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Jacques Rancire - Ten Thesis on Politics

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JACQUES RANCIRE. TEN THESIS ON POLITICS.

JacquesRancire."TenThesisonPolitics."in:Theory&Event.Vol.5,No. 3,2001.(English).
Thesis1: Politicsisnottheexerciseofpower.Politicsoughttobedefinedonitsownterms,asamodeofactingputinto practicebyaspecifickindofsubjectandderivingfromaparticularformofreason.Itisthepoliticalrelationshipthat allowsonetothinkthepossibilityofapoliticalsubject(ivity)[lesujetpolitique]nottheotherwayaround. Toidentifypoliticswiththeexerciseof,andstruggletopossess,poweristodoawaywithpolitics.Butwealso reducethescopeofpoliticsasamodeofthinkingifweconceiveofitmerelyasatheoryofpowerorasan investigationintothegroundsofitslegitimacy.Ifthereissomethingspecificaboutpoliticsthatmakesitsomething otherthanamorecapaciousmodeofgroupingoraformofpowercharacterizedbyitsmodeoflegitimation,itis thatitinvolvesadistinctivekindofsubjectconsidered,anditinvolvesthissubjectintheformofamodeofrelation thatisitsown.ThisiswhatAristotlemeanswhen,inBookIofthePolitics,hedistinguishesbetweenpoliticalrule (astherulingofequals)fromallotherkindsofruleorwhen,inBookIII,hedefinesthecitizenas'hewhopartakes inthefactofrulingandthefactofbeingruled.'Everythingaboutpoliticsiscontainedinthisspecificrelationship, this'parttaking'avoirpart],[3]whichshouldbeinterrogatedastoitsmeaningandastoitsconditionsofpossibility. Aninterrogationintowhatis'proper'topoliticsmustbecarefullydistinguishedfromcurrentandwidespread propositionsregarding"thereturnofthepolitical."Inthepastseveralyears,andinthecontextofastate consensus,wehaveseentheblossomingofaffirmationsproclaimingtheendoftheillusionofthesocialanda returntoa'pure'formofpolitics.ReadthrougheitheranArendtianorStraussianlens,theseaffirmationsfocuson thesameAristoteliantextsgesturedtoabove.Thesereadingsgenerallyidentifythe"proper"politicalorderwith thatoftheeuzen(i.e.,aconceptionofthegood)asopposedtoazen(conceivedasanorderofmereliving).On thisbasis,thefrontierbetweenthedomesticandthepoliticalbecomesthefrontierbetweenthesocialandthe politicalandtotheideaofacitystatedefinedbyitscommongoodisopposedthesadrealityofmodern democracyastheruleofthemassesandofnecessity.Inpractice,thiscelebrationofpurepoliticsentruststhe virtueofthe'politicalgood'togovernmentaloligarchiesenlightenedby"experts"whichistosaythatthesupposed purificationofthepolitical,freedfromdomesticandsocialnecessity,comesdowntonothingmore(orless)than thereductionofthepoliticaltothestate[l'tatique]. Behindthecurrentbuffooneriesofthe'returns'ofthepolitical(thatinclude'thereturnofpoliticalphilosophy'),itis importanttorecognizetheviciouscirclethatcharacterizespoliticalphilosophyaviciouscirclelocatedinthelink betweenthepoliticalrelationshipandthepoliticalsubject.Thisviciouscirclepositsawayoflifethatis'proper'to politics.Thepoliticalrelationshipissubsequentlydeducedfromthepropertiesofthisspecificorderofbeingandis explainedintermsoftheexistenceofacharacterwhopossessesagoodoraspecificuniversality,asopposedto theprivateordomesticworldofneedsorinterests.Inshort,politicsisexplainedastheaccomplishmentofawayof lifethatispropertothosewhoaredestinedforit.Thispartitionwhichisactuallytheobjectofpoliticsisposited asitsbasis. Whatispropertopoliticsisthuslostattheoutsetifpoliticsisthoughtofasaspecificwayofliving.Politicscannot bedefinedonthebasisofanypreexistingsubject.Thepolitical'difference'thatmakesitpossibletothinkits subjectmustbesoughtintheformofitsrelation.IfwereturntotheAristoteliandefinition,thereisanamegivento thesubject(polits)thatisdefinedbyaparttaking(metexis)inaformofaction(archeinruling)andinthe undergoingthatcorrespondstothisdoing(archesthaibeingruled).Ifthereissomething'proper'topolitics,it consistsentirelyinthisrelationshipwhichisnotarelationshipbetweensubjects,butonebetweentwo contradictorytermsthroughwhichasubjectisdefined.Politicsdisappearsthemomentyouundothisknotofa subjectandarelation.Thisiswhathappensinallfictions,betheyspeculativeorempiricist,thatseektheoriginof thepoliticalrelationshipinthepropertiesofitssubjectsandintheconditionsoftheircomingtogether.The traditionalquestion"Forwhatreasonsdohumanbeingsgatherintopoliticalcommunities?"isalwaysalreadya response,andonethatcausesthedisappearanceoftheobjectitclaimstoexplainortogroundi.e.,theformofa politicalparttakingthatthendisappearsintheplayofelementsoratomsofsociability. Thesis2: Thatispropertopoliticsistheexistenceofasubjectdefinedbyitsparticipationincontrarieties.Politicsisa paradoxicalformofaction. Theformulationsaccordingtowhichpoliticsistherulingofequals,andthecitizenistheonewhoparttakesin

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rulingandbeingruled,articulateaparadoxthatmustbethoughtthroughrigorously.Itisimportanttosetaside banalrepresentationsofthedoxaofparliamentarysystemsthatinvokethereciprocityofrightsanddutiesinorder tounderstandwhatisextraordinaryintheAristotelianarticulation.Thisformulationspeakstousofabeingwhois atoncetheagentofanactionandtheoneuponwhomtheactionisexercised.[4]Itcontradictstheconventional 'causeandeffect'modelofactionthathasitthatanagentendowedwithaspecificcapacityproducesaneffect uponanobjectthatis,inturn,characterizedbyitsaptitudeforreceivingthateffect. Thisproblemisinnowayresolvedbyrevertingtotheclassicoppositionbetweentwomodesofaction:poiesis,on theonehand,governedbythemodeloffabricationthatgivesformtomatterandpraxis,ontheother,which excludesfromthisrelationthe'interbeing'[l'intertre][5]ofpeopledevotedtopolitics.Asweknow,thisopposition replacingthatofzenandeuzensustainsaconceptionofpoliticalpurity.InHannahArendt'swork,for instance,theorderofpraxisisthatofequalswiththepowerofarchein,conceivedofasthepowertobeginanew: "Toact,initsmostgeneralsense,"sheexplainsinTheHumanCondition,"meanstotakeaninitiative,tobegin(as theGreekwordarchein,'tobegin,''tolead,'andeventually'torule'indicates)"sheconcludesthisthoughtby subsequentlylinkingarcheinto"theprincipleoffreedom."[6]OnceArendtdefinesbothapropermodeandsphere ofaction,avertiginousshortcutisformedthatallowsonetopositaseriesofequationsbetween'beginning,' 'ruling,''beingfree,'andlivinginacitystate('Tobefreeandtoliveinapolisisthesamething'asthesametext putsit). Thisseriesofequationsfindsitsequivalentinthemovementthatengenderscivicequalityfromthecommunityof Homericheroesequals,thatis,intheirparticipationinthepowerofarche.ThefirstwitnessagainstthisHomeric idyllic,however,isHomerhimself.AgainstthegarrulousThersitesthemanwhoisanablepublicspeaker despitethefactthatheisnotqualifiedtospeakOdysseusrecallsthefactthattheGreekarmyhasoneandonly onechief:Agamemnon.Heremindsusofwhatarcheinmeans:towalkatthehead.And,ifthereisonewhowalks atthehead,theothersmustnecessarilywalkbehind.Thelinebetweenthepowerofarchein(i.e.,thepowerto rule),freedom,andthepolis,isnotstraightbutsevered.Inordertoconvinceoneselfofthis,itisenoughtoseethe mannerinwhichAristotlecharacterizesthethreepossibleclassesofrulewithinapolis,eachonepossessinga particulartitle:'virtue'forthearistoi,'wealth'fortheoligoi,and'freedom'forthedemos.Inthisdivision,'freedom' appearsastheparadoxicalpartofthedemosaboutwhomtheHomericherotellsus(innouncertainterms)thatit hadonlyonethingtodo:tokeepquietandbowdown. Inshort,theoppositionbetweenpraxisandpoiesisinnowayresolvestheparadoxicaldefinitionofthepolits.As farasarcheisconcerned,aswitheverythingelse,theconventionallogichasitthatthereisaparticulardisposition toactthatisexerciseduponaparticulardispositionto'beactedupon.'Thusthelogicofarchepresupposesa determinatesuperiorityexerciseduponanequallydeterminateinferiority.Inorderfortheretobeapolitical subject(ivity),andthusfortheretobepolitics,theremustbearuptureinthislogic. Thesis3: Politicsisaspecificruptureinthelogicofarche.Itdoesnotsimplypresupposetheruptureofthe'normal' distributionofpositionsbetweentheonewhoexercisespowerandtheonesubjecttoit.Italsorequiresarupture intheideathattherearedispositions'proper'tosuchclassifications. InBookIIIoftheLaws,Platodevoteshimselftoasystematicinventoryofthequalifications(axiomata)forruling, alongwