregate of commensurate and beautiful bodily parts, yet the overall effect is horrific. Why should Frankenstein's disappointment be so huge when, from its inception, the creature is bound to exceed human norms of size and its physical components appear to be in proportion? The disparity between the comeliness of the component parts and the hideous repulsiveness of the finished combination reinforces the discrepancy between his visionary projection ('the creation of a human being', F 42-43) and the concrete materiality of his creature ('the miserable monster whom I had 118

created', F 46). What has caused this slippage, this displacement of humanity by monstrosity? Has Frankenstein inadvertently jeopardised his creation through sheer sloppiness (the impending necessity of 'speed')? One explanation may reside in the fact that Frankenstein has severed the corporeal pieces from a totalising frame of referentiality, heightening the impression of immensity and the anxiety of disaggregation that giants impart upon the human viewer. As Cohen maintains, to gaze at the giant as something more than a body in pieces would require the adoption of an 'inhuman, transcendent' perspective': 'the giant is a body that is always in pieces, since within a human frame, he can be perceived only synechdochically, never as a totality' (1999, 11). Therefore, giants may be seen to embody a phenomenon of extimit (39), a concurrence of 'external intimacy' and 'intimate alterity'. Frankenstein will experience a dissolution of identity, an appropriation of the very features that are supposed to demarcate monstrosity from humanity: he subsequently refers to the monster as 'my own vampire, my own spirit let loose from the grave' (F 61), he becomes 'a miserable spectacle of wrecked humanity' (F 123), acquires a 'haggard and wild appearance' (F 114), abhors the 'face of man' (F 141), and it is only when disjointing the monsterette that he feels restored to humanity: 'I again felt as if I belonged to a race of human beings like myself' (F 130). While monsters appear to reside outside the human realm and body, bordering the limits of their coherence - hence the threat of dismemberment, anthropophagy, which is voiced by several characters in the novel, would signal a fear of complete dissolution of their selfhood - they are also fully within (40) (giants are 'foundational' figures, builders of cities and nations). Explorers and travellers who traditionally encountered hybrid monsters at geographical margins, found their own humanity threatened by such liminal creatures, because their composite bodies did not merely signal difference, but also similarity with the human (41). It is the attribute of size that renders the giant subhuman, yet his human shape leaves him suspended in a hybrid site, a liminal interstice between categories. While I tend to agree with Baldick's dismissal of the psychological account, according to which the monster's abhorrent sight might be a projection of Victor Frankenstein's sense of 'guilty revulsion from his deed' (1987, 33), since neither does the novel offer any conclusive explanation for the creature's unsightliness, nor is the monster's ugliness apparent only to his progenitor, but to everyone, including to himself, I nevertheless find the giant's alterity, the excesses of his monstrous body to mirror his progenitor's excessive, indeed 'presumptuous' scheme of reforming mankind by resurrecting the dead into a monolithic corporeal entity: 'A new species would bless me as its creator and source; many happy and excellent natures would owe their being to me. No father could claim the gratitude of his child so completely as I should deserve theirs' (F 43). Giants, indeed, do not merely stand in stark opposition to the human, as a 'measure of man' (Friedman, 2000, 26), they are not simply an illustrative antithesis proving by negative example the truth of civility (42), but, uncannily, they become a contrastive device in the construction of human identity: as Cohen maintains, the 'giant is simultaneously disavowed and heeded, abjected and interiorised' (1999, 185). Gazing at the vast, fractional body of the giant, Frankenstein has a speculary realisation of the speciousness of his demiurgic enterprise, indeed of his self-identity as Promethean overreacher: 'Oh! No mortal could support the horror of that countenance' (F 46). The monster's body is a gigantic conglomerate of dead human individuals, yet the offspring that it might propagate upon the earth would be 'a race of devils' who might make 'the very existence of the species of man a condition precarious and full of terror' (F 127): 'reading' the giant's body enables Frankenstein to realise that his utopian project of regenerating mankind is utterly flawed. "Anonymous androdamon" (43) '. by the glimmer of the half-extinguished light, I saw the dull yellow eye of the creature open; it breathed hard, and a convulsive motion agitated his limbs. How can I describe my emotions at this catastrophe, or how delineate the wretch whom with such infinite pains and care I had endeavoured to form? His limbs were in proportion, and I had selected his features as beautiful. Beautiful! - Great God! His yellow skin scarcely covered the work of muscles and arteries beneath; his hair was of a lustrous black, and flowing; his teeth of a pearly whiteness; but these luxuriances only formed a horrid 119

contrast with his watery eyes, that seemed almost of the same colour as the dun white sockets in which they were set, his shrivelled complexion and straight black lips.' (F 45) In the retrospective description of the creature's deformity, the sequential volley of signifiers is interrupted by a double exclamation, which functions as a caesura, intensifying the horrific effect of Frankenstein's visual encounter of the monster. The climactic feature that appears to infirm the 'beauty' of the monster's features is the transparency of his skin, which makes visible the 'work' (44) of arteries and muscles beneath: what is discernible underneath the translucent screen of the monster's anatomy is not merely the intricate network of 'fibres, muscles and veins' (F, 42), but also their pulsation, their life. It is this lifelikeness - detectable also in the 'luxuriances' of the lustrous, flowing hair and the 'pearly whiteness' of the teeth - that is set in 'horrid contrast' with the monster's necrotic features: its 'dun white sockets', its 'shrivelled complexion and straight black lips'. In contrast with the 'convulsive motion' agitating the creature's limbs, the latter features betray a lack of internal circulation (45) and are a constant reminder of the community of cadavers that has supplied them. A gigantic creature resurrected from the dead, the monster cannot, as Frankenstein has envisaged, conclusively cross the threshold separating life from death, and is doomed to bear the marks of its permanent straddling of these boundaries. As Punter very aptly remarks, the monster's body becomes the liminal topography which sites 'this mysterious interlocking of birth and death', fostering the collapse of any 'neat distinction between fertility and sterility, between the organic and the inorganic' (1998, 51-52). Furthermore, that the sutured layer of the monster's epidermis should be concurrently pictured as taut and 'shrivelled' evinces a surface tension permanently on the point of disruption. The 'contaminating life' of the creature threatens to pour out from his overstretched skin and 'pursue Victor physically and psychologically',(46) threatening to 'consume' not only him, but also the entire symbolic order in which he is inserted. 'Not thus, after all, would life be given' The failure of Frankenstein's grandiose project of 'bestowing animation upon lifeless matter' has spawned several interpretations (47), two approaches, the aesthetic and the political, appearing to prevail. The composite morphology of the monster has since antiquity been employed in aesthetic discussions of the relationship of parts to the whole. While in neoclassicism, the rules for a decorous imitation of nature precluded any ill-assortment of the parts that would result in unnatural combinations and grotesque aggregations, the injunction against a mechanical combination of the parts resounds particularly strongly in the aesthetics of Romanticism. The essential opposition between the mechanical and the organic in-forms Coleridge's conception of Imagination, evinced by the distinction he operates between a mere mechanical assemblage of the parts by Fancy or associative ingenuity, and the organic fusion operated by the secondary Imagination, which 'dissolves, diffuses, dissipates, in order to re-create; or where this process is rendered impossible, yet still at all events it struggles to idealise and to unify. It is essentially vital, even as all objects (as objects) are essentially fixed and dead' (48). Coleridgean imagination is a 'synthetic and magical power' that blends or reconciles 'opposite or discordant qualities'; the unity of the parts is, unlike the mechanical and preordained unity of neoclassicism, organic, vital, akin to nature. Analysts such as Baldick (1993) have adequately remarked that Frankenstein's failure to 'co-adunate' (join and shape into one) the raw materials of his artificial genesis must be ascribed to his mistaking the beauty of the dead limbs for the beauty of a whole organism: this can arise only from a pure vital principle ('spark of life') within, to which both the subordinate parts and the resultant harmonious unit will then conform. In fact, Frankenstein's is a 'triple failure of imagination', as Mellor as observed: a failure to imaginatively identify with his creature (49), a phantasmatic presumption that 'the male can produce a higher form of evolutionary species by lateral propagation than by sexual procreation', and a discarding of the fundamental tenet of Romantic poetics whereby 'the creative imagination must work spontaneously, unconsciously, and above all organically, creating forms that are themselves organic heterocosms' (1988, 102). Furthermore, in order for the creature not to be perceived as a mere mechanistic aggregation of anatomical parts, he should inspire the viewer with the imaginative power capable of uniting his 120

fragmented somaticity into the totality of a human being - after all, Frankenstein's exalted imagination has impelled him to 'give life to an animal as complex and wonderful as man' (F, 42). In an attempt to unravel the causes that disrupt Frankenstein's imaginative effort to connect his creature's diverse components into a single, coherent totality, Gigante (idem, 571) resorts to the Burkean tautological description of ugliness (50), which is utterly dependent as an aesthetic effect on the perceiving/perceived eye: 'I think then, that the beauty of the eye consists, first, in its clearness . none are pleased with an eye whose water. is dull and muddy. We are pleased with the eye in this view, on the principle upon which we like diamonds, clear water, glass, and such transparent substances' (51). The monster's deformed physicality is clearly subjected to a regime of the gaze: Frankenstein does not manage to visually encompass the creature's physique as human-like because its assembly of features is a striking concoction of dissimilar ingredients: on the one hand, the opaqueness of human skin, normally occluding any insight into the corporeal interior, becomes here a transparent cutaneous surface exposing the mechanics of his creation; on the other hand, the translucency of the human ocular globe becomes a murky, lustreless eye, which obstructs visual access to the depth of subjectivity. Frankenstein's visual apprehension of the materiality of the creature's 'dull yellow eye', which then replicates into two 'watery eyes', accounts for the clogging of imaginative perception and the frustrated attempt to contain the monster's centripetal, disintegrating morphology into coherent representation. 'My accursed origin' (F 100) Frankenstein's artistic fashioning of his creature - by selecting discrete parts for their beauty rather than choosing an entire body for reanimation - has spurred an equally fruitful line of investigation, which has articulated the issue of Frankensteinian monstrosity in historical and political terms. Analysts like Jansson (1993, viii) have noticed that while the novel resists a single interpretation, at the crux of Mary Shelley's text lie fundamental social and public issues of the period spanning the aftermath of the French Revolution. Significantly, the first decade of the French Revolution witnessed the proliferation in Britain of two 'bodies of writing': a flurry of gothic novels and political pamphlets - incited by Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France (1789) - in which the monstrous figured as an important aid in shaping both counter- and pro-revolutionary argument (52). While in radicalist discourse, such as William Godwin's Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793), there was a persistent reference to the lingering aristocratic system - which perpetrated injustice, oppression and inequality - as a stuffed and 'voracious monster', demonic imagery was also consistently applied by the Anti-Jacobins to the seditious and destabilising works of radical philosophers, conceived as emanating directly from 'that putrid carcase the French Revolution' (53). Moreover, such was the power of contamination feared to reside in the prorevolutionaries' propaganda, that a standard conservative trope became picturing the proselytes of Utopian reformers like Godwin and Wollstonecraft as 'the spawn of the monster' (54), breeding further monsters (revolutionary crowds), which threaten to destroy their progenitors. An essentially promonarchical document, such as Burke's Reflections (55), insisted on the necessity of the natural, organic growth of any constitution, declaring the new republic in France to have been born 'out of nature' with a 'monster of a constitution' or 'that monstrous fiction' which, like deceitful 'chimeras of a monstrous and portentous policy', promised political and material equality for all citizens. A 'foul, impious, monstrous thing, wholly out of the course of moral nature' (56), the French Revolution was, Burke claimed, bound to engender 'an ignoble oligarchy, founded on the destruction of the crown, the church, the nobility, and the people', to create 'monstrous democratic assemblies' and 'degenerate into a military democracy, a species of political monster, which has always ended by devouring those who have produced it'. Musgrave (1999, 271) contends that the Burkean critique of the French Revolution is anchored in 'its aesthetic transgressions' of the political and ethical order of things, his antirevolutionary plea being an appeal against the ugliness perpetrated in the social body ('mental blotches and running sores' (57)) by the disruptive revolutionary acts: 'What Burke fears is the irruption of the repressed social real through the skin of 'pleasing illusions' that contain - and sustain 121

society. Any fissures in the 'system of manners' become infections . that inevitably infect the social body with the 'contagion of their ill example' (Gigante, idem, 568). First published within three decades since the French Revolution, Frankenstein (58) reanimates the heated debate concerning the revolutionary regime in France, whereby English radical and conservative circles in the 1790s supported or contested the appropriateness of similar movements in Britain. Shelley's novel evinces a non-partisan appropriation of the scalding rhetoric deployed both by political conservatives and by English republicans. As Sterrenburg maintains, despite the radical heritage of her illustrious parents, Mary Shelley eschews in Frankenstein any conclusive political partisanship, moving beyond 'both the radical and the conservative traditions it appropriates' and accomplishing a 'subversion of all ideology'(1979, 144). While Shelley's depiction of a terrifying, manmade monster, who wreaks havoc and destroys his progenitor, is seen as a counter-revolutionary response to the presumptuous confidence and utter failure of Enlightenment utopianism, the author's designation of the monster's maker as the 'modern Prometheus' would signal Shelley's equally (and ambiguously) firm anchorage in prorevolutionary convictions. Nevertheless, the novel registers a downsizing of this political symbolism to a private and psychological scale: the conflictual situation between Frankenstein and his monster is a reenactment of previous political polemics at the level of personal psychology. Seen from this perspective, the Monster's vengeful destabilisation of the Frankenstein household is consistent with the conservative stereotypes picturing regenerationist ideals as the 'unleashing of parricidal monsters and spectres from the grave' (Sterrenburg, idem, 145). That the 'demoniacal corpse to which [Frankenstein] had so miserably given life' (F 46) should be a hybrid body, a somatic conglomerate sutured from pieces scavenged in dissecting rooms and mortuaries, renders Frankenstein's progeny a community of corpses, a relational matrix uniting its private body to the public body. Punter (59) contends that Frankenstein is a text about the 'cannibalisation of the body', a reworking of the Christian myth of resurrection in the sense that the creature's birth is actually a physical, and not a spiritual, rebirth 'from the detritus of the organic', standing therefore 'for the resurrection of the body which is to come' (1998, 50). A similar point is made by Hirsch, who argues that Frankenstein's enterprise does not entail resurrecting a 'single Lazarus, the already integral body of a dead individual' but regenerating an entire 'le genre humaine', one that exceeds the bounds of an individual and confederates the limbs of 'myriad individuals' into a 'new, conglomerate mass' (1996: 116). A stereotype of political discourse, the 'body politic' under siege reverberates in conservative attacks against the French Revolution in representations of anatomical deformity, signifying the threats posed by rebellion and political discord to the integrity of this 'body'. In The Leviathan (1651), Thomas Hobbes states all men, in a state of nature, that is prior to their submission to a form of government, are at perpetual war with each other; by combining into communities and subjecting themselves to a central authority, the sovereign body, they enter a covenant, or social contract, whereby this commonwealth or 'Leviathan' can escape from the anarchy. (60) The monster's body seems fragilely agglutinated under the epidermal layer, constantly on the verge of re-becoming a corps morcels: the monster's sutured skin iconically represents not only the potential disruption of its heterogeneous mass into the myriad individuals it agglutinates, but also the disquieting prospect of piercing through the fabric of society (61), or, reduced to the smaller scale of the Frankenstein family, anthropophagy, cannibalisation. This the monster is perceived as such a threat is evident in William Frankenstein's reaction to encountering the monster: 'you wish to eat me, and tear me to pieces - You are an ogre!' (F 109). Frankenstein himself refers to the monster's engulfing propensity, when, absorbed in his creation, he puts off any communication with his family 'until the great object, which swallowed up every habit of my nature, should be completed' (F 44). While the abortive result of Frankenstein's enterprise has supported the view that, in effect, Shelley's novel is a critique of Godwinian utopianism and of the Revolution's failure to fulfil its regenerative purpose, an equally valid perspective opens when considering the monster's rebellion against his progenitor in the light of his unjust abandonment. A literalisation of the revolutionary metaphor, the redemption of humankind by reuniting the dead into a new social corporation (Hirsch 1996, 117), Frankenstein's progeny also voices the radical argument in favour of rebellion against social and familial oppression. Whereas the monster's rebellion is parricidal, it is nevertheless a consequence of abandonment and unjust treatment. Frankenstein's Promethean enterprise is successful indeed, in the 122

sense that he created Natural Man as the meliorists envisaged such a man; his tragedy is not so much an outgrowth of his excess - his aspiration to become a supreme artificer - but an outcome of his moral error, his failure to accept his parental responsibilities (62). Parental neglect amounts to actual tyranny in the novel, the monster's narrative fusing the two central Christian symbols of theme of divine oppression, Satan and Adam (63). 'Oh, Frankenstein,' the monster pleads, 'be not equitable to every other and trample upon me alone, to whom thy justice, and even thy clemency and affection, is most due. Remember that I am thy creature; I ought to be thy Adam, but I am rather the fallen angel, whom thou drivest from joy for no misdeed' (F 77-78). As Botting maintains, Frankenstein uses 'a recognisably Gothic framework in its themes of parental wickedness and filial suffering' (1996, 99100), establishing an effective connection between domestic and political tyranny. While it may be argued that the creature's graphic description (the chromatics of which are at odds with the standard European physiognomy: the yellowness of the eyes and skin, the glossy darkness of the hair and lips and the 'pearly whiteness' of the teeth) echoes colonial descriptions of 'savages' (64), what is more terrifying than his physical otherness is the monster's desperate plea for his inclusion within 'le genre humain' (65). While some critics have seen Frankenstein or the 'modern Prometheus' as critical of the failure of the Revolution to fulfil its utopian promise, it is thus more accurate to see in Shelley's figuration of monstrosity a convergence of counter- and pro-Revolutionary rhetoric. Frankenstein's monster emerges as a grafting of two symbolic traditions that at end of 18th century used the monster as a political metaphor to either uphold or inveigh the legitimacy of a radical reconfiguration of the 'body politic'. 'The lords of my imagination' Among the most enduring significances that the term 'Frankenstein' has perpetuated in the popular conscience is its association with the technological production of a monstrous double. Levine sees this to be altogether consistent with Shelley's original conception of the novel, since Victor's quest for the secret of life is 'fundamentally scientific'. However, his assessment of the monster's creation as a 'mere trick of technology' (1979, 16) is far-fetched; it would be more appropriate to see here, as Tropp (66) notes, a conflation of the Gothic concept of the double with technological monstrosity, or a technologically generated double (Hansen, 1997), betraying anxieties about the blurring of the distinction between man and machine. Although critics like Baldick categorically dismiss the possibility of Frankenstein's creation representing a technological prophecy, since 'he constructs his monster with no technological ends even remotely in view; not as a machine, a robot, a helot, or any other labour-saving convenience' (1987, 44), the mechanical, robotised, and therefore dehumanised figure can also be detected in the assortment of alterities that the monster's body displays. Despite the fact that crediting Shelley's novel with parenting the genre of science fiction (67) may represent an offshoot of its later cinematic and fictional renditions, and that Frankenstein's energies are solely devoted to the creation of life, and not machinery, the staging of his creationist quest in terms of embarking on a path of scientific discovery enables the perspective of the monster as a 'product of technology strictly defined as applied science' (Tropp 1990, 40). The underlying metaphor of man as machine reveals the ambivalent effect of the Industrial Revolution, coalescing contemporary feelings of, on the one hand, confidence in man's ingenuity and powers of intellect to supplant manpower with indefatigable machines, and, on the other hand, anxieties at the disturbing prospect of mechanised devices utterly replacing humans or rendering people as the dehumanised parts of an industrial machine (idem, 32). In fact, replicating life by artificial means is a theme that reaches far back into classical antiquity, to mythological artificers such as Prometheus, Daedalus or Pygmalion. The practice of 'body modification', through an alliance of art and technology, is, as Sawday maintains, 'one of the defining characteristics of human culture' (1999, 172), challenging, in effect, our sense of the body as the defining limit to our own sense of selfhood. A refashioning of the human body through an appropriation of technology can be seen, therefore, as a way of refashioning the self. In scientific discourse the distinction between the 'natural' and the 'artificial' was already breaking down in the 16th century, with the emerging sciences of technology 123

and anatomy conspiring together to offer 'a complete 'mechanical' image of the world' (68). By the end of the 17th century, anatomists' explorations had gradually dismantled what appeared to be a tremendously complex mechanism, while the understanding of mechanics rested on the analogical functioning of human bodies; hence the fantastic cult of automata in the Renaissance. In his investigation of the genealogy of machine automation, Hansen (2000) correlates the advent of the Industrial Revolution with the discovery of matter as possessing its own source of dynamics, an innate vital force, electricity (69). While previous automata were not self-moving, and dualistic in their categorical distinction between fabricated body and manipulating agency, Frankenstein's monster can be seen to transgress the boundary between organism and machine, to embody a deconstruction of the nature/culture (70) divide, or, rather, to question whether there is anything organic about its monstrous ontology (71). The complexity of Frankenstein's enterprise should not, however, be reduced to a simple relinquishment of the misguided, pseudoscientific alchemical knowledge in favour of a more scientific approach to the issue of artificial birth, via chemical physiology (72). As Botting has shown, 'Frankenstein is not just a scientist in the modern, empirical sense. His project is imbued with grander speculations of alchemical power, speculations which, in the context of natural philosophy, promise, not supernatural knowledge, but the awesome secrets of nature, the mind and the body in the manner laid out by chemical and electrical experiments of the time' (1996, 103). 'But where were my friends and relations? . I had never yet, seen a being resembling me or who claimed any intercourse with me. What was I?' (F 94). The reason of the monster's clamour for identity clues is, as Rowen (1990, 169) argues, his restrictive access to the story of man's genesis, since the only creation narrative available to him is Milton's Paradise Lost. However, the monster's birth may clearly have been patterned after models alternative to divine genesis (73) - and in this case, Rowen ventures to say, Frankenstein's monster may be in the company of illustrious predecessors, all examples of paternal propagation, products of artificial, motherless births (albeit of monstrous progeny), which either flaunt or attempt to copy the divine creative act: the Golem of the Jewish mystics, the alchemical homunculus, or the automaton. Both Huet (1993, 128) and Halberstam (1998, 192) seem to sanction the similitude linking Frankenstein's progeny (74) with the golem, a shapeless earth or clay mass, figured to be soulless, and animated by means of an injection of divine spirit. Rowen (1990, 170) provides the fullest account of the monster as a version of the golem, reducing this creational model to several particulars, foremost amongst which is its dualistic origin: the organic originating substance (the feminine element) - wornout, human detritus collected in graveyards and charnel houses, suggesting lifelessness in the case of the monster, and warm and fertile clay, suggesting vitality, in the case of the golem - is infused with life from an extrinsic source - a lightning bolt, in all probability (75), in the case of the former, and the breath of spirit, in the case of the latter; however, while the golem's body is integral, the creature is pieced together from various human parts. A different model of man-engendering creation, which, this time, mimics normal processes of generation, is that of the homunculus. That the alchemists' 'visions' or 'chimeras of boundless grandeur' may underlie Frankenstein's enterprise is evidenced by his early indulging in reading the recondite works of Cornelius Agrippa, Albertus Magnus, and Paracelsus (76), 'the lords of my imagination' until his arrival at the university at Ingolstadt and his disavowal of 'natural history and all its progeny as a deformed and abortive creation' (F 33). Nevertheless, the monster's birth cannot be definitively ascertained to follow a particular model of generation; it appears, rather, to conflate several such models. The alchemical model is not dismissed by Kiely, who notices the concurrence of Frankenstein's scientific ambitions with the aspirations of metaphysicians to probe into the most profound mysteries of life (77): 'though Frankenstein himself scorns the notion, his "scientific" method has a large dose of hocus-pocus in it and comes a good deal closer to alchemy than it does to physiology' (1985, 70). Closer to the actual procedures of assembly a quasi-synthetical construction out of pre-manufactured fragments (artificial/human) - that Frankenstein's monster is subjected to is a third model, the automaton, or machine man, which by the end of the 18th century had already been produced by technologists. Tropp also insists on a syncretic genealogy of the monster, who is seen as 'evolved from the supernatural apparitions of horror stories' ('dreaded spectre'), as well as the product of a '(cruder) technological process' (30), given his construction like a machine. The reason why Frankenstein's monster is ultimately a terrible miscreation 124

may be either, as Donawerth puts is, the scientist's 'usurping both God's and woman's powers of creation' (1997, 20) or, as Homans considers, 'an oedipal violation of Mother Nature' (1993, 164). A contradictory mix of magic, alchemy and science, the monster is emblematic of 'the way that notions of human identity. were being transformed and secularised. in the scientific discoveries of the time' (78): engendered in a time when the positive, scientific spirit was beginning to shape alternative creationist discourse, the Shelleyan monster is ultimately 'a golem estranged from all animating spirit, a machine-man made of vulnerable flesh, a homunculus bred not out of the womb but of the grave' (Rowen idem, 176). Published almost 50 years after Lazzaro Spallanzani's first attempt to produce artificial fertilization, at a time when medical investigation into generation had shifted its emphasis from the mother's influence to the isolated scientist experimenting in his laboratory, Frankenstein may forecast the 'prophetic image of the teratogenist scientist' (Huet, idem, 129-130), which was to be redeployed in the late 19th-century gothic novels of Wells (The Island of Doctor Moreau) and Stevenson (Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde). 'This being you must create' (F 111) Perhaps the most significant renovation that Mary Shelley's first novel brings to the Gothic genre is its recharting of gothic topography, in the sense that it maps the monstrous body (79) as the locus of fear. Previous Gothic novels, starting with Walpole's Castle of Otranto, and culminating with the Gothic romances produced in the decade of the French Revolution (such as Radcliffe's The Mysteries of Udolpho or Lewis's The Monk) had emphasised locale as the site of terror/horror. As Halberstam (1998, 28), for instance, remarks, in Frankenstein deformed physiognomy or misshapen corporeality replaces the traditional 'architecture of fear' (such as labyrinthine crypts or devil-ridden vaults). While the sublime landscape (the craggy Alps or the icy vastness of the Arctic) retains its terror-provoking potential, it is bodily monstrosity that is accountable for the more prevalent strain of visual horror. (80) The monstrous body functions, in a manner analogous with Gothic labyrinths, as a permanently unstable and fluctuating site, with borders that are 'always on the verge of dissolution' (Punter, 1998, 46), perpetually threatening to exceed its representation and contaminate. Indeed, while Frankenstein's creature is an atypical monster, since his corporeal prowess is outdone by his intellectual power, and since his outward deformity is strongly counterbalanced by his eloquence and articulate intelligence, it is nevertheless consistent with the traditional idea of the monstrous as sheer visible surface: monstrosity depends for its construction on visual codes, it is entirely conceivable in the 'scopic regime': 'a construct and a projection, the monster exists only to be read' (Cohen, 1996, 4). Seeing, beholding, visualising become inextricably linked with monstrosity: the monster himself is aware of the power of the gaze when he remarks: 'the unnatural hideousness of my person was the chief object of horror with those who had beheld me' (F 102). Even etymologically, monstrosity is primarily related to visual display, whether one considers the Augustinian connection made between the Latin monstrum (a divine portent, usually of misfortune) and the verb monstrare ('to show', 'to reveal'), or the one operated by Isidore of Seville, who derived it from monere ('to warn'). The legible deformity (81) of monstrous bodies is meant for visual exploration and interpretation, as heralds either of dire events or of good fortune or as exhibitions of moral vices. Addressing the blind De Lacey, the monster impugns the perceiving eye for its distorting, disfiguring flaw: 'a fatal prejudice clouds their eyes, and where they ought to see a feeling and kind friend, they behold only a detestable monster' (F 103). Punter senses the potential of the Frankensteinian monster's articulacy (82) when he states that it may indicate a 'coming to consciousness of the primordial matricial body' (what Kristeva calls the transition from the semiotic into the symbolic), and/or an 'imperialist takeover by language of a state of bodily innocence' (1998, 57). It has been suggested (83) that in the episode when the monster confronts his creator amidst the sublime scenery of the Alps, Frankenstein's relapse into an apprehension of the horror of hideous physicality (84) after having accepted to 'listen' compassionately to his progeny's story marks a conclusive exclusion of monstrosity from signification and meaning: the monster may never accede into the symbolic, he is forever trapped by his repugnant appearance in the imaginary. However, as Halberstam argues, 'it is precisely in the realm of the symbolic, in the realm of language. 125

that monstrosity and humanity emerge as inseparable ' (1998, 44). While apparently this novel focuses on the creation of a monster, the latter's dialectical otherness is a foundational device for constructing human identity as it egresses the semiotic, visual, imaginary stage, entering the symbolic, linguistic one. Ultimately, the monster may indeed stand for Shelley's conflictual emergence within the public realm of discourse. Notes 1 The title of the first dramatic adaptation of Shelley's story, authored by Richard Brinsley Peake (1823). According to Forry (1990: ix), the incentive to the immediate popular success registered by Frankenstein was due, notwithstanding its negative critical reception, to dozens such dramatizations of the Shelleyan plot, whose proliferation in the 1820s coincided with a resurrection of the Gothic vein in the age of Romanticism. 2 Issued in The Quarterly Review of January 1818. 3 Idem. 4 The Belle Assemble (March 1818) 5 'It inculcates no lesson of conduct, manners, or morality; it cannot mend, and will not even amuse its readers, unless their taste have been deplorably vitiated -- it fatigues the feelings without interesting the understanding; it gratuitously arrases the sensations' (The Quarterly Review, idem). 6 Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine (20 March/1 April 1818). 7 Mary Shelley. Frankenstein; or the Modern Prometheus. Jansson, Siv, ed. (Wordsworth Classics, 1993, based on the third edition of 1831). 8 The confusion between Frankenstein and his creature may have been triggered by the monster's namelessness and by its consequent appropriation of his creator's name in later cinematic versions of the novel (see Kiely 1979, 68). Mellor considers that error of assigning the name of Frankenstein to the monstrous creature and not to the creator himself 'derives from an intuitively correct reading of the novel' (1988, 38). Spark likewise sees in the common mistake of naming the monster 'Frankenstein' a symptom of the merging between the creature's and creator's identities: 'Frankenstein is perpetuated in the Monster', and the monster is Frankenstein's 'doppelganger' (1985, 16-19). For Bloom, this case of mistaken identities is indicative of the fact that they are the 'antithetical halves of a single being' (1985, 1-2). 9 See, for instance, Punter (1998, 60) or Kiely (1985, 67-73). 0 Baldick insists that while all books necessarily run 'loose from authorial intention' and tend 'to mock their begetters by displaying a vitality of their own', Frankenstein's case is an extreme one, its semantic generativity approximating what he calls 'textual monstrosity' (1987, 30). 1 Williams (1996, 107-108) detects the fundamental arbitrariness and absolute impermanence of any teratological taxonomy. Cohen similarly remarks that monsters are characterised by 'ontological liminality'; they are 'disturbing hybrids whose externally incoherent bodies resist attempts to include them in any systematic structuration' (1996, 6). 2 I owe this suggestion to Judith Halberstam (1998, 29), who, following Franco Moretti (1999, 44), distinguishes 'essential monstrosity' (which represents 'an integral feature of very specific bodies') from 'totalising monstrosity' (which 'allows for a whole range of specific monstrosities to coalesce in the same form'). 3 Douglas (1966, 147-9). 4 Halberstam (1998, 28). 5 Huet (1993, 156). 6 Baldick (1987, 32). 7 Rubenstein, Marc A. '"My Accurs'd Origin": The Search for the Mother in Frankenstein', Studies in Romanticism, XV (1976), 172; qtd. in Baldick 1987, 32. 8 The suggestion for instance that, like Frankenstein's monster, the novel itself had a nine-month gestation from its first draft to its publication. 9 Barbara Johnson, 'My Monster/ My Self', Diacritics, 12 (Summer 1982), 8. Qtd. In Hansen (1997, 32). 126

