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American Academy of Political and Social Science

"Cultures of Inequality": Ethnicity, Immigration, Social Welfare, and Imprisonment Author(s): Robert D. Crutchfield and David Pettinicchio Reviewed work(s): Source: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 623, Race, Crime, and Justice: Contexts and Complexities (May, 2009), pp. 134-147 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and Social Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40375892 . Accessed: 18/03/2013 20:39
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popular explanation major illsis thepersistence of a culture ofpovBanfield and each (1968) (1984) erty. Murray authored theirversions of this"theory" that havebeen endorsed notable makers. By by policy ROBERTD. CRUTCHFIELD President BillClinton, for example, commenting and DAVID PETTINICCHIO RobertD. Crutchfield is a professor and chair in the
Department of Sociology at the Universityof His research Washington. focuseson therolesofwork and labormarkets as determinants ofcrimeand crime and crime,and racial and patterns, neighborhoods ethnic in criminal disparities justiceprocessing. David Pettinicchio is a PhD candidate intheDepartment His of Sociologyat the University of Washington. dissertation and focuses on organizational dynamics in the expansion advopolitical processes of disability in economicand political cacy. He is also interested violent crime rates. predictors ofcross-national NOTE: We wouldliketo thank Suzanna Jerry Herting, Ramirez,Blaine Robbins,and JacobYoungfortheir comments and advice. We would also like to helpful thank Lauren Krivo and Ruth Peterson for their feedback andsuggestions on earlier drafts ofthis article.
DOI: 10.1177/0002716208331379

"Cultures of Inequality": Ethnicity, Immigration, SocialWelfare, Keywords: ethnicity;immigration;imprisonment; cross-national cultures ofinequality; threat; and Imprisonment forsome social

The authorsdiscussthe shift fromclassic cultureof to morecontemporary uses of culpoverty arguments tural in explaining in variables criminal justicepractices Western industrialized countries.The authors use "cultures of inequality" to refer to the increasing taste or toleranceforinequality in the generalpopulation across nations.They also elaborate a potentiallink betweenperceived threat ofothers and growing tastes for inequality, the classic threat therebyextending the data and data from hypothesis. Usingcountry-level WorldValues Survey, the authorsfindthatcountries withhigher thanaveragetastesforinequality also have incomeinequality, morepopulation higher heterogeneandhigher inprison. ofothers However, ity, percentages do notnecessarily havemore people in thesecountries hostile attitudestowardothers.The United States shares several characteristics with other Western countries in but appearsto be driving the difference the mean tasteforinequality betweencountries with low and highimprisonment ofothers.

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while he wasin theWhite reform on welfare House,saidthat Murray's analyses the welfare and moreexagcreated oftheproblems by system greater poverty - wereright on target, he noted socialproblems although consequent gerated too extreme were solutions that (http://www.newsweek.com/id/125104/ Murray's andother as wellas Clinton Banfield andMurray, officials, acknowledge page/1). tocrime, alsocontribute conditions socialstructural that addiction, family disrupthat thepoorholdvaluesthatare the butemphasize and teenpregnancy tion, In contrast, social and lifecircumstances. sourceoftheir many problems major conditions such as social structural scientists joblessness, inadequate arguethat andDentn leadtothese discrimination andracial (cf.Massey schools, problems and Bean 2006;Wilson 1987).Theyalso generally 1993;Sampson acknowledge ofnorms and leadtotheemergence sometimes that disadvantage may persistent livesof thepoorand the communities theproblematic valuesthatexacerbate inhabit. they ofpoverty tothetraditional culture we offer a counter In this article, argument: ofsocial areproduced A number thesis. ofinequality a culture bypersistproblems but valuesamongthepoor, notbecauseof perverted which exists entpoverty, ofsocial that areaccepting inthelarger becauseofvalues rather inequality. society that itis acceptable culture Wherethis exists, ofinequality many peoplebelieve ofinequality Thatis, cultures to persist. be allowed thatsubstantial inequalities In thesecontexts, the for has a high"taste where thepopulace exist inequality." and the causes for is not that viewprevails ameliorating responsible government its reaches ofinequality Thisculture ofsocialand economic inequality. products who that the believe social Darwinists those form probmodern-day highest among ownfailures areduetotheir andtheuneducated theunemployed, lems ofthepoor, to these intervention holds that 1968).Thisview (Banfield help groups government to this Such further lead to will efforts, only argument, according dependency. only ofhardworking themoney waste 1984). (Murray taxpayers

