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Analysing discursive constructions of Metrosexual masculinity online Matthew Hall, PhD Student, Nottingham Trent University Supervisors: Professor Brendan Gough and Dr. Susan Hansen Introduction Recent market research by food company PurAsia suggests that men gastrosexuals are now cooking in greater numbers, apparently spurred on by the almost daily appearance of male chefs on primetime television. Almost as recent is the reported rise of the bersexual, (Salzman et al, 2005). The bersexual is said to be a man who possess "M-ness," i.e. a type of masculinity that combines the best of traditional manliness (strength, honor, character) with positive traits traditionally associated with females (nurturance, communicativeness, cooperation) (2005:167). Simpsons (2002:2) metrosexual on the other hand is concerned with fashion and self-presentation. The common theme across these contemporary categories is mens participation in historically feminised practices. Many of these changes have been spurred on by media/advertising representations of men which have contributed to the increasing visibility of mens bodies (Gill et al, 2005). Where once female bodies dominated style magazines, newspapers, television and billboards, mens bodies are now just as likely to feature. The increasing exposure of mens bodies have lead some men at least to, re-evaluate their appearance, re-position themselves as consumers of fashion and style products, and ultimately re-construct their idea of what it is to be male (Harrison, 2008: 56). Such forays into hitherto feminine identity territory are producing interesting places of slippage where traditional standards and notions of gender binaries are potentially undermined and contested (Whitehead and Barrett, 2001). In light of these recent developments in masculine identities, this paper explores how men orientate to and negotiate membership of metrosexual masculinity and whether metrosexual masculinity is challenging more hegemonic heteronormative masculinities (Connell, 1995).

Method The paper draws broadly upon discursive psychology (Edwards & Potter, 1992) and more specifically on Membership Categorisation Analysis (MCA - Sacks, 1992) 1 as these methods are concerned with examining how people go about categorising and negotiating social identities, realities, social ordering, social relationships and moral activity (Jayyusi, 1984). Membership Categorisation Analysis (MCA - Sacks, 1992) as a method of analysis is able to assist in identifying the consequential role categories play in the construction, negotiation and currency of these newly forming masculinity categories. According to Schegloff (2007: 469) categories have three main facets. The first is that categories are inference rich and so store huge amounts of culturally rich common-sense knowledge within them. Therefore if a category is applied to a person, that person is presumed to embody the common-sense knowledge about that category. Secondly, categories are protected against induction, which means that the knowledge about the category is not revised but leads to the person contravening social conventions as being seen as an exception, different, or even a defective member of the category (Schegloff, 2007:469). Lastly, categories are presumed to have category-bound activities, such as women wearing cosmetics. These predicates are important as they allow people to make sense of the everyday social world and allows for people to make value assessments of each other (Wowk, 1984). Data An obvious place to access suitable data featuring self-ascribing metrosexuals is through the Internet, since it is routinely associated with freedom of expression and new forms of male identity such as the metrosexual, arguably ridiculed and marginalised in society, are more easily claimed online in and age of almost universal access to cyberspace (Kollock, 1999). Therefore discussion forum data where the category metrosexual was explicitly taken up was identified from an extensive search and cataloguing of English speaking Internet forums. The metrosexual data was considered from these sites for their length, depth and
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Sacks developed MCA in a series of lectures from 1963-4 which found there way into print in 1972 and 1992.

clarity of discussions. In particular, members contributions from the MacRumours forum thread Metrosexuals? stood out for the sustained attention to the matter at hand, richness in detail and diversity of members perspectives, and so this dataset was focused on. Analysis Forum discussion posts largely defined metrosexuality in terms of men who are consumers of fashion, grooming and beauty products. Metrosexuals structure their masculinity in relation to more idealised forms of masculinities with presumed discrete gender-appropriate activities. These hegemonic masculinities, as Connell (1995) calls them, marginalise and subordinate women and alternative forms of masculinity (e.g. effeminate) and sexuality (e.g. homosexuals) and construct them as the Other. With this in mind the following the extracts explore the various means that metrosexuals use in order to justify and normalise their identities. Extract 1 sjpetry 11-26-2005, 01:58 am 1 How about any closet metros? Simplistic 11-26-2005, 02:02 am I used to be in the closet about it. It was so annoying. Whenever I'd do something dainty I'd get weird looks from my parents. Eventually they stopped caring and I was tweasing my eyebrows without a care in the world! I like the attention I get from being the way I am. Like, I have this attitude that is like, "Hey, ladies. I look good and I don't even know it... or do I?" So the girls think, "Hmm, that guy looks good, but he doesn't look too full of himself. Let me go talk to him." It's good.

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Sjpetrys question How about any closet metros? (1) invokes the classic image of gay men (and women) who have not yet disclosed their sexuality to others. Sjpetrys question positions metrosexuality with homosexuality and allows for questions of sexuality to be raised about metrosexuals. Simplistics display of unconventional predicates (something dainty and tweasing my eyebrows) which elicited weird looks from (his) parents who eventually stopped caring and I was

tweasing my eyebrows without a care in the world!(3-5) presents as light-hearted self-mockery that serves as a non-challenging response, yet at the same time orientates to his activities as courageous, autonomous and individual in relation to conventional norms. In short, he positions himself as a gender-rebel (Wetherell and Edley 1999:349) and in doing so masculinises himself against criticism and makes participating in these potentially demeaning activities (in relation to heteronormative masculinity) seem heroic and rebellious (ibid., 350). Simplistic substantiates his masculinity further, I like the attention I get from being the way I am (6), which configures metrosexual membership in heterosexual terms by making reference to getting attention from the ladies, So the girls think, "Hmm, that guy looks good, but he doesn't look too full of himself. Let me go talk to him." It's good. (8-10). This category, predicate and task (Hester and Elgin, 1997) serves to counter accusations of effeminacy from being the way I am as a member of another disjunctive category. Extract one demonstrates the difficulties in defining the parameters of new masculine categories in light of presumed gender discrete identities. Claiming the category-bounded activities of an opposite category to one biological sex tends to elicit charges of category defectiveness (Schegloff, 2007), or as Sacks termed phony (Sacks, 1992). In attempting to define the boundaries of newly forming identities one discursive resource members can call upon is list construction (Jefferson, 1991). Extract 2 clayj 11-26-2005, 09:43 am 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 - You wash with anything beyond bar soap and shampoo in the shower. - You get a manicure and/or a pedicure more than once a decade. - You've EVER been called "pretty boy". - You apply any sort of skin conditioning lotion on a semi-regular basis. - You spend more than 10 minutes a day grooming. - You pay more than $30 for a haircut. - You have hair coloring applied. (Exception: Eliminating grey

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doesn't make you metrosexual, it just makes you insecure about getting old. Adding "accents" to your hair DEFINITELY makes you metrosexual.) - You wear ornately decorated shirts. (Usually these are button-down shirts with excessively-complicated designs and/or paisley.) - If a woman calls you a metrosexual, you are.

Jeffersons seminal work on listing demonstrates that hearers (and speakers) are able to use lists as an orientated-to-procedure (1991:68). In other words, it provides the hearer with a means to discursively position themselves in relation to a list, such that they can either ascribe to or disavow membership based on the items provided. The interactional work being done by Clayj is to accomplish a reference point at which a particular identity can be attained. Jefferson (1991) also noted that lists are always contestable since lists can be seen as weak or missing important items, which can make orientation problematic. The extensive nine-part list (1-15) focuses predominantly on fashion and grooming activities. This serves to normalise these as typically metrosexual and remove uncertainties surrounding membershipbounded activities thereby making allowing contributors to easily orientate to metrosexuality. What is also interesting within Clayjs list is that it finishes by making reference to categorisation by women (15). Like Simplistics post in extract one, this also wards of potential homosexual critiques by justifying these activities as undertaken for heterosexual prowess and effectively re-masculinises these predicates. The following extract uses a remarkably different discursive strategy. Extract 3 Daveway 11-26-2005, 12:28 pm 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 I would be lying to myself if I didn't raise my hand to this. I think my cousin got me caught into the whole metro thing. I remember seeing a story on 60minutes about it. Anyways I admit to the hair, expensive clothing, tweasers, shaving, more than one kind of soap, and various face washes. I can't stand to wear last years clothing, loose clothing, and t-shirts w/ baseball cap worn everywhere is NOT my style. I go for distressed jeans, button down shirt, and jacket. Why is it bad to care how you look?

Daveways ascription to metrosexuality (1) indicates that metrosexuality is sort of

fashionable craze my cousin got me caught into the whole metro thing (2). However, as seen in Simplistics post there is a risk in ascribing to this category in being charged with effeminacy, narcissism or homosexuality. Daveway deals with this, in part, by claiming some responsibility for his actions on his cousin (1-2). The discursive work here also serves to legitimise and normalise metrosexuality as a contemporary masculine identity via reference to media coverage I remember seeing a story on 60minutes about it (2-3). However, the whole metro thing and its construction as a fad means that it is potentially only a short-term identity dependent on consumption patterns. As with extract 2, Daveways listing of category-bounded activities (4-5 & 7-8), does the work of positioning and normalising metrosexuality as a legitimate category. This is achieved in light of the three-part list of implied heteronormative masculine features: wear(ing) last years clothing, loose clothing, and t-shirts w/ baseball cap worn everywhere (6-7). Posing the question Why is it bad to care how you look? (9) makes reference to previous (undisclosed) criticisms presumably from men with a disinterest in selfpresentation. Daveways questioning of normative masculine disinterest in selfpresentation (9) acts as a critique of heteronormative masculinity. This strategy contrasts with Simplistics strategy of deploying sexual prowess. Both can be seen to account for their activities in distinct, yet still in heteronormative masculine ways.