20 By 'female gothic', Moers (1979, 77-87) understands the corpus of literary works produced by women writers in the Gothic genre since the 18th century. Like the novel's author herself, Frankenstein, the creator of a quasi-human offspring, is besieged by birth-giving and death-bearing anxieties. Given Shelley's personal experience of child loss, the monster's resuscitation from the dead is bound, Moers claims, to be fraught with an ambivalent 'fantasy of the newborn' as simultaneously 'monstrous agent of destruction and piteous victim of parental abandonment'. Moers rehabilitates the monster as the figure of an infant who, deprived of parental care, recapitulates the 'infantile and adolescent stages of human development' and naturally turns against his progenitor. 2 'My imagination, unbidden, possessed and guided me, gifting the successive images that arose in my mind with a vividness far beyond the usual bonds of reverie. I saw.I saw.' (F, 4); 'by the glimmer of the half-extinguished light, I saw the dull yellow eye of the creature open.'(F 45). 22 A point supported by Hirsch: Victor's asexual construction of a creature without women's agency can be interpreted as a 'gynophobic attack on woman-centred family domesticity' (1996, 124). 23 Gilbert & Gubar (1979, 240) chart an interesting parallel of the monster's 'literal [bodily] monstrosity' and Eve's 'figurative [spiritual] monstrosity': whereas the monster recounts his 'despondence and mortification' at viewing himself in a transparent pool, distrusting at first the accuracy of 'the mirror' and then internalising the image of 'the monster that I am', Eve's narcissistic self-absorption in her reflected image (Paradise Lost, IV.449-68) is indicative of her moral misshapenness. 24 Cf. Kristeva (1982, 1-11). 25 Huet (1993, 164) sees a similarity between Percy Shelley's raving response to the sight of his mistress's body and Frankenstein's frantic decision to dismember the female monster: 'I thought with a sensation of madness on my promise of creating another like to him, and, trembling with passion, tore to pieces the thing on which I was engaged' (F 127). 26 Waterhouse (1996, 33) reconstitutes 'monstrous genealogy' by tracing species miscegenation as a practice generative of monsters back to the Genesis 6:4, where the intermingling of filii dei and the filiae hominum was seen to produce giants. 27 In his reading of the cultural meanings of imagination as an agent of teratogenesis, Todd (1995) examines the 18th-century debates staged in certain London medical and political circles over the corporealising power of maternal imagination, and investigates how concerns surrounding preformationism reverberated in anxieties about identity issues. In a similar vein, Huet's study (1993) dissociates between the period up to the beginning of the 19th century, when monstrous genesis was mostly related to the maternal imagination (basically mimetic, reproductive), and the reassignment in Romantic aesthetics of the role of creative, productive imagination this time, onto the male artist ('the Romantic claim that artistic creation was a monstrous genesis and the work of art a form of teratological disclosure', p. 3). 28 Huet (1993, 155). In his Introduction (1974, xviii; qtd. in Jansson 1993, xiv) to the edition of the 1818 Frankenstein, James Rieger catalogues Percy Shelley's massive and extensive assistance in the book's manufacture as his coparenting of the novel. 29 Or 'textual quest of her origins' (Cf. Baldick, 1987, 31). 30 Halberstam (1998, 33). 31 See Gilbert & Gubar (1979, 224-225). 32 Bloom (1985, 5) censures Frankenstein as 'a strong, flawed novel with frequent clumsiness in its narrative and characterization' which, though lacking the 'sophistication and imaginative complexity of such works' as Percy Shelley's Prometheus Unbound and Byron's Manfred, nevertheless offers 'one of the most vivid versions we have of the Romantic mythology of the self', providing thus 'a unique introduction to the archetypal world of the Romantics'. 33 Mellor (1988, 157). 34 Baldick (1987, 30). 35 Baldick's statement (idem, 34) leads Halberstam to articulate her theory of the Gothic novel as a genre characterised by extreme hybridity, 'a stitched body of distorted (inter)textuality' (1998, 33). Furthermore, Frankenstein has been seen to be fraught with 'generic instability': this has made critics such as Tropp label it as an outgrowth of 'the traditional Gothic tale of terror' (1990, 28), while others, 127

like Sterrenburg, see Frankenstein as enacting a 'graveyard melodrama' in private, psychological terms' (1979, 152). 36 Frayling (1996, 6-33) insists on Frankenstein's genesis in nightmare, consistent with the 'Romantic craze' for unleashing imagination through 'the gateway of dreams'. Pointing out the double oneiric import in the novelistic conception of Frankenstein, he links it both to Mary Shelley's personal dream of reanimating her dead infant and to John Henry Fuseli's The Nightmare, which may have proved an incentive to her visualising the scene of Elizabeth lying 'lifeless and inanimate' on her 'bridal bier' after the death-inflicting nocturnal visit of the monster-incubus. Mary Shelley's elliptic and fragmented Journal entry for March 19, 1815 reads: 'Dream that my little baby came to life again - that it had only been cold and that we rubbed it by the fire and it lived - I awake and find no baby' (The Journals - vol one 1814-22, ed. by Paula Feldman and Diana Scott-Kilvert, Clarendon Press, 1987. qtd. in Frayling 1996, 33). 37 Although circumventing sexual channels of procreation, Frankenstein describes his venture in terms of 'mothering' his creature: he speaks of 'delight and rapture' at the prospect of arriving at 'the summit of [his] desires' in a 'most gratifying consummation of [his] toils' (F 42). 38 As Bloom (1985, 8) has astutely noticed, the 'daemon is allowed a final image of reversed Prometheanism', basically replicating the Aeschylian version of Prometheus pyrphorus: 'I shall ascend my funeral pile triumphantly and exult in the agony of the torturing flames' (F 170). In fact, consistent with the pattern of doubling that locks creator and creature in an occlusive dyad, Frankenstein and his monster both represent 'The Modern Prometheus' of Shelley's subtitle: Frankenstein's attempt to bypass normal methods of procreation is echoed by the monster's injunction that a sibling/mate be created for him, while the creature's learning the equivocal potentialities of fire mirrors Frankenstein's stealthy appropriation of the secret of giving birth, with all the ambiguous mixture of reward and retribution that such a titanic exploit entails. 39 Cf. Cohen (1999, xii). 40 Idem. 4 See King (1995, 138-139). 42 White refers to the 'technique of ostensive self-definition by negation', whereby notions of wildness, savagery (Frankenstein's monster has often been conceived of as a Wild Man, a Noble Savage) become 'culturally self-authenticating devices' deployed to indicate their 'dialectical antitheses' to civilisation' (1978, 151-2). 43 The British Critic (April 1818) 44 Tropp (1990, 34) finds the monster's hideousness to be the result of its 'visible internal mechanical structure'; overemphasizing the idea that Shelley's novel betrays anxieties at technology encroaching the human realm, he even ventures to see Frankenstein's 'product' as a 'mechanistic reincarnation of Satan'. 45 Cf. Halberstam (1998, 38). 46 Gigante (2000, 569). 47 Kiely (1985, 75), for instance, considers that the main theme of the novel is the 'monstrous consequences of egotism'; Barbara Johnson agrees with a recent line of investigation launched by Moers (1979) that sees in Frankenstein's aversion to the sight of his creation as a 'study of postpartum depression, as a representation of maternal rejection of a newborn infant' (see above reference); Huet (1993, 142) refers to Frankenstein as a 'tale of disrupted filiation, a story grounded in the belief that it is sacrilegious to give birth when death surrounds us'. According to Mellor (1988, 42), Frankenstein's rejection of his progeny is engendered by a 'failure of empathy' and 'lack of imaginative identification' with his progeny, or, in Keatsian terms, his lack of 'negative capability', soon to degenerate into the extreme impulse of 'putative infanticide'. Bennett sees here a clear displacement of the Greek myth of Prometheus, whose sufferings were, like Christ's passions, redemptive for a spiritually resurrected mankind, whereas Frankenstein's quest is 'reduced to a mocking parody of enlightenment intention and execution' (1998, 35). 48 Coleridge, Biographia Literaria. Watson, George, ed. London: J. M. Dent, 1975. 49 In her study of the scientific background of Frankenstein, Mellor has signalled the influence of Erasmus Darwin's theory of male imagination as responsible for monstrous births (1988, 99). 128

50 Burke's cursory dismissal of ugliness, 'It may appear here as a sort of repetition. to insist here upon the nature of ugliness' (A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful, 1757. Univ. of Notre Dame Press, 1958, 119), underscores Gigante's account of ugliness being excluded as a category from the 18th century aesthetic theory, whereby, he concludes, ugliness is inscribed a mere lack, as the negative form or 'spectral other' of the beautiful. 51 Burke, idem, 118. 52 Cf. Baldick (1987, 16). 53 Burke, cited by Sterrenburg (1979, 146). 54 The Anti-Jacobin Review V (1800); 427, qtd. in Sterrenburg (1979, 147). Sterrenburg also examines other conservative writings which were avidly read by Mary Godwin and Percy Shelley during their 1814 continental tour. Amongst these is Abb Barruel's Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism (1797), which provides a fervent critique of the 'cabal' of the Illuminati at Ingolstadt whose philosophies spurred the French Revolution and resorts extensively to the parent-child metaphor to refer to the relationship between enlightenment philosophers and their monstrous offspring (the revolutionary mobs). 55 See paragraphs 15, 59, 174, 327, 356, 357. 56 Burke, 'An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs' (1791), qtd. in Musgrave (1999, 271). 57 Burke, Reflections, 174. 58 Sterrenburg (1979, 148) considers Frankenstein to be directly descending from the anti-Godwinian novels of the 1790s (such as George Walker's The Vagbond, 1798). Accordingly, Mary Shelley's novel provides not only a subtle criticism of Godwin's personal and pedagogical failures but also a critique of his millenarian, messianic ideals of regenerating mankind, specifically pictured as a new human race, impervious to disease and mortality, produced not via the normal channels of procreation but through social engineering. 59 Insisting, in the wake of Levine's analysis of Frankenstein (1979, 6-7) as a 'transformation of fantasy and traditional Christian and pagan myths into unremitting secularity, into the myth of mankind as it must work within the limits of the visible physical world' and a rejection of the 'conception of man's spirit [as] unanchored in flesh', on the material strain that informs the novel, Punter (1998, 50-51) dismisses the Promethean myth as lying at the core of Shelley's narrative. Instead, all the myths and legends ('this patchwork of myth') that he considers to underlie Frankenstein's enterprise (animating the dead) - the Christian myth of resurrection, Hercules' descent into the underworld, or Orpheus' attempt to retrieve Persephone from Hades - focus on delving into 'primal, birth giving matter, into the originary matrix, an unimaginable return to a hypothesised primal scene'. 60 See also Russell (1961, 534-535). Baldick relates Frankenstein's artificially assembled monster to Hobbes's gigantic creature, remarking that they both signal the 'dismemberment of the old body politic as incarnated in the personal authority of late feudal and absolutist rule' (1987, 16). 61 A reading of the monster as a symbol of the potential of social re-formation or as embodying the destabilising potential of the lower classes has spurred Marxist interpretations of the monster as 'the emergent proletariat' (Montag 1992, 303). In his approach to 'modern monsters', Moretti sees Frankenstein's creature and Dracula as 'two indivisible, because complementary, figures; the two horrible faces of a single society, its extremes: the disfigured wretch and the ruthless proprietor' (1999, 43). 62 Cf. Bloom (1985, 5-6). 63 See also Walling (1985, 58). 64 A point supported by Seymour (2000, xii-xiii), who considers that 'the Creature's carefully described and decidedly un-English appearance' is suggestive of Shelley's covert attack of 'a society which still believed that the physical appearance of the Africans [most definitely encountered, the critic ascertains, by the author on the London docks] indicated their moral inferiority to Europeans'. 65 Hirsch, idem, 118. 66 Martin Tropp, Mary Shelley's Monster. Boston, 1976, 52, qtd. in Levine (1985, 16). 67 Mellor considers that Frankenstein 'initiated a new literary genre, what we now call science fiction' (1988, 89). Familiar with the most important scientific works of her time, Mellor continues, Mary 129

Shelley critiques the intrusive type of scientific research 'which attempts to control or change the universe through human intervention' (90). 68 Sawday (1999, 184-185). 69 See Mellor (1988, 104-105), who documents Shelley's interest in Galvanism and its import for the creation scene in the novel. 70 Mellor sees in Frankenstein's usurpation of natural means of reproduction a 'scientific penetration and technological exploitation of female nature' (1988, 115). Science can be conceived as an erotic domination of female nature by the male scientist: take for instance Frankenstein's scientific urge that is expressed in terms of a 'penetration into the causes of things' (F 24); a pursuit of 'nature to her hiding places' (F 43). 71 For Harraway, the (con)fusion of the organic and the cybernetic is very much a feature of the 29th century: she sees the Cyborg as standing for sheer fluidity ('chimeras, theorised and fabricated hybrids of machine and organism' (Donna Harraway. 'A Cyborg Manifesto'. New York: Routledge, 1991, qtd in Hansen, 2000). 72 Mellor (1988, 90). 73 What Mellor calls a parodic perpetration of the orthodox creationist theory: on the one hand a denial of God's unique power to create organic life, on the other hand, a confirmation of the idea of solitary paternal propagation (1998, 101). 74 In particular, as suggested by Frankenstein's reference to his creation as 'filthy mass' (F 113). 75 See Mary Shelley's account of the scientific discussions around the issue of Galvanism that underlay the realisation that 'the component parts of a creature might be manufactured, brought together, and endued with vital warmth' (F 4). The terrible storm issuing from the mountains of Jura, causing 'a stream of fire [to] issue from an old and beautiful oak' was the catalyst of Frankenstein's own acquaintance with 'the more obvious laws of electricity' (F 33). For a comprehensive perspective on the scientific atmosphere surrounding the creation of Frankenstein, see Mellor (1998, 89-105). 76 Even after the professors of natural philosophy at Ingolstadt manage to deflate his initial interest in alchemy and he relinquishes the 'dusty old authorities', he cannot forbear his contempt for the 'uses' of the new science, which amount to nothing more than 'realities of little worth', and never abandons the 'futile', though 'grand' 'dreams of forgotten alchymists' (F 37). 77 'It was the secrets of heaven and earth that I desired to learn; and whether it was the outward substance of things or the inner spirit of nature and the mysterious soul of man that occupied me, still my inquiries were directed to the metaphysical, or in its highest sense, the physical secrets of the world' (F 30). 78 Botting (1996, 93). 79 'Frankenstein is a text which, crucially, about the body' (Punter, 1998, 50). 80 I resort here to the distinction between 'terror' and 'horror', operated by Radcliffe in her posthumously published essay, On the Supernatural in Poetry, 1826 (in Clery, E. J. & Robert Miles, eds. Gothic Documents. A Sourcebook 1700-1820. Manchester University Press, 2000) 81 See the episode of the encounter between the monster and little William. The confrontation between monster and human is here staged primarily at the visual level: both gaze at each other, and both read each other wrongly. 'Suddenly', the creature says, 'as I gazed on him, an idea seized me, that this little creature was unprejudiced, and had lived too short a time to have imbibed a horror of deformity'(F 109); the monster's plan of turning the boy into an educable (!) companion falls flat because 'as soon as he beheld my form, he placed his hands before his eyes and uttered a shrill scream'(idem), followed by a volley of expletives that begin and end in 'monster'. 82 Brooks (1985, 103) considers Mary Shelley's radical 'decision to stage a deformed and menacing creature who, rather than using grunts and gestures, speaks and reasons with the highest elegance, logic, and persuasiveness. In the Monster's use of language the novel poses its most important questions, for it is language alone that may compensate for a deficient, monstrous nature'. 83 Idem, p.106. 84 'When I saw the filthy mass that moved and talked, my heart sickened, and my feelings were altered to those of hatred and horror' (F 113). 130

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Carmen Andras OLIVIA MANNING SI BUCURESTIUL INTERBELIC Auto-cenzura ideologica si/sau afectiva

Olivia Manning and the interwar Bucharest. Ideological and/or emotional self-censorship Abstract: The article reconsiders Olivia Manning's fictional representations of the Balkans, with a special focus on Bucharest. The main assumption is that the ideological dimension of Olivia Manning's Balkan images overwhelmes the emotional one, so that her feelings about interwar Romania are visibly censored by what she considers as politically corect for a great imperial power. Keywords: Interwar Romania, Bucharest, Olivia Manning; self-censorship

Critics have mainly stressed the self-referential character of Olivia Manning's fictional representations about the Balkans (or what she was understanding as "the Balkans"), Bucharest included. Her personal frustrations were meant to justify the negativity of her attitudes towards the Romanians and their country. In my opinion, the ideological, conscious and intentional dimension of her Balkan images is more powerful than the emotional one, so that her feelings about Bucharest and its inhabitants are visibly censored by what she considers as politically correct for representative of a great imperial power. Olivia Manning's way of imagining the capital city of inter-war Romania is adjusted to the imagery built by her British predecessors who visited Romania. Most of them are deliberate images, where any sign of sensitivity, spontaneity or enthusiasm is censored by dominant pragmatic purposes. "Mergand acum pe Calea Victoriei, lunga si pustie, Olivia Manning, alias Harriet Pringle, femeia britanica transplantata in Bucurestiul anului 1939, avea impresia ca simtea mirosul acelor zone muntoase indepartate, adus de vant; parfumul padurilor de brad unde lupii si ursii, alungati de foame, bantuiau satele la lumina zapezii. Si vantul era mai aspru decat isi putea ea imagina. Tremura si avea un sentiment de singuratate totala, in aceasta tara straina si necunoscuta (subl. n.)" . Cele mai multe interpretari ale Trilogiei Balcanice, a carei autoare este Olivia Manning, tind sa psihanalizeze astfel de reprezentari despre Romania interbelica, perceputa de ea ca spatiu al diferentei absolute, ostila si incomprehensibila si sfarsind prin a o culpabiliza atat pentru esecurile vietii familiale , in special aventurile amoroase ale sotului la Bucuresti cat si pentru frustrarile cauzate de formatia sa conservatoare rigida ori de constitutia sa fizica neatragatoare. Inadaptabila, ostila si intoleranta, Olivia Manning ar fi proiectat asupra Romaniei imaginea propriilor temeri. Ar fi avut suficiente motive pentru a determina inchiderea tematoare in sine si predispozitiile introspective. Iata de ce, realitatea protectoare pe care autoarea - personaj si-o construise in jurul sau s-ar fi simtit asaltata si pusa in primejdie de realitatea, ce-i drept, adesea brutala, a societatii bucurestene a anilor 1939-1940, experienta ce coincide cu deceptia unei casatorii la fel de instabila si nesigura ca societatea romaneasca in mijlocul careia va fi nevoita sa traiasca. Olivia Manning insasi atrage atentia asupra caracterului 133

fictional al operei sale, construita pe un fundament autobiografic: "Subiectul meu este pur si simplu viata asa cum am trait-o si sunt cea mai fericita cand scriu despre lucruri pe care le-am cunoscut", marturisea intr-un interviu . Aceasta nota introspectiva, autobiografica, despre care Olivia Manning a intentionat sa-si convinga cititorii si criticii, indeparteaza atentia de la implicatiile politice ale reprezentarilor sale despre Romania si romani, dimensiunea constienta intentionala ale acestora fiind insa in opinia mea, dominanta. Este o afirmatie care se bazeaza si pe experienta pe care mi-a oferit-o studiul imaginilor britanice cu privire la romani, construite pe parcursul a trei secole, imagini deliberate in care inocenta, sensibilitatea, spontaneitatea si placerea descoperirii alteritatii sunt subordonate intentiilor pragmatice, sunt adecvate unei ideologii dominante si sunt conforme unor strategii suficient de transparente. Acesta ar fi motivul suspiciunii mele in ceea ce priveste ingenuitatea Oliviei Manning si caracterul pur autoreferential al prozei sale. Cred ca intamplarea nu-si gaseste decat accidental locul in reprezentarile sale atat de contrare Romaniei, iar stereotipurile si cliseele (preluate de fapt din sfera discursurilor orientaliste si balcaniste apusene) nu ies la iveala involuntar din straturile adanci ale subconstientului, ci sunt invocate pentru a justifica atitudinea de adversitate si dispret fata de cei care vor ramane mereu straini. Nu se putea ca o intelectuala inteligenta si rafinata precum Olivia Manning sa nu-si dea seama de implicatiile politice ale romanelor sale, lucru pe care il comenteaza istoricul Neagu Djuvara: "Circumstanta agravanta, Manning scrie in anii 1960, cand tara geme sub cea mai crunta teroare comunista. Ea acrediteaza deci, implicit, in Apus, ideea ca date fiind moravurile si ticalosia din trecut, tara-si merita soarta prezenta. Iar azi, pentru cititorul din tara prea tanar pentru a fi trait epoca, sau care a fost pana azi ferit de adevar dintr-un motiv sau altul, dintr-o data exterminarea in inchisori si la canal, injosirea si domesticirea , apoi indemnarea la emigrare a aproape intregii clase burgheze incropite in ultimii o suta de ani - fara a mai vorbi de firavele ramasite ale vechii boierimi - toate aceste trairi trecute sunt uitate, devin inexistente sau vezi Doamne !, ne-esentiale, deoarece toti acei romani din trecut erau la fel de mizerabili ca noi astazi. Acei ce sunt azi principalii vinovati de mizeria din tara si de starea de dezordine si murdarie a Bucurestilor vor fi incantati, radiosi: - ..." . Nu voi merge atat de departe pana la a o culpabiliza pe Olivia Manning pentru marginalizarea Romaniei de catre Europa Apuseana si pentru indolenta actuala a clasei politice, si nici pana la a-i victimiza pe romani, ca fiind jertfiti pe altarul istoriei de catre forte mai presus de ei insisi. Si totusi, asemenea naratiuni de larga circulatie au posibilitatea, prin scenariile construite sau inventate de autori cu mare succes comercial, de a oferi suportul justificator al unei anumite atitudini politice, atat pentru imaginatia populara, publica cat si pentru deciziile luate in sfera politicii internationale. Care este istoria acestei trilogii situate in spatiul balcanic? Olivia Manning, alias Harriet Pringle, l-a intalnit in vara anului 1939 pe cel care avea sa devina in curand sotul ei, Reginald Donald (Reggie) Smith, respectiv Guy Pringle in roman. Dupa un episod romantic furtunos, s-au casatorit in luna august si au plecat imediat la Bucuresti, unde el fusese numit de catre British Council ca profesor de limba engleza la Universitate. Au sosit in Romania o data cu izbucnirea celui de al doilea razboi mondial si au ramas acolo pana cand, la 30 septembrie 1940, guvernul roman a dispus plecarea din tara a tuturor cetatenilor britanici. Destinatia familiei Smith, alias Pringle, va fi Grecia. Cele treisprezece luni petrecute la Bucuresti, puse de catre autoare mai ales sub semnul aventurii amoroase a sotului ei cu voluptoasa romanca Sophie Oresanu, urmeaza de fapt cursul unor evenimente istorice dramatice care au sfasiat societatea romana si pe care Olivia Manning fie le observa din lumea sigura a balconului sau a ferestrei sale care dadea spre Calea Victoriei, fie prin comentariile prietenilor adunati in "Barul englezesc" de la Athn Palace, printre care, Hugh Seton Watson, alias David Boyd si fiul istoricului Robert Seton Watson. Toate aceste evenimente structureaza Trilogia Balcanica, publicata intre 19601965 si ale carei prime doua volume (Marea sansa si Orasul decazut) se petrec in decor bucurestean. impreuna cu Trilogia Levantina, intreaga epopee este cunoscuta sub numele de Sansele razboiului, un best-seller care a cunoscut numeroase reeditari (editii luxoase de fapt) si a fost ecranizata de BBC in 1987, ca serial de televiziune, difuzat apoi si in Statele Unite. Faptul ca naratiunea Oliviei Manning este puternic ancorata in realitatea istorica a Sud-Estului european si nu atat in drama sa interioara, il dovedeste si organizarea pe capitole a trilogiei. Fiecare volum consta din patru parti, denumite in functie de evenimentele importante ale istoriei acestui spatiu. "Asasinul", de exemplu, se refera la uciderea Prim-ministrului Armand Calinescu, in septembrie 1939. 134

"Caderea Troiei", desi pare ca se concentreaza asupra punerii in scena de catre Guy Pringle a piesei Troilus and Cressida, face trimiteri directe la caderea Parisului, care coincide cu ziua spectacolului. "Cutremurul" are ca fundal Dictatul de la Viena, iar "Capitanul", intarirea aripei de extrema dreapta a Garzii de Fier si reabilitarea, in 1940, a parintelui sau spiritual, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, ucis in 1938. Crizele sufletesti ale personajului Harriet Pringle, coincid astfel cu cele mai semnificative momente dramatice ale Romaniei anilor 1939-1940: asasinarea si inmormantarea lui Armand Calinescu, pedepsirea exemplara a criminalilor, prabusirea Poloniei, caderea Frantei, ultimatumul sovietic de cedare a Basarabiei si a Bucovinei de Nord, alaturarea Romaniei la Axa Roma-Berlin-Tokio, Dictatul de la Viena, abdicarea lui Carol, constituirea guvernului Antonescu-Horia Sima si proclamarea statului national legionar, fapte ce au condus la parasirea Bucurestiului de catre membrii comunitatii britanice. Momentele esentiale ale istoriei Romaniei in perioada 1939-1940 transpar astfel din titlurile simbolice ale capitolelor, din observatiile fulgurante ale prietenilor sau din descrierea lapidara a scenelor de strada. Toate acestea sunt pentru Olivia Manning un motiv in plus de a-si teme propria siguranta si de a acuza societatea romana perceputa ca incapabila de a-si fauri istoria, o societate etichetata ca balcanica si investita cu conotatiile negative ale termenului. Mai interesanta decat datele autobiografice si cele istorice ale reprezentarii societatii romanesti in romanele Oliviei Manning, cred ca este maniera in care acestea sunt adecvate discursului general apusean privind Rasaritul sau Sud-Estul european. Spatiu de interferenta culturala, perceput insa ca loc al ciocnirii celor mai bizare influente, Romania, ca intreg Sud-Estul Europei, a devenit obiect al discursului balcanist, calchiat pe cel orientalist. Definit de Edward Said, orientalismul "reprezinta un stil de gandire bazat pe distinctia ontologica si epistemologica intre si (de cele mai multe ori) . Astfel, un mare numar de scriitori, printre care poeti, romancieri, filosofi, analisti politici, economisti, administratori imperiali, au acceptat distinctia de baza dintre Est si Vest ca un punct de pornire pentru teorii elaborate, scrieri epice, romane, descrieri sociale, consideratii politice privind Orientul, popoarele sale, obiceiurile, , destinul sau si asa mai departe" . Cine este atunci orientalul? El nu poate fi nimic altceva din perspectiva apuseanului, asa cum argumenteaza Edward Said, decat obiectul pasiv, inert al reprezentarilor occidentale despre Orient. El este surogatul, "un ego subteran" al subiectului cunoscator apusean, rational si superior. Barbatul este descris ca feminin, lipsit de vointa si putere, totusi ciudat de periculos prin viclenia lui. Femeia este in acelasi timp dornica sa fie dominata si, totusi, dominanta prin atractia vinovata pe care o exercita asupra barbatului apusean. Ea este exotica, voluptoasa, misterioasa, insasi imaginea orientala dominanta. in acest sens, orientalul devine imaginea esentializata si generalizata, un stereotip care tinde sa depaseasca frontierele culturale si nationale ale Orientului. Relatia foucauldiana cunoastereputere este omniprezenta in critica lui Said. Cunoasterea si posedarea Orientului se suprapun: Orientul a devenit obiectul studiat, vazut, observat, iar subiectul este observatorul apusean. Orientul este pasiv, Apusul, agresiv. Orientalismul esentializeaza astfel o imagine a orientalului prototipic-inferior din punct de vedere biologic, inapoiat din cel cultural, mereu egal cu sine - pentru a-l descrie in termeni dominatori si sexuali. Orientul feminin asteapta pasiv dominatia Apusului rational, viril, activ . Nu putine lucrari de istoriografie balcanica se raporteaza direct la critica orientalista a lui Edward Said, recunoscand utilitatea ei potentiala in studiul Europei Sud-Estice. Istoria conceptului Balcani (cu derivatele sale "balcanic", "balcanism", "balcanizare"), care nu mai face trimitere expresa la spatiul geografic propriu-zis, a dezvoltat in Apus legaturi subtile cu asa-zisul "tribalism" si "spirit razboinic" al societatii balcanice, legaturi pe care le analizeaza istorici precum Maria Todorova . La fel ca in retorica orientalista analizata de Said si in cea balcanista vizata de Maria Todorova, spatiul balcanic penduleaza intre imaginar si real, intre statutul de constructie mentala si cel de spatiu cu existenta spatio-temporala concreta. in schimb, daca orientalismul este metafora feminitatii si senzualitatii interzise, "ca disimulare a unei teorii a ascetismului" ,sintetizand "optiunea dorita si oferita, opusa lumii profane si prozaice a Vestului" , balcanismul este "masculin", "primitiv", "crud" si "grosolan". De asemenea, spre deosebire de orientalism, balcanismul este un concept tranzitoriu, are un continut oximoronic, hibrid, pe cat de european, pe atat de non-european, evocand etichete de tipul "semidezvoltat", "semicolonial", "semicivilizat", "semioriental". Daca reactia fata de discursul orientalist se traduce in studiile post-coloniale, cea fata de discursul balcanist nu vizeaza imperialismul conventional, ci un imperialism al cunoasterii si reprezentarii, o colonizare literara, metaforica sau imaginativa care a exploatat resursele Balcanilor pentru a-si alimenta industriile literare si de 135

divertisment. Imperialismul imaginatiei, de care da dovada si Olivia Manning, se traduce astfel in "balcanizarea" intregului spatiu Sud-Est european, ceea ce inseamna atribuirea acestui spatiu cu conotatiile negative ale conceptului "balcanic". Spatiu de frontiera, Romania va fi tinta unui discurs britanic hibrid, care va combina elemente ale orientalismului, exotismului, balcanismului in functie de nevoile demonstratiei. La Olivia Manning, stigmatizantele semne ale identitatii orientalo-balcanice a romanilor sunt in acelasi timp semnale ale pericolelor de tot felul si ale insecuritatii. Asociata cu orientalitatea, societatea bucuresteana va fi pentru ea la fel de inselatoare, superficiala si vulgara ca femeia orientala, tot atat de irationala, indolenta si trandava, dar mai ales tot atat de imorala, singura preocupare fiind de a atrage in mrejele ei Apusul, fie doar si prin reprezentantii acestuia. "Conventiile in Romania, declama sententios Inchape, responsabilul cu propaganda britanica in Balcani, cer aceasta aparenta necunoastere a situatiei. Moralitatea aici nu se bazeaza pe a nu face, ci pe a nu recunoaste ce se face", extinzand apoi observatiile legate de "abilitatea", "falsa inocenta" si "viclenia" tinerelor bucurestene asupra intregii societati romanesti: "Totul e foarte oriental" . Aflat in aceeasi perioada in Romania, R. H. Bruce Lockhart incerca sa corecteze un cliseu instalat in imaginatia britanica despre asa zisa societate orientala efeminata a Bucurestiului: "Cred ca majoritatea englezilor gresesc atunci cand ii confunda pe romani cu lumea mondena a Bucurestiului. La suprafata, societatea bucuresteana este intr-un mod placut nepasatoare, usor frivola si decazuta. insa generalizarile sunt periculoase si poti sa asociezi fiecare reprezentant frivol al societatii romane cu unul sobru. Tactul si grija la ce iti iese pe gura sunt esentiale la Bucuresti. Romanii sunt foarte sensibili. Le repugna sa fie stigmatizati ca balcanici. Ei isi privesc tara ca bastion rasaritean al civilizatiei apusene si, in multe privinte nu exagereaza" . Sunt afirmatiile unui concetatean de-al sau, pe care Olivia Manning nu le-a luat in considerare, desavarsindu-si opera de balcanizare a Romaniei. Tot ceea ce se lega in imaginatia sa de instabilitate, agresivitate, razboi, barbarie, cruzime etc. vor fi semnale ale balcanitatii, valorizate insa uneori pozitiv, ca simboluri ale unei virilitati active, rationale, stapana pe propriul destin si pe al celorlalti pe care trebuie sa-i conduca. Iata de pilda portretul lui Horia Sima, unul din putinele personaje romanesti care ii trezeste simpatie: "inainte ca cineva sa inteleaga ce se intampla, un Mercedes trase pe peron si un personaj destul de ciudat, mic si slab, isi face aparitia. Cei din cordonul de paza isi ridicara tepeni mainile intr-un salut fascist, aspru si neromanesc, iar nouvenitul le raspunse mentinandu-si pozitia teatrala, ca intr-un vodevil balcanic, cu capul lasat pe spate, si toata lumea ii vazu fata palida, trasa si parul negru si lins. Guy sopti: - Cred ca e Horia Sima. Oricine ar fi fost, era evident un intelectual si un fanatic, unul total diferit de barbatii orientali, lenesi si comozi, ce puteau fi vazuti plimbandu-se pe Calea Victoriei" . Societatea bucuresteana a anilor 1939-1940 este perceputa de Olivia Manning ca "o lume in descompunere" , instabila si nesigura. Daca pentru alti observatori britanici contemporani cu ea, Bucurestiul era "Parisul Balcanilor", un oras civilizat si sofisticat, locul unei misterioase impletiri a influentelor care nu ii sperie, ci ii incanta, Bucurestiul Oliviei Manning este reprezentat in lumina rece a deceptiilor personale si a iminentei razboiului. Este un oras european aristocratic, de moda veche, pe cale de disparitie, dar, in acelasi timp, un oras balcanic ostil, instabil ori un oras oriental, inselator si strain de orice ii era familiar. Daca si pentru alti calatori britanici ai acelor ani, precum Patrick Leigh Fermor si Sacherverell Sitwell, Romania apare ca un taram indepartat, situat intr-un alt timp si spatiu, la Olivia Manning nu este o traire romantica a exoticului, ci este asociata cu frica si ostilitatea in fata necunoscutului si a tranzitoriului. Ea descrie lumea trecuta, aristocratica cosmopolita, asa cum o intalneste pe Calea Victoriei sau in cafenelele luxoase. Ca reprezentant al acestei lumi "fanariote apuse", Olivia Manning inventeaza, de pilda, un personaj caricatural, un asa-zis print Hadjimoscos, pe care Neagu Djuvara il identifica cu un descendent al "unei familii boieresti romane, coboratoare din marele vistier Ioan Hagi-Moscu de la sfarsitul epocii fanariote, unul dintre primii mari capitalisti ai tarii noastre" . Chiar daca era "distinsul istoric si genealogist Emanoil Hagi-Moscu", se pare ca Olivia Manning l-a antipatizat suficient de mult pentru a crea un personaj odios, afemeiat, in cautare de mancare si distractii. Nici noua burghezie care ia locul acestei aristocratii in declin, nu i se pare Oliviei Manning mai autentica, ci pseudo-europeana, o copie nereusita a modelelor apusene: "Harriet putea sa 136

observe acum noua burghezie foarte mandra de a-si fi depasit, nu demult, originea taraneasca. Spre deosebire de inaintasii lor tarani, imbracati in culori foarte stralucitoare, barbatii purtau haine cenusii, iar femeile - negre ca la Paris, cu perle, diamante si blanuri de vulpe argintie, daca isi puteau permite" . Dar ii repugna mai mult decat orice pe strazile Bucurestiului, multimea ofensiva de cersetori, multi dintre ei tarani dislocati din mediul lor de viata, "cersetori neprofesionisti" cum remarca ea. Fara nici o urma de compasiune sau intelegere, Olivia Manning, alias Harriet Pringle, ii stigmatizeaza pentru saracia, foamea si bolile care ii agresau simturile. Olivia Manning iubea Bucurestiul, dar fara locuitori, de parca orasul nu ar fi fost opera lor. intr-adevar, ea a realizat descrieri admirabile: strazile scaldate in lumina si culoare, interioarele aristocratice cu nota lor de sobrietate si bun gust, cafenele luxoase, vitrinele stralucitoare etaland cele mai moderne obiecte de moda sau cele mai rafinate delicatese, parcurile cu aranjamentele florale intr-un decor teatral, Cismigiul cu chioscurile pitoresti si cu grupurile de tarani adapostindu-se acolo, odihnindu-se pe iarba ori incercand mici afaceri comerciale. Totul o incanta pana cand simte prezenta prea vie a acestora din urma in apropierea ei. Atunci se gandi: "partea proasta a prejudecatilor este aceea ca sunt, de obicei, intemeiate ... " . Si doar prejudecatile legate de romani au fost cultivate de Olivia Manning, caci numai asa ar fi putut construi aceasta imagine unilaterala, mereu egala cu sine a societatii bucurestene, unde taranii simbolizau o societate destramata si nu continuitatea traditiei rurale: "inainte de a pleca din Anglia, citise carti scrise de cei ce calatorisera in Romania, care-i creasera imaginea unor tarani veseli, cu inimi deschise, fericiti si sanatosi, ospitalieri si cu foarte mult simt muzical. intradevar, erau innebuniti dupa muzica. Era singura lor eliberare si se imbatau cu ea. in rest, nimic nu se mai potrivea. Taranii mureau de foame in orasul asta, figuri speriate insemnate de pelagra, ratacind in cautare de lucru sau incercand uneori, calcandu-si pe inima, sa cerseasca. Situatia ar fi fost mai suportabila pentru ea, daca ar fi putut, ca Guy, sa-i priveasca nu numai ca pe niste victime, ci ca victime nevinovate. Adevarul era ca impartasea tot mai mult sila doamnei Drucker fata de tarani, cu cat afla mai multe despre ei; doar ca nu-i numea animale. isi tratau nevestele ca animalele; cu brutalitatea unor salbatici" . Olivia Manning nu trebuia sa mearga prea departe pentru a colectiona prejudecati; le gasea in societatea pe care o frecventa, ca de pilda la familia Drucker, comercianti evrei ce isi vedeau viata in Romania naruindu-se si, mai ales, afacerile. Decorul bucurestean care o incanta pe scriitoarea britanica poarta toate atributele europenitatii, atata timp cat oamenii nu-i polueaza atmosfera, imaginata, regizata, de ea ca o punere in scena. Iar printre recuzitele cele mai sofisticate Olivia Manning priveste cu nesat, de parca s-ar fi etalat in fata ei bogatia placerilor interzise, voluptoasele aranjamente culinare la restaurante selecte sau la seratele stralucitoare ale unor nobile gazde, lipsite, de altfel, de orice venit. La serata data de printesa Teodorescu, de pilda, a carei chirie la hotel i-o platea un oarecare baron Steinfeld, autoarea descrie prin privirea hamesita a printului Jakimov (intruchipare a jurnalistului Derek Patmore), "un sir de curcani fripti, cu piepturile deja taiate in felii, doua bucati de jambon gatit cu zahar ars si ananas, raci, somon, diferite preparate in aspic, fructe zaharisite, budinci sofisticate, ciorchini de struguri de sera, ananas si zmeura de toamna, toate asezate pe platouri de argint si decorate cu orhidee albe" . Cat despre oameni, Harriet Pringle se intreaba ea insasi "daca va ajunge vreodata sai placa" . Astfel, dupa imaginile culinare de un extraordinar rafinamentul ornamental si de o bogatie luxurianta, inspirate de ofertele gradinii restaurant "La Pavel", urmeaza primele ei intalniri cu femeile Bucurestiului, voluptoasa si insinuanta Sophie, rivala ei "orientala" sau femeia salbatica, agresiva, precum cantareata de muzica lautareasca, Florica, pe care Ernest Latham Jr. o identifica cu Maria Tanase: "Cantand acolo, printre grasanele din public, parea un pisoi salbatic, mort de foame, scuipand inspre pisicile mari, hranite cu smantana. Muzica se stingea si vocea ei coborase intr-un fel de marait. Se ridica, rasucindu-si capul, parca de manie, strangandu-si pumnii si lovindu-si fustele, si incheie cu un alt strigat ascutit, patrunzator, de stihie, sustinut pe deasupra ropotului teribil al aplauzelor" . Cam atat intelegea Olivia Manning din Romania, caci, in rest, "Ah, e o poveste mai complicata. Stii cum sunt tarile balcanice !" asa cum o prevenea un prieten britanic. Iar din aceasta colectie de stereotipuri imprumutate din discursurile orientaliste si balcaniste, nu putea sa lipseasca nici cel al pericolului "imperialismului invers" ce ameninta Apusul. Si cand te gandesti ca ideea i-a fost inspirata de gramezile uriase de pepeni galbeni ce-i asaltau parca simturile: "Dezgustata 137

de acesta risipa, se simti cuprinsa de o plasmuire stranie - adunati acolo intr-o masa stralucitoare de galben si auriu, pepenii nu erau cu adevarat inerti, ci ascundeau germenii unei viclenii care, scapata de sub control, ar fi putut cuceri lumea intr-o zi" . Cata fictiune si cata realitate exista in societatea bucuresteana reprezentata de Olivia Manning, cata corectitudine politica si cata autoreflexivitate constituie reprezentarile sale despre romani, este o problema asupra careia nici personalitati istorice sau diplomatice engleze nu reusesc sa cada de acord, experientele lor romanesti fiind total diferite. Astfel, profesorul Dennis Deletant care, in calitate de consultant BBC pentru serial, il contrazicea pe Horia Georgescu (pentru care trilogia era "un travesti al tarii mele si al oamenilor ei, peste care ea si-a varsat propriul venin" si care era revoltat in special din cauza obsedantelor imagini degradante ale cetelor de cersetori), raspunde: "Totusi, aceste experiente ale personajelor principale din cartea Oliviei Manning nu erau diferite de ceea ce am trait eu insumi in Bucuresti prin anii '60 si de ceea ce povesteau si alti britanici rezidenti in Bucuresti prin anii '30" . in schimb, Ivor Porter, care cunoscuse direct Bucurestiul anilor '30, si-a format o parere total contrara: "Daca nu esti roman, poate ca toate acestea nu au nici o importanta: stralucitoarele ei povestioare satirice scuza mijloacele. Puterea ei de observatie selectiva se exercita probabil mai putin fata de Romania si mai mult fata de Reggie Smith, care, reintors la Bucuresti insurat cu ea, a continuat sa doarma prin alte paturi ca si cum nu s-ar fi schimbat nimic. Antipatia ei fata de Romania reflecta vulnerabilitatea ei si resentimentele sale. ... Reactia mea fata de Bucuresti era cu totul diferita. ... in ce ma priveste, simteam plutind in aer o exuberanta si o bine venita lipsa de inhibitie" , marturisea Ivor Porter, cel care avea sa revina aici in 1943, ca membru in operatiunea "Autonomous", pentru a-si aduce firava contributie la rasturnarea regimului antonescian si instaurarea unui guvern de orientare pro-Aliata. Diplomatul britanic o cunoscuse personal pe Olivia Manning. El ii intelegea frustrarile, nu insa si antipatia nedisimulata fata de Romania: "Acum imi dau seama ca trebuie sa fi fost foarte singura, traind la marginea scenei romanesti, necunoscand, in afara de cativa membri ai coloniei britanice, decat pe acele femei bagacioase, cu minte putina, pe care le intalnisem printre mamele unora dintre studentele mele, si pe cativa pierde-vara desfranati pe care ii gasesti in orice capitala a lumii. Daca ofiterii romani pe care i-am cunoscut ar fi semanat catusi de putin cu filfizonii aia de ofiteri ai ei, nu ar fi supravietuit, doi ani mai tarziu, nici douazeci si patru de ore pe Frontul de rasarit. Sir Reginald Hoare, ministrul britanic la Bucuresti a atentionat Londra sa nu uite niciodata atunci cand trimit conferentiari la Bucuresti, ca romanii erau un popor foarte inteligent. Cu toate acestea, Olivia pare sa nu fi gasit nici un prieten roman, oricat de simplu, si tinde sa scrie istoria asa cum ii convine ei" . intr-adevar, Olivia Manning nu percepe, voit sau intamplator, Romania profunda, care, oricum nu s-ar fi putut integra in tiparul discursului balcanist, intotdeauna depreciator, dar si ostil in cazul ei. Constructia ei s-ar fi naruit daca ar fi inclus in societatea bucuresteana si elitele culturale, stiintifice, politice ori diplomatice ale Bucurestiului interbelic. Europenitatea autentica a societatii romanesti nu ar mai putut fi eludata. Chiar daca in cei aproximativ 30 de ani care au trecut de la prima schita a trilogiei si pana la publicarea ei, ar fi putut sa se documenteze pentru a lumina si aceasta parte nevazuta de ea a Bucurestiului, se pare ca nu aceasta a fost intentia autoarei. Oricum, acest Bucuresti exotic, incomprehensibil si strain de orice ii era familiar britanicului, garanta un succes de public mult mai sigur. Daca a sfarsit prin a-i intelege pe romani, declaratiile sale izolate nu vor schimba cu nimic impactul pe care trilogia l-a exercitat si continua sa-l exercite asupra britanicilor. Recunostea prea tarziu, prin 1970, faptul ca "temperamentul lor (al romanilor n.n.) adaptabil, inteligent, mistic, impresionabil, i-a mentinut de-a lungul secolelor de jug turcesc. Germanii ii gaseau de neinvins si, fara indoiala, simtul ironiei si al umorului va supravietui chiar si in conditiile de austeritate impuse de socialism" . intre timp, Trilogia Balcanica ramane un simbol al hibriditatii acestui spatiu cultural si istoric, o societate patriarhala dominata si manipulata de femei, penduland intre Orient si Balcani (cu vagi urme europene), intre feminitate senzuala si virilitatea primitiva (in aceeasi masura agresive si periculoase), intre stereotipurile "mostenite" pe linie masculina de la calatorii britanici precedenti (vezi atractia vinovata a puritanului fata de femeia care i se ofera privirii in Romania si investita cu atributele orientalitatii senzuale ) si fantasmele femeii complexate fizic si prin educatia primita. Oricat de adecvate ar fi frustrarile personale la realitatile istorice ale Bucurestiului interbelic, auto-cenzura (mai curand mimata, decat exercitiu al ratiunii dominante) nu face altceva decat sa dezvaluie intr-un mod mai subtil strategiile unui imperialism ideologic si imaginativ. 138

Note

Miruna Runcan Teatrul fata cu cenzura Motivatii, mecanisme, strategii de atac si aparare

The theatre confronted with censorship. Motivations, techniques, attack and defence strategies Abstract: The study is an anthropological approach on the relation between theatre and communist propaganda and censorship. Keywords: Romania; communism; theatre; propaganda; censorship

The study tries to make some essential distinctions concerning the relationship between theatre and its ritual roots, in terms of an anthropological approach. Seen as an experience transfer, the ritual is, from the audience's point of view, a journey to meet the sacred truth. The theatrical representation is, by contrast, a de-sacralised journey to a secured experience of being another person. That kind of difference about one's position as participant, is probably the founding stone of theatre's vulnerability towards propaganda and censorship. The second part of the study offers, in a funny way, several direct examples of tactics used by communist censors in their effort to protect propaganda discourses in theatre; and, of course, some strategies used by theatre people as responses to the censorship aggression. Un pic de antropologie: de la transferul experiential la distantarea reprezentativa si intentia propagandistica Nu cred ca cineva ar putea plasa o data precisa a aparitiei cenzurii in teatru. Pot invectivele caricaturale ale lui Aristofan la adresa lui Euripide sau Socrate sa fie interpretate ca o forma de cenzura din partea vulgului? Sau sunt ele ecoul discutiilor de culise dintre aristocrati, ori un fel de comanda expresa din partea grupurilor interesate sa anihileze (in cele din urma chiar fizic) influenta unor opinii si atitudini inconvenabile? E cert ca Republica lui Platon introduce cenzura cea mai drastica (nu numai in materie de teatru, fireste) pe usa din fata. Dar e dificil sa credem ca astfel am aflat si data de nastere a cenzurii. Mult mai devreme, Eschil insusi avusese ceva greutati, cu tot enormul sau (aproape neegalat) box office. Si, fara nici o interventie dovedita a imparatescului filozof, nici Aristofan insusi n-a scapat de scarmaneala. Or, noi ne referim la zorii teatrului cu ochii pe greci doar din trista noastra ignoranta istorica. Habar navem cum au stat lucrurile pe alte meleaguri, cata vreme, sa zicem, primele noastre date despre teatrul chinez vin abia dupa anul o mie, cu toate ca el, teatrul, pare sa fi existat deja cu secole bune inainte. Oricum, teatrul chinez clasic pastreaza amintirea unor momente de cenzura dintre cele mai atroce, si asta pe la 1200. Intregul orient cunoaste nu doar teatru "ritual" (concept la care vom reveni imediat) ci 139

si teatru laic, menit divertismentului popular, iar reprezentari grafice si plastice asupra sa putem gasi pretutindeni, chiar daca texte scrise nu avem decat din epoci relativ recente. Primul lucru pe care, cu teama dar si cu destula siguranta, il putem afirma deja este acela ca cenzura nu e -asa cum prea adesea se afirma- apanajul totalitarismelor. Adica nu e un fenomen care sa tina cu exclusivitate de un dictat discretionar cu intemeiere teologica, filozofica ori ideologica. Cenzura e, mai-nainte de toate, un consens comunicational care are in vedere portretul robot, imaginar fireste, al destinatarului, al publicului sau audientei, cum vreti sa-i spunem. Acest consens comunicational se stabileste intre cei care administreaza si difuzeaza puterea, si se refera la obturarea -in anumite proportii si conform anumitor reguli- a schimbului liber de mesaje intre emitatorii delegati de comunitate si destinatarii lor. Mi se pare ca, oricat de incapatanati si entuziasti partizani ai democratiei am fi, ar fi o minciuna sfruntata sa nu recunoastem ca nu numai puterile discretionare uzeaza de acest consens, ci si cele democratic delegate. Daca e adevarat (si desigur, pare mai degraba o conventie a culturii scrise) ca democratia s-a nascut in Grecia, atunci, printr-o conventie similara, putem admite ca si cenzura teatrala si-a pus aici cele dintai marci palpabile. Ceea ce nu-i nici pe departe o demontratie a tezei de mai sus, ci doar o exemplificare a ei. Cred ca lucrurile ar trebui privite insa cu o oarecare detasare istorica, atata vreme cat ceea ce ne intereseaza cu adevarat pe noi azi nu e -cred eu - sa stabilim in ce circumstante precise, spatiotemporale, a aparut cenzura in teatru, ci care ar fi motivatiile adanci ale aparitiei ei inlauntrul comunitatilor omenesti care admit si produc comunicare teatrala. Conceptul cel mai sensibil in aceasta privinta este acela, atat de des folosit in secolul care tocmai a trecut, de "teatru ritual". Cred ca, in pofida tuturor bunelor intentii si pulsiunilor romantice, toate acele tipuri de manifestari "artistice" pe care antropologii si esteticienii sfarsitului de secol XIX si inceputului de secol XX le-au catalogat drept teatru cu functie rituala nu au, in fond, nici o legatura de substanta cu teatrul. Cum am mai argumentat si in alta parte,1 teatrul ca atare, si in cultura europeana veche si in alte culturi unde exista sau a existat, nu a luat fiinta decat printr-o ruptura neta fata de sacru, si ca atare fata de ritual. Din tensiunea de dupa ruptura cu ritualul nu a ramas decat ambianta ceremoniala, retorica unor comportamente sociale, si raportul -mai mult sau mai putin intercooperantdintre reprezentare (si reprezentatori) si comunitatea reunita in postura de audienta (publicuri). Desigur, orice ritual asumat de o comunitate umana are o anume dramaturgie, continand simultan o structura narativa si o investitie actantiala la nivel verbal si gestual, mai stricta sau mai disponibila in raport cu improvizatia. Desigur, putem vorbi, printrun soi de transfer metaforic, de scenariul unei liturghii sau al unei sedinte samanice. Fireste ca orice ritual are nevoie de o anume punere in scena, de un decor fix sau mobil, de o "interpretare" retorica, gestuala si muzicala menita sa intensifice dramaturgia si sa creeze in oficiant transa, iar in destinatar senzatia complexa, emotional-cognitiva, de asumare, de coparticipare autentica. Numai ca aceste similitudini structurale cu teatrul ale "obiectului" observatiilor si investigatiilor noastre de cercetatori ai ritualului sufera de un defect funciar. in raport cu destinatarul adevarat, care nu e in nici un caz cercetatorul, ritualul e o intilnire cu sacrul: una mediata de oficiant/oficianti, desigur, dar nu mai putin adevarata, incontestabila, profunda si instantanee. intreaga comunitate tungusa se primeneste cu saptamani inainte de ceremoniile anuale ale renului sacru, sa zicem; si participa la construirea, in prealabil, a decorului. Iar samanul are sarcina de a indica pozitia precisa a elementelor de recuzita, care sunt, fiecare in parte, investite cu siprit (cu functie) si intra astfel in jocul sacralizarii. Functiile lor sunt nu doar simbolice, ci si vii, efectele lor asupra samanului, ca si asupra oricaruia dintre participantii la ritual, sunt imprevizibile si fara temen de gratie. Suspiciunea cocheta (la randul ei livresca) cum ca Platon ar fi fost un initiat eleusinic, de exemplu, e dintre cele mai putin probabile, tocmai in raport cu analiza directa a textelor sale. Ea a plecat de la pseudomitul "varstelor" si de la "poemul" pesterii, organizat asemanator unui mister. Dar, in raport cu preferintele si recomandarile "artistice" ale maestrului (cu muzicile sale eroice de fanfara si legendele sale spartaniforme, indemnandu-i pe tineri la sacrificiu de sine si moralitate ascetica), pseudomitul se dovedeste o alegorie mai degraba stangace, iar revelatia "misterului" pesterii mai degraba o vulgarizare intelectuala a unor ritualuri povestite la mana a doua sau a treia. Ce au toate astea cu cenzura ? Mai intai de toate, e de subliniat ca in chestiuni de ritualistica nu ne vom intalni cu cenzura. Modificarile si interdictiile nu pot aparea decat fie in situatiile in care institutiile 140

sacre se hipercentralizeaza pentru ca acopera supracomunitati (regiuni vaste, state nou create, imperii: administratia difuzand structurile religioase oficiale si interzicand ori sufocand ideologic cultele locale); fie in acelea in care oficiantul/oficiantii intra, dintr-un motiv sau altul, palpabil, demonstrabil la nivelul logicii interne a imaginarului colectiv, in conflict cu comunitatea in ansamblul ei. Actul ritual este un act de transfer experiential, el mediaza simbolic dar si efectiv intre divinitate/divinitati si comunitate. Reprezentarea mitului, dramaturgia etc. nu sunt decat vehicule si nimic mai mult, in demersul reantalnirii reglatoare si autentice cu divinul. Decorul si instrumentele au ambivalenta nestirbita a obiectului real (toba, blana de animal, crengi de copac,masti, figurine, apa de izvor etc.) si a obiectului emanator de energie vie, sacra. Or, in conditii de comunicare si existenta normale, cenzura nu poate sa apara in materie de ritual decat daca intervine o suspiciune majora, impartasita de ansamblul comunitatii, in legatura cu buna si completa eficacitate a transferului. Si, chiar si aici, e greu de imaginat ca cineva, fie puterea prin sefii administrativi, fie ea prin forta comunitatii insesi, poate cenzura actul ritualic. Un saman sau un preot pot fi inlaturati, exilati, ucisi, etc.; un ritual nu poate fi interzis, sau fragmentat in mod efectiv, cata vreme el e investit de catre intreaga comunitate cu sarcina de a ordona dezordinea. E necesara o interventie exterioara si in forta (o alta populatie care cucereste, ori presiunea intercomunitara in cazul circulatiei libere si accelerate intre comunitati diverse), spre a se aduce modificari de substanta si de forma asupra unui ritual cu functii identitare si structura dramatica inradacinate. Cat despre teatru si teatralitate, aici lucrurile sunt complet diferite, daca nu chiar opuse. Teatrul exista ca atare doar in masura in care s-a desprins complet si definitiv de investitia sa de transfer existential efectiv in raport cu sacrul. intregul sau sistem de functionare se bazeaza pe aceasta ruptura si se hraneste, intr-o oarecare masura, din ea. Teatrul nu e obligatoriu in raport cu comunitatea, el e o comnunicare fara imperativul comuniunii. Iata un lucru care ii confera, simultan, si demnitatea sa libertara in raport cu persoana, dar si suspiciunea de simulacru in raport cu comunitatea. De aici si "indracirea" sa funciara, despre care vorbea Alexandru Dabija2 si la care m-am referit mai pe larg intrun studiu anterior3. Teatrul se naste, deci, ca o mutatie brutala de la transferul experiential al individului si comunitatii in raport cu sacrul, efectuat prin ritual, la investitia de exemplaritate efectuata prin reprezentare. Cele doua tipuri de experienta sunt asemanatoare, pot coexista, se pot refuza una pe cealalta, in nici un caz nu sunt echivalente. Nu e, din aceasta perspectiva, deloc de mirare ca, pentru destule tipuri de culturi, teatrul, chiar tolerat, e considerat impur, periculos, damnat. Alte culturi pur si simplu il desfid, il considera manifestare diabolica si-l interzic. O maimutarire a intruparii prin reprezentare, prin simulare, difuzand identitatea separata de sacru dar si identicul, care e dusmanul simultan atat al comunitatii cat si al sacrului4. Teatrul e comunicare tocmai in conditia sa cu temei laic, iar destinatarul mesajului sau, in intreaga sa sincretica alcatuire, este o fiinta (individuala si/sau colectiva) care isi asuma conditia securizata de participant la posibil, nu la adevarat. La exemplar, nu la inevitabil. Cand zeita, razbunatoare sau pacifica, pogora "cu harzobul din cer" (romanescu atat de plastic pentru "deus ex machina", complet golit in uz, astazi, de incarcatura sa semnificativa autentica), spectatorul atenian se cutremura de spaima si deliciu, imaginarul sau isi excita violent placerea identificarii cu soarta cruda a eroului. Dar nici o clipa el, spectatorul, nu avea naivitatea de a crede ca actorul e zeita insasi. Logica lui "ca si cum" e, in fond, si o prelungire dar si o negatie a logicii lui "trebuie": pentru aceasta din urma, individual dar si colectiv, masca samanica il anihileaza pe saman ca persoana fizica, pentru a-l lasa locuit de spiritul care l-a luat in stapanire. Spiritul e acolo, in masca, a fost invocat si, cu toata spaima pe care ti-o provoaca, stii ca a venit. Teatrul nu maimutareste ci , intr-un fel, amana indefinit intalnirea cu sacrul, in timp ce, de ambele parti ale scenei, atat pentru reprezentare cat si pentru audienta, comunicarea teatrala se nutreste - si nu e posibila decat cu- nostalgia sacrului. Or, acestea fiind zise, cata vreme comunicarea teatrala e una facultativa si provocatoare de bucurii ori spaime securizate, suspiciunea asupra-i e mereu intemeiata. Oare cele spuse sau reprezentate scenic nu contrazic ordinea religioasa admisa ? Oare nu-i ofenseaza pe zei ( ulterior pe Dumnezeu) ? Oare cele reprezentate, care se joaca atat de lesne cu afectele si ideile noastre, individuale si de grup, sunt in acord cu normele comunitare, ori le contrazic? De aici si regulile aristotelice care - mult mai blande si mai liberale decat interdictele nete ale lui Platon-, tind sa normeze nu doar "frumosul teatral" ca atare, 141

ci chiar sa ofere un substitut moral pentru transa extatica, acum secularizata: catharsisul. De aici mai departe, jocul permis-intezis poate incepe, cata vreme nu vom avea niciodata un acord deplin asupra naturii si structurii "reprezentarii". Fiindca ea e acum, si la nivelul emisiei si la acela al interpretarii de catre destinatar, libera si libertara, ambigua, neinvestita cu asumarea de adevar incontestabil si de neocolit. Ritualul nu era securizat, era profund primejdios; in el putea interveni orice soi de efect direct al divinului, benefic sau malefic; in schimb, participantul nu era chinuit de dubii cu privire la legitimitatea unei reprezentari sau alteia. Pe cand aici, cind efectele sunt desacralizate, ele ating convingerile si comportamentele; care sunt masurabile in bune si rele, in adecvate si inadecvate, in sanatoase si nesanatoase in raport cu traditiile comunitare si cu institutiile de putere si/sau religioase, cu normele familiale s.a.m.d. Teatrul este, deci, chiar inainte de a fi o arta cu adevarat populara, simultan generator de propaganda si trisand critic fata de aceasta, ca atare disponibil si mereu supus cenzurii. Logodna eterna dintre propaganda si cenzura. Mecanisme de supraveghere textuala Nu e o mare noutate sa afirmi ca relatia dintre propaganda si cenzura e una biunivoca. in fond, si maruntul nostru exemplu referitor la artele ingaduite in lumea exemplar-utopica a lui Platon nu face decat sa fixeze aceasta dependenta si sa puna involuntar in evidenta mecanismul ei. S-a insistat foarte mult, in timp, asupra faptului ca, in exercitarea cenzurii, perspectiva puterii asupra destinatarului de discurs, mai ales in cazul discursurilor cu valoare de reprezentare asumata cum este cel oferit de produsele artelor clasice, este una infantilizanta. Detinatorul/detinatorii puterii, care e in mod necesar si un ordonator, un diriguitor al drepturilor si raspunderilor sociale, in dorinta sa fireasca de conservare a structurilor stabile, isi imagineaza propria sa/lor relatie cu subiectii exercitiului puterii nu numai ca pe o relatie de subordonare. Ci si ca pe una didactica, impartasindu-le ceea ce e bine sa stie, incurajand ceea ce e oportun sa-i bucure si, in consecinta fireasca, automata, oprind acele discursuri si mesaje pe care le considera provocatoare de dezordine mentala si sociala. Publicurile nu ar putea intelege sau, asemenea imaturilor, ar intelege deviat, pervertindu-si dezvoltarea "normala". Nu vreau sa pretind acum ca o asemenea prozitionare a puterii, pe un mecanism simplu de tip parental, e incorecta; ci doar ca, si teatrul european ne-o dovedeste adesea, ea se aplica cantitativ si calitativ cu mai mare acuitate in acele tipuri de culturi structurate pe un sistem de simbolizare foarte strict, cu codificari sociale si religioase complexe si precise, fixate in perioade indelungate; potrivindu-se mult mai diferentiat si mai subtil dinamicii de evolutie a culturii de tip iudeo-crestin, in care imaginarul e mereu - inca de la inceputuri- prins in jocul dialectic de negociere a conditiei individuale in raport cu conditia comunitara. intr-o lume in care, pe suprafata a doua milenii, salvarea (religioasa si sociala) e funciarmente si in mod explicit una personala, mecanismele de discurs ale puterii in raport cu cele ale subiectilor exercitiului puterii sunt mereu redefinite si reorientate, din pricina unei mereu sporite rezistente in fata "logicii deontice", in fata codificarilor lui "trebuie". E, de altfel, si motivul pentru care numai civilizatia noastra, din ratiuni culturale intrinseci, are o asemenea consecventa obsesie in raport cu cenzura, si a reusit sa secreteze asemenea anticorpi in raport cu propaganda. Numai ca, in teatrul european, logica lui permis vs interzis are, la randul ei, o dinamica diferita de cea a comunicarii prin discurs strict politic ori ideologic, dar profund diferita si de cea a "discursului ideilor generale", filozofice ori stiintifice. Ea depinde de si se pune in functiune in raport cu structuri de reprezentare sociale si personale compacte, ample, angajand pe de-o parte stereotipii (in limbaj clasic tipologii) destul de precise, de eroi si situatii. Iar pe de alta parte angajand structuri de verosimilitate ale cotidianului care functioneaza ca traductori pentru exemplar. Eroul dilematic, o inventie a modernitatii revendicata de romantici si creind traditie de la ei incoace, se asimileaza in logica receptarii teatrale numai in momentul si doar in masura in care miza pe individualizarea acuta a sistemelor de vietuire urbana a reusit sa creeze, la nivelul mentalitatilor, fagas pentru iluzia schizoida a salvarii printr-o aparenta oglindire. "Eroul e cel cu care ma identific ca aspiratie exemplara" se inlocuieste cu "Eroul e cel cu care ma identific pentru ca mi se aseamana situational". E si motivul pentru care numai foarte tarziu, si doar in situatii speciale, publicurile teatrale valorizeaza negativ cenzura. In lumea spectacolului de orice fel, piata cererii e cea mai drastica forma de cenzura. 142

De exemplu. Daca urmarim cu atentie momentele de puternic reviriment postrenascentist/ baroc al reprezentatiei teatrale, vom observa ca, in toate centrele europene de mare productivitate (Anglia elisabetana, Franta lui Ludovic al XIV-lea, Italia - si mai ales Venetia- preiluminista, Spania in secolul sau "de aur"), divertismentul burghez care e teatrul e asumat aproape frenetic de inalta aristocratie. Si asta nu numai pentru ca, in mod natural, noile coordonate ale "cultivarii" aristocratice ajung sa se logodeasca temporar cu o anume parte a sistemelor de reprezentare comunitare, care isi gasesc expresia in teatru. Ci si, intr-o masura suficient de simptomatica, pentru ca tocmai caracterul popular si receptarea aparent masificata a spectacolului teatral sunt percepute de aristocratii (iar de unii suverani in mod aproape nemijlocit) drept mecanisme educationale, mai brutal spus propagandistice. E si motivul pentru care, de mai bine de patru sute de ani incoace, mitul burghez de legitimare a teatralitatii prin educatie ("teatrul e o scoala", spunem noi, de la Vacarescu incoace) nu inceteaza, exasperant, sa-si faca simtita prezenta. E suficient sa privim cu atentie texte dintre cele mai populare, bine primite si curat asumate de comanditarii lor: ciclul istoric-national al lui Shakespeare, militand, adesea prin siluirea brutala a datelor istorice concrete, pentru un anume eroism justitiar si punand lumina buna pe personajele legate prin sange sau prin alinate cu regina, spre a le matura cu cruzime, in portrete de neuitat, pe cele inconvenabile. Micii nobili pacatosi si "burghezii gentilomi" avant la lettre, de ale caror galimatii pompoase sunt pline comediile si chiar dramele cele mai complexe: si care avertizeaza prin ridicol asupra pericolului transgresiunii sociale. Ba chiar retetele de buna casatorie, atat de insistent si (psihanalitic) subtil puse in pagina, unele chiar comandate cu tinta clara, spre a corecta deviatiile de comprtament sexual normat ale unei curti din ce in ce mai putin dispuse sa ia in serios convenientele stricte, traditionale. E exagerat, oare, sa privim toate aceste elemente ca pe niste vectori propagandistici ? Poate ca da, atata vreme cat nu avem suficiente marturii asupra unor comenzi ferme si de durata, programatice. Si totusi, privind lucrurile cu ochi comparatistic, trebuie sa recunoastem din proprie experienta ca, cel putin in campul expresiei teatrale, "comanda pietei" si "comanda propagandistica" se aliaza mult mai usor si mult mai stabil decat, sa zicem, in camp filozofic sau chiar in cel al poeziei lirice.Si asta, in primul rand, pentru ca aici interpretarea reactiva a destinatarului e una spontana, accelerata major de empatia perceptiei directe si de actul de receptare colectiv. Si atunci, recunoscand cu curaj faptul ca teatrul e un tip de comunicare artisitica porfund supus cerintelor egalizatoare ale receptarii colective, si prin asta nu numai modelor, cum bine zice Brook5, ci si ideologizarilor si porpagandei de orice fel, cum de intervine cenzura, si de ce atat de vizibil? Raspunsul nu e nici unul univoc, nici unul definitiv. Explicatiile de natura socio-politica se combina foarte rafinat cu cele care privesc nemijlocit constructiile psihocognitive ale imaginarului. Daca e sa privim cazurile celebre ale teatrului clasic, trebuie sa citim in marile "scandaluri" de cenzura teatrala ale barocului pe de-o parte semnalele simptomatice ale unei crize sociale si morale, manifeste sau in stare potentiala (cum e, sa zicem, situatia lui Tartuffe); dar, pe de alta parte, trebuie sa recunoastem si o anume disfunctionalitate intre discursul scenic si asteptarile de reprezentare ale publicurilor, care sunt din start diferentiate: cele ale aristocratiei (deloc dispusa sa se lase scuturata metafizic de Dom Juan, sau scarmanata moral de Mizantropul), si cele ale burgheziei care contempla si aspira la schimbarea sa de conditie (pentru care, in fond, Dom Juan e mai degraba o poveste cu strigoi, iar Mizantropul un fel de Dallas cu exces de tirade academice). E, aici, un mecanism de coniventa destul de suspecta, si care trebuie sa ne dea de gandit: la urma urmelor, reprezentatia teatrala a fost, in toate momentele sale de maxima inflorire burgheza, (si sper ca se intelege ca folosesc termenul in sensul lui sociologic-urban, nu in cel marxist), echivalent in functii cu televiziunea de azi: spatiu de distractie preferat, dar si de dezbatere publica securizata. Cenzurarea "scandaloasa", de catre putere (fie ea religioasa, seculara, sau ambele) a unor texte dramatice prin interdictia de reprezentare (si uneori chiar de publicare) se petrece de cele mai multe ori, pana in zorii secolului al XIX-lea, cu acordul tacit al publicului "popular". Mai mult decat atat. Ar fi cazul sa privim cu destula suspiciune chiar dezbaterile academice de tip critic in materie de teatru: fiindca, sub normativele lor stilistic-constructive, (cum sa-i concuram si sa-i depasim pe "grecii cei antici", vorba poetului, cum sa-i respectam pe cei care cunosc si aplica regulile aristoteliene, cum sa preferam tragedia comediei, care e un gen vadit inferior, etc.) mecanismul de 143

nefracturat propaganda-cenzura ne apare adesea cu destula claritate. Iar, in aceasta privinta, clasicismul francez ofera exemple dintre cele mai transparente. Din pacate spatiul nu-mi ingaduie aici sa dezvolt ideea, dar voi reveni curand asupra rolului propagandistic-cenzorial al criticii in randurile de mai jos. Strategii de atac direct si de atac prin invaluire ale cenzorului. Rolul criticii in actele de cenzura teatrala Fara pretentia de a acoperi aici diversitatea, greu de cuprins, a strategiilor utilizate de cenzori in raport cu actul teatral, voi incerca, cu riscul de a produce un soi de ruptura aparenta fata de capitolele anterioare, sa schitez o tipologie minimala, exemplificand-o, atunci cand memoria ma ajuta. Cum bine stim, inca din secolul al XVII-lea, primele forme de cenzura institutionalizata laica (concutand-o si inlocuind-o in forta pe cea religioasa) isi fac aparitia. Cum lucreaza ele ? Cea dintai si cea mai cunoscuta, fiindca e directa si neta, e interdictia de reprezentare (si publicare cand e cazul) a unui text in ansamblul sau. Fireste, motivatiile declarate ale puterii pot fi multiple, de la lezarea valorilor religios-morale ale ansamblului comunitatii, la atingerea adusa ordinii sociale sau intereselor de grup. Ideologiile isi spun cuvantul din ce in ce mai ferm in secolul XIX si in cel de curand incheiat, in care dicatatul institutional se casatoreste frenetic cu serbarile populare. Vrafuri de carti puse pe foc in piata publica si piese interzise in stadiul de manuscris, de volum publicat, de prereprezentatie, liste cu autori interzisi, biblioteci cu rafturi golite si cu depozite strict supravegheate, toate astea ne sunt bine cunoscute, si -oricata oroare ne-ar crea, au devenit deja imagini banalizate.Organismele de cenzura isi traiesc acum momentul de glorie institutionala, iar in teatru (cel putin in cel romanesc, dar nici pe alaturea lucrurile nu sunt net diferite) rezistenta fatisa si de durata, opozitia asumata sau samizdatul nu sunt nici pe departe atat de frecvente ca in literatura nondramatica. Cu cat lucrurile se indrepta catre totalitarismul contemporan, cu atat sistemele de cenzura se profesionalizeaza si se amplifica. Treptat cenzura e efectuata de "specialisti", unii dintre ei improvizati si gaunosi, altii intelectuali subtiri, care o practica din convingere sau din oportunism, capabili sa argumenteze inainte de-a taia in carne vie, cu motivatii dintre cele mai complexe, ideologic si stilistic totodata. Acum, mai precis de la nazism incoace, cu o exuberanta si bizantina dezvoltare in comunism, ne vom intilni mult mai frecvent cu cenzura in text. Asta inseamna ca textul, ca dat definitiv, de autor, se "lucreaza", fie de buna voie, cu cenzorul alaturi (fie el un functionar propriu-zis, al institutiei abilitate, fie el un redactor, ori un producator delegat). Sau, daca aparitia textului dramatic e una suficient de rapida pentru ca timpii de prelucrare cenzoriala sa fi fost sariti, asupra lui se opereaza taieturi directe, in faza finala, a avanpremierelor "vizionare". De cele mai multe ori, taieturile (uneori scene intregi, alteori doar replici), au caracter de dictat; ori/ori, ori esti de acord cu taietura, ori iti asumi oprirea spectacolului si, implicit, trecerea pe lista suspectilor ori recalcitrantilor. Slabe sanse sa mai ai, ca autor dramatic, vreo solicitare, daca te revolti. In plus, sistemul centralizat de achizitii ale textelor dramatice (prin organisme de tipul directiei teatrelor din ministerele culturii, sau artelor, dupa caz, ori de tipul fondurilor literare ale "uniunii de creatie") face ca supravegherea conformitatii textului cu linia propagandistica sa fie, simultan, si o chestiune cu repercusiuni economice: un text nonconform, sau semnalat ca "nelucrat" de catre cenzori e unul imposibil de achizitionat. Dar nu e sanatos sa ne facem iluzii: si azi rescrierile succesive, cu privirea editorului si/sau producatorului peste umar, in democratiile cele mai consecvente, contin adesea intentii cenzoriale dintre cele mai insidioase. Pe de-o parte presiunile politicului sunt insa acolo mai putin evidente, pe de alta parte "colaborarea" persuaziva a cenzorului, care nu se considera cenzor ci specialist sau om de afaceri, e mult mai subtila, mai rafinata. Dar, una peste alta, cenzura exista si azi: trebuie sa sti s-o recunosti, fiindca e mai vicleana, si sa ai forta sa te iei cu ea de piept. Aici e si avantajul, ca poate fi infranta fatis si nici nu te pune nimeni pe lista neagra. in totalitarism nu sunt cenzurati numai dramaturgii vii, si nici doar operele nou aparute. Sunt susceptibile de cenzura in text toate tipurile de piese de teatru, cu osebire insa cele mai apropiate in timp (de aici si esopismul mereu mai stratificat al utilizarii textelor clasice, in speranta ca Shakespeare nu poate fi cenzurat, dar poate fi facut in schimb sa vorbeasca in numele contemporaneitatii). Cu titlu 144

de exemplu comic-grotesc, imi amintesc de o reprezentare nevinovata a Jocului de-a vacanta, intr-o perioada tensionata a teatrului din Brasov, inceputul anilor '80. De vreun an eram bombardati psihic de prezenta, in calitate de cenzor sef local (secretar judetean cu propaganda) a ulterior celebrului tovaras Dulea: persoana altminteri cu morga de intelectual subtire, vorbind doua limbi si mare amator de "arta contemporana". Nu rata nici o vizionare, incercuit de un amplu cor de "specialisti" din aparatul local. Tocmai se razboise luni intregi cu o inscenare periculoasa din dramaturgia de ultima ora, la care voi reveni ulterior. in cazul Jocului de-a vacanta, reverie mai degraba romantioasa si fara nici o primejdie ideologica, cui sa-i vina in cap sa taie ceva? Si totusi. Si totusi, spre a-si dovedi zelul, sefa Comitetului de cultura (pana atunci o biata invatatoare ajunsa in post mare, cu comportament de bunicuta-gospodina, deloc pusa pe cenzura) propune ingrijorata taiere unei replici din actul II: Maiorul se plange ca nu mai poate asculta radioul, ca e rupt de lume, ca, in fine, "Poate-a cazut guvernul!" Ordinul cade scurt: se scoate! "Bine, dar asta e o piesa interbelica", se jeluie regizorul,"la noi nu poate cadea guvernul !" "Lasati, stim noi, e mai bine sa nu se interpreteze!" raspunde ferm blanda culturnica, sufocata de emotia datoriei implinite. Treptat, in ultimele decenii ale comunismului, odata cu mutatia profunda de accent dinspre text spre regie, strategiile de discurs ale punerii in scena creaza, cum bine se stie, produc un text imbogatit, structurat pe nivele multiple de interpretare; si, din pricina asta, mult mai dificil de supravegheat in ansamblul de semnificatii degajate. E momentul aparitiei unei reactii naturale de raspuns din partea cenzorilor, si astfel se dezvolta cenzura regiei si chiar cea a scenografiei. Obiecul scenic, dincolo de calitatile sale functionale directe, are o puternica incarcatura simbolica, imaginea de ansamblu sau o portiune din ea pot fi incarcate cu conotatii multiple, dintre care unele capabile contrazic textul literar, sau il proiecteaza intr-o dimensiune hermeneutica, mai mult sau mai putin vizibila, dar total nebanuita pina atunci. Trebuie s-o recunoastem, sarcina cenzorilor de dupa anii saptezeci s-a ingreunat simtitor, si adesea multe mesaje subversive (ori doar resimtite ca atare) ne-au facut sa fraternizam, de-o parte si de alta a oglindei scenei, "impotriva lor" (a regimului, fireste). E, in fond, in buna masura, o splendida iluzie a ambilor participanti la comunicarea teatrala, aceea de a cadea conventional de acord asupra unor semnificatii mascate, si a-si produce pe aceasta cale un doi de catharsis jurstificativ, simuland opozitia. Functia aceasta eliberatoare are o intemeiere preponderent morala, si ea trebuie , in viitor, bine analizata atat in linie pur comunicationala cant si psihologica. De data asta, in chestiuni de scenografie si regie, ochiul cenzorului si puterea sa de interpretare trebuiau sa fie foarte ascutite. Si, mai ales, sa stie sa puna in balanta propriile mecanisme ale imaginarului, "presupunand" si anticipand nu doar reactiile potentiale ale publicurilor, ci si (functionari cu alti functionari drept sefi), reactiile "autoritatilor de partid si de stat" superioare. Or, uneori puteai avea sansa sa intalnesti, in comisia de vizionare, un sir compact de ignoranti lipsiti de imaginatie. Si te bucurai ca i-ai pacalit. Alteori, unul mai simpatic, sau mai dornic de mici amicitii cu artistii, iti facea subtil cu ochiul ca, vezi Doamne, pe el nu l-ai pacalit, dar fraierii ailalti n-au priceput si merge si-asa. Cel mai rau era, insa, cand haita venea gata speriata: cand cineva tradase, pusese gaz pe foc, sau "informase" ca se pregateste o lovitura. Atunci, toti tampitii aceia, alminteri incapabili sa citeasca mai mult decat meniul de restaurant, se aruncau furiosi sa interpreteze subtilitati, se intreceau, ca la ogarii dupa coada de iepure, sa gaseasca dinamita pitita in imagini, gesturi, comentarii muzicale, obiecte scenice. Si se puneau pe executii. Au facut legenda, in aceasta privinta, destule spectacole, incepand cu marea cadere sub cutit nu doar a Revizorului lui Gogol, pus de Ciulei la Bulandra, ci a intregii echipe manageriale a teatrului. in privinta asta vechimea, calitatea si sensurile literare ale textului devin de-a dreptul indiferente. Spectacolele in ansamblul sunt lor calul de bataie, punerea in scena e cuiul lui Pepelea, fie ca-i vorba de vreun Ionescu, de vreun Shakespeare, de vreun Mazilu, de Erdman ori de Genet, sau de - mereu cenzuratul, de o suta cincizeci de ani- Suhovo-Kobilin. Textele romanesti se inlantuie aici, uneori fara nici o vina, (fiindca numai regia le-a scos inaintea cutitului de macelar) intr-o dezordine istorica si valorica ametitoare. in devalmasie, sunt cezurate spaimatic o gramada de spectacole dupa Caragiale, dupa Camil Petrescu, dar si dupa Baiesu (de inteles), dar si dupa Sorescu (greu, foarte greu iesite unele la rampa), dar si dupa (cine s-ar fi gandit!?!) Tudor Popescu, comediograf lucrand ani de zile la Era socialista. Cel mai amuzant azi, - si mai dificil 145

de explicat celor care nu au trait acele vremuri- e ca unele dintre cele mai mari scandaluri de cenzura regizorala au aparut la cateva texte de D.R.Popescu (Balconul, Acesti ingeri tris t in anii '70, Omul de cenusa si, mai ales, Mormantul calaretului avar in deceniul urmator) si unul al lui.Paul Anghel ( Regele descult, piesa de comanda din seria dedicata lui Burebista: va mai amintiti, "2050 de ani de unitate nationala", etc. Pus de.-hai ca acum se explica ceva- Mircea Daneliuc la Bulandra si niciodata iesit la public). Or, stim bine, ambii autori apartineau varfului ierarhiei de partid, cel dintaii redactor sef de reviste culturale si presedinte al Uniunii scriitorilor, cel de-al doilea eminenta cenusie a nationalismului protocronist din curtea comitetului central. Bine, bine, dar tot niste artisti, suspecti in cele din urma: ba chiar unii "rau interpretati" de regizorii care i-au pus in scena. Or, aici, o atentie foarte speciala trebuie acordata criticii. Mult mai prezenta si oarecum mai bine orchestrata decat astazi, critica teatrala - altminteri una aproape exclusiv de intampinare la noi - a avut si ea ceva de spus in raport cu cenzura, mai ales cu cea de regie si scenografie, si mai ales dupa declinul proletcultismului. Cum bine se stie, conclavul criticilor de teatru a fost si este unul restrans si destul de pestrit. Dupa o miscare aparent spontana de profesionalizare relativa, petrecuta in ultima parte a anilor '50, si care consolideaza, prin dezbatere publica, bazele modernitatii "teatralizante" in spatiul romanesc, critica de teatru devine relativ solidara cu lumea producatorilor de spectacol, chiar daca discursurile evaluatoare emanate de ea raman, cu cateva exceptii notabile, mai degraba trairiste si superficiale. insa aceasta solidarizare, fie ea si de gust, e doar una aparenta. (Problemei i s-au dedicat deja cateva studii, dar o cercetare istorica, politologica si de mentalitati ar trebui odata si odata inceputa temeinic, si mai ales dusa pana la capat. De catre cine, oare?) Criticul de intampinare vietuieste, de cele mai multe ori, ca ziarist angajat al unei publicatii. Toate publicatiile sunt controlate (fie de la centru, cum e cazul ziarelor mari in ultimele doua decenii de comunism, fie de organismele locale de propaganda). Or, chiar dincolo de contorsionatele conflicte de putere din randul minusculului conclav al criticilor de teatru, ziartistul e silit, la greu, sa execute neclintit directivele angajatorului sai: care e, in cele din urma, partidul. Chiar daca situatiile de infierare, dirijata si sistematica , din proletcultism, nu par sa se mai repete vizibil dupa anii '65, si deci sunt putine cazuri de campanie de presa impotriva spectacolelor ca atare (sustinand adica cenzura de regie), nu se poate afirma ca tacerea, fie si jenata, asupra cenzurii fatise nu e, totusi, o forma de colaborationism a criticilor cu actul cenzorial. Un colaborationism prin eschiva, fireste, greu de penalizat, dar nu mai putin eficient. Si mai subtil, critica, prin vocile unora dintre autoritatile ei incontestabile (estetice si totodata de partid), poate produce o forma mult mai rar cercetata de cenzura: cenzura directionata. Impotrivirea la si executarea rapida -cu argumente academico-estetice de cele mai multe ori - a unei directie de evolutie spectacologica sau alteia, a productiilor unui regizor sau altuia, a opiniilor si perspectivelor de abordare iesite din rand, dinlauntrul lumii criticilor, au uneori, si au avut cel putin la noi, in cateva semnificative cazuri, motivatii de natura politica; au functionat in ultima instanta ca cenzura. Chiar autorul acestor randuri ar avea ceva istorii personale de povestit in aceasta privinta, insa povestile care nu il cuprind i se par totdeauna mai legitime decat cele l-ar putea avea ca personaj. Strategii de aparare voluntara si tactici spontane de raspuns ale teatratorului Una dinte strategiile de aparare impotriva cenzurii in teatru, despre care am vorbit deja si careia i s-a acordat suficient interes descriptiv si analitic pana acum, e stratificarea simbolica a discursului regizoral. Despre esopismul complex, capabil sa stabileasca, mai ales in ultimele doua decenii dinaintea revolutiei, un soi de solidaritate interpretativa intre producatorii de spectacol si spectatori, s-a scris substantial6, punandu-i-se in lumina si resursele, si rolul benefic dar si efectele de lung blocaj stilistic si comunicational in clipa cand barierele cenzurii au cazut. E si pricina pentru care nu voi insista aici asupra ei, oprindu-ma la alte cateva, mai degraba tehnice. intr-o scurta enumerare si cu cateva inevitabile exemple, ca si pana acum mai putin cunoscute. Apararea prin scaderea intensitatii, sau tehnica surdinei: atunci cand unui text si/sau unui spectacol i se reproseaza o anume directionare periculoasa a semnificatiilor, regizorul sau producatorul "colaboreaza" prin cedarea aparenta a unor elemente concrete, care sunt fie eliminate, fie, de cele mai multe ori, spre a nu stirbi unitatea semnificatiei, "micsorand vizibilitatea". Tehnicile de negociere sunt 146

aici la mare pret, si stratagemele de "captatio benevolentie" dintre cele mai iezuite. De exemplu: intr-un spectacol pe punctul de a fi oprit cu O scrisoare pierduta (Brasov-1979, regia Mircea Marin, scenografia Paul Bortnovschi), lumea carageliana era vazuta ca un imens si bine orchestrat stat politienesc. Decorul construit al casei lui Tipatescu cuprindea un numar semnificativ de alveole-odai, vizibile sau ascunse, pline de gauri de suprveghere in pereti, ferestruici, usite secrete, etc. La etaj, o minuscula baie. in actul intai, intrarea lui Catavencu avea loc cu o scena inainte de cea efectiva din text: acesta era adus de Pristanda direct de la arest, fara sireturi si fara curea, si ascuns de ochii prefectului in baie. El era pus acolo sa astepte de-a lungul intregii scene patetice de negociere ZoeTipatescu, sezand, fireste, pe scaunul de portelan. in actul al treilea, cel al intrunirii, Catavencu isi facea intrarea la tribuna infasurat, ca Romania lui Rosenthal, in steagul tricolor. Hazul ambelor scene era enorm, forta de semnificatie impresionanta; scandalizarea organismelor de cenzura, in ambele momente, pe masura. Dupa ore de pertractari, la a doua vizionare, solutia negociata si in cele din urma admisa (spre a salva spectacolul de la interzicere) a fost , pentru prima aparitie a lui Catavencu, neasezarea sa pe WC (acesta urmand sa se plimbe furios prin cabina, ca un leu in cusca. Fireste ca de la al treilea spectacol cu public actorul a revenit la indicatia regizorala initiala. Iar in situatia discursului electoral, s-a renuntat la steag, acesta fiind inlocuit cu cocarde tricolore, infoiate ca niste imense, varzoase, flori de nunta. Numai ca, acum, regizorul si scenograful dotasera toate personajele prezente la intrunire cu grotestile flori tricolore. Tehnica surdinei se dovedea o pacaleala sfruntata. Apararea prin reductie intensificatoare: cenzura dicteaza o taietura drastica, a textului literar sau a celui regizoral, iar regizorul incearca sa suplineasca absenta denotativului intensificand la nivelul conotatiilor. Cel mai adesea, o actiune scenica sau un dialog considerate periculoase sunt transferate metaforic, ori prin intermediul unor actiuni paralele, cu functie simbolica ori de-a dreptul oximoronica, ori prin intermediul unei imagini insolitate, cu functie ampla, bine exploatata spatial si ritmic. Efectul e, atunci cand exista maiestrie si idee, unul profund emotionant, mai ales pentru ca il incita participativ pe spectator la o citire incrucisata. Pe de alta parte, daca asociatia de idei e banala ori metafora subtire, efectul e mai degraba unul de confuzionare a spectatorului, si de ingalare la nivel stilistic. Ca atare, strategia e pe muche de cutit, si a facut, in teatrul romanesc, mai multe victime decat invingatori. Inca un exemplu, fireste din categoria fericita: Montarea premierei pe tara cu suspomenitul Mormant al calaretului avar de D.R.Popescu ( o epopee coroziva la adresa colectivizarii si efectelor sale, scrisa neglijent, supradimensionat, ca o viitura, dar cu destule calitati dramatice si politice semnificative la momentul dat, 1980), a prilejuit teatrului brasovean (si echipei formate din regizorul Mircea Marin si scenograful Mihai Madescu) ciocnirea cu un imens scandal cenzorial : nu mai putin de sase sau sapte vizionari succesive (ulterior la Bulandra aveau sa fie paisprezece, si spectacolul sa iasa la public masacrat). Momentul de climax al montarii era reprezentat de scena in care nebunul satului e "convins" sa nu mai comenteze in gura mare atrocitatile. Iese batut din duba securitatii dar e urmarit de tortionari, care il calca in picioare in piata satului respectiv in prosceniu. Scena, de un dramatism greu de suportat, a pus pe jar marea echipa de cenzori (la ultima vizionare, secretarul cu propaganda convocase nu mai putin de douazeci si opt de "specialisti"), care cerea vehement taierea ei in intregime. insa, fara scena respectiva, intregul lant epic s-ar fi naruit. Solutia negociata si admisa, in cele din urma, a fost eliminarea bataii la vedere. Numai ca. Numai ca regizorul a pastrat sugestia bataii in masina, iar cea din prosceniu a inlocuit-o cu un dans: tortionarii ies in fuga dupa Ula, il incoltesc in prosceniu si, fiind "in spatiu public", incep sa indemne, prin pocnete din degete, sa joace, ca tiganii pe urs. Iar Ula, ametit de spaima si de bataie, joaca. Pana cand cade lat. Oricat ar parea de ciudat, parte din oboseala, parte din ignoranta si lipsa de orizont imaginar din partea delegatiei de cenzori, solutia asta.a trecut. Efectul la public era infinit sporit in raport cu varianta bataii in camp deschis. O liniste de biserica se asternea peste sutele de spectatori, la fiecare reprezentatie, vibrand de disperare si empatie. Un text cu siguranta aproape uitat azi, (si inutil de recuperat, probabil), un spectacol care are cateva zeci de cronici entuziaste si a fost, in 1981, premiat cu indestulare. Apararea prin diversiune sau "catelul alb": Introducerea voita, de catre regizor, a unui element sau a 147

unei scene care socheaza si produce confuzie in cenzor, cu scopul de a-i distrage atentia de la substanta intentiilor semnificative ale ansamblului. Elementul sau scena cu pricina sunt menite sa fie sacrificate, pentru a se demonstra, in mod viclean, disponibilitatea de cooperare a regizorului si echipei. Termenul de "catel alb" vine dintr-o anecdota teatrala anonima (cel putin pentru mine), cu rol de lege nescrisa: introduci in mijlocul unui moment tensionat un catel alb care traverseaza fara nici un rost scena. Atentia cenzorului va fi furata pe o perioada nedeterminata de insolita aratare, iar la discutii va protesta ca nu intelege ce-i cu catelul alb. Dupa o negociere de parada, daca se poate chiar lunga si patetica, vei admite cu tristete sa scoti momentul cu catelul. Tactica e riscanta, ca orice diversiune: daca cenzorul se aduna din surpriza mai devreme decat trebuie, si prinde sensul din zbor, batalia poate fi pierduta. Dar adesea eficienta diversiunii face ca spectacolul sa poata fi jucat neatins, cu pretul bietului catel sacrificat, iar cenzorul sa plece la raport cu bucuria datoriei implinite. Numarul de diversiuni de felul asta e atat de mare incat orice selectie mi se pare acum nedreapta. O sa ma abtin, deci, de la exemple. in loc de concluzii Mai suntem, astazi, panditi de asemenea primejdii? Aparent nu, cel putin in teatru. Si asta fiindca televiziunea si radioul au, in mod natural, in sfarsit cuvantul esential de spus in comunicarea sociala, civica si politica. Teatrul nu mai e acum incarcat cu o suprasarcina de reprezentare. Ca atare, comunicarea mediatica e mult mai pandita -si mai supusa- atacurilor strategice ale cenzurii. Ca nu mai exista organisme "institutionalizate" de cenzura e clar. Ca cenzura a devenit mult mai rafinata si mult mai insidioasa e la fel de clar. Dar parca nu in teatru, care si-a castigat o anume liniste meritata, de spatiu privilegiat. Ca aceasta liniste seamana, adesea, cu cea a unei case de odihna a pensionarilor e o alta discutie. Teatrul viu e insa un spatiu dedicat nelinistilor noastre. Cand el, aici si aiurea, se va nelinisti fertil din nou , iesind din amorteala cristalina de muzeu care pare sa-l fi cuprins (si mult ne dorim ziua aceea!) noi forme de cenzura i se vor opune. Sa speram ca anticorpii deja obtinuti vor functiona, adaptandu-i discursul la real si rezistenta la previzibilele si inprevizibilele atacuri.

Valentina Sandu-Dediu 1944-1965: MUSIK UND POLITIK IN RUMNIEN

Abstract: The article focuses on music and politic in Romania between 1944-1965. Keywords: Romania; communism; totalitarianism; music 148

Die Nachkriegszeit, in der die Rote Armee die Etablierung kommunistischer Regimes untersttzte, bedeutete fr viele osteuropische Lnder einen heftigen Bruch mit den kulturellen, politischen, sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Traditionen der vorherigen Periode. Der Einfluss der politischen Ereignisse auf die Kultur blieb unvermeidlich und prgte das kulturelle Leben hinter dem Eisernen Vorhang mit spezifischen gemeinsamen Merkmalen - jenseits von sprachlichen, volkstmlichen, kulturellen und religisen Traditionsunterschieden. Ein Rumne, der beispielsweise Milan Kunderas Romane liest, hat dabei das Gefhl, hnliche Episoden bereits selbst erlebt zu haben; auch gleichen die Umstnde, unter welchen Schostakowitsch oder Prokofjew ihre Musik schrieben, denen der rumnischen Komponisten nach 1958. Nach 1945 implementierte Moskau ein Kultursystem, dessen einschlgige Richtlinien alle Formen der Kunst und Literatur staatspolitisch instrumentalisierten. Die Autonomie der Kunst und der Formalismus galten als hretische Konzepte, gefhrlich fr denjenigen, der sie vertrat, denn die Kunst sollte nun dem Schaffen des "neuen Menschen" dienen (d.h. beispielsweise die Bauern davon berzeugen, mit Begeisterung die Kollektivierung zu akzeptieren, oder die Notwendigkeit der Industrialisierung legitimieren). Die Botschaft eines musikalischen Kunstwerkes sollte klar und tonal sein, sie sollte den breiten Massen der Arbeiter zugnglich sein und sie mobilisieren, und sie hatte mit der Doktrin des Sozialistischen Realismus berein zu stimmen. Auch darin folgte sie der bekannten stalinistischen Losung: "Die Schriftsteller sind Ingenieure der menschlichen Seele". Seit 1932 wurde der in Moskau von Stalin verkndete und zeitweise von Maxim Gorki untersttzte Sozialistische Realismus (ein Hybride des klassischen Realismus des XIX.Jahrhunderts und der revolutionren Ideologie des Proletariats) in den osteuropischen Lnder "angewandt", intensiv diskutiert und offiziell gewrdigt. Auch im Westen fand er noch so lange Anhnger (Jean-Paul Sartre, Paul Eluard, Luigi Nono u.a.), wie es ber die stalinistische Praxis keine Aufklrung gab. Im Gegensatz dazu standen Modernitt und Avantgarde, welche als "dekadent", "unmenschlich", "spalterisch" geschmht wurden. Dieser ideologische Manichismus unterschied deutlich eine brgerliche Kunst (dem Kapital unterworfen, dekadent) und eine proletarische Kunst (menschlich, fortschrittlich). Nicht nur wichtige Werke von Weltrang (von Marcel Proust bis Arnold Schnberg, von James Joyce bis Olivier Messiaen) waren verboten und vom ffentlichen Raum ausgeschlossen, sondern der Gegensatz "dekadent/ sozialistisch-realistisch" wurde von manchen rumnischen Knstler und Schriftstellern regelrecht verinnerlicht und prgte einzelne Werke (die Absurditt der Folgen mssen wir nicht erst erwhnen). So wurden zahlreiche rumnische Intellektuelle "enttarnt", inkriminiert und zensiert, gelegentlich auch verurteilt und verhaftet, vor allem diejenigen, die es nicht verstanden, Selbstkritik zu ben und Kompromisse einzugehen. Auch unter den rumnischen Komponisten gibt es dafr konkrete Beispiele, wenngleich nicht so zahlreich und auffllig wie in der rumnischen Literatur und Philosophie (wo die Dissidenz strker war). Dies mag auch daran liegen, dass in der Tonsprache die offiziell vorgegebene Linie leichter zu vermeiden war. Die der Musik eigene Abstraktheit bot so Fluchtwege aus dem Sozialistischen Realismus, die zwar verdchtigt, jedoch nicht direkt verurteilt werden konnten. Bevor ich aber zu diesen Beispielen komme, will ich mich zuerst den allgemeinen Kontext der rumnischen Komposition und die Einstellung der Musiker seit 1949 ansehen. Diejenige Institution, die diesbezglich ausreichend Daten liefern kann, ist die Gesellschaft der Rumnischen Komponisten (GRK), nach 1949 der Komponistenverband der Rumnischen Volksrepublik (nach sowjetischem Muster) . Hier trafen sich rumnische Komponisten und Theoretiker bei musikalischen Zusammenknften, Konzerten oder Sitzungen der einzelnen Abteilungen (wie z.B. derjenigen fr Kammer- und Symphonische Musik, Chormusik, Blasorchestermusik oder Musikwissenschaft), um die jngsten Schpfungen der einzelnen Gattungen zu kommentieren, zu analysieren oder zu kritisieren. brigens ist bis heute der Hauptzweck dieser Institution die Frderung neuer rumnischer Musik (lediglich die Vergabe der Autorenrechte obliegt seit den 90-er Jahren einer vom Komponistenverband getrennten Vereinigung). Auch die jahrzehntelange ideologische Zensur und die Verwandlung der erwhnten "Frderung" in eine Brutsttte des Massenlieds, das der kommunistischen Partei und ihrem Fhrer huldigte, gehrt zur rumnischen Musikgeschichte der letzten 50 Jahre. Glcklicherweise ist das nicht alles. 1944 bis 1954 - bergang, Konsolidierung und ideologischer Zwang 149

Betrachten wir zunchst die bergangszeit nach dem Krieg, in der sich tragische Strukturvernderungen der rumnischen Gesellschaft vollziehen sollten. Wenn bis zum Ende des Krieges noch zwei prominente Persnlichkeiten wie George Enescu (Prsident) und Constantin Brailoiu (Sekretr) die Gesellschaft der Rumnischen Komponisten leiteten, so verlieen beide in Folge der politischen Vernderungen endgltig das Land (wie es auch andere bedeutende Intellektuelle taten): Brailoiu 1944, indem er nach Genf fuhr, wo er die Internationalen Archive fr Folklore begrndete, und Enescu 1946, als er nach einer Tournee in die USA in Frankreich blieb. Schon seit Ende des Jahres 1944 beginnt die Konstituierung von "Suberungskommissionen", die in allen Bereichen des ffentlichen Lebens (einschlielich dem musikalischen) den Ausschluss der politischen Gegner anstrebten: als solche galten entweder "Vertreter der ausbeutenden Klassen", oder "Kollaborateure" mit der faschistischen Armee sowie ehemalige Legionre. Mit unbegrndeten und unkontrollierten Anklagen begann eine Periode voller Unrecht und persnlicher Rache. Welche Formen nahmen diese Verfolgungen an? Zunchst die Kndigung von Angestellten, z.B. Ionel Perlea: der Komponist und Dirigent wurde von seiner Mitgliedschaft in der Gesellschaft der Rumnischen Komponisten suspendiert, nachdem er 1949 emigrierte; er kehrte schlielich nie mehr nach Rumnien zurck. Auerdem beraubte man die Menschen ihrer Existenzgrundlagen und ihres Wohnraums (in Huser und Wohnungen wurden zwangsweise zahlreiche Mieter einquartiert - eine Situation, die jahrzehntelang andauern sollte). Schlielich gab es sogar Verhaftungen. Davon waren Musiker zwar weniger betroffen als Philologen und Philosophen, zwei Flle wurden dennoch bekannt: Dimitrie Cuclin sympathisierte mit den "Legionren". Unter dem Vorwand, er hre als Gast westlicher diplomatischer Vertretungen in Bukarest Musik von Wagner und Bach, wurde er zur Zwangsarbeit beim Bau des DonauSchwarzmeer-Kanals verurteilt. Der andere war der Ethnologe Harry Brauner, ursprnglich Kommunist, der jedoch Ende der 40-er Jahre zum Dissidenten wurde. Zusammen mit seiner Frau, der Graphikerin Lena Constante, wurde Brauner als Mitglied der Gruppierung um Lucretiu Patrascanu verhaftet. Fr die Komponisten bedeutete die bergangsperiode zwischen 1944 und 1949 eine Zeit voller Ungewissheit, in der einige Kompromisse eingingen, andere auf der sozialen Leiter blitzartig emporstiegen, noch andere wiederum ihre Positionen standhaft hielten, um schlielich doch schrittweise beiseitigt, angeklagt oder sogar verfolgt zu werden. Zwei Extremflle sind erwhnenswert. Zuerst der von Matei Socor, armenisch-jdischer Abstammung, seit den 30-er Jahren kommunistischer Aktivist in der Illegalitt, 1940 (wegen seiner antifaschistischen berzeugungen) in einem Lager inhaftiert und 1943 freigelassen, nachdem die Leitung der GRK (Enescu, insbesondere aber Mihail Jora), bei den Machthabern vorstellig geworden war, um "einen jungen, sehr begabten Komponisten" aus dem Gefngnis zu retten. Tatschlich gehrte Matei Socor in der Zwischenkriegszeit durch sein Interesse fr die Zwlftontechnik und die Musik Hindemiths (er studierte in Deutschland) zur musikalischen Avantgarde und bewies kompositorisches Talent. Sein politischer Aufstieg nach 1944 war spektakulr: er bekleidete hohe Posten im Rundfunk und war ab 1949 Prsident des Komponistenverbandes. Seitdem bewegte sich seine Musik streng und beispielgebend innerhalb der Grenzen des Sozialistischen Realismus. Interessant ist seine spte kompositorische Entwicklung, die in den 70-er Jahren einsetzt: weit entfernt von politischen Schlsselpositionen im Ceausescu-Regime, entdeckte er seine sthetische Vergangenheit "wieder" und kehrte zu einer Moderne der Chromatik, der fortgeschrittenen Strukturen zurck. Ein Vergleich der Entwicklung Matei Socors in der Nachkriegszeit mit der Hanns Eislers geht in dieselbe Richtung, von der avantgardistischen Zwlftontechnik zur politisch engagierten Tonalitt. Der andere Fall ist Mihail Jora, neben Enescu vielleicht der prominenteste Komponist der Zwischenkriegszeit. Jora wurde (nach Brailoius Abreise) von 1944 bis 1949 Vizeprsident der GRK, whrend Enescu nur ehrenamtlich den Prsidentenposten innehatte. In dieser Funktion bewahrte er im Rahmen des Mglichen die Unabhngigkeit der Institution gegenber der Parteifhrung. Seine entschlossene Einstellung machte ihn - als "dekadent" und "reaktionr" beurteilt - zur Zielscheibe der offiziellen Kritik und brachte ihm vonseiten der Presse den Vorwurf des "Formalismus" ein; schrittweise wurde er aus der Leitung des Verbandes und der Kniglichen Musikakademie gedrngt, deren Rektor er war . Er wurde marginalisiert, eine Zeit lang ohne Existenzgrundlage belassen, isoliert 150

und schlielich allmhlich wieder rehabilitiert. Die im Schaffen Joras auftretende sthetische Konsequenz machte sich in einer gehobenen Art des Neoklassizismus bemerkbar, welcher beispielsweise expressionistische Einflsse nicht ausschloss. Es lieen sich weitere Beispiele fr eine moralische Haltung anfhren, sei es von schon allgemein anerkannten Komponisten - mit verschiedenen Abstufungen der eingegangenen Kompromisse - oder von jungen, deren Karrieren in jenen Jahren von ihrer politischen Zugehrigkeit und vom Abschluss der Studien in den Sowjetunion abhngig waren (in den 50-er Jahren Komponisten wie Anatol Vieru, Theodor Grigoriu, Dumitru Bughici, Tiberiu Olah). Im Oktober 1947 proklamierte der Kongress des Gewerkschaftsbundes den Sozialistischen Realismus als einzige Schaffensmethode. Demzufolge initiierte die GRK Gesprche ber Musik als ideologische Waffe, die zur Bildung der Massen beitragen sollten. Die Diskussionen wurden schlielich absurd, als man Kriterien zu bestimmen versuchte, welche Musik als fortschrittlich oder dekadent zu klassifizieren wre (z.B. wrde die Neigung zur Traurigkeit zur Dekadenz fhren ...) . Jedenfalls wurde kein musikalisches Schaffen auerhalb der ideologischen Linie zugelassen, und wer behauptete, er wrde keine Politik machen, tuschte sich. Es folgte die Resolution des Zentralkomitees der Kommunistischen Partei der Sowjetunion ber Probleme der Musik vom 10. Februar 1948. Sie wurde sowohl in der rumnischen Presse als auch in den Sitzungen der GRK heftig diskutiert: man erfand eine Theorie der "Vereinfachung" der Musik und verglich die Rolle, die die Partei bei der Bekmpfung der technischen bertreibung und des "Elitren" spielte, mit derjenigen der Kirche in der Bltezeit der vokalen Polyphonie der Renaissance (!); man strebte eine allen zugngliche Musik an . Demzufolge htten die Komponisten nicht nur Neues zu lernen, sondern auch viele Techniken wieder zu "verlernen", die sie sich vor dem 23. August angeeignet hatten. Die sowjetische Resolution bildete gleichsam den Kern einer ideologischen Offensive gegen die rumnischen Komponisten, die sich im Laufe des Jahres 1949 noch verschrfen sollte. Auerdem galten pltzlich smtliche rumnischen Musiker im Exil als "Faschisten" und standen im krassen Gegensatz zur Linie der Massenlieder mit den tonalen, vereinfachenden Melodien des Sozialistischen Realismus oder der vokal-symphonischen Werke von Matei Socor, Alfred Mendelssohn, Hilda Jerea und anderen. All diese diffusen Ereignisse im rumnischen Musikleben der Nachkriegsjahre sollten schlielich dazu fhren, dass sich der organisatorische Rahmen des knstlerischen Schaffens radikal verwandelte und die ideologischen Richtlinien endgltig festgelegt wurden. Die Generalversammlung der Komponisten (1949) war politisch manipuliert, beginnend mit unterschiedlichen Formulierungen bei der Einladung von Teilnehmern (mit oder ohne Wahlrecht) bis hin zur Aufstellung der neuen Leitung und zur Reform der Gesellschaft, die von nun an Komponistenverband der Rumnischen Volksrepublik hie, auf sowjetischer Basis. In diesem Zusammenhang behandele ich die Vernderungen innerhalb des Verbandes so intensiv, weil es auer diesem in Rumnien praktisch keine Komponistenvereinigung gab: sogar Komponisten, die keine Mitglieder waren bzw. Kompositionsstudenten, mussten, sobald sie in einem Konzertprogramm auftauchten, ihr Werk der jeweiligen Abteilung des Verbandes vorstellen, um zumindest die Kennzeichnung "Geeignet zur Auffhrung" zu erlangen, sonst wurde es verboten. Auf diese Art und Weise war die ideologische Zensur unter der Maske professioneller Kontrolle stndig prsent, weswegen auch die Machthaber darauf achteten, die Leitung der verschiedenen Knstlerverbnde (wie der Schriftsteller, der bildenden Knstler, der Architekten, der Theater- und Filmschaffenden) stets gehorsamen Personen zu bertragen. Ich werde spter noch auf die Funktionsweise der einzelnen Abteilungen der Institution zurckkommen; an dieser Stelle soll nur festgehalten werden, dass die professionelle Kontrolle spter nicht mehr eine quasi ideologische Zensur sein, sondern tatschlich eine positive Funktion erfllen wird. Vorlufig prgten die ideologischen Richtlinien der rumnischen Musik die ffentliche Haltung, die Berichte und Diskurse von Matei Socor, der zwischen 1949 und 1954 als Prsident der Komponisten amtierte. Die Opposition gegenber der westlichen Musik kritisierte in erster Linie die Anhnger Arnold Schnbergs, indem sie ihnen Dekadenz vorwarf: "Die Atonalitt ist formalistisch, leugnet die Melodie, die Natur, die menschliche Seele und schlgt zufllige, mechanische und kakophone Klangkombinationen an" ; die Monodram Erwartung verbreite Pessimismus, der Sprechgesang sei die 151

"hysterische Deklamation eines Mondschtigen". Paul Hindemith und Olivier Messiaen wrden dem Mystizismus huldigen. Demgegenber lobte man die sozialistische Kultur sowie die Prinzipien Schdanovs aus der Sowjetischen Resolution ber Probleme der Musik. Die rumnische musikalische Tradition betrachtete man aus einer verzerrten Sicht. Ein mittelmiger romantischer Komponist wie Ciprian Porumbescu wurde (fr seine "Verbindung mit den Volksmassen") geschtzt, whrend andere, in den dekadenten (deutschen, franzsischen) Schulen des Westens ausgebildete rumnische Komponisten, einschlielich Socor, der auch Selbstkritik bte, inkriminiert wurden. Kosmopolitische, akademische und formalistische Aspekte im Schaffen der Komponisten der Zwischenkriegszeit wurden angeprangert, ebenso Werke, welche mythologisch-exotische Themen behandelten, anstatt die groen Figuren der rumnischen Geschichte musikalisch zu illustrieren. Demzufolge ermutigte man die Komponisten, sich an der Folklore zu orientieren, dies jedoch unter dem Vorbehalt eines neuen sozialistischen Inhalts, der allgemein zugnglich sein und auf keinem Fall der brgerlichen Losung "l'art pour l'art" folgen sollte. Wie wurden all diese ideologischen Richtlinien praktisch umgesetzt? Durch eine Zensur des musikalischen und musikwissenschaftlichen Schaffens, die ber die Kommissionen des KomponistenVerbandes erfolgte; durch eine Simplizitt (synonym mit "Zugnglichkeit"), die das Dekorative, das Eklektische und das Folkloristische begnstigte; durch eine (insbesondere finanzielle) Ermutigung der Partei, Hymnen zu komponieren, die Stalin, Lenin oder (in geringerem Ausma) dem rumnischen Fhrer Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej gewidmet waren; durch die berprfung der Verbandsmitglieder, indem man ein sogenanntes "Dossier des Angestellten" fhrte, das Daten ber die soziale Herkunft, die politische Vergangenheit, die Einstellung gegenber der kommunistischen Partei beinhaltete; schlielich durch die Aufhebung der Mitgliedschaft aller rumnischer Komponisten (einschlielich Enescus!), welche im Ausland lebten. Der politische Aufstieg und die Prsidentschaft Matei Socors fielen in die stalinistische Periode: Stalin starb 1953 und 1954 wurde Matei Socor aus der Leitung des Verbandes entfernt - dies ergab sich logisch aus den Vernderungen der rumnischen Gesellschaft jener Zeit. Vor allem die Verfestigung des Proletkults und die Betonung der "politisch engagierten" Musik prgten damals die Existenzgrundlage der rumnischen Komponisten. 1952 beispielsweise entwarf Matei Socor nach dem Muster der sowjetischen Resolution eine Art "einheimische" Verfassung des Komponistenverbandes, die alle - Musiklehrer und Rundfunkanstalten eingeschlossen - verpflichtete, die allgemeinen Prinzipien der marxistisch-leninistischen sthetik anzuwenden. Das von Socor unterzeichnete Dokument "ber die Entwicklung der Musik in der Rumnischen Volksrepublik" beinhaltete auch die Erklrung und die Implementierung des Sozialistischen Realismus, vorrangig in der Programm-Musik (als gelungene Beispiele wurden Massenlieder ber Partei, Heimat, Republik, Arbeit, Frieden usw. angefhrt). Scharf kritisiert wurde die imperialistische Ideologie, die Folklore umzuformen (die Folklore sollte "zugnglich" sein, harmonisiert und eventuell in rhapsodischen Formen bearbeitet); westlich beeinflusste sthetische Konzeptionen galten als negative Beispiele. Die Vorwrfe des Kosmopolitismus und des Nationalismus, des Formalismus und des Impressionismus, der Atonalitt und des Mystizismus beruhten im Grunde auf unklaren Kriterien: beispielsweise wurde Constantin Silvestri als atonaler Komponist klassifiziert, was seiner HarmonieAuffassung nicht entsprach (diese war zwar stark chromatisch, jedoch verankert im Funktionalen und Modalen). Die Diskussionen kreisten vor allem um die Programm-Musik, praktisch die einzige ideologisch leicht kontrollierbare Gattung. Deshalb frderte die offizielle Seite immer wieder jene programmatischen Werke, deren Titel "die Realitt des neuen Menschen" widerspiegeln sollten. Silvestri hatte aus dem abstrakten Charakter der Musik einmal gefolgert: "Wir sollen von der Musik keine Przision verlangen und in dieser Kunst keine klar gezeichneten Bilder wie in der Literatur oder Plastik suchen" . Diese Losung gewann fr Generationen von Komponisten an Bedeutung, die der Zensur von Werken mit avantgardistischen Techniken durch zufriedenstellende Titel (wie z.B. "Kantate fr den Frieden") entgehen konnten. Ein anderer - positiver - Aspekt dieser Jahre war die starke Prsenz rumnischer Musik in den Konzertprogrammen des Landes, im Repertoire der ungefhr 20 symphonischen Orchester und Philharmonien. Noch bis 1989 waren diese verpflichtet, rumnische, insbesondere zeitgenssische 152

Musik in ihre Programme aufzunehmen. 1951 wurde das Festival Die Woche der rumnischen Musik gegrndet, bei der zwar berwiegend politische Werke aufgefhrt wurden, aber auch wichtige, wirklich moderne Schpfungen. Allerdings wurden letztere in der zeitgenssischen Presse kritisiert, und es gastierten nur Musiker aus den Volksdemokratien (Sowjetunion, China, Ungarn, Tschechoslowakei, Bulgarien, DDR, Polen). Zieht man nun die Bilanz von zehn Jahren rumnischer Musik, dann zeigt der Vergleich mit der Vergangenheit (der Zwischenkriegszeit), dass die neu komponierten Werke nur quantitativ berwiegen, jedoch nicht qualitativ. Die Komponistengeneration der Zwischenkriegszeit, die einen entscheidenden Beitrag zur Gestaltung der modernen Schule geleistet hatte, wurde jetzt ins Abseits gedrngt, die wichtigsten Partituren wurden entweder heftig kritisiert oder ignoriert - dies ermutigte die Komponisten nicht gerade zu weiterem Schaffen, das durch die allgemeine Unsicherheit jener Zeit zustzlich erschwert wurde. Nur sehr wenige schrieben ideologische Werke (Massenlieder, Oratorien, Kantaten). Sie zeigen, wie sehr sich die neuen, aufstrebenden Komponisten der Doktrin des Sozialistischen Realismus anpassten. Eine neuerliche Analyse und Beurteilung dieser Werke wre nicht uninteressant; denn die Partituren zeugen selten von der Beherrschung einer sicheren Kompositionstechnik und man kann in der Analyse mglicherweise bestimmte Werthierarchien zeigen, da die Parameter dieser Musik extrem einfach sind: tonal-diatonische Harmonie, einfache Formen, bewegende Melodien. Man knnte die Autoren auch verschiedenen Gruppen zuordnen: sogenannte "Komponisten", von denen man spter nichts mehr hrte; mittelmige; widersprchliche (wie Socor) oder begabte Komponisten, die sich in der Jugend der offiziellen Ideologie untergeordnet haben (Anatol Vieru, Theodor Grigoriu). 1954 bis 1965: Aufstieg einer neuen Komponistengeneration Fr die rumnische Kultur bedeutete das Ende der stalinistischen Periode nur den Abschluss einer gewaltsamen und aggressiven Phase ideologischen Drucks. Nach 1954 war die kommunistische Struktur der rumnischen Gesellschaft - im Groen und Ganzen - verfestigt, und im Laufe der folgenden Jahrzehnte waren Momente von (tuschender) Liberalisierung im Wechsel mit verschrfter Repression zu beobachten. Im Verhltnis zu anderen Lndern hinter dem Eisernen Vorhang zeigte sich in Rumnien der kommunistische Totalitarismus im Allgemeinen jedoch schrfer. So war z.B. in Polen die Grndung eines berhmten internationalen Festivals - der Warschauer Herbst 1957 - mglich und erlaubt; es rckte polnische Komponisten ins Licht der europischen Avantgarde. Dagegen wurde den rumnischen Komponisten sogar die Teilnahme an diesem Festival eine Zeit lang verboten, obwohl es im Ostblock stattfand. Auch wenn sich die Leitung des Komponistenverbandes und dessen innere Organisation nderten (von 1954 bis 1977 war Ion Dumitrescu Prsident) - die politische Grundlagen und das ideologische Substrat des Sozialistischen Realismus nach sowjetischem Muster blieben gleich. Die politischen Dokumente, bis jetzt vorbehaltlos akzeptiert (insbesondere diejenigen Matei Socors), wurden nun nuanciert kritisiert und Socor selbst aufgrund seines "Simplizismus und schdlichen Akademismus" als schlechtes Beispiel dargestellt. Ebenfalls wurde die von Socor abgefasste "Schdanowsche Resolution" sowie seine Haltung als Leiter der Institution in der Presse angegriffen. Andererseits wurden verschiedene Komponisten auch rehabilitiert: Mihail Jora wurde bereits 1953 wieder in den Verband aufgenommen und nahm ab dann immer fter an dessen musikalischen Ereignissen aktiv teil; auch die im Ausland lebenden Komponisten wurden wieder als Mitglieder anerkannt (Enescu, Marcel Mihalovici, Stan Golestan). Nicht zuletzt war dies eine Auswirkung der scheinbaren Demokratisierung; sie setzte nach Stalins Tod ein, als man ihn und seinen Personenkult zunehmend kritisierte, und sie durchdrang allmhlich die ganze rumnische Gesellschaft. Man sprte 1954 zunchst einen frischen Wind im Leben der Komponisten. Aufgrund von Missstnden in der Verwaltung, vor allem jedoch wegen politischer Machenschaften wurde Socor aus der Leitung des Verbandes entlassen und durch Ion Dumitrescu ersetzt. Dumitrescu wollte keine groe musikalische Karriere machen und war ein guter Organisator. Er betrieb eine besondere Art kommunistischer Politik: keine Parteimitglieder in verantwortungsvollen Positionen. Sein Wirken wurde in erster Linie von einer politischen Konjunktur begnstigt, die sich stndig und oft 153

berraschend vernderte. Wenn auch differenzierter als diejenigen Matei Socors, die Diskurse des neuen Leiters der Komponisten, Ion Dumitrescu, vernderten sich kaum und basierten auf der selben ideologischen Grundlage, die von seinen eigenen sthetischen berzeugungen getragen wurde (als traditionsgebundener Komponist schrieb er in klassizistisch-romantischen Formen und verwandte eine von rumnisch-folkloristischen Elementen gefrbte, tonale Sprache). Kennt man Dumitrescus berzeugungen, ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass er am Ende der 50-er Jahre mit einem Teil der jungen Komponistengeneration in Konflikt geriet. Das Interesse dieser jungen Komponisten galt in erster Linie der "neuen Musik" des XX. Jahrhunderts, oder anders ausgedrckt, der Moderne, der Avantgarde und den tiefengreifenden Erneuerungen der musikalischen Sprache und des Denkens. Myriam Marbe, Pascal Bentoiu, Doru Popovici, Tiberiu Olah, Aurel Stroe, Wilhelm Georg Berger, Dan Constantinescu, Stefan Niculescu, Mircea Istrate, Adrian Ratiu u.a. waren ab 1953 bis zum Ende des Jahrzehnts Mitglieder des Komponistenverbandes. Eine Verallgemeinerung ihrer brigens sehr vielschichtigen - sthetischen Haltungen wre unseris: einige standen in deutlicher Kontinuitt zur neoklassischen Tradition, andere interessierten sich mehr fr die Innovationen der Zwlftontechnik der Zweiten Wiener Schule; beide Richtungen brachten wertvolle Partituren hervor. Daher sei in diesem Kontext nur angemerkt, dass z. B. auch die chromatische Musik, die auf die Zwlftontechnik der Zweiten Wiener Schule hindeutete, offiziell von der Leitung des Verbandes verboten wurde. Wenn Verbandsmitglieder Werke dieser Gattungen vorstellten, hatte die Kommission fr Symphonische Musik und Kammermusik ber die Verffentlichung und die Entlohnung jener Arbeiten zu entscheiden. Stefan Niculescu erzhlt von der Einstellung der Kommission: "Im Allgemeinen wurden Werke mit 'Spuren' vom klassisch-dodekaphonen System - dem einzigen, das der Kommission einigermaen bekannt war - heftig abgelehnt. Zur Ermittlung einer solchen 'Todsnde' zhlte die Kommission blo die chromatischen Tne einer melodischen Linie, und wenn das Ergebnis 12 war, wurde die Partitur mit der schwer wiegenden Anklage des Formalismus stigmatisiert. Der Unterschied zwischen Dodekaphonie und Serialismus war noch nicht bekannt; fr viele bezeichneten die beiden Termini ein und dieselbe Sache." Um verstndlich zu machen, welche Bedeutung die Meinungen der Verbandskommissionen hatte, muss man kurz deren Arbeitsweise beschreiben. 1954 unterteilte Ion Dumitrescu die Abteilungen in die Gruppen "Symphonische Musik und Kammermusik", "Leichte- und Massenmusik" und "Musikwissenschaft", wobei jede Gruppe eine Leitungskommission besa, die hauptschlich aus berhmten Musikern - Vertreter der lteren Generationen - bestand. Hinsichtlich der tonsprachlichen nderungen war die Sektion fr Symphonische Musik und Kammermusik die wichtigste (sie kommentierte auch Werke, die zur Gattung ,Oper' gehrten). Die Prozedur dieser Kommission sah folgendermaen aus: "Eine Partitur wurde zunchst vorgestellt und dann einem oder mehreren Mitgliedern der Kommission zum Rezensieren anvertraut, spter wurde sie noch einmal vom Tonband oder am Klavier gehrt; schlielich wurde sie im Rahmen (...) der Kommission diskutiert, bis man zu einer Beurteilung des Werkes kam und dieses in das Register der Niederschriften eintrug, im gnstigsten Fall mit der Empfehlung zur Auffhrung, zum Ankauf oder zur Verffentlichung, wobei diese drei Faktoren nicht immer vorkamen und schon gar nicht verbindlich waren." Obwohl dies keine politische, sondern eine sthetische Zensur war, hatte diese Praxis unangenehme Folgen - sie traf die jungen Komponisten auf finanzieller Ebene. Obwohl die Zensur deren Werke nicht abgelehnte, wurden sie in der Rubrik "Ankauf" mit den niedrigsten Tarifen honoriert. Andererseits waren die Mitglieder der Abteilung fr Chormusik) dazu verpflichtet, patriotische Lieder fr verschiedene offizielle Gelegenheiten zu schreiben (die "Massenmusik" wurde brigens mit dem Gattungsbegriff "Chormusik" etikettiert und von der "leichten" Musik getrennt). Selbstverstndlich lsst sich die rumnische Chorgattung nicht auf gelegentliche patriotische Lieder reduzieren. Es gab auch sehr begabte Knstler, die die Chorsprache erneuerten. Die Rolle der Kommissionen bestand hauptschlich im Auswhlen und Hierarchisieren der Partituren, aber auch in sthetischen Erluterungen zu einigen Strmungen. Insbesondere gegenber der Dodekaphonie ist die Uneinsichtigkeit der Verbandsleitung bis in die 60-er Jahre hinein auffllig. Dieser Konflikt darf nicht nur als Ausdruck des Generationenkonflikts verstanden werden, denn es gab 154

auch Musiker, die die Avantgardestrmung der Jungen untersttzten wie z. B. Mihail Andricu. In dessen Haus konnte man jene "dekadente" und "formalistische" Musik des Westens hren, die in den offiziellen Kursen des Konservatoriums nicht prsent war. Dies war einer der Grnde, warum Andricu vom Verband (1959 bis 1962) ausgeschlossen wurde - als Folge einer "Sitzung", die eine "schmerzhafte Epoche der Vergangenheit" darstellte. Man beklagte "(Andricus) sehr bedrohlichen Abweichungen von der brgerlichen und beruflichen Moral" . Auch wenn ein Knstler und Lehrer wie Mihail Jora mit den Experimenten der jungen Generation nicht immer einverstanden war, wusste er dennoch die seriellen Errungenschaften zu schtzen; insbesondere wenn es um Partituren ging, die eine sorgfltige knstlerische Arbeitsweise zeigten, wie beispielsweise bei seinem Schler Dan Constantinescu. In den 50-er Jahren unterstrich die ffentliche Aussage eines anderen Kompositionsprofessors, Leon Klepper, die Ausgewogenheit seiner Position: "Einige sagen, es sei gut, dass nicht alle Komponisten denselben Stil und dieselbe Harmonisierung pflegen, und es sei auch berechtigt, denn sonst wrden wir die Persnlichkeit des Komponisten nicht mehr erkennen. Das andere Extrem, wre eine so groe Mannigfaltigkeit , dass es keine rumnische Schule mehr gbe. Die Wahrheit liegt in der Mitte, und sie ist eine Sache der Vernunft". Nach der Rckkehr vom Warschauer Herbst 1957, an dem Klepper nur als Zuhrer teil genommen hatte, stellte er eine - wahrscheinlich nur rhetorische - Frage: warum wurde die rumnische Musik auf diesem Festival nicht durch ihre Exponenten vertreten - entweder durch Partituren der Klassiker wie Enescu, Silvestri, Paul Constantinescu oder durch Werke der jungen Komponistengeneration ? Nach 1954 wurden die Diskussionen rund um das Konzept einer "Nationalschule" in der musikalischen Presse offener und nuancierter gefhrt, jedoch ohne einen entscheidenden Einfluss auf die offizielle ideologische Einstellung zu haben. Einige derjenigen, die vorher mit Entschiedenheit und Strenge die Prinzipien des Sozialistischen Realismus verteidigt hatten, pflichteten jetzt einer differenzierten Perspektive bei. Dies ist der Fall beim sthetiker George Balan. Er betonte die Notwendigkeit des bergangs vom Rhapsodismus (als Kindheitsphase einer Kultur mit den notwendigen Klischees der melodisch-volkstmlichen Bearbeitungen) zum Symphonismus : "Jetzt stehen leider nicht die Probleme des Sozialistischen Realismus im Zentrum der Diskussionen ber das musikalische Schaffen, sondern diejenigen der nationalen Form, im einfachen Sinn der folkloristischen Reinheit, der Meisterschaft, der formalen Vollkommenheit" Das Jahr 1957 bedeutete den Beginn einer sthetischen Neuorientierung, die von den Jungen initiiert wurde. Die Signale kamen von zwei Absolventen des Moskauer Konservatoriums, Anatol Vieru und Tiberiu Olah. Es ist interessant, dass die Moskauer Studienjahre bei den beiden Komponisten berhaupt nicht zur Ideologisierung oder kommunistischer Indoktrination fhrten, sondern zur Aneignung solider Kompositionstechniken, fr die die Moskauer Schule berhmt war - wie z.B. in der Klasse Chatschaturjans oder Messners. Neben Stefan Niculescu, Myriam Marbe, Dan Constantinescu und Aurel Stroe, standen ihre Namen einige Jahre fr eine kompakte und einheitliche Gruppierung, die von denselben Interessen fr die neue Musik beherrscht war. Die Mehrheit sah ihre Ursprnge im letzten Werk Enescus: ein Jahr nach dessen Tod, 1956, dirigierte Silvestri die Erstauffhrung der Kammersymphonie. Dieses Werk wurde aufgrund seiner Chromatik von einigen konservativen Komponisten als eine Abspaltung von der nationalen Musik betrachtet - als ein Weg, der von der neuen Generation gemieden werden msse. Andere mit Leidenschaft herangezogene Quellen waren die Musik Bartks, die Zweite Wiener Schule, Hindemith, Messiaen und Strawinski (soweit ein Einblick in die schwer zu beschaffenden Partituren mglich war). Es gab im Inneren dieser jungen Gruppe eine Solidaritt, die in keiner anderen Generation rumnischer Komponisten anzutreffen war: smtliche Gruppenmitglieder waren bei allen Werkauffhrungen der Kollegen anwesend, sie vertraten eine einheitliche Meinung in den musikalischen Diskussionen des Verbandes, sie experimentierten in bisher unbekanntem Ausma mit der Zwlftontechnik, wobei die Mitglieder der Kommission fr symphonische Musik nicht mehr die ersten 12 chromatischen Tne der Partitur zhlen konnten, usw.. Interessant ist die Stellung des von ihnen angewandten Typus der Zwlftontechnik im internationalen Kontext: er kann eher mit dem Milton Babbitts in den USA verglichen werden als mit dem Integralen Serialismus eines Pierre Boulez oder Karlheinz Stockhausen in der europischen Musik. Das war selbstverstndlich eine Reaktion des "Zeitgeistes" und nicht eine 155

beabsichtigte Synchronisationsstrategie mit weltweiten Strmungen, die in Rumnien praktisch unbekannt waren. Sicher, diese Jungen waren nur sporadisch im Konzertleben vertreten; andererseits wurden sie ermutigt, ihr Verhltnis zur Doktrin des Sozialistischen Realismus zu verbessern, der inzwischen "liberaler" geworden war, d.h. dass ein breiteres Spektrum von Erscheinungsformen des humanistisch-sozialistischen Inhalts zugelassen war. Anzumerken ist, dass diese Gruppierung nicht die ganze Generation vertrat: es gab auch Komponisten des selben Alters, die eine andere, von Enescu abgeleitete sthetische Linie bevorzugten, nmlich den Ausgleich von Alt und Neu, die Symbiose zwischen der internationalen - insbesondere franzsischen symphonischen Tradition und den Prinzipien der rumnischen Folklore. Dieser anderen Gruppe gehrten bedeutende Komponisten an, die Ion Dumitrescu, der damalige Leiter des Verbandes, mehr schtzte: Pascal Bentoiu, Wilhelm Georg Berger, Theodor Grigoriu und Dumitru Capoianu. Zwar kann man sie nicht mit einem einzigen stilistischen Etikett versehen (wie z.B. dem Neoklassizismus, dem sie am nchsten zu stehen schienen), doch in ihrer sthetischen Praxis verfolgten sie konsequent eine gemigte Moderne. Man trifft also auch in der rumnischen Musik auf eine sthetische Haltung, die in diesen Jahren die internationale Musik charakterisierte: die gemigte Moderne. Konkret muss man hier anmerken: die erste Gruppe, die eine "radikale Moderne" vertrat, fand mehr Anhnger als die zweite Gruppe, die der "gemigten Moderne" folgte. Nicht zuletzt deswegen, weil die nachfolgende junge Generation die Kompositionsklassen von Stefan Niculescu, Aurel Stroe, Tiberiu Olah, Anatol Vieru, Dan Constantinescu und Myriam Marbe besuchten - sie waren jahrzehntelang Professoren des Lehrstuhls fr Komposition in Bukarest. Von offizieller Seite wurde alles unternommen, um die Musiker daran zu hindern, Kontakte zum Ausland aufzunehmen; dies betrifft nicht nur institutionelle, sondern auch private Beziehungen. Lange Zeit wurde den rumnischen Komponisten die Mitgliedschaft in westlichen Organisationen verwehrt, gleichgltig, ob es um einen einzelnen oder eine Gruppe ging (auch waren die Gebhren ein Hindernis, denn sie mussten mit Devisen bezahlt werden, und die Devisenregelung war extrem restriktiv). Es gab in der Zwischenkriegszeit eine rumnische Sektion der Internationale Gesellschaft der Neuen Musik (IGNM), die aber ab 1948 vorbergehend eingestellt wurde. 1956 machte die IGNM - damals mit Sitz in Paris- ihrerseits das Angebot, die nationale Sektion wieder zu grnden, und das wurde von rumnischer Seite auch zur Kenntnis genommen; doch der Vorschlag wurde nicht angenommen, weil der Status der IGNM dem Status des Komponistenverbands widersprach. Auch hatte Rumnien damals keine Copyright - Konventionen unterschrieben; konzipiert nach sowjetischen Muster, wurde das Gesetz ber die Autorenrechte von 1950 bis 1990 nur innerhalb des Landes angewandt und machte Beziehungen zum Ausland zumindest schwierig, wenn auch nicht unmglich. Jenseits der Grenzen war die Werbung fr rumnische Musik faktisch gleich null, und auf den Auslands-Tourneen rumnischer Ensembles wurden keine bedeutenden Werke prsentiert. Umgekehrt konnte man in Rumnien keine Partituren, musikwissenschaftliche Bcher und Schallplatten aus dem Westen kaufen, und der Zugang zu Informationen war soweit wie mglich unterbunden. Als in den 60er Jahren ein Vertreter des Schott-Verlages nach Bukarest kam, um die Verffentlichungsrechte rumnischer Werke im Westen zu kaufen, wurde sein Angebot abgelehnt. Wenn ein Komponist endlich an internationalen Festspielen teilnehmen konnte - im allgemeinen erst nach 1965 - war er oft bereits hoch betagt, und hatte entweder selbst die Verffentlichung seines Werkes oder die Eintragung in eine Verwertungsgesellschaft (SACEM, GEMA) ausgehandelt oder aus eigenen Mitteln Bcher und wichtige Partituren erworben. Bemerkenswert ist in diesem Kontext, dass rumnische Werke dennoch bei berhmten internationalen Wettbewerben gewrdigt wurden. Bei diesen internationalen Wettbewerben konnten die Partituren mit der Post geschickt werden - mit oder ohne der Erlaubnis des Verbandes; als es aber um die Teilnahme einiger junger Komponisten an internationalen Festspiele ging - dies war mit einer schwierigen Prozedur verbunden, die die Vergabe des Passes voraussetzte - blockierte Ion Dumitrescu jeden Versuch, die "experimentelle Musik" der Jungen im Ausland bekannt zu machen. Er war damit nicht einverstanden. Hier sei ein weiteres Beispiel aus dem Jahr 1964 genannt: die Veranstalter des Warschauer Herbstes baten den Verband um kurze Partituren fr das Festival, insbesondere um das Stck Coloana infinita (Die unendliche Sule) von Tiberiu Olah. Dieses Werk war von Wlodzimierz Kotonski empfohlen worden, der seit kurzem in Bukarest war und Kontakte zu den Komponisten 156

geknpft hatte. Der Verband zgerte nicht nur die Antwort hinaus und machte damit eigentlich die Teilnahme Olahs in Warschau unmglich, sondern empfahl auch nur die Kammersymphonie von Enescu, die dann noch nicht einmal aufgefhrt wurde. Das Internationale George Enescu - Festival und der Wettbewerb, der nach Enescus Tod durch die Entscheidung des Ministerrates der Rumnischen Volksrepublik begrndet worden war, fanden 1958, 1961, 1964 und dann in unregelmigen Zeitabstnden statt - eine ideale Gelegenheit, die rumnische Musik international bekannt zu machen, mchte man meinen. Doch leider wurde diese Mglichkeit nicht genutzt, im Gegenteil. Die Sensationen gab es hauptschlich in den Interpretationswettbewerben (fr Klavier, Violine, Gesang), und die berhmten auslndischen Gste waren in erster Linie Interpreten und eben nicht Komponisten oder Musikwissenschafter, die in der Lage gewesen wren, die whrend des Festspiels aufgefhrten rumnischen Partituren zu beurteilen und eventuell im Ausland zu frdern. In diesem von Ideologie geprgten Umfeld, in dem der Meinungs- und Wissensaustausch mit Kollegen von hinter dem Eisernen Vorhang unmglich war, und trotz der verschiedensten Enttuschungen, die Komponisten aller Generationen hinnehmen mussten, wurde die Reihe wegweisender Partituren der aktuellen Kompositionsschule fortgesetzt. Neue, originelle Systeme wurden ausgeformt, die in wichtigen Studien theoretisch dargelegt wurden; und sthetische Optionen nahmen Kontur an, die in den kommenden Jahrzehnten ebenso "modern" empfunden werden sollten wie jene aus anderen Regionen der Welt. In diesen von der offiziellen Ideologie des Sozialistischen Realismus geprgten Jahren ist aber auch eine "Pseudo-Kultur" entstanden, eine Musik des Rckschritts im Sinne einer Rckkehr zu den stilistischen Formalismen einer vergangenen Periode der Musikgeschichte. Andererseits ist aber auch eine Musik der gemigten Moderne in verschiedenen Erscheinungsformen entstanden (wie z.B. ein Neoklassizismus mit folkloristischer Authentizitt). Darber hinaus nahm eine "radikale", avantgardistische Musik Gestalt an, die die Zwlftontechnik Schnbergs und Weberns fr die Entwicklung eines disziplinierten, abstrakten Denkens bernahm. Interessant ist, dass es gleichzeitig zwei gegenstzliche Totalitarismen im von den jeweiligen Ideologien zerrissenen Europa gab. Von der Komposition her gesehen, handelt es sich einerseits um den stlichen Sozialistischen Realismus und andererseits um den integralen westlichen Serialismus. Die Aneignung der seriellen Technik durch die junge Generation, veredelt durch eine extrem lebendige polyphone, folkloristische und byzantinische Tradition, bedeutet auf der Ebene einer soziopsychologischen Interpretation den Wunsch, der vom "Zentrum" vorgegebenen Linie zu entfliehen. Anders ausgedrckt, ist das ein Beweis fr den berhmten, oftmals erwhnten und umstrittenen "Widerstand durch Kultur", der in diesem geographischen und kulturellen Raum nach dem Beginn des Kommunismus geleistet wurde.

Lucia Dragomir Peut-on parler de la censure sans se censurer ? Abstract: This article investigates the inner restrictions imposed by the genre of memorial literature, in the memoirs and diaries published in Romania after 1989. Keywords: Romania; communism; memorial literature; self-censorship

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Apres 1989, un grand nombre de journaux intimes, mmoires, volumes de correspondance et confessions a t publi en Roumanie au grand jour. Aucune autre poque n'a t aussi riche en tmoignages personnels, tmoignages d'crivains sur eux-memes et sur une poque. Toutes ces " critures du moi ", pour reprendre les termes de G. Gusdorf, ont t reues et lues comme des tmoignages sur une poque vcue. Le statut de tmoignage donn par le public a ces crits autobiographiques pose la question rcurrente portant sur la nature du tmoignage et des liens entre littrature et histoire ou, en d'autres termes, des usages de la littrature par l'histoire et les sciences sociales, comme corpus fictionnel ou " vraisemblable ". Les rcits autobiographiques des crivains roumains tmoignent, mais de quoi tmoignent-ils ? Les crivains ne sont pas des historiens, ni meme des chroniqueurs du communisme : leur tmoignage rend compte non de la " ralit " du communisme, mais de l'exprience qu'ils en ont. Des lors, il s'agit de versions littraires traduisant la maniere dont les crivains roumains ont ressenti intimement l'exprience communiste. Le choix des crits autobiographiques comme source principale dans l'analyse d'un espace littraire sous surveillance politique n'est pas alatoire : ces confessions mettent en vidence le comportement des crivains face au pouvoir a un moment ou le politique dominait la vie dans tous les domaines, influenait les reprsentations et les sentiments les plus intimes des crivains. De plus, ils constituent une source d'information riche sur des faits et des situations concernant la vie littraire sous le communisme. Les utiliser comme moyen d'avoir des informations sur l'intrieur de la vie littraire n'est pas sans risque s je prends donc, des le dbut, la prcaution de les traiter comme des " versions ", comme un discours sur une poque, utiles pour complter d'autres sources, tels les documents, les archives, les entretiens. Une question qui se pose, c'est le probleme du moment de leur criture. Ils ont t rellement crits avant 1989, comme leurs auteurs l'affirment, ils ont t crits en totalit avant cette date ou ils ont t refaits, r-crits apres 1989, en tant une reconstitution d'une poque et non pas son enregistrement jour apres jour ? La valeur de document diminuerait dans ce cas-la. Pourtant, la lecture de ces crits offre des variantes semblables qui font croire que si reconstitution a exist, elle a t en petite mesure. C'est, en effet, en croisant l'ensemble de ces sources que l'on parviendra a comprendre le fonctionnement d'un espace littraire sous surveillance. Le choix de ce sujet a t guid par une interrogation suscite par un double phnomene : l'expansion considrable des crits autobiographiques apres 1989, et, notamment, le succes de ces crits dcrivant une " ralit " dont on essaie d'expliquer les mcanismes. Quelles sont les raisons de cet engouement ? Mircea Zaciu expliquait cet intret par une soif de vrit du public roumain . Apres une poque domine par la censure, le mensonge, la dsinformation, l'occultation de la vrit, la surestimation des " ralisations de l'poque d'or ", le public roumain ressent le besoin d'accder enfin a la vrit, besoin a prsent possible puisque l'espace littraire n'est plus soumis a la censure et au contrle politiques. Ce qui est peru comme tmoignage a valeur de document social, de document d'poque. Ces rcits ont une fonction compensatoire et satisfont " des intrets publics les plus divers, depuis celui documentaire (des informations sur la prison, sur le systeme politique communiste ou la vie de la diaspora roumaine), jusqu'a celui littraire (des portraits, des descriptions, de la psychologie etc.) ". Ils fonctionnent comme une sorte de miroir littraire tendu a la socit roumaine, lui permettant un exercice de rflexivit par crivains interposs. " Le journal, les mmoires ou la confession offrent au public ce substitut d'histoire universelle et de vie prive exemplaire qu'il a dsir un demi-siecle ". Prcisions mthodologiques Sous la dnomination des crits autobiographiques, c'est-a-dire les crits caractriss par l'identit auteur-narrateur-personnage, dans lesquels existe un pacte autobiographique, au sens de Philippe Lejeune , j'ai rassembl, pour les besoins de mon analyse, des journaux intimes, mmoires, correspondances, confessions, comportant une dclaration d'intention autobiographique de la part de l'auteur, pritextuelle ou pitextuelle , mais galement des volumes d'entretiens que l'on peut considrer aussi de vraies mmoires d'auteur. Par consquent, le corpus est htrogene et la slection a eu comme critere principal le choix des auteurs dtenant des positions diffrentes dans l'espace littraire. Parmi les 16 crits sur lesquels porte mon analyse, 11 ont t crits avant 1989, 5 apres cette date s quant a leur parution, un seul a t publi avant 1989, les autres paraissant apres cette date et c'est le genre " journal " qui est le plus 158

reprsent, indicateur s'il en est de la contrainte du secret de l'criture. A l'inverse, apres 1989, les confessions et les interviews prennent le devant de la scene, substituant ou cumulant l'oral a l'crit. En dehors des volumes publis, je me suis servie dans mon analyse, des interviews publies dans les revues littraires. Mon tude se propose une analyse de contenu thmatique pour voir en quoi diffrent les versions de chaque auteur ou au contraire si elles expriment une attitude commune face au theme abord ici : la censure et l'autocensure, mais aussi face aux themes lis tels : les problemes de la vie littraire sous un rgime contraignant, le rapport littrature-politique, le probleme de la rsistance des crivains, du compromis ou de la collaboration, la peur, les restrictions. Dans l'intimit de l'criture secrete Les crits autobiographiques reprsentent, comme Batrice Didier le souligne , en parlant des journaux intimes, une vritable mmoire, un exercice moral, un examen de conscience, un confident muet, le lieu ou l'on peut tout dire, un tmoignage sur soi et sur l'poque a la fois. Ils mettent en vidence en meme temps l'homme public et l'homme priv et cette double identit est d'autant plus vidente dans un rgime contraignant, qui s'est constitu pour beaucoup d'crivains comme une sorte d'exil dans leur propre pays. Batrice Didier affirme que le " journal nait aisment d'une situation carcrales il la suscite aussi. L'auteur se cre une prison en s'isolant facilement de son entourage, en se rfugiant dans son crit qui devient une sorte de gele ". Dans la situation des auteurs roumains, il s'agit, en ralit, d'une situation contraignante, de prison relle ou de " prison extrieure ". Aussi, les rcits autobiographiques ont-ils accompli, pendant la priode communiste, plusieurs fonctions. Tout d'abord, ils ont constitu, pour leurs auteurs un espace de libert : " La libert, elle serait finalement surtout ressentie par l'auteur : il est libre de tout dire, selon la forme et le rythme qui lui conviennent " . Dans le cas tudi, l'espace de la libert est plus complexe : d'un ct, la libert de parole, la libert de tout (ou presque tout) dire, interdite dans l'espace public, et galement une libert artistique, un affranchissement des contraintes " esthtiques " imposes par l'immixtion du politique dans l'espace littraire. Les auteurs expriment eux-memes l'importance des rcits autobiographiques. Leurs affirmations sont significatives et rpondent a une des questions que je me suis poses au dbut de cette analyse : pourquoi cette richesse des crits autobiographiques parlant de la priode communiste ? Dans une poque ou l'espace public est soumis a la censure, ils permettent d'abord l'exercice de la lucidit dans l'intimit de l'criture secrete: " Nous avons dmnag dans un autre siecle, dans une autre religion ? Ou nous vivons une fievre et un dlire hallucinatoire, de typhus, de lepre ou de peste ? Serons-nous jamais vivants, serons-nous nousmemes, apres que ces fanfares et chours qui nous assourdissent et nous rendent honte a mourir seront devenus muets ? Je n'en sais rien. J'coute et j'essaie de ne pas avoir le vertige. Je ne peux ni rire, ni pleurer. La lucidit critique de ces cahiers est le seul remede contre cette barbarie qui nous rend sombres, nous humilie et nous rend fous ". Cette lucidit a une double fonction, celle de vouloir comprendre et celle d'chapper, le temps d'un crit, a la folie destructrice : " Nous avons imprim ici les notations par lesquelles, les dernieres deux annes de l'Ancien Rgime, j'essayais de m'expliquer quelque chose de ce qui se passait autour de moi. Les vnements avaient commenc a voluer d'une maniere si aberrante, de sorte qu'il tait devenu presque impossible de les suivre avec le dtachement d'un simple observateur. C'est pourquoi, le soir surtout, dans le silence relatif de mon bureau de travail, j'essayais de dchiffrer tel ou tel vnement, un fait social ou parfois, personnel. (...) Et je voulais comprendre, je voulais me rendre compte de quoi il s'agissait, comme si, de cette maniere, je pouvais exorciser le mal, comme si je pouvais rationaliser l'absurde. (...) J'tais intress, c'est vrai, a la " logique " du systeme ou ma vie tait enferme ". Ces crits sont pour d'autres une maniere d' , d'analyser . Contre cet tat de dsespoir, contre l'annihilation de la libert extrieure, les crivains luttent par l'intermdiaire des crits autobiographiques, en gardant de cette maniere leur libert intrieure, mais aussi, pour certains leur envie de continuer a vivre : " ... toutes ces notices, si disparates et chaotiques comme elles le sont (soucis, effrois, penses) 159

pourraient se transformer dans un livre. Avec le titre " Le journal d'un journaliste sans journal ". En les crivant, j'ai duqu ma raison, en les obligeant a s'exprimer d'une maniere claire, concise et prcise, en communiquant a ceux qui viendraient apres moi, tout ce que - apres une vie insipide et des lectures en dsordre - on m'a offert comme ide, mot ou histoire. J'ai conserv et renforc ma libert intrieure, en dcouvrant mes obsessions, en combattant la lthargie, le dsespoir et les tres frquentes invitations au suicide. " Les cahiers secrets reprsentent la seule soupape de libert. Dans une poque vcue dans un pays retranch, domine par la misere morale et physique, le besoin de communication est rempli par l'criture : " Je dois t'avouer que moi, je n'cris pas seulement grace a un exces de bont et de mmoire: j'cris aussi parce que cette forme de communication avec le monde, meme dans une seule direction, dissout ma grotte de solitude et de dsespoir ou je vis, comme Robinson avec Vendredi (Liz) dans une ile d'Oltnie, maudite, misrable et vilaine ". Une fonction importante de ces crits est remplie par le devoir de mmoire. A l'encontre d'une histoire officielle menteuse, falsifie par la censure, les crits autobiographiques affirment la ncessit de tmoigner sur une poque, sur une exprience terrible, dont les crivains sont conscients, et qu'ils doivent transmettre a ceux qui viendront apres. Leurs crits intimes seraient une sorte de " boite noire " que " des successeurs possibles pourront rcuprer et dchiffrer ". Le journal, est selon I . D. Sarbu, " un tmoignage. Ajourn. Enterr ". Aujourd'hui la sphere publique n'est plus soumise a des contraintes politiques et la vrit peut etre dite et, notamment, elle doit etre dite. Dans une poque trouble, lorsque la Roumanie se dtache difficilement d'anciennes habitudes communistes, le rappel de ce qui a t est particulierement important : " Churchill nous rappelait, il y a presque un demi-siecle, un mot de Emerson : " Celui qui oublie son pass est oblig de le rpter ". C'est cette raison qui m'a pouss a publier ces notes et non pas de vains orgueils d'auteur. (...) La revenue en force des coryphes de la propagande de Ceausescu qui intoxiquent la vie publique, les personnes plus ou moins malheureuses qui dposent des fleurs et des bougies sur les tombeaux de " l'odieux et de la sinistre " , (...) tout cela prouve que la mmoire des gens est courte et slective. Pour aider cette mmoire a obtenir une certaine fermet et cohrence, je me suis dcid a publier ces petits exercices de mmoire faits alors meme, dans ce pass vers lequel certains regardent avec une horreur normale, et d'autres avec une aveugle nostalgie ". Pour d'autres, le journal compense l'absence de l'ouvre que l'on n'a pas pu publier dans une poque de censure communiste. C'est ce que le poete Ion Caraion affirmait en 1971: " Peut-etre sera-t-il impossible pour longtemps ou a jamais que je publie dans mon pays. C'est pourquoi je commence ce journal..." Espace de libert intrieure, boue de sauvetage dans une socit en proie au dsespoir, devoir de mmoire ou aveu de responsabilit, les rcits autobiographiques dtiennent, tous, ces fonctions a la fois, avec une tonalit singuliere selon les auteurs. Pris collectivement, ils apparaissent comme un meme livre prsentant l'envers du dcor, c'est-a-dire, la souffrance du moment ou la souffrance de la honte, vritables " mmorial " de la douleur. Le journal comme danger Ces crits, issus d'une ncessit de porter tmoignage sur une poque trouble, qui peuvent diffrer par le ton, par la maniere de rapporter les faits, offrent une information tres riche sur l'poque communiste et constituent des lments tres importants et des matriaux extremement utiles pour celui qui veut connaitre ou analyser cette priode. Ils sont d'autant plus intressants si l'on pense au risque que supposait une telle activit a l'poque communiste. C'est dja un fait connu que la censure et la police communiste n'acceptaient pas et punissaient tout ce qui contrevenait a leurs principes, tout ce qui osait dcrire la ralit en d'autres termes que ceux " des grandes ralisations de la socit socialiste ". De plus, les crits " intimes ", qui redonnent place a l'individu, a l'introspection, au repli sur soi-meme, sont tres mal vus dans une priode ou l'on met l'accent sur la classe, sur la collectivit, sur " la lutte commune du peuple pour le progres ". Tout comme Alain Girard le dit : " On entrevoit aisment ce que pourrait etre une critique marxiste a l'gard du journal intime, si elle prenait la peine de se manifester. L'individu tant un produit de son milieu, ceux qui ont le loisir 160

d'couter en eux le frmissement de leurs motions les plus secretes et de les consigner au lieu d'agir, sont le produit d'une classe possdante, coupe des ralits sociales, et qui profite du travail d'autrui. Leur inquitude rsulte de leur oisivet. Leur journal et leur intimit protge sont un des attributs de leur luxe. " Les crivains sont conscients que la censure frappe leurs crits secrets et ils n'osent meme pas penser a une publication de leurs penses intimes dans un avenir proche. Si l'espoir de la publication existe pourtant, celle-ci est imagine seulement comme posthume : " "J'ai donc toujours crit avec l'espoir que ces feuilles "intimes" seraient publies une fois. Cela meme a l'poque ou j'crivais pour "le tiroir", ou je ne pouvais meme pas penser a la possibilit d'une publication immdiate. "Le cahier bleu" a t crit pendant une telle poque difficile, que je nommais alors temps mort. Mais, meme lorsque, apres avoir t libr de la prison et etre rentr du domicile obligatoire, dans les conditions ou il tait possible de publier certains textes de critique, thorie ou histoire littraire, certains essais et quand j'ai commenc moi-meme a publier de tels crits, meme la donc, je n'ai presque rien sorti de tout ce que j'avais travaill et ramass dans le "tiroir", au fil des annes de clandestinit (...) Ni la rflexion philosophique, ni la mditation thologique n'avaient pas de place dans l'espace troit , ouvert a la publication. La meme interdiction frappait aussi les cahiers du Journal, qui, de plus, taient pleins de rfrences, allusions et rflexions sur des situations et vnements actuels, politiques ou impliquant, d'une maniere ou d'une autre, des personnes qui m'taient proches. Si je pensais a une publication future de ces cahiers, je ne la prvoyais qu'apres ma mort ". Plus d'un crivain confesse ces risques : ils se sentent pis, ils cachent leurs notices. Mircea Zaciu avoue a ce propos : " J'aurais voulu avoir le temps de relire les notes que j'avais crites cette anne, mais je n'ai chez moi que la derniere moiti et, puis, peut-etre m'auraient-elles trop boulevers. Il est mieux que celles-ci partent aussi vers leur destination, pres des autres dossiers. " et il ajoute dans une note faite lors de la publication de son journal: " Ayant peur d'une perquisition, je gardais mon journal dans la maison des parents d'un ami dvou ". La peur accompagne toujours l'criture secrete : la peur de ne pas etre dcouvert, de pas faire du mal aux autres : " Ma peur s'tait fixe obsessionnellement sur ce cahier gros aux couvertures bleues, ou j'avais mes notices quotidiennes depuis que j'avais dmnag a Bucarest, il y a une anne et quelques mois. Le journal tait plein de rflexions critiques, d'imprcations a l'adresse du communisme ". A la dcouverte du journal on prfere parfois sa perte, sa disparition, sa destruction : " J'avais laiss sciemment dans le filet du compartiment le grand sac, bourr de livres, ou se trouvaient aussi mon Journal et le manuscrit du Commentaire aux Psaumes d'Arghezi. Je prfrais qu'il se perde, qu'il disparaisse que de tomber dans les mains des fonctionnaires de la Securitate". Parfois, les autorits roumaines russissaient a connaitre l'existence d'un tel journal secret s les consquences pouvaient etre la confiscation, - tel le Journal de la Flicit de N. Steinhardt - les enquetes, les perquisitions, et meme la liquidation de l'auteur. Ce fut le cas du poete Gheorghe Ursu, dnonc au motif qu'il tenait un journal. Apres les perquisitions, la confiscation des cahiers et les enquetes (entre 1984-1985) et en raison d'"affirmations ennemies" contenues dans son journal, Gheorghe Ursu a t tortur et tu dans les caves de la Securitate Roumaine. On peut remarquer que le journal tait un document dangereux a la fois pour son auteur que pour les autorits. Pour le pouvoir communiste, les crits intimes dvoilaient, dans ses dtails les plus affreux, la face cache du rgime en place. C'est pourquoi toute variante qui contredisait la version officielle sur la ralit roumaine tait durement sanctionne. On comprend ainsi l'affirmation de Bujor Nedelcovici : " La derniere explication du fait que je n'ai pas eu un journal a t LA PEUR ". Le fait que les auteurs taient conscients qu'un oeil tranger pouvait voir le journal souleve le probleme de l'autocensure existant meme dans les crits intimes. C'est ainsi que parfois meme dans les rcits autobiographiques la vrit est dite a moiti : " La peur allait faire du Monsieur Buzila un tmoin aussi incommode qu'incomplet. Celui qui a not certains des dsastres " mineurs " qui ont boulevers la rdaction (de la revue Romania libera, m.n.) les dernieres annes avant la rvolution de 1989 a completement vit le grand dsastre de 1989 auquel, purement et simplement, il n'a pas os toucher. C'est comprhensible. Probablement aucune personne 161

de la rdaction n'a eu le courage, pendant les journes de l'arrestation du groupe Bacanu-Uncu-Creanga (.), d'en noter quoi que ce soit dans quelque journal. (.) L'absence de cet pisode n'est certainement pas un lapsus calami pour Monsieur Boris Buzila, mais, purement et simplement, un "lapsus" existentiel qu'il partageait avec la plupart de nous. Nous avions peur de penser notre existence dans le plan d'un renversement total, car notre courage tait habitu a quelques corrections au plus. Quelques ersatz. On avait du courage pour ce qui tait des ersatz - en aucun cas pour des changements fondamentaux, dont on ne savait meme pas de quoi ils avaient l'air ". L'autocensure, consciente ou inconsciente, fonctionne. Elle est ressentie d'une maniere plus vidente dans la correspondance de l'poque. Comme l'affirme V. Nemoianu, l'un des correspondants de I. D. Sarbu : " Il s'agit, donc, d'une conversation pistolaire d'un type spcial, place des le dbut sous le signe d'une tierce personne (...) Les interlocuteurs de I. D. Sarbu vitent les sujets dlicats et les expressions tranchantes, peut-etre pour ne pas bloquer dfinitivement un rseau dja faible de communication et pour ne pas nuire a l'ami rest derriere les barbels ". Les informations sur les liens entre littrature et politique tant donn que les auteurs des rcits tudis sont des crivains, il est normal qu'ils accordent une attention particuliere a la vie littraire et a ses problemes dans une poque de contraintes, d'immixtion abusive du politique dans l'espace littraire. La censure des oeuvres, les interdictions sont minutieusement notes dans les journaux : le journal de Mircea Zaciu est un vrai document dans ce sens, car il note tous les obstacles que son Dictionnaire des crivains a rencontrs pour etre publi (chose qui n'a pas t possible avant 1989). On retrouve souvent les notations suivantes : " J'apprends que mon roman ne paraitra ni en 1989, bien que j'aie deux manuscrits a la maison d'dition (dposs en 1983 et en 1986). Mon mmoire du 4 juillet n'a reu aucune rponse. Je cherche une solution. Ils veulent que je me taise, que je n'crive plus, que je ne vois plus ". ou: " On m'a interdit quatre livres. On m'a interdit quarante articles. On m'a interdit maintenant l'essai sur Marin Preda ". La censure, cet instrument de contrle et de rpression contre l'ouvre et l'auteur, a provoqu nombre de rflexions de la part des crivains. Ils mettent surtout en vidence son rle dans la cration d'une image fausse de la socit communiste : " La censure n'est pas que l'instauration du mensonge, mais surtout de la fiction et de l'irralit dans la socit civile et dans l'tat. Tout n'est qu'un mensonge. Mais on cre aussi un autre niveau, une pararalit. La censure ne se contente plus d'interdire, de couper quelques passages etc. Elle prtend la cration de quelques mythes, themes etc., qu'elle projette (comme sur un cran) sur la ralit. On vit dans cette fiction depuis un demi-siecle. Dans une ralit falsifie ou la vrit et le faux ne peuvent pas etre distingus ". Contre toutes les pratiques de contrle et d'immixtion de l'appareil d'tat, l'criture aurait t une forme possible de rsistance: " crire aujourd'hui, c'est rsister, rester lorsque les autres se retirent, capitulent. Je ne comprends l'criture que comme une rsistance jusqu'au bout contre le mensonge et la rpression, contre le silence impos. Or, lorsque je n'cris pas, lorsque je perds mon temps, cela signifie que j'ai rendu les armes, que je suis entr dans la larve du compromis, du renoncement, que j'ai cd devant l'imposture, la terreur, la confusion organise. Mais on a besoin d'une croyance forte pour rsister (passivement, en n'crivant pas ou activement, en crivant) ". L'criture, le livre qu'elle devient serait une maniere de vaincre, mais reste toujours la frustration quand le livre n'arrive pas au lecteur : " . aujourd'hui, la maladie dont je souffre, c'est la maladie de tout le peuple, elle me parait sans remede et ltale: les livres que j'cris, ne sont que de simples analgsiques (ou de la morphine) par lesquels j'teins pour un temps les douleurs et les tourments... Parce que le livre aussi est devenu une souffrance: je suis heureux et soulag seulement quand je me donne la peine de l'crire: mais au moment ou je le remets a la maison d'dition et la longue agonie de l'attente commence (la lutte avec la 162

censure, l'amputation sur vif de quelques passages, pages, expressions ou mots), au moment ou je le mets de ct dans le tiroir (devenant pour ma conscience un furoncle qui fait mal, humilie et me rend infirme - plus la peur qu'a la premiere perquisition, on peut me prendre tout, a jamais), un livre crit et qui n'est pas publi encore peut etre un calcul au cour ou au foie, un petit cancer ou meme un commencement de syndrome immunodficitaire. Un livre est une maladie vaincue seulement si elle arrive a ses lecteurs. " En tant qu'crivains, les auteurs de ces rcits se posent le probleme de rsister ou de consentir a de petites concessions qu'ils doivent faire dans leurs oeuvres ou en dehors de l'ouvre. Pour eux, l'acte de l'criture dans une poque de contraintes souleve des problemes moraux : " Jusqu'a quelle limite ai-je la permission de mentir, de faire semblant, de jouer le thatre ? Jusqu'a quelle limite, ai-je la permission de trahir, de salir, de pcher (envers moi-meme, envers mon peuple, envers l'histoire, les valeurs, envers Dieu) ? Jusqu'a quelle limite ai-je la permission de m'abaisser dans mes crits, dans mon discours, dans mon style de vie publique (ou particuliere) ? " Certains s'analysent et prferent meme ne plus publier que d'accepter un compromis : " Si on continue de vouloir mystifier le pass, d'interdire de dire la vrit (...), moi, je n'accepte pas de me soumettre a une telle positions c'est aux autres d'crire, moi je prfere ne rien publier ". Dans tous les cas, le probleme de la limite a ne pas dpasser se pose et la frontiere est tenue entre ceux qui acceptent certains compromis et ceux qui les refusent. Le manque de solidarit des crivains entre eux joue et il est peru apres coup comme un manque de lucidit du moment grave historique et culturel, comme une culpabilit, elle aussi historique, par Nicolae Breban : " ...on est coupables ceux qui avons particip au Congres des crivains de mai 1977, et surtout ceux qui avons pris la parole - j'ai t un de ceux-ci ! - et nous n'avons pas rappel le nom de notre collegue qui se trouvait ces jours-la en prison! " On rencontre dans les pages des rcits beaucoup de portraits d'crivains, beaucoup de scenes de l'intrieur de l'Union des crivainss le manque de solidarit de la corporation des crivains, la corruption de ses membres, l'acceptation de la soumission aux directives du parti sont durement critiqus. Les prix littraires accords par l'Union des crivains mettent en vidence les inimits et les envies des crivains, mais aussi leur subordination politique: " A l'Union nous rencontrons Dere . (.) il nous avertit tres directement que si nous ne votons pas "comme il fallait", on ne donnerait jamais les prix de l'Union, les crivains perdraient tout. Cela, il nous l'a communiqu sur l'escalier intrieur, ou il s'est arret, signe qu'il ne nous invitait pas dans son bureau, ou il mimait toujours la peur des microphones. " L'immixtion du politique dans l'espace littraire, et dans tous les domaines de la vie, est un autre theme rcurrent des rcits autobiographiques : " Un monde d'exils ou la surveillance, les mouchards sont une ralit continue ". Les auteurs avouent etre totalement obsds par cela qu'ils avaient l'impression " qu'on savait meme ce qui se passe dans le for intrieur de chacun, ce que chacun de nous chuchote dans son sommeil ". Tout savoir, c'est se donner les moyens techniques de surveiller : " Aujourd'hui j'ai eu la surprise terrible d'apprendre que j'ai des microphones dans l'appartement. Je suis troubl et un peu effray. Je m'attends a toutes sortes de maux, que je sois enquet, arret (...) si je trouvais ces microphones ! Celui qui n'a pas vcu cette sensation paralysante n'a rien vcu ! La peur passe de ton extrieur dans ton intrieur. On ne peut plus y chapper ". Les auteurs parlent des perquisitions a domicile en ajoutant les proces-verbaux de celles-ci, comme " documents sur la maniere d'agir de la Securitate et la mentalit des gens de cet appareil rpressif " , des enquetes et tracasseries auxquelles ils ont t soumis, a cause des dnonciations : " ... mes amis taient questionns sur nos discussions, mon tlphone tait surveills la correspondance contrles moi photographi dans la rue et souvent "invit" a dclarer qui tait venu chez moi, a qui j'avais rendu visite, quand, avec qui et ou j'avais pris le djeuner, quand et dans quel but je m'tais promen dans le parc X accompagnant Y, ce qu'on avait discut ". Face a ces pratiques de contrle, une grande part des crivains, ceux qui n'assument pas la protestation ouverte, ou ceux qui ne s'auto-exilent pas, apres le refus de publication, aurait jou sur la double identit : ils acceptent des compromis ou de petites concessions en cachant leurs convictions personnelles, vivant avec l'espoir que cela ne durera pas pour longtemps. Aurel Baranga dont les pieces de thatre ont rpondu dans la plupart des cas a des commandes politiques avoue avoir cr et , en 163

dformant la ralit conformment a une " conception esthtique aberrante ". Il se rend compte du " caractere artificiel " de ses pieces d'ou " toute conviction et toute motion ont t exclues ". Une ralit dforme, conforme aux indications officielles prsente aussi Titus Popovici dans ses romans, preuve que la censure ne fait pas seulement de couper, mais aussi d'imposer une maniere d'crire : " ...j'avais honte de rencontrer ces gens dcrits dans mon roman par une lunette dforme... " Ainsi, les rcits des compagnons de route sont domins par le regret, par la rvolte envers soi-meme, par la honte. Titus Popovici, Aurel Baranga, Dan Desliu sont parmi ceux qui ont os tmoigner, meme si cela ne les met pas dans une lumiere favorable: " Les jeunes hommes ne doivent jamais suivre mon exemple. Il ne faut pas accepter ce qu'on sent qu'on ne doit pas accepter. Il y a des choses qu'on ne doit pas accepter de faire quel que soit le prix. Et, il y a, au contraire, des choses, que, quoi que tu perdes, tu dois faire absolument ". La double identit pouvait sauver l'ouvre, selon Nicolae Breban : l'acceptation d'une fonction au Comit Central du PCR, le petit compromis et les concessions dans des articles suivant la ligne du parti aurait sauv le corpus de l'ouvre littraire qui restait intacte: " Si l'on doit faire des compromis avec le pouvoir (...) que nous le fassions, nous nous sommes dits, en dehors du corps de l'ouvre, qu'il soit une annexe, un collage, un article de presse, une prface ou mieux une postface, peut-etre une interview, mais que nous gardions intacte, esthtique, propre le cri de notre cration! " Certains refusent le compromis dans toutes ses formes et alors le theme de leurs rcits devient l'exil intrieur. Ils se sentent exclus et marginaliss: " Il y a des crivains prfrs, promus, propulss. Et d'autres suspects, isols, tolrs. Si je faisais partie de la premiere catgorie, peut-etre aujourd'hui j'aurais t comme beaucoup d'autres, un homme avec des livres crits mais sans ouvre. (...) Mais, comme je suis une nature entete et fiere, j'ai refus tout contact avec Iuda ou avec le Diable. J'ai perdu 15 annes de ma vie, mais je n'ai pas perdu le respect envers moi-meme, envers le mot que j'cris ". La prison constitue un autre theme des rcits de type autobiographique. Ce qui unit tous ces tmoignages de prison est le fait que, au-dela des horreurs qu'on peut y connaitre, tous parlent de la merveilleuse " exprience intellectuelle " que cela leur a apport, de la libert spirituelle qui tait plus difficile a garder : " En prison, la libert tait plus grande que dehors. Nous pensions chacun comme nous voulions et nous discutions, comme je crois que dehors, dans la derniere partie de notre dtention, on ne pouvait plus parler. C'est grace a la solidarit et a la confiance qui s'tait cre entre nous, ceux qui tions la, que nous nous sentions libres. "Dehors" la confiance dont je parle avait disparu peu a peu, les cercles d'amis d'autrefois taient devenus de plus en plus petits, jusqu'a ce que chacun eut compris se retirer, solitaire, par peur que l'un des autres puisse le dnoncer. Cela n'tait pas possible en prison ". Ainsi, une srie d'informations nous renseignent tant sur les procds de surveillance et de contrainte mis en place par le rgime, que sur les diffrentes manieres de rpondre des crivains, pris en tenaille entre la peur, le compromis et la fiert de ne pas consentir. Ces crits autobiographiques mettent en vidence le rle de soutien individuel de l'criture intime, dans cette priode de contraintes. Ce soutien prend des modalits diverses, allant de la conservation de l'esprit de lucidit, a la conscience de soi et des vnements qui, toutes permettent de forger des armes contre l'alination. Pour d'autres, le rcit autobiographique a posteriori permet de crer un espace d'aveu et de repentir visant a la restauration du moi et de l'criture. Dans un rgime des contraintes, ces crits ont aid a la prservation de la libert personnelle et de la libert esthtique. Leurs fonctions, dcrites ci-dessous, se runissent toutes dans celle de compensation. Il s'agit, d'un ct, d'une double fonction de compensation, par le rle de salut qu'ils ont eu, avant 1989 : le salut individuel - allant de l'espace d'analyse lucide de soi-meme et de l'poque que ces rcits ont offert aux crivains, jusqu'a la lutte contre la lthargie, contre l'abandon spirituel devant un pouvoir absurde, passant par un salut esthtique, ces rcits compensant l'absence de l'ouvre, offrant un espace de libert esthtique dans le contexte de l'immixtion du politique dans l'espace littraire. De l'autre ct, par l'aveu, par le tmoignage offert, ces rcits sont, dans leur maniere, de documents sur une poque, ils remplissent, apres 1989, une fonction sociale, en comblant une absence d'information ressentie encore en Roumanie. En attendant les analyses systmatiques et 164

les recherches scientifiques sur le communisme, le croisement de ces rcits surtout offre au public roumain et tranger le commencement de la connaissance de la priode communiste en Roumanie. Ils attestent que, meme sous un rgime totalitaire, la vie littraire continue, meme si c'est dans le secret, cache, intime, et qu'il est faux de penser les gens des pays communistes seulement dans les catgories de la contrainte, de la terreur et de l'alination. Ces crits prouvent, au contraire que l'esprit s'acharne a exister d'autant plus dans un rgime de contraintes. Cette analyse partielle peut conduire a formuler une hypothese qui devra faire l'objet d'un travail plus approfondi : l'aveu de la rsistance ou de la collaboration dans l'espace littraire, a travers les journaux intimes, n'occupe-t-il pas la place d'un vide historique de rexamen de la priode communiste ? En d'autres termes, les crivains ne sont-ils pas obligs de s'instaurer en scripteurs de cette priode, tant que l'analyse historique n'est pas commence ? Si tel tait le cas, on aurait la une nouvelle articulation problmatique entre littrature, histoire et socit. La liste des crits autobiographiques utiliss dans cette analyse : Liviu Antonesei, Jurnal din anii ciumei: 1987-1989, Polirom, Iasi, 1995 Nicolae Balota, Caietul albastru, 2 vol, Editura Universal Dalsi, 2000, editia a doua adaugita Aurel Baranga, Jurnal de atelier, Editura Eminescu, Bucuresti, 1978 Nicolae Breban, Riscul in cultura, Polirom, Iasi, 1997 Boris Buzila, In prezenta stapanilor. Treizeci de ani de jurnal secret la Romania libera, Buc, 2000 Ion Caraion, Ultima Bolgie. Jurnal 3, Editura Nemira, Bucuresti, 1998 Bujor Nedelcovici, Jurnal infidel, Editura Eminescu, 1998 Daniel Nicolescu, Vremuri de tinichea. Convorbiri cu Dan Desliu, Editura Eminescu, Bucuresti, 1998 Alexandru Paleologu, Minunatele amintiri ale unui ambasador al golanilor, Editura Humanitas, Bucuresti, 1991 Titus Popovici, Disciplina dezordinii, Editura Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, 1994 I. D. Sarbu, Jurnalul unui jurnalist fara jurnal, 2 vol., Editura Scrisul Romanesc, Craiova, 1991, 1993 I. D. Sarbu, Iarna bolnava de cancer, Editura Curtea-Veche, Bucuresti, 1998 - corespondenta I. D. Sarbu, Traversarea cortinei. Corespondenta cu Ion Negoitescu, Virgil Nemoianu, Mariana :ora, Ed. De Vest, Timisoara, 1994 Nicolae Steinhardt, Jurnalul fericirii, Editura Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, 1994 Stelian Tanase, Ora oficiala de iarna, Institul European, Iasi, 1995 Mircea Zaciu, Jurnal, 3, Ed. Albatros, Bucuresti, 1996

The Center for Imagination Studies At the initiative of Assoc. Prof. Corin Braga, Ph. D., a group of academics from the Faculty of Letters (Prof. Vasile Voia, Prof. Mircea Muthu, Assoc. Prof. Stefan Borbely) and from other faculties (Prof. Mircea Baciu - Faculty of Arts, Assoc. Prof. Ovidiu Pecican - Faculty of European Studies, Lect. Ruxandra Cesereanu - Faculty of Political Studies and Journalism) have rallied their efforts in order to set up a Center for Imagination Studies, called PHANTASMA. The Center was inaugurated on April 16, 2002, the formal ceremony being attended by Prof. Andrei Marga, Rector of "Babes-Bolyai" University, Prof. Vasile Cristea, Vice-Rector, and by Prof. JeanJacques Wunenburger, Vice-Rector of Jean Moulin University - Lyon 3 and director of Gaston Bachelard Institute for Imagination and Rationality Research from Dijon, France. 165

The Center is located on the premises of the Faculty of Letters. Its functioning was approved by the Council of the Faculty of Letters on April 9, 2002, and by the Senate of "Babes-Bolyai" University on May 20, 2002. It has been included in the CRI-GRECO network (Centres de Recherches sur l'Imaginaire), which encompasses over 30 research centers throughout the world. Global Context The modern science of the imaginary was founded at the middle of the 20th century, through the works of Gaston Bachelard, Charles Mauron, Gilbert Durand and other prominent philosophers. Since then, its relevance and importance has constantly increased, especially over the past few decades. The contemporary postmodern society is evolving into a "global village", in which people from all over the world are provided, via media channels, with information on potentially every single event that takes place on the Earth. Nevertheless, unlike in the traditional village, where the transmission of this information was direct, non-mediated, interpersonal, in the global village the information is indirect, mediated, transformed. The global advertising system, the worldwide movie distribution network, the newspapers and magazines, cable and satellite television, the Internet, all these media no longer supply "perceptive" images of the remote people and events, but only "imaginary" images, processed in offices and studios. These images become liable to carry additional, subliminal messages, having been exposed to ideological or commercial manipulation. Political campaigns and electronic wars, fashions and cultural popularity awards, are only some trivial samples of the way in which received images influence our vision of reality. Phantasma. The Center for Imagination Studies in Cluj is a laboratory for studying the social and cultural imaginary. Its creation starts from the premise that the majority of academic disciplines deals only with our rationalistic and positive ego, but completely ignore our unconscious personality. In order to explore the individual and collective subconscious life, the Center intends to deploy several up-to-date methodologies and approaches (active and participative research, focus groups etc.). Its activity will be very innovative, at least in the Romanian and Eastern European academic tradition, and very profitable for Transylvania and this part of South-Central Europe. General Aims In the postmodern age, research conducted into the imaginary plays a crucial role as regards: 1. The deconstruction of the social-political "mythologies" The analysis of the imaginary is a powerful deconstruction device of the ideological, political and social stereotypes and clichs. Aware of the development of today's world into a "global village", and starting from the assumption that media images are not perceptive, direct, but "imaginative", processed, transformed, we intend to analyze images as they are engendered by the written press, by the advertising and movie industries, by cable and satellite television, the internet, etc. Research into the imaginary is essential to understanding the way images affect social groups and collective mentalities, especially in an age when the unprecedented expansion of the visual culture gives vent to a series of subliminal - ideological and political - manipulations of the public. 2. The reconstruction of the postmodern subject. The practice of the fantasy enables postmodern man to cope with the increasing celerity (Wlad Godzich) of contemporary life. Dangerously exposed to politropy and polychrony, i.d. to the schizophrenic necessity of being aware or even being present to diverse actions that occur in different places simultaneously, postmodern man has to find a way to develop a new and very demanding identity. But traditional logos and rationality offers only the model of an integrated homogenous subject. The reconstruction of a polymorphous and disintegrate subject should use the psychological techniques of the imaginary in order to unite and to keep together the divergent tendencies postmodern 166

man has to deal with. Imagination studies have developed an entire range of extremely efficient analytical methods and instruments (psychocriticism, myth criticism, archetypology, imagology), which contribute to constructing a hermeneutics of the cultural imaginary from an intrinsic perspective. This approach focuses on the genuine substance of images, symbols, and myths, conceived as well-defined psychic functions. Our long-term project is to combine these methods with active and focus-group research, in order to identify the noumina that generate constellations of artistic images. Specific Aims Through its components and programs presented below, the Center aims at: 1. Conducting research on topics pertaining to the cultural-artistic, social and media imaginary (to be undertaken by academics, Ph. D. and M.A. students, undergraduates) 2. Publishing the results of this research (either in books or in the printed and electronic journals edited by the Center) 3. Including the research areas into the academic curriculum (courses and seminars at the graduate level) as well as in the scientific workshops supervised by the Center Board of directors Director: Assoc. Prof. Corin Braga, Ph. D. Program supervisors: Prof. Mircea Muthu, Ph. D. - Supervisor of the interdisciplinary program of Balkan Studies Prof. Vasile Voia, Ph. D. - Supervisor of the interdisciplinary Masters Degree program: "History of Ideas - History of Images" Assoc. Prof. Stefan Borbly, Ph. D. - Co-director (together with Corin Braga) of the Echinox Journal; Supervisor of the "Eranos" research group; Coordinator of the Socio-Political Imagination Studies program: "The Image of the U.S.A. in the Romanian Cold War Period Mass-Media" Assoc. Prof. Ruxandra Cesereanu, Ph. D. - Supervisor of the creative writing workshop; Coordinator of the Socio-Political Imagination Studies program: "The Image of the USA in the Romanian PostCommunism" Assoc. Prof. Ovidiu Pecican, Ph. D. - Supervisor of the "History of the Imaginary" Program Prof. Mircea Baciu - Curator of the electronic gallery Assist. Prof. Cristina Varga - Website design Members: Assoc. Prof. Diana Adamek, Ph. D. Assoc. Prof. Sanda Cordos, Ph. D. Assist. Prof. Carmen Borbely Assist. Prof. Horea Poenar Assist. Prof. Mihaela Ursa Assist. Prof. Ovidiu Mircean Teaching staff for the"History of Ideas - History of Ideas" Masters Degree Program Prof. Alin Ailincai Prof. Aurel Codoban, Ph. D. Prof. Doina Modola Prof. Mircea Muthu, Ph. D. Prof. Vasile Voia, Ph. D. Assoc. Prof. Diana Adamek Assoc. Prof. Stefan Borbly, Ph. D. 167

Assoc. Prof. Corin Braga, Ph. D. Assoc. Prof. Sanda Cordos Assoc. Prof. Pavel Puscas , Ph. D. Alumni of the "History of Ideas - History of Ideas" Masters Degree Program 2001-2002: Florentina Coman Elena Herlea Ioana Macrea Simina Maxim Ovidiu Mircean Anamaria Molcsan Angela Moldovan Anca Muntean Nicoleta Palimariu Adina Sita Daniela Sandru Emilia Toma Nicolae Turcan 2002-2003: Constantina Buleu Gosman Ioana Ioana Hanchevici Cristina Ilies Alina Maistru Dorin Muresan Elena Popovici Mara Stanca Rafan Ileana Salcudean Adrian Szelmenczi Translators for the "Mundus Imaginalis" Book Series Ioana Bot Liliana and Doru Burlacu Ioan Curseu Tudor Ionescu Svetlana Jureleac Raluca Lupu-Onet Ovidiu Mircean Stefana Pop Associated Members Assoc. Prof. Rodica Baconsky, Ph. D.; Assoc. Prof. Gheorghe Lascu, Ph. D. - The Department of Applied Linguistics Prof. Rodica Pop, Ph. D. - The Center of Belgian Studies Assoc. Prof. Ioana Bot, Ph. D. - The Romanian Literature Masters Degree Program Prof. Aurel Codoban, Ph. D - The Institute of East-European and Oriental Religions Assoc. Prof. Marius Jucan, Ph. D. - The Faculty of European Studies Components of the Center I. An interdisciplinary Masters Degree in Comparative Literature 168

"History of Images - History of Ideas" Program Director: Prof. Vasile Voia, Ph. D. The one-year "History of Images - History of Ideas" Masters Degree, currently run by the Comparative Literature Department of the Faculty Letters, is a pioneering interdisciplinary program at "BabesBolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca. It enrolls academics from five different institutions (the Faculties of Letters, Philosophy, and Orthodox Theology, the Academy of Visual Arts and the Music Academy) and it is designed to provide graduate students with a comprehensive view of the imaginary and its relation to reason. The imaginative function is approached from several concurrent perspectives philosophical, religious, literary, musical and artistic, while the courses are divided into two main categories: Image Theory and Image Practice. The Masters Degree Program started in the 2001-2002 academic year, the first 13 alumni graduating in June 2002. It continues in 2002-2003 with 10 students. The syllabus for the academic year 2002/2003 comprises the following courses: SEMESTER I: 1. "Methodologies in Contemporary Comparativism: Themes, Imagology, European Studies" Prof. Vasile Voia, Ph.D. (Faculty of Letters, Department of Comparative Literature) 2. "Body, Gender and Corporal Language" Prof. Aurel Codoban, Ph.D. (Faculty of Philosophy). 3. "Philosophical Themes - Scientific Paradigms - Aesthetic Epistemologies" Assoc. Prof. Pavel Puscas, Ph.D. ("Gheorghe Dima" Music Academy, Art Theory, Department of Composition, Musicology, Pedagogy) 4. "European Eschatology from Antiquity to the Renaissance" Assoc. Prof. Corin Braga, Ph.D. (Faculty of Letters, Department of Comparative Literature) 5. '"Poetics of the Imagination'" Assoc. Prof. Sanda Cordos, Ph.D. (Faculty of Letters, Department of Romanian Literature and Literary Theory) SEMESTER II: 6. "Visual Arts and Literature" Prof. Mircea Muthu, Ph.D., (Faculty of Letters, Department of Romanian Literature and Literary Theory) 7. "Elements of Visual Semiotics and Syntax" Prof. Alin Ailincai (Faculty of Visual Arts, Department of Ceramics, Glass, Metal and Textile Arts) 8. "Image Theory in Byzantine Theology" Assoc. Prof. Ioan Ica Jr., Ph.D., (Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Department of the History and Philosophy of Religions) 9. "Samples of Hostile Imagination: Imaging the Other in the Dichotomic Cold War Culture" Assoc. Prof. Stefan Borbly, Ph.D. (Faculty of Letters, Department of Comparative Literature) 10. "Imaginary of the 20th century, between abstraction and intropathy" Assoc. Prof. Diana Adamek (Faculty of Letters, Department of Comparative Literature) II. A Book Collection entitled "Mundus Imaginalis" Coordinator: Corin Braga 169

This book collection is the result of a fruitful cooperation between the Center for Imagination Studies and Dacia Publishing House. The phrase "mundus imaginalis" was coined by Henry Corbin to designate what may be called the iconosphere, or the universe of images. In this collection we intend to publish original or translated volumes that examine those constellations of images and symbols which operate as the fountain well of human culture. In their turn, these galaxies of symbols become organized into coherent outlooks on the universe, into images of the world, engendered as they are by various religious, philosophical or artistic systems. Consequently, the book collection comprises several series, focusing on the modus operandi of the imaginary: 1. Anthropology of the Imaginary 2. General Archetypology 3. Image Theory 4. History of the Imaginary 5. Imagology and exploring images of the world as they appear in: 6. Shamanic Visions 7. Greek Religion and Mystery Cults 8. Gnosis and Hermeticism 9. Occult Sciences in the Renaissance and the Modern Age The "Mundus Imaginalis" Book Collection has issued 5 volumes so far: - Charles Mauron, From Obsessive Metaphors to Personal Myth. Transl. by Ioana Both. Critical apparatus, bibliography and notes for the Romanian edition by Ioana Both and Raluca Lupu. Cluj: Dacia Publishing House, 2001. 384 pp. ('Image Theory' series) - Stefan Borbly, From Herakles to Eulenspiegel. Heroism. Cluj: Dacia Publishing House, 2001. 376 pp. ('General Archetypology' series) - Jean-Jacques Wunenburger, Utopia or the Crisis of the Imaginary. Transl. by Tudor Ionescu. Cluj: Dacia Publishing House, 2001. 304 pp. ('General Archetypology 'series) - Laurence Delaby, Tungusic Shamans. Transl. by Liliana and Doru Burlacu. Cluj: Dacia Publishing House, 2002. 224 pp. ('Shamanic Visions' series) - Ovidiu Pecican, Fictional Realities and True Fictions ('History of the Imaginary' series) The following books are scheduled for publication in 2002 and 2003: - Lucien Lvy-Bruhl, Symbolic Imagination. Transl. by Raluca Lupu-Onet ('Anthropology of the Imaginary' series) - Pierre Brunel, The Invocation of the Dead and the Descent into the Underworld. Transl. by Svetlana Jureleac ('General Archetypology' series) - Wayne Shumaker, The Occult Sciences in the Renaissance. Transl. by Ovidiu Mircean ('Occult Sciences in the Renaissance and the Modern Age' series) - Jean Libis, The Myth of Androgyny. Transl. by Anca Muntean ('General Archetypology' series) - The Occult Sources of Roman-ticism. Transl. by Stefana Pop and Ioan Curseu ('Occult Sciences in the Renaissance and the Modern Age' series) - Franoise Bonardel, Philosophy through Fire. Transl. by Raluca Lupu-Onet ('Occult Sciences in the Renaissance and the Modern Age' series) - Paul Foucart, The Eleusis Mysteries. Transl. by Maria Matel ('Greek Religion and Mystery Cults' series) - Franz Cumont, Lux perpetua. Transl. by Svetlana Jureleac ('Greek Religion and Mystery Cults' series) III. An academic review 170

"Caietele Echinox" - Echinox Journal Directors: Stefan Borbly, Corin Braga Echinox Journal represents an interface between the Center for Imagination Studies and the Echinox Cultural Foundation. Echinox is a well known Romanian review, that has been published since 1968. Starting with 2001, Echinox amplified its activity, being issued in three formats: the Echinox review; the Echinox Journal; and an electronic magazine -, to be accessed on the website of the Echinox Cultural Foundation, at the following address: www.lett.ubbcluj.ro/~echinox. Echinox Journal is a bi-annual publication, issued in 250 to 300-page volumes, comprising studies in Romanian, English, French and German. The aim of the Journal editors is to cooperate with various institutes, academic centers and professional organizations, as well as to publish the results of certain research programs undertaken by the Center for Imagination Studies in joint partnership with these institutions. Issues published so far: - Issue 1 / 2001: "Postcolonialism and Postcomunism". - Issue 2 / 2001: "Image Theory and Practice. 1. Cultural Imaginary" - Issue 3 / 2002: " Image Theory and Practice. 2. Social Imaginary" - Issue 4 / 2002: "Restrictions and Censorship" Issues awaiting publication: - "Symbolic Geographies" - "German Studies and Comparativism" - " Socialist Realism" The volumes can be found also on the website of the Echinox Cultural Foundation: www.lett.ubbcluj.ro/~echinox IV. A research group "Eranos" Founder and supervisor: Stefan Borbly This research group was founded in the fall of 1991 at the Faculty of Letters in Cluj, under the aegis of the Department of Comparative Literature. The name Eranos ("the philosophers' feast") is derived from the famous reunions organized by C. G. Jung in Switzerland. The research group aims to achieve an interdisciplinary scope, organizing monthly debates on themes pertaining to imagology, symbols, religions, the comparative study of mentalities, psychoanalysis, psychocriticism, political psychology, psychohistory, and philosophy. A mere glance at the general themes on focus suggests that we are advocating attracting students from a wide array of faculties, in order for our monthly meetings to be extremely successful. Renowned lecturers from Cluj and elsewhere, in the country and abroad, are regularly invited to these meetings. Themes debated between 1991 and 1997 (a selective list): - Myth and rite in a Freudian perspective - Oedipus - towards a Jungian myth-analysis - Jung and archetypology - Jung: the symbolic architecture of the Bollingen house - Lustration rites 171

- Sacrificial rites in the Old Testament - Unicorns and other symbolic animals - Postmodernism and philosophy - The birth trauma in a psychohistorical grid Themes debated since 2002: - March 21, 2002 - What we like and what we dislike about literary criticism, as it is practiced at the Faculty of Letters - April 4, 2002 - A debate on H.-R. Patapievici's "The Recent Man" - April 15, 2002 - J.-J. Wunenburger's Conference "L'arbre aux images" - April 25, 2002 - Oleg Garaz's Conference on "Musical Images" Octomber 24, 2002 - Sorin Mitu, Ovidiu Pecican, "Contemporary Romanian Historiography. From National Mythology to Historic Truth" - November 21, 2002 - Marta Petreu, "The Shadow of Nae Ionescu. The Generation of the 27s (NoicaEliade-Cioran) between admiration and critical reconsideration" - December 11, 2002 - Virgil Mihaiu, "Jazz - A Synthesis of the Arts at the Beginning of the 3rd Millenium" V. A creative writing workshop " Oneiric Literature" Supervisor: Ruxandra Cesereanu The Center for Imagination Studies aims at supporting not only academic, conceptualized research into the imaginary, but also artistic projects that investigate the world of phantasms. A small group of writers, who achieved literary recognition in the '90s and deploy techniques of penetrating the barriers of reality through hallucination, delirium, dream, nightmare, trance or ecstasy, are included under its umbrella. These writers, who are united by their common poetics and sensibility rather than by the mere label and group identity as (neo) oneiric artists, include: - Corin Braga, with his tetralogy Sleepwalkers (two novels of which have been published: The Claustrophobic Man and Hydra) and with Oneiria. A Dream Journal (1985-1995). - Ruxandra Cesereanu, with her poetry volumes: Garden of Delights, Live Zone, Schizoid Ocean, Venice with Violet Lashes; fiction: Journey through the Looking Glass, Purgatories, Tricephalos; and an anthology of Romanian oneiric poetry: Deliriums and Deliria. - Mona Chirila, director, with the shows The Mantle by Gogol; with scenes from Bulgakov; The Bloody Wedding, adapted after Lorca; and Nights from One Thousand and One. - Judith Meszros, with the poetry volumes: The Angelciad and Yellow Submarine - Ovidiu Pecican, with the novel: My Monkey and I Neo-oneiric poetic arts and literature attempt to retrieve the de-realization strategies and to revisit the parallel worlds - whether they be metaphysical, psychological or aesthetic - used or discovered (invented) by the Romantics, the Surrealists, and the Oneirics of the '60s and '70s. Neo-oneiric literature redeploys these themes in the context of the phobias of the new postmodern age, reflecting the ongoing crisis of ontology, using the neo-shamanic techniques of exploring parallel realities and the computer-age methods of virtually redesigning reality. Furthermore, the Center also organizes a creative writing workshop in oneiric literature, starting in the 2002-2003 academic year, under Ruxandra Cesereanu's supervision. In the first semester have been held 10 workshop sessions. VI. An electronic gallery 172

Curator: Mircea Baciu The Center wishes to encourage and disseminate samples of visual and cinematic creation, where images are summoned to reveal the most unexpected manifestations and nuances of perception or fantasy. The fastest and most efficient way to achieve this is, prior to opening an exhibition hall, to display the paintings in an electronic gallery on the Center's website. The Center therefore cooperates with the "Ion Andreescu" Academy of Visual Arts, and in particular with Prof. Mircea Baciu, Dean of the Faculty of Graphic Arts, with his students and assistants. The cybernetic exhibitions are commenced with the works of Bucharest-based artist, Laura Covaci, author of several presentations in the US, Japan, France, Belgium, Hungary and Romania. VII. A Website "Phantasma" Web design: Cristina Varga Dedicated to studying the activities of the imaginary, the Center could not have avoided the temptation of creating a mirror image for itself, a virtual icon through which it may construct its identity in cyberspace - the postmodern universe by excellence. Since, however, the roots of phantasms sublimated into electronic information units continue to derive their sap from the most obscure formations of the collective subconscious, we have selected as a logo an anonymous engraving from 1580-1590, "Le monde dans une tete de fou", satirizing the "Folly of Voyaging". This drawing was made at a time when the emergent modern mentality was beginning to discard the "magic thinking" of the Middle Ages, poking fun at the corpus of fantastic voyages inherited by way of tradition, as well as at the fad for exploring voyages that had been initiated in the Renaissance. "Stultorum infinitus est numerus", reads the inscription on the "beard" of the imaginary traveler. Besides, the earthly globe itself is inside the jester's cap - a no less fantastic geographical representation since the bottom of the global map is occupied by a gigantic, though fictive, Unknown Austral Continent. The entire activity of the Center will be reflected in the pages of this website, which will bring into focus, in the parallel and simultaneous time of binary information, the activities of the Center's manifold programs and will stock its real-time history in the hyperspace (that is, to speak in less metaphysical terms, in the server's memory clusters). It will also make all the links and connections to the websites of the Center's partner institutions. Electronic address: www.lett.ubbcluj.ro/~phantasma RESEARCH PROGRAMS The components presented above are the administrative and logistical bases of the Center for Imagination Studies, amounting to a practical framework (investigation, research, teaching) and providing channels of self-expression for those who wish to use it as an institutional umbrella. Against this background, four main research programs have been launched, conceived as group-study themes involving both academics and students, and envisaged to be finalized in print as studies, books and data bases, provided that adequate funding, grants and sponsorship is obtained. I. The interdisciplinary program of Balkan Studies Coordinator: Prof. Mircea Muthu, Ph. D.

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General aims: - Promoting the adoption of Balkan Studies, including modern Balkan languages studies, at an institutional level - Setting up a Balkan book fund - Starting a Ph. D. program on Balkan Studies - Editing an annual info bulletin Priority aims: - Publishing "The History of the A-Romanians" - Setting up a bibliographical data basis (South-East European literatures in Romania) Research themes: - A comparative study of the South-East European literatures; motifs and typologies; the concept of South-East European literature - "The Image of the Other" in the Romanian and South-East European travelogue - The permeability of cultural frontiers in the Balkan area: oral/written, lay/religious, aulic/popular culture - The Balkan Diaspora in Romania and Romanians in today's South-East European area between the 19th and the 20th centuries - Book circulation in the Romanian and South-East European area between the 18th and the 19th centuries Institutions co-opted for this program: The Faculty of Letters, Cluj-Napoca The Faculty of History and Philosophy, Cluj-Napoca The Faculty of Orthodox Religion, Cluj-Napoca The Institute of South-East European Studies, Bucharest The Libra Cultural Foundation, Bucharest II. The History of the Imaginary Program Coordinator: Assoc. Prof. Ovidiu Pecican, Ph. D. The History of the Imaginary research group aims especially at investigating the relationships between project and reality in the Middle Ages, between this historical period and its historiographic, iconographic and narrative rendering. Amongst the ongoing projects of this research group are: - Ovidiu Pecican - a book entitled Imagined Realities and True Fictions. Studies in the Romanians' history of the imaginary throughout the Middle Ages - Ovidiu Ghitta - studies on the religious imaginary in the modern period, with particular focus on the genesis and metamorphoses undergone by the Romanian Greek-Catholic Church in Partium and Transylvania - Maria Ghitta - a Ph. D. dissertation on Antisemitism in Romania between the Two World Wars, investigating the imagination mechanisms that foster and encourage antisemitism III. The Image of the U.S.A. in the Romanian Cold War Period Mass-Media Program Coordinator: Stefan Borbely Field: Cold War Studies; Political Science (Patterns of Hostile Imagination)

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This project represents the first Romanian attempt to summarize the strategies of the hostile imagination towards the West promoted in Romania by the mass media of the Cold War period. I have selected the hostile image of the USA because it synthesizes all the psychological drives of mass hostility directed towards the Western world by the Communist ideology of the Cold War. The negative image of the USA is not only a part of the general negative stereotypes induced against the West at that time, but also a privileged strategy of focusing the hostile collective drives against the "main enemy", conceived as such by the political restrictions governing the bipolar world which emerged after World War II. Moreover, during the Cold War Period in Romania there were two main reasons favoring the ideological promotion of the USA as a privileged enemy. Romanians could not forget the heavy American bombings of the Prahova Valley oil terminals and of Bucharest during 1944. The resentment caused by this violence, which the majority of the population considered as being "unfair" (especially the devastating bombing of the Capital) was easily turned into ideological hostility by the newly emerged Communist regime. On the other hand, the strategy of promoting hostility against the USA was expected to crack down the expectations of the population to get rid of the Communist government with the help of a massive American intervention. "Vin americanii! - The Americans are coming!" was, indeed, the main informal slogan of that time; the expectation frustration caused by America's reluctance to restore the former order of the region was also used by the ideological institutions of the time to impose a negative drive against the Western World. Structured into three main research strategies, the project intends to browse the following domains: 1. A theoretical approach to hostile imagination, to its political and psychological drives. 2. The image of the USA in Russia's communist documents, starting with Stalin's propaganda machine and moving on in time towards the Cuban crisis and the J. F. Kennedy - Hruschev confrontation. 3. The image of the USA and the stereotypes of the hostile imagination in the Romanian public opinion and the mass-media of the Cold War Period. IV. The Image of the USA in Romanian Post-Communism Program /A Study in Ideology & A Database/ Coordinator: Ruxandra Cesereanu The Project intends to carry out a study in imagology and to build a mass media database, reflecting the way in which the Post-Communist political power and public opinion in Romania have referred to the image of the United States of America. The research starts from two sets of political representations of the USA, which have functioned at different times in the Romanian public mentality. The first couple of contrastive images of the US to be analyzed belong to the Communist period in Romania (1945-1989). During this regime, two images were spontaneously or ideologically generated. The first one was "the myth of the Americans' arrival" (the Americans seen as representing the Providential Savior). This myth was created by the political prisoners from the Communist camps across Romania (during 1944-1964), and by the Anti-Communist guerilla in the Romanian mountains, and it was adopted by the main part of the population who resisted the Communist regime. Through this myth, the Americans were seen as invincible warriors, who could defeat the almighty Soviet army, and as possible legislators in an Anti-Communist Romania. On the other hand, the Communist regime projected onto the Americans the symbolic image of the enemy, satanizing the USA. The Communist ideology was impregnated with Gnostic, Apocalyptic and Messianic elements, accusing Western capitalism (and especially the USA as an exponential enemy) of incarnating the principle of Evil and Decadence. During Romanian Post-Communism, these two imaginary tendencies have acquired further sociopolitical nuances. One of the recent images of the US relies on the myth of the "conspiracy theory", issued by "cryptocommunists" and by other nostalgics of the previous regime. In this trend of interpretation, the 175

American influence on Romania is satanized. The malfunctioning and drawbacks of the Romanian economy and institutions are interpreted as international Anti-Romanian "plots" backed by the CIA. This "conspiracy myth" tries to explain, for example, the mythopolitical continuity between the Yalta (1945) and Malta (1989) political meetings, where the American presidents (Roosevelt, Bush) and the Soviet (Stalin, Gorbaciov) divided the world in two ideological and political hemispheres. (Of course, the former "plot" was a malefic conspiracy against Romania, the latter, a beneficial one). Another Post-Communist image of the US is that of a paradisiacal space, of total freedom, where all the human possibilities find their realization. This myth supports, inside the Romanian mentality, the population's longing for emigrating into the USA or its obsession for joining the NATO. Topics of Individual Research Programs - Diana Adamek - "Alchemy of Chess Games" - Stefan Borbly - "The Imaginary of the Cold War" - Corin Braga - "The Failed Quest. The Forbidden Paradise in the Middle Ages" - Carmen Bujdei - "Monsters in 20th Century English Literature" - Ruxandra Cesereanu -"The Violent Imaginary of the Romanians" - Sanda Cordos - "Post-Communism as a New World" - Oleg Garaz - "Between Animism and Iconoclasm. Searching for the origins of Music" - Edith Horvath Gelu - "The Imaginary of the Romanian Diaspora in Post-Communism" - Marius Jucan - "The Imaginary of Modernity in American Culture and Literature" - Mihaela Ursa - "Images of the Critic in Western Culture" - Vasile Voia - "Principles of Modern Comparativism" PhD Topics - Liana Cecilia Barbos - "Images of the Human Body in Fine Arts and Commercial Advertising" - Maria Chetan - "Artistic Configurations in Literary Discourse" - Cosmin Hiristea - "Poetics of the Sculptural Space in the 20th Century" - Ovidiu Mircean - "Literature of the simulacra" - Cristina Saracut - "Ekphrasis. Pictural Representations in the Literary Work"

Le Centre de Recherches sur l'Imaginaire Sur l'initiative de Corin Braga, maitre de confrences en littrature compare, plusieurs professeurs de la Facult des Lettres de l'Universit Babes-Bolyai de Cluj, Roumanie (prof. Vasile Voia, prof. Mircea Muthu, maitre de conf. Stefan Borbly etc.) et d'autres facults de Cluj (prof. Mircea Baciu - Facult d'arts graphiques ; maitre de conf. Ovidiu Pecican - Facult d'Etudes Europennes ; maitre de conf. Ruxandra Cesereanu - Facult de Sciences Politiques et Journalisme) ont runi leurs efforts pour crer un Centre de Recherches sur l'Imaginaire, intitul PHANTASMA. Le Centre a t inaugur le 16 avril 2002. A la crmonie ont particip prof. Andrei Marga, le prsident de l'Universit Babes-Bolyai, prof. Vasile Cristea, vice-prsident, et prof. Jean-Jacques Wunenburger, vice-prsident de l'Universit Jean Moulin - Lyon 3 et directeur du Centre Gaston Bachelard de 176

recherches sur l'imaginaire et la rationalit de Dijon, France. Phantasma a son siege a la Facult des Lettres, Cluj, Roumanie. Son fonctionnement a t approuv par le Conseil de la Facult des Lettres de 9 avril 2002, et par le Snat de l'Universit Babes-Bolyai de 20 mai 2002. Le Centre a t reu dans le rseau CRI-GRECO (Centres de Recherches sur l'Imaginaire - Groupe de Recherches Coordonnes), qui compte avec plus de 30 laboratoires dans le monde. Motivation de principe : La science moderne de l'imaginaire a t fonde vers la moiti du XXe siecle, par les travaux d'une srie de philosophes, thoriciens et historiens des religions comme Gaston Bachelard, Henry Corbin, Mircea Eliade, Charles Baudouin, Charles Mauron, Gilbert Durand et autres. La discipline se penche sur une importante fonction psychique, que la philosophie et la psychologie antrieures ont largement ignore - l'imaginaire. Situe entre la perception et la raison, entre la reprsentation sensorielle et le raisonnement intellectuel, l'image a bnfici de la part de ces analystes d'une approche complexe, qui a mis en vidence sa nature spcifique, ses mca-nismes de gnration, de fonctionnement et de transmission, les relations synesth-siques, symboliques et logiques qu'elle entretient avec les perceptions, les souvenirs et les ides, son rle et ses fonctions dans le cadre du psychisme individuel et collectif, ses manifestations psychologiques, sociales et artistiques. Au prsent, dans le monde fonctionnent plus de 30 laboratoires et groupes de recherches sur l'imaginaire, relis dans un rseau qui a des centres en France, Belgique, Brasil, Isral, Portugal, Core, Canada, Pologne, Rpublique Tcheque et Roumanie. Objectifs gnraux : Notre Centre se propose de faire face aux nouvelles provocations que pose la vie des images a l'ere postmoderne. Il se penche sur deux domaines prioritaires de recherche: 1. L'analyse de l'imaginaire culturel, littraire et artistique. Les recherches sur l'imaginaire ont labor une srie de mthodes et d'instruments (la psychocritique, la mythocritique, l'archtypologie, l'imagologie) tres efficaces, qui permettent une hermneutique immanente de l'imaginaire culturel et surprend le spcifique de l'image, du symbole et du mythe, en tant que fonctions psychiques et figures artistiques. Notre projet de longue perspective est de conjuguer ces mthodes avec une approche participative (recherche-action), pour identifier les noyaux de fascination qui nourrissent les constellations d'images. 2. L'analyse de l'imaginaire social et politique. Si on parle aujourd'hui de la transformation du monde en un " village global ", il faut toutefois se rendre compte que les informations que nous avons des autres ne sont plus des perceptions directes, comme dans le village traditionnel, mais des images labores par les milieux mdiatiques (rclames, presse, cinmatographie, tlvision par cable et par satellite, Internet etc.). Les recherches sur l'imaginaire sont importantes pour la comprhension du mode de production et de fonctionnement des images au niveau des groupes sociaux, de l'inconscient collectif, a une poque ou l'extension sans prcdent de la culture visuelle rend possibles les manipulations subliminales, idologiques, politiques. Objectifs spcifiques Par ses organes et ses programmes de recherche, prsents a continuation, le Centre se propose : 1. L'investigation de plusieurs themes de l'imaginaire autant culturel-artistique que social-mdiatique, dans des groupes qui comprennent des enseignants, des doctorants et des tudiants en DEA 2. La publication des rsultats de ces recherches (dans les livres, les revues et les pages lectroniques dites par le Centre) 177

3. L'enseignement de ces themes de recherche, dans le cadre des cours et des sminaires en DEA, des cercles d'tudes et de cration du Centre. Direction et membres Directeur : Maitre de conf. Corin Braga Directeurs de programmes : - Prof. Mircea Muthu - Coordinateur du Programme interdisciplinaire de Balcanologie - Prof. Vasile Voia - Directeur d'tudes du DEA " Histoire des images - Histoire des ides " - Maitre de confrences Stefan Borbly - Directeur, ensemble avec Corin Braga, des " Cahiers de l'Echinox " ; Responsable du Cercle d'tudes " Eranos "; Directeur du Programme " L'image de l'Amrique et la mentalit publique roumaine pendant la Guerre Froide " - Maitre de confrences Ruxandra Cesereanu - Responsable du Cercle de creative writing " La littrature onirique " ; Directeur du Programme " L'image des tats Unis dans le postcommunisme roumain " - Maitre de confrences Ovidiu Pecican - Directeur du Programme d'Histoire de l'Imaginaire - Prof. Mircea Baciu - Responsable de la Gallrie lectronique - As. Cristina Varga - Website design Membres : - Maitre de confrences Diana Adamek - Maitre de confrences Sanda Cordos - As. Carmen Bujdei - As. Horea Poenar - As. Mihaela Ursa - As. Ovidiu Mircean Les professeurs qui enseignent dans le programme DEA " Histoire de images - Histoire des ides " : Prof. Alin Ailincai Prof. Aurel Codoban Prof. Doina Modola Prof. Mircea Muthu Prof. Vasile Voia Maitre de confrences Diana Adamek Maitre de confrences. Stefan Borbly Maitre de confrences Corin Braga Maitre de confrences Sanda Cordos Maitre de confrences Pavel Puscas Les tudiants inscrits dans le programme DEA 2001-2002 Florentina Coman Elena Herlea Ioana Macrea Simina Maxim Ovidiu Mircean Anamaria Molcsan Angela Moldovan Anca Muntean Nicoleta Palimariu 178

Adina Sita Daniela Sandru Emilia Toma Nicolae Turcan 2002-2003: Constantina Buleu Gosman Ioana Ioana Hanchevici Cristina Ilies Alina Maistru Dorin Muresan Elena Popovici Mara Stanca Rafan Ileana Salcudean Adrian Szelmenczi Traducteurs dans le cadre de la collection " Mundus Imaginalis " : Ioana Bot Liliana et Doru Burlacu Ioan Curseu Tudor Ionescu Svetlana Jureleac Raluca Lupu-Onet Ovidiu Mircean Anca Muntean Anca Noje Stefana Pop Partenaires Maitre de confrences Rodica Baconsky, Maitre de confrences Gheorghe Lascu - Dpartement de Langues Modernes Appliques, Facult des Lettres Prof. Rodica Pop - Centre d'Etudes Belges Maitre de confrences Ioana Bot - Le programme DEA en littrature roumaine Prof. Aurel Codoban - l'Institut de religions sud-est europennes et orientales, Facult de philosophie Maitre de confrences Marius Jucan - Facult d'Etudes Europennes Les composantes du Centre I. Un DEA interdisciplinaire "Histoire des images - Histoire des ides" Directeur d'tudes : Prof. Vasile Voia Organis dans le cadre de la Facult des Lettres de Cluj, ce programme DEA rassemble professeurs de plusieurs facults, qui enseignent des disciplines connexes, capables d'offrir une perspective spectrale sur l'imaginaire et sur ses relations avec la rationalit. L'volution de la fonction imaginative est investigue par les approches conjugues de la philosophie, de l'histoire des religions, de la littrature et de la thorie littraire, de la psychohistoire, de la musique et des beaux-arts. Les cours se rangent en deux grandes catgories : La thorie et La pratique de l'imaginaire. 179

Le DEA a commenc en l'anne acadmique 2001-2002, avec 13 tudiants (slectionns d'un nombre de 23 candidats). Il continue en 2002-2003 avec 10 tudiants. Son syllabus comprend les cours suivants : Ier semestre 1. " Mthodes du comparatisme actuel : thmatisme, imagologie, tudes europennes " Prof. Vasile Voia (Facult des Lettres, Dpartement de littrature universelle et compare) 2. " Corps, genre et language corporel " Prof. Aurel Codoban (Facult de philosophie, Dpartement de philosophie systmatique) 3. " Themes philosophiques - paradigmes scientifiques - pistemes esthtiques " Maitre de confrences Pavel Puscas (Acadmie de musique " Gheorghe Dima ", Dpartement de composition, musicologie et pdagogie) 4. " L'image europenne de l'apres-monde de l'Antiquit a la Renaissance " Maitre de confrences Corin Braga (Facult des Lettres, Dpartement de littrature universelle et compare) 5. " Potique de l'imagination " Maitre de confrences Sanda Cordos (Facult des Lettres, Dpartement de littrature roumaine et thorie littraire) IIe semestre 6. " Beaux-arts et littrature " Prof. Mircea Muthu (Facult des Lettres, Dpartement de littrature roumaine et thorie littraire) 7. " Elments de smiotique et de syntaxe du visuel " Prof. Alin Ailincai (Facult d'arts visuels) 8. " Thorie de l'image dans la thologie byzantine " Maitre de confrences Ion I. Ica (Facult de th'ologie orthodoxe, Dpartement d'histoire et de philosophie de la religion) 9. " L'imagination hostile : l'image de l'autre dans la culture dichotomique de la Guerre Froide " Maitre de confrences Stefan Borbely (Facult des Lettres, Dpartement de littrature universelle et compare) 10. " L'imaginaire du XXe siecle, entre abstraction et intropathie " Maitre de confrences Diana Adamek (Facult des Lettres, Dpartement de littrature universelle et compare) II. Une collection de livres "Mundus Imaginalis" Coordinateur : Corin Braga La collection est le rsultat de la collaboration entre le Centre de Recherches sur l'Imaginaire et la Maison d'dition Dacia de Cluj, qui a dcid d'inclure " Mundus imaginalis " parmi ses autres collections. Le concept de "mundus imaginalis" a t forg par Henry Corbin pour dsigner ce qu'on pourrait appeler l'iconosphere, l'univers des images. La collection se propose de publier des volumes (contributions roumaines ou traductions) qui se penchent sur les constellations d'images et de symboles qui irriguent comme un rseau phratique la culture humaine. A leur tour, ces galaxies de symboles s'organisent en des visions cohrentes de l'univers, en des images du monde, scrtes par les divers systemes religieux, philosophiques ou artistiques. A un rythme de 6 parutions par an, la collection veut passer en revue les principales contributions a la thorie de l'imaginaire au XXe siecle et les descriptions de synthese des Weltanschauung symboliques le plus fameuses de l'histoire de la culture 180

europenne. Elle comprend plusieurs sries, qui envisagent: Le mode de fonctionnement de l'imaginaire : 1. Anthropologie de l'imaginaire 2. Archtypologie gnrale 3. Thories de l'image 4. Histoire de l'imaginaire 5. Imagologie Images du monde, formuls dans : 5. Les visions chamaniques 6. La religion grecque et les cultes a mysteres 7. La gnose et l'hermtisme 8. Les disciplines occultes de la Renaissance et de l'poque moderne La collection a dbut en 2001. Jusqu'a prsent, sont parus 5 volumes : - Charles Mauron, Des mtaphores obsdantes au mythe personnel, Traduit par Ioana Both, Dacia, 2001, 384 p. (Sria Thorie de l'image) - Stefan Borbly, De Hracles a Eulenspiegel. L'hroique, Dacia, 2001, 376 p. (Srie Archtypologie gnrale) - Jean-Jacques Wunenburger, L'utopie ou la crise de l'imaginaire, Traduit par Tudor Ionescu, Dacia, 2001, 304 p. (Srie Archtypologie gnrale) - Laurence Delaby, Les chamanes toungouses, Traduit par Liliana et Doru Burlacu, Dacia, 2002, 224 p. (Sria Visions chamaniques) - Ovidiu Pecican, Ralits imagines et fictions vraies (Sria Histoire de l'imaginaire) Pour 2002 et 2003 sont prvues les parutions suivantes : - Lucien Lvy-Bruhl, L'imagination symbolique, Traduit par Raluca Lupu-Onet (Srie Anthropologie de l'imaginaire) - Pierre Brunel, L'vocation des morts et la descente aux enfers, Traduit par Svetlana Jureleac (Srie Archtypologie gnrale) - Wayne Shumaker, Les Sciences occultes de la Renaissance, Traduit par Ovidiu Mircean (Srie Les disciplines occultes de la Renaissance et de l'poque moderne) - Jean Libis, Le mythe de l'androgyne, Traduit par Anca Muntean (Srie Archtypologie gnrale) - Auguste Viatte, Les sources occultes du Romantisme, Traduit par Stefana Pop et Ioan Curseu (Srie Les disciplines occultes de la Renaissance et de l'poque moderne) - Franoise Bonardel, Philosopher par le feu, Traduit par Raluca Lupu-Onet (Srie Les disciplines occultes de la Renaissance et de l'poque moderne) - Paul Foucart, Les Mysteres d'Eleusis, Traduit par Maria Matel, (Srie La religion grecque et les cultes a mysteres) - Franz Cumont, Lux perpetua, Traduit par Svetlana Jureleac, (Srie La religion grecque et les cultes a mysteres) III. La revue acadmique "Les Cahiers de l'Echinox" Directeurs: Stefan Borbely, Corin Braga Les Cahiers de l'Echinox sont une interface entre le Centre de Recherches sur l'Imaginaire et la Fondation Culturelle Echinox. Echinox est une prestigieuse revue roumaine, dite depuis 1968 par l'Universit " Babes-Bolyai " de Cluj et la Fondation Culturelle Echinox. A partir de 2001, la Fondation a amplifi son activit, publiant, a part la revue, une srie de Cahiers de l'Echinox (Caietele Echinox). Les cahiers sont conus comme des volumes de 250-300 pages, semestriels. Ils se proposent de reflter l'activit de recherche 181

et de conception des meilleurs enseignants roumains travaillant dans le domaine des sciences humaines et de la littrature. Les cahiers sont galement ouverts aux collaborateurs trangers. En ce sens, les langues acceptes sont, a part le roumain, le franais, l'anglais, l'allemand et l'italien. Jusqu'a prsent, sont parus 4 volumes : - No. 1 / 2001 : "Postcolonialisme et Postcommunisme". - No. 2 / 2001 : "Thorie et pratique de l'image. 1. Imaginaire culturel" - No. 3 / 2002 : "Thorie et pratique de l'image. 2. Imaginaire social" - No. 4 / 2002 : "Restrictions et Censure" A continuation est prvue la parution de : - "Gographies symboliques" - "Comparatisme et tudes allemandes" - "Le ralisme socialiste" Les textes publis dans Les Cahiers de l'Echinox peuvent etre consults aussi bien sur le website de la Fondation Culturelle Echinox : www.lett.ubbcluj.ro/~echinox IV. Le cercle d'tudes "Eranos" Fondateur et responsable : Stefan Borbly Le Cercle a t cr en 1991, a la Facult des Lettres de Cluj, sous le patronage du Dpartement de littrature compare, et a fonctionn, avec des intermittences, jusqu'en 1997. Apres une priode de suspension, il a repris son activit en 2002, a la demande des tudiants et dans le cadre du Centre des Recherches sur l'Imaginaire. Le Cercle reprend le nom Eranos (" diner des philosophes ") aux fameuses rencontres patronnes par C. G. Jung. Il encourage les approches interdisciplinaires, organisant chaque mois des dbats sur des themes d'imagologie, symbologie, histoire des religions, psychanalyse, psychocritique, psychologie politique, psychohistoire, philosophie. La simple numration de ses thmatiques rvele notre dsir d'attirer et d'intgrer des tudiants en provenance de plusieurs facults. Priodiquement, nous invitons aussi des confrenciers prestigieux de Cluj, d'autres centres universitaires de Roumanie et de l'tranger. Thmatiques discutes en la priode 1991-1997 (slection) : - Mythe et rite dans la conception de Freud - Oedipe - une mythanalise jungienne - Jung et l'archtypologie - Jung : l'architecture symbolique de la maison de Bollingen - Les rites de lustration - Rites sacrificiels dans l'Ancien Testament - Licornes et autres animaux symboliques - Le Postmodernisme philosophique - Le trauma de la naissance dans la conception de la psychohistoire. Thmatiques discutes a partir de 2002 : - 21 mars 2002 - Qu'est-ce qu'on aime et qu'est-ce qu'on n'aime pas dans la critique littraire pratique a la Facult des Lettres? - 4 avril 2002 - Dbat sur le livre Omul recent [L'homme rcent] de H.-R. Patapievici 182

- 15 avril 2002 - La confrence de Jean-Jacques Wunenburger, " L'arbre aux images " - 25 avril 2002 - La confrence de Oleg Garaz, " L'image musicale " - 24 Octobre 2002 - Sorin Mitu, Ovidiu Pecican, "L'historiographie roumaine aujourd'hui. De la mythologie nationale a la vrit historique" - 21 Novembre 2002 - Marta Petreu, "L'ombre de Nae Ionescu. La gnration '27 (Noica-EliadeCioran) entre admiration inconditionne et reconsidration critique" - 11 Dcembre 2002 - Virgil Mihaiu, "Le Jazz comme synthese artistique au dbut du IIIe millnaire" V. Le Cercle de creative writing "La littrature onirique" Responsable : Ruxandra Cesereanu Le Centre se propose de stimuler non seulement les recherches acadmiques, conceptuelles, sur l'imaginaire, mais aussi bien les initiatives artistiques et cratrices qui explorent, d'une maniere ou d'une autre, le monde des fantasmes (littrature, peinture, thatre) Il runit dans ce sens un petit groupe d'crivains, form dans les annes '90 a Cluj, qui utilisent dans leurs textes (posie, prose, journal) des techniques comme l'hallucination, le dlire, le reve, le cauchemar, la transe et l'extase, destines a " briser le toit " de la ralit. Ces crivains et artistes peuvent etre runis sous le titre de (no)oniriques (par rapport au groupe onirique roumain des annes '60), syntagme qui dfinit non tant une stratgie collective, mais une sensibilit commune. Il s'agit de : - Corin Braga, avec la ttralogie Les noctambules (deux romans parus : Le claustrophobe, La hydre), et Oniria. Journal de reves (1985-1995). - Ruxandra Cesereanu, avec les volumes de posie : Le jardin des dlices, La zone vivante, L'Ocan Schizoidien, Venise a veines violettes ; de prose : Voyage a travers les miroirs, Les purgatoires et Tricephalos; et d'une anthologie de posie onirique roumaine, Dlires et hallucinations. - Mona Chirila, metteur en scene, avec les spectacles Le manteau, apres Gogol avec des scenes de Boulgakov ; Noces sanglantes, apres Lorca ; Nuits d'entre les mille et une, apres les contes de Schhrazade; Ubucarest. - Judith Meszros, avec les volumes de posie : La croisade des anges et Yellow Submarine - Ovidiu Pecican, avec le roman : Moi et mon singe Les manifestes et la littrature (no)onirique rcuperent les stratgies de dralisation et revisitent les mondes paralleles (fussent-ils mtaphysiques, psychologiques ou esthtiques) utilises, respectivement dcouverts (invents), par les romantiques, les surralistes et les oniriques des annes'60-'70. Mais ils rutilisent ces themes dans le contexte des phobies de la nouvelle ere postmoderne, refltant la crise actuelle de l'ontologie et faisant appel aux techniques d'exploration des ralits paralleles du nochamanisme et de rcration virtuelle de la ralit de la civilisation informationnelle. En plus, le Centre organise un sminaire de cration littraire (creative writing) utilisant des modeles et des formules oniriques, organis par Ruxandra Cesereanu, a partir de l'anne 2002-2003. Jusqu'a prsent, pendant le premier semestre, ont t organises 10 sances de travail. VI. Une gallrie lectronique Responsable : Mircea Baciu Le Centre dsire encourager et propager aussi la cration plastique et visuelle, art ou l'image est appele a manifester les formations et les nuances les plus inattendues de la perception, de la mmoire et de la fantaisie. Devanant le projet d'ouverture d'un espace d'expositions du Centre, la solution la plus rapide et efficace est d'exposer ces tableaux en une gallrie lectronique, ouverte sur le website du Centre. Dans 183

ce but, nous collaborons avec l'Acadmie de Beaux-Arts de Cluj, en spcial avec prof. Mircea Baciu, doyen de la Facult d'Arts graphiques, avec ses assistants et ses tu-diants. La gallrie cyberntique est inaugure avec les peintures de Laura Covaci, jeune artiste de Bucarest avec des expositions aux Etats Unis, au Japon, en France, Belgique et Hongrie. VII. Un Website "Phantasma" Webdesign : Cristina Varga Ddi aux activits de l'imaginaire, le Centre n'a pas pu viter la tentation de se donner une image virtuelle, de se construire une identit dans l'univers postmoderne par excellence - le cyberespace. Toutefois, comme les racines des fantasmes sublims dans des units d'information lectronique restent implantes dans les formations les plus obscures de l'inconscient collectif, nous avons choisi comme sigle une gravure anonyme de 1580-1590, " Le Monde dans la tete d'un fou ", qui satirise "La folie des voyages". Le dessin a t fait a une poque ou la nouvelle mentalit moderne s'attaquait a la " pense enchante " du Moyen Age, ironisant les histoires fantastiques de voyage hrites de la tradition et la mode (l'obsession) des explorations apparue a la Renaissance. "Stultorum infinitus est numerus", est crit sur le menton de notre voyageur imaginaire. A l'intrieur du bonnet de fou se trouve rien moins que le globe terrestre, dans une reprsentation non moins fantaisiste, en tant que la base de la mappemonde est occupe par un gigantesque mais fictif Continent Austral Inconnu. Meme la raison la plus aigu, qui prtend satiriser les divagations de l'imagination, n'chappe pas a l'illusion. Les pages du website reflteront toutes les initiatives du Centre. Le site fixera, dans le temps parallele et simultan de l'information binaire, les activits dployes par le Centre et stockera son histoire relle dans la mmoire du serveur. En plus, il assurera les liaisons et fera les renvois aux websites des partenaires du Centre. Adresse lectronique : www.lett.ubbcluj.ro/~phantasma C. Programmes de recherche Les units prsentes auparavant constituent la base administrative et logistique du Centre de recherches sur l'imaginaire. Elles difient un milieu de travail (conception, investigation, enseignement) et offrent des canaux d'expression publique pour ceux qui dsirent utiliser le Centre comme cadre institutionnel pour leurs recherches. Dans ce cadre fonctionnent ou est prvu le dmarrage de 4 programmes de recherche, conus comme des themes d'tude de groupe, en qui collaboreront des enseignants et des tudiants, pour lesquels nous ferons des demandes de financement, et qui se finaliseront dans des articles, des livres et des bases de donnes. I. Le programme interdisciplinaire de Balkanologie Directeur : Prof. Mircea Muthu Objectifs gnraux : - Le dveloppement des tudes de balkanologie au niveau de l'enseignement universitaire, inclusivement des langues balkaniques modernes - La constitution d'un fonds de livres balkaniques 184

- La cration d'un cycle de doctorat en balkanologie - la publication d'un bulletin informatif annuel Objectifs prioritaires : - La publication du manuscrit " L'histoire des aroumains " (population de langue roumaine habitant le Sud des Balkans) - L'laboration d'une base bibliographique (les littratures sud-est europennes dans l'espace roumain) Themes de recherche : - L'tude compare des littratures sud-est europennes : motifs et typologies communes, le concept de littrature sud-est europenne - " L'image de l'autre " dans les journaux de voyage roumains et sud-est europens - La permabilit des frontieres culturelles dans les Balkans : culture orale / crite, laique / religieuse, populaire / aulique - La diaspora balkanique en Roumanie et les Roumains dans l'espace sud-est europen aux XIXe et XXe siecles - La circulation du livre dans l'espace roumain et sud-est europen aux XVIIIe et XIXe siecles Institutions partenaires : La Facult des Lettres, Cluj-Napoca La Facult d'histoire et de philosophie, Cluj-Napoca La Facult de thologie orthodoxe, Cluj-Napoca L'institut d'Etudes Sud-Est Europennes, Bucarest La Fondation Culturelle Libra, Bucarest II. Le Programme d'Histoire de l'imaginaire Directeur : Maitre de conf. Ovidiu Pecican Le groupe d'histoire de l'imaginaire a pour objectif prioritaire l'investigation des rapports entre le projet et la ralit au Moyen Age, entre ceux-ci et leur reflet dans l'historiographie, l'iconographie, les sources narratives, et les documents d'poque. Entre les projets du groupe, nous signalons : - Ovidiu Pecican - le volume Ralits imagines et fictions vraies. tudes sur l'histoire de l'imaginaire chez les Roumains du Moyen Age (paru dans la Collection Mundus imaginalis) - Ovidiu Ghitta fait des recherches sur l'imaginaire religieux a l'poque moderne. Il est intress en spcial par la genese et les mtamorphoses de l'Eglise Grco-Catho-lique en Partium et en Transylvanie - Maria Ghitta travaille une these sur l'Antismitisme en Roumanie entre les deux guerres. Elle se propose de mettre en lumiere les mcanismes imaginaires qui crent et nourrissent l'antismitisme III. Le Programme " Reprsentations de l'Amrique dans les mdia et dans la mentalit publique roumaine pendant la Guerre Froide " Directeur : Maitre de conf. Stefan Borbly Objectif gnral : L'analyse de la Guerre Froide (Psychologie politique, Structures de l'imagination hostile) Ce projet est la premiere tentative roumaine de raliser une synthese interdisciplinaire sur les stratgies de reprsentation de l'imagination politique hostile utilises par les mass-mdia du Parti Communiste Roumain pendant la Guerre Froide. Nous avons choisi les reprsentations hostiles des Etats Unis parce qu'elles rsument tout l'arsenal d'imagination hostile dirig contre l'Occident par l'idologie 185

communiste. L'image ngative de l'Amrique n'est pas seulement un ensemble de strotypies dprciatives par lesquelles le communisme a combattu le modele conomique et social capitaliste, mais aussi une stratgie privilgie de circonscription d'un ennemi exponentiel, qui a men a la constitution d'une vision politique bipolaire et manichenne du monde apres la deuxieme guerre mondiale. Structur sur trois directions de recherche, le projet se penche sur les domaines suivants : 1. Le concept thorique d'imagination hostile ; l'analyse de ses instruments politiques et psychologiques de persuasion publique 2. L'analyse compare des images des Etats Unis, telles qu'elles rsultent des do-cuments de tous les pays membres de l'ex Pacte de Varsovie, l'Union Sovitique inclue 3. L'analyse diachronique des mcanismes par lesquels ont t cres les strotypies de l'imagination hostile diriges contre les Etats Unis pendant les deux priodes de la Guerre Froide en Roumanie (1945-1964, respectivement 1964-1991). Objectifs du projet : 1. L'organisation d'une enquete d'histoire orale, avec l'aide d'un groupe d'tudiants et de jeunes chercheurs, en vue de l'analyse des survivances et des rminiscences d'imagination hostile prsentes encore dans la mentalit collective roumaine 2. La constitution d'une archive documentaire sur la Guerre Froide, dans le cadre du Centre de Recherches sur l'Imaginaire, pour compenser la cassation de ce type de documents dans les bibliotheques publiques roumaines 3. L'initiation d'un programme universitaire ddi a l'tude de la Guerre Froide (cours et sminaires) et son introduction dans le schma curriculaire de la Facult des Lettres. Les travaux rsultant du projet seront publis rgulierement, dans des volumes et des revues de spcialit, autochtones et externes. IV. Le Programme " L'image des Etats Unis de l'Amrique dans le postcommunisme roumain " Directeur : Maitre de confrences Ruxandra Cesereanu Le projet est de raliser une tude imagologique et une base de donnes sur l'image de l'Amrique qu'ont dveloppe le rgime politique et l'opinion publique roumaine postcommunistes. La recherche trouve son point de dpart en deux mythes politiques sur les Etats Unis, qui ont fonctionn dans la mentalit roumaine pendant la priode communiste. Il s'agit, d'un ct, du mythe de " l'arrive des amricains " (perus comme des sauveurs providentiels), mythe construit par les dtenus politiques des prisons et des champs de travail forc de Roumanie et par les partisans anticommunistes qui luttaient dans les montagnes contre le systeme. Les Amricains taient fantasms comme les nouveaux lgislateurs d'une Roumanie unitaire, libre et anticommuniste, comme des guerriers et des sages, comme un messie collectif. De l'autre ct, symtriquement, en la meme priode, le pouvoir communiste imaginait les Etats Unis comme l'expression symbolique de l'Ennemi. Dans les cadres d'une idologie