are produced A number by ofsocialproblems notbecauseof whichexists poverty, persistent valuesamongthepoor,butrather perverted thatare becauseofvaluesin thelarger society ofsocialinequality. accepting

is theobserv"tasteforinequality" an expressed In ourconceptualization, is the The former ofinequality. ofa culture ofthepresence able manifestation

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ofthelatter. and use it as a Here we willdevelopthisthesis operationalization in framework for about shifts and social welfare thinking policies. imprisonment We areespecially incomparing that interested countries aremore homogeneous with those aremore that we alsowant toteaseoutand However, heterogeneous. countries with an base areexpecompare already heterogeneous population that more in with countries the rest of our riencing immigration sample.Largeor of in numbers "others" a as threat are viewed (Blalock growing country increasing and Kleban with a taste 1967;Jacobs 2003),along inequalproducinggrowing for Where that taste becomes thecitizenry, a culture of ity. broadly accepted among to is When such a of marked culture inequality likely emerge. by inequality, nations are likely to invest morepunitively lessin socialwelfare and to respond to crime. Ofparticular interest is howtheUnited which hashadunprecStates, in imprisonment edentedincreases as well as cutbacks in welfare programs, to other nations. compares

Cultures ofInequality
the old of the general Exceptamongsegments publicand somepoliticians, notion that a persistent has subculture ofpoverty is thecauseofsocialproblems been largely discredited most social scientists (Wilson 1987).Instead, recognize thatundersomeconditions, of structured lead to the emergence inequalities and behavior that make life difficult for communities norms, values, patterns poor and Bean (2006)contrast older (Anderson 1999;Miller 2008).Notably, Sampson notions oftheexistence ofa subculture ofpoverty with that contemporary analyses stress that thesocialisolation ofthepoorexacerbates their social precarious positions andproduces intheir behaviors communities. counterproductive Scholars areincreasingly to culture as part ofthebroader turning explanation of variation in national rates(Jacobs and Kleban2003; Sutton imprisonment ofpolicies or political 2004). Unableto explain patterns solely usingindicators that societies that are moreindividualistic, or willing leadership, they speculate to acceptinequality, arealsomore toembrace reliance on imprisonlikely heavy ment for socialcontrol. - where Consistent withthesethemes, we arguethatcultures of inequality ofthepolitically ortheelectorate havea high for taste many powerful inequality determine societies' to social Where thetaste for is response problems. inequality illness is frequently addressed with health care.Joblessness low, widespread public andunemployment about state for welfare In contrast, benefits. a high bring support taste for leadsto a minimalist welfare state andpunitive criminal inequality justice with tastes for seethesource ofthe within practices. People high inequality problems that these areindire straits their individuals, disadvantaged assuming people through ownfault andarguing that should notbe rewarded with health care, transgressions ora criminal that doesanything other than welfare, justice system punish. thepost-Great andespecially since theelection ofRonald During Society years, the UnitedStateshas experienced of Reagan, widespread, popular acceptance

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in welfare, of inequality values.The result has been dramatic cutbacks culture and the ascension of an educational theguiseof"welfare under reform,"1 philosoin every school hasthecapacity to learn that child unless that assumes every phy As a of their teachers fail to forth sufficient effort.2 result or their put they, parents, forinequality, racialinjustice is essentially in the collective tastes thisincrease on the contemporary life or no bearing factwithlittle reducedto a historical is nowdefined action ofpeopleofcolor(Sowell1981).Thus,affirmative chances andEmbrick theprivileged as discrimination 2004). Lewis, (Bonilla-Silva, against choices of rational as a crime is viewed Most bypeopleunableor consequence topunish offendIn turn, todefer harshly society responds gratification. unwilling 1973 to Warr From and the"not-yet-detected" ersand to deter 1993). (Stafford and increased fivefold in United States numbers the incarceration 1997, (Caplow inpart taste increase is explained that this Simon 1999).We suggest bya growing that run for office on to as wellas politicians' for platforms willingness inequality even and is acceptable substantial that totheview just. inequality pander welfare rateand a muchless developed incarceration to a higher In addition hisStates has theUnited Western to other state countries, compared apparatus Andthis andethnically hada racially heterogepopulation. heterogeneous torically on the horizon result of as a is However, changes immigration. increasing neity only ofthe totheprofile similar lookmore them make countries Western inother may to reduce states member haspressured Union The European States. United govname of in the state welfare limit the and ernment (Eichengreen efficiency spending in Western is a growing that crime et al. 1998).Thereis a perception problem hasrisen. inprisons ofpeopleconfined thenumber andinsomecountries Europe, which also are CanadaandWestern heterogeneous, increasingly becoming Europe unabated. will continue welfare their whether of the generosity question poses has been substantially in some Europeancountries the population Although is growing. that mediaaccounts recent for diverse decades, heterogeneity suggest because countries to Western have they European immigrants easyentry (Many increased has had in former birth of virtue arecitizens Thus, colonies.) Spain by LatinAmerica from 2007, BBC News),and Frances (see Harter immigration increased have and African Muslim 2005,BBC News). (see Astier immigrants For inethnic conflict. toincreases ofheterogeneity links thegrowth Someevidence there nationalistic-nativist faced a has United the movement; Kingdom example, in the Netherlands stresses havebeen ethnic/religious (see Hardy2006, BBC has workers ofimmigrant/guest thepresence and Italy, News);and in Germany tensions created 2001,BBC News;Lewis2008,BBC News). (see Broomby

andThreat ofInequality Cultures


it is more thatas a minority The threat grows, population posits hypothesis Acts of the as a threat be to 1967). (Blalock hostility by majority perceived likely are in theUnitedStates, aimedat immigrants Spain,and theUnitedKingdom the can be that and actions sentiments of by explained examples anti-immigrant

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that "those andthejobsof"deserving thewell-being perception people"threaten natives." and his Carmichael, imprisonment, (Jacobs, Regarding Jacobs colleagues and Kent 2005; Jacobsand Kleban 2003) arguethatthe threat thatothers are perceived to represent can help to explain increased severity. sentencing We contend thatthethreatening as ofimmigrants, or others defined presence - including outsiders racial andethnic whohavebeenkept atthemarminorities - increases in turn a society's taste for which reduces ginsofsocieties inequality, for welfare benefits and increases criminal support justice practices. punitive Of course, somearguethatantiother sentiment exists becauseothers are an actual criminal threat. riots Individuals anti-Latin American immigrant explained in Spainbysaying that Harter were to (see they gangactivity reacting imported minister 2007,BBC News).The French policeactions foreign justified punitive in Parissuburbs on thegrounds thattherioters weremerely whojust "thugs," to be North African and Muslim happened Notably, many "immigrants." particihavebeen residents ofFrancefor butstill are not morethana generation pants considered to be French(Haddad and Balz 2006). In the UnitedStates, the of to of color is disproportionate imprisonmentpeople thought bymany simply be a function ofhigher crime ratesamong that minorities. It is hardto dispute levels of criminal in involvement incarcerahigher explain, part, disproportionate tionofothers in theUnitedStates. But a substantial literature (e.g.,Blumstein and Crutchfield has addressed this andtheweight 1982;Bridges 1988) question, oftheresults indicates that a significant oftheracialdisproportionality amount in American cannotbe accounted criminal forsolelyby differential prisons involvement. Crimeis partoftheexplanation, butwe believethat punishment arealsoa consequence ofcultures ofinequality. practices

Data andMethods
theproblems inherent in cross-national (1997) describes Tonry comparative work. He argues that cross-national racial andethnic immiexplaining disparities, andother characteristics canbe difficult sincethemeangration policies, country and immigrant alienvariesacrossnations. The historical ingof race,ethnicity, ofimmigrants to different countries alsovaries, as do thesentiments experience ofhostpopulations others. solidcominvolved, regarding Despitetheproblems work incriminology ispossible anduseful when cross-national parative comparable data are available,or whendata can be used in a substantively comparable fashion. For example, if we use race to measure, in part,the percentage of in U.S. prisons, others whileusing thepercentage ofaliensas a measure in the theresults be expected tobe fairly Netherlands, Indeed,using may comparable. thesemeasures, we find that theUnited States andHolland haveroughly similar ofothers inprison. percentage Individual attitudes andthe World Values weuseattitudinal (WVS).Here, Survey datafrom theWVS,which is administered across countries. The independently

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wavesare (1) 1981 and 1984,(2) 1989 and 1993,(3) 1994 and four published The benefits of 1999 and 2004 (see www.worldvaluessurvey.org). and 1999, (4) it makes a of attitudes across WVS are twofold: the (1) comparison public using and (2) becausethedataare at theindividual countries different level, possible a comparison allows for ofattitudes within and which itprovides largesamples, countries. between to create scalesthat measure our factor We use principal analysis component for and and taste of interest: variables three (2) jobs (1) inequality, immigrants, withthreesurvey is captured Taste forInequality aboutothers. (3) attitudes income "should differences be mademoreequal"versus incomes "should items: to ensure attitudes aboutthe governments serveas incentives"; responsibility that stimulates and belief is provided that for; peopleto "competition everyone in outtheworst hardand developnewideas"versus work "competition brings uses Jobsand Immigrants people."Two scales are used to measurethreat. and "when in only when be allowed "should jobs jobs are available" immigrants Attitudes aboutOthers to nationals." should are scarce, givepriority employers mindhavingimmigrants, whether combineitemsthatindicate respondents Foreachofthethree raceas neighbors. orpeopleofa different scales, Muslims, immiviews of favorable less for taste indicate values inequality, greater higher views of favorable and less others, respectively. grants, theprison measures: national-level several data. We consider Country-level thousand hundred one rate homicide total populaper population, immigration, of incomeinequality. and the GINI coefficient of crime),3 tion(as a measure WVS tofifteen inTable1. Ourdatapertain arenoted measures these for Sources 4 and of the surwaves 3 We of individual pooled respondents. country samples data on were countries where in situations size to increase lacking sample vey interest. of items questionnaire and preferences, in comparing We are interested indicating publicattitudes tostructural countries across andthreat, ofinequality cultures according grouped in whether moreheterogeneous we are interested For instance, characteristics. thosethatare morehomogeneous. from attitudes on certain differ countries ofthedifferto testthesignificance is wellsuited ofvariance (ANOVA) Analysis the of the variance size ences of groupmeansacrossvariables by comparing within variance of the the size with between (Hofstede 2001). samples samples ofthediffera f-test to performing is similar which We use one-way ANOVA,4 in the meansthatthereis moredifference F-statistic ence of means.A larger each within to the across means sample. variability compared samples

Results
of oftheculture oftheutility as a demonstration be viewed should Theseresults for links tastes which Our test of not as a and theory. assessment, concept inequality four addresses ofothers, and theincarceration aboutothers, attitudes inequality, will have a others with more countries that we First, expect higher expectations.

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COUNTRY CHARACTERISTICS Percentage in "Others" Prison3 37.6 42.0 26.6 8.5 21.7 19.3 11.2 8.9 16.9 29.7 55.6 6.2 25.4 21.5 59.7 Percentage in "Others" Population0 15.1 6.9 23.3 3 10.7 12.3 9.1 7.8 14.1 4.3 10.1 7.4 11.1 12.4 25.2

Country Austria Belgium Canada Finland France GreatBritain Germany Iceland Ireland Italy Netherlands Norway Spain Sweden USA

Numberof Prisoners3 7,826 8,843 35,110 3,437 57,573 92,683 81,176 112 10,657 56,845 16,183 2,562 50,994 5,630 1,208,711

Homicide Rateb 0.81 1.5 1.67 2.54 1.64 1.11 1.86 1.41 1.12 0.99 0.97 1.11 3.65 2.42 5.62

Gini Coefficient*1 26 28 32.1 26 28 28 25 25 33 33 27 25.7 32 23 45

a. Source: European Sourcebook of Crimeand Criminal 2003 (http://www Statistics Justice for United of 2006 Bulletin the Bureau Statistics States, .europeansourcebook.org/); Justice forCanada,Correctional Services Canada 2002 (http://www.csc-scc (http://ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/); . .gc.ca/text/ne-eng.shtml) b. Source:UnitedNations ofCrimeTrends and Operations ofCriminal Survey Justice Systems 2003 Report, (httpi/Avww.unodc.org/unodc/en/data-and-analysis/United-Nations-Surveys-onCrime-Trends-and-the-Operations-of-Criminal-Justice-Systems.html). c. Source:UN International 2000-2006(http://www.un.org/esa/population); in Migration Report addition to percentage forUnitedStates we include black(U.S. Census immigrant, percentage and forCanada,we includepercentage 2000,http://www.census.gov/main/www/cen2000.html); (Statistics Canada,2001,http://wwwl2.statcan.ca/english/census01/home/Index.cfm). aboriginals d. Source:EuropeanFoundation for theImprovement ofLiving andWorking Conditions 2005 forCanada and the UnitedStates, report (http://www.umsl.edu/services/govdocs/wofact2005); CIA WorldFact Book 2005 (http://www.umsl.edu/services/govdocs/wofact2005).

tasteforinequality with thethreat willhaveless and,in accordance hypothesis, favorable of we believe that it is too to Second, opinions immigrants. simplistic assume that countries differ from more on countries homogeneous heterogeneous these attitudes. countries that havea heterogeneous and Rather, already population still levels of will have tastes for and experience high immigration higher inequality willalsohavemore attitudes toward others. Thisexpectation is basedon negative thecontention that nations havea base levelofperceived heterogeneous already threat. the of cultures of include morenegative Third, consequences inequality attitudes toward others andharsher of others. andhiscolleagues punishment Jacobs andKleban andKent that enhanced 2003;Jacobs, Carmichael, 2005)argue (Jacobs lawenforcement tends to accompany threat. we suspect that theUnited Finally,

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be different States from theother (i.e.,a case of"American may exceptionalism") in oursample due toitshistorically of Western countries levels high heterogeneity with Asa result, theUnited States andracial should conflict, high inequality. coupled of others to other countries. haveconsiderably imprisonment compared higher oftheANOVA, we present ofthe theresults Before descriptions describing of small multivariate because our We cannot conduct data. analyses country-level statistics relationbut the of countries (i.e.,fifteen), suggest descriptive sample inthepopulation, andimprisonment. number ofothers between inequality, ships acrossplaces nations. Table 1 includes Comparisons keyvaluesforthe fifteen ofothers has the States the United revealthatalthough imprisonment highest in at 55.6 close is a theNetherlands (59.7percent), percent. (Notably, runner-up of is the total of 25.2 percent the UnitedStates, population composed others; Table 2 is just 10.1 percent.) thecomparable whilein the Netherlands, figure of national of meanhomicide rates, populapercentage comparisons presents for counthat is others oftheprison andproportion tions population imprisoned, of on andlow(belowaverage) theproportion arehigh tries that (aboveaverage) and thelevelofobserved is others, that theprison (GINI inequality population andwith ofothers with In nations coefficient). inequalgreater populations larger inprison. Thesepatandothers are morehomicides, there peopleinprison, ity, theoretical are in linewith terns "threatening" populations, linking predictions conclude we cannot and crimeand punishment. incomeinequality, Obviously so we themurders, theonescommitting areactually others thesedatathat from are consistent thatthese findings conclusion mustsettleforthe ambiguous inimprisonment ofracial States intheUnited conducted studies with disparities andCrutchfield 1988). (e.g.,Bridges and ofpeoplewithin attitudes theexpressed us toexamine TheWVSdataallow the sampleinto We divided nations. industrialized Western thesefifteen across for taste means Table3 compares andlowincome with countries inequality. high nations between others about attitudes and and forinequality, immigrants, jobs with a higher Nations ofothers. andbelow-average abovewith propopulations counto for taste a have of others compared inequality higher significantly portion ofwelfare are less supportive in thatthey ofothers with a lowproportion tries toour correct economic to efforts of and Contrary inequality. government policies have more more others with nations the threat and posihypothesis, expectations have fact that the indicated as and about tiveattitudes they by immigration, jobs This reflect are available. when others lessofa problem may respect jobs admitting thathas led to increased contact or greater fortheneed forimported workers, welcome countries ofhi$i-others whileresidents tolerance. However, immigrant More welfare of to be inclined are less labor, policies. supportive equalizing they others. toward attitudes have more also nations positive heterogeneous are where nations it is notmorehomogeneous As Table3 shows, respondents in one theroleofpopulation To examine ofinequality. tolerant more heterogeneity, to relative meansforour keyvariables we compared (datanotshown), analysis of increased did not This levels. incountries' increases signs yield analysis immigration Itmay orjobsandimmigration. ofothers, intheviews orchanges for taste inequality, shift to had an not has increased be that appreciably opportunity yet heterogeneity

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ACADEMY THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN TABLE 2 MEANS OF SELECT VARIABLES BY COUNTRY GROUPINGS HomicideRate Prison Total 0.17 0.08 0.20 0.08 Prison"Others" 29.6 23.0 12.3 9.5

in population High"others" Low "others" in population countries High-inequality countries Low-inequality NOTE: n = 15.

2.3 1.5 2.6 1.5

TABLE 3 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE FOR THE EFFECTS OF SELECTED FACTORS GIVEN PERCENTAGE COUNTRY POPULATION THAT IS "OTHER" Tastefor Inequality Jobsand Immigration Attitudes about "Others"

0.28 0.70 0.97 Country high"others" (means) 0.41 low "others" 0.60 1.03 Country (means) Results from F(l, 23,370)= 84.24 F(l, 27,139)= 47.82 F(l, 26,306)= 198.79 ANOVA n 23,372 27,141 26,308 *p < .001.

attitudes. are experiencing substantial on topof Also,somenations in-migration considerable The is a in United States case existing heterogeneity. point.5 To consider howincreases in others combine withexisting to heterogeneity influence theculture ofinequality, we compare countries with a large basepopulation ofothers to therestofthesample.These comparisons in are presented Table4. Already diverse which received numbers ofin-migrants, countries, large havehigher for tastes suchnations do notdiffer from others However, inequality. on attitudes aboutimmigration andjobs. Attitudes aboutothers are morenegativein homogeneous countries thanin increasingly a nations, heterogeneous that is notconsistent with theclassicthreat these However, finding hypothesis. countries do have smallnumbers of others, and perhapsthisis sufficient to attitudes butinsufficient to allowfor contact that engender negative meaningful lead to familiarity andcomfort. might Countries with ofothers havehigher also,on average, higher imprisonment tastes forinequality butare also moreopento immigration ifjobs are available attitudes aboutothers do notvary (see Table 5). At the same time,however, across basedon high andlowimprisonment ofothers. In gencountry groupings theseresults theculture ofinequality while alsodemonstrateral, thesis, support attitudes aboutothers on their welfare not, own, ingthat may adequately explain orimprisonment. policies

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TABLE 4 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE FOR THE EFFECTS OF SELECTED FACTORS FOR COUNTRIES WITH HIGH PERCENTAGE "OTHERS" THAT ALSO EXPERIENCED A HIGH PERCENTAGE INCREASE IN "OTHERS" Tastefor Inequality 0.72 with of"others" Countries increase percentage (means) 0.59 Restofsample(means) ANOVA F(l, 23,370)= 133.61 from Results n 23,372 *p < .001. Jobsand Immigration 1.00 Attitudes about "Others" 0.31

0.99 0.36 F(l, 27,139)= 1.34 F(l, 26,306)= 34.65 26,308 27,141

to is similar States theUnited that [I]t appears hutitis inmost itscountry comparisons, peers taste in themean thedifference for driving low with countries when comparing inequality andhigh ofothers. imprisonment

of for theconcept demonstrates Thispreliminary support greater investigation threat threat itdoesfor theclassic than ofinequality cultures Although hypothesis. it mayincrease aboutothers, attitudes intonegative translate need notdirectly a has States the United For for tolerance considerably higher inequality. example, othattitudes about more has but Table taste for 6) (see slightly positive inequality be a States the United that We countries. other to ers6 might suggest compared is excluded United States When the our results. case unusual driving relatively for for taste ofmeans thedifferences theanalysis from (datanotshown), inequaland low on that are countries when is attenuated percentage high comparing ity in No differences remains but thatdifference others, statistically significant. The mean is excluded. States when the United the other scales for means emerge with lowand countries between different is notsignificantly tastefor inequality from the excluded States is United the when in others sample.In prison high in comto its is similar States the United that it brief, appears country peers most when for mean taste in the the difference it is but inequality driving parisons, ofothers. lowandhigh with countries comparing imprisonment

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TABLE 5 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE FOR THE EFFECTS OF SELECTED FACTORS GIVEN PERCENTAGE COUNTRY PRISON POPULATION THAT IS "OTHER' Tastefor Inequality Jobsand Immigration Attitudes about "Others"

0.68 0.34 0.98 Country highpercentage in prison(means) "other" lowpercentage 0.60 0.34 1.01 Country in prison(means) "other" Results from ANOVA F(l, 23,370)= 45.5 F(l, 27,139)= 12.58* F(l, 26,306)= 0.05 n 23,372 26,308 27,141

y < .ooi.

Discussion
Rather thandefining in terms "cultures of inequality" of subcultural norms and values, as was donewith we culture of early poverty arguments, arguethat or tolerance of In are beliefs held acceptance inequality bythelarger population. increased ofinequality in harsher tolerance measures. At results turn, punitive thesametime, thethreat claims where there is a perception that that hypothesis others a harsher also result. threat, pose punishments Thenotion ofa culture ofinequality isheuristic, andouranalyses that itis suggest a fruitful for some American within a crossperspective understanding public policies national In general, we find for ofinequality thesis. theculture comparison. support Attitudes about whether basedon race, or are others, ethnicity, religion nationality, notenough to explain thetreatment in Western ofothers Ill treatment societies. torequire an acceptance ofsocial andeconomic appears inequality. In addition to ourcross-national we setoutto examine whether comparisons, theUnited States is in fact different from other Western industrialized countries on tolerance of inequality, attitudes aboutothers, and immigrants andjobs. In otherwords, we asked whether the characteristics of the UnitedStatesare indicative of"American On one hand,theUnitedStates has a exceptionalism." taste for than the other in fourteen countries our This higher inequality sample. to be in terms of of others. The appears especially meaningful imprisonment United States alsohasthehighest number ofothers inprison.7 As Figure1 illusof African in the UnitedStatessurAmericans trates, by 1992,imprisonment the of and the between thetwocontinued to whites, passed imprisonment gap the 1990s and into the new the of the grow throughout century. By beginning attitudes towardgovernment in welfare involvement also 1990s,Americans' becamelessfavorable. Atthesametime as sentiments toward inwelfare federal involvement became less favorable, in the and mid-1990s late 1980s and publicopinion polls early

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TABLE 6 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE FOR THE EFFECTS OF SELECTED FACTORS COMPARING THE UNITED STATES WITH INDUSTRIALIZED WESTERN COUNTRIES Tastefor Inequality Jobsand Immigration Attitudes about "Others"

1.03 0.29 0.95 UnitedStates(means) 0.34 0.61 0.99 Restofsample(means) ANOVA F(l, 23,370)= 390.67* F(l, 27,139)= 7.18 F(l, 26,306)= 11.44* from Results n 26,308 27,141 23,372

y < .ooi.
and/or wouldgo on welfare believed thatmostAmericans indicate immigrants 64 1992 showed that 59 and in 1984 and drain socialservices. perGalluppolls end up on thatmany believed ofthosesurveyed cent,respectively, immigrants a 1994 Harrispoll foundthat et al. 1997). Similarly, welfare (see Lapinski than their fair share use more believed ofthosesurveyed 74 percent immigrants American medical services ofgovernment care,and foodstamps). (i.e.,welfare, out. In this favored immigrants keeping publicopinionin the 1990s largely to other countries. in is somewhat States the United unique comparison respect, similar to its is States the United find that we also However, peers on fairly and about andattitudes others toward attitudes immigrants. jobs thatthe it is notpossibleto conclude of our analyses, Giventhelimitations in the threat of others the of a is of others perceived only product imprisonment for taste a our threat, Still, findings suggest pictureregarding population. than is that is more of and others, generally complex inequality imprisonment and in thepushforharsher variation understand To fully punishment thought. with the to consider, itis important ofothers, theimprisonment perceived along as wellas its with ofa nation's thehistory ofothers, threat minorities, dealings tolerance for, of,andgrowing inequality. history

Notes
on the poor,some arguethatthe poor are reform 1. In the debate aboutthe real impactof welfare that that others taketheposition on thegovernment; are less dependent off becausethey better programs stillothersconcludethatpoor have workedbetter; replacedAid to FamilieswithDependentChildren see was partially economy For a good review, by a growing mitigated temporarily people's suffering and Jayakody Lichter (2002). based education ofperformance and Hamilton 2. See Hannaway issues,the phi(2008) fora review the No ChildLeftBehindAct. losophy underlying do not exist. data forothercrimesthatlead to imprisonment cross-national 3. Comparablequality in how it is counted differences and thereare fewer measuredand reported, Homicideis morereliably thanforotheroffenses. acrossborders, countries. across oursamplesizesvary ofvariances. Thus,we 4. ANOVAassumes However, homogeneity Carlo simulation a Monte which in SIMANOVA the analyses reestimated Stata, givenour performs using

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146

THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

FIGURE 1 BLACK AND WHITE IMPRISONMENT AND PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR FEDERAL INVOLVEMENT IN WELFARE

700000 -r

j *^ >^^Ap^---^S/--4o|
N. of Imprisonment blacks surpasses whites

60

1500000-/ *
400000--'

300000 - jff ^ E 200000 onnnnn- - yd" ^ |

p^m^\^^~-^

30
""10 0 1- 20 g g

100000-

0-I 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1980 1990 1992 1994


--Blacks

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1996 1999 2001 2003 2005 Year


-a- WelfareSupport

--Whites

Statistics and Stimson SOURCE: BureauofJustice (2004,84).


thatthep-values ofsamplesizesand variances thatthemeansare equal. We found whileassuming pattern ofoursimulations arevery to theoriginal results. similar 5. So too are Austria, and Sweden. GreatBritain, Ireland, Germany, on 6. As Lapinski ofimmigrants et al. (1997) demonstrate, Americans tendto havefavorable opinions a personal and cultural believethatthey drainsocialservices. level,though theymaysimultaneously 7. The Netherlands is a very close runner-up.

References
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"CULTURES OF INEQUALITY"

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