Concluding remarks The research shows that there is a lot at stake for self-ascribing metrosexuals, as is the case for anybody ascribing to a marginalised identity (Edwards, 2003). Metrosexual ascription walks a fine line between rejecting traditional masculinised practices and invoking other masculinised ideals (e.g. self-respect, heterosexual prowess). Relating to the three main facets for all categories (Schegloff, 2007) inference rich, protection against induction and category-bound it was evident that all contributors in the discussion forum relied on the common-sense knowledge that society is predominantly heterosexual comprising of two sexes with fairly distinct gendered attributes and category-bounded activities. Therefore it becomes

extremely difficult for other categories to become accepted as common currency and firmly established encompassing attributes and activities from the opposite camp. Members of alternative categories risk being castigated as defective or phony (Sacks, 1998). For example, we saw that ascribing to metrosexuality resulted quite frequently with members being referred to as homosexual, effeminate or narcissistic. Yet even with such inferences, metrosexuals were seen to defend category membership with a variety of discursive tools to account for their nonconformity to conventional category-bounded activities. One discursive tool commonly applied throughout all the post within the forum thread was category, predicate(s) and task (Hester and Elgin, 1997). Simplistic in extract one reformulated metrosexuality in more conventional masculine terms. He accounted for his beautification activities, as his right of autonomy over his appearance, in effect individualising his actions. Yet at the same time he displayed courage and rebelliousness in not conforming to social norms, along with implying that it increased his sexual prowess. This type of discursive reformulation allowed him to re-position metrosexuality as a contemporary masculine identity which was superseding outdated masculine notions of disinterest in self-presentation, whilst at the same time warding of potential negative charges.

Clayjs use of listing was deployed to the service of other forum contributors to facilitate their orientations to metrosexuality (if so desired) in relation to a list, based on the items provided. This also allowed for the activities and attributes in the list to be collectivised in order to accomplish a reference point at which a metrosexual identity can be claimed. Daveways discursive strategy on the other hand accounted for his metrosexuality as a type of contemporary craze or fashion. Daveway also used a similar discursive approach to Simplistic by positioning more conventional masculinities and their category-bounded activities as outmoded. The analysis of the electronic talk therefore, identified a number of ways in which forum contributors organised their talk, account for their non-conventional talk, and orientate to metrosexuality. The analysis shows how categorisation practices

associated with newly forming identity categories are important to analyses. It appears the potential subversion of more hegemonic forms of masculinity identified within the analysis is simply hegemonic masculinities repackaged for a new millennium to encompass contemporary consumption and lifestyle patterns.

References Connell, R.W. (1995) Masculinities Cambridge: Polity. Edley, N. & Wetherell, M. (1997) Jockeying for Position: The Construction of Masculine Identities, Discourse Society, 8 :203-17. Edwards, D., & Potter, J. (1992) Discursive Psychology. London: Sage Edwards, T. (2003) Sex, booze and fags: masculinity, style and mens magazines in Benwell, B. (ed.) (2003) Masculinity and Mens Lifestyle Magazines, Oxford: Blackwell. Harrison, C. (2008) Real men do wear mascara: advertising discourse and masculine identity, Critical Discourse Studies, 5 (1): 55-74. Hester, S, and Elgin, P. (eds) (1997) Culture and Action: Studies in Membership Categorization Analysis. Washington: University Press of America. Jayyusi, L.(1984) Categorization and the Moral Order Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Jefferson, G. (1991) List construction as a task and a resource in Psathas, G. (ed) Interactional Competence, New York: Irvington Publications. Kollock, P. (eds.) (1999) Communities in cyberspace. London: Routledge. MacRumours (2005) Metrosexuals?, Retrieved, 8 January 2008, http://forums.macrumors.com/showthread.php?t=163687 PurAsia (2008) The Emergence of the Gastrosexual, retrieved 21 July 2008 http://www.gastrosexual.com/EmergenceoftheGastrosexual.pdf

Sacks, H. (1998) Lectures on Conversation, Oxford: Blackwell. Salzman, M., Matathia, I. & OReilly, A. (2005) The Future of Men, Palgrave: Macmillan. Schegloff, E.A. (2007) A tutorial on membership categorisation Journal of Pragmatics 39, :462-482 Simpson, M. (2002) Meet the Metrosexual. Salon retrieved January 4, 2008 (http://dir.salon.com/story/ent/feature/2002/07/22/metrosexual/index2.html) Wowk, M.T. (1984) Blame Allocation, Sex and Gender in a Murder Interrogation, Womens Studies International Forum, 7 (1): pp: 75-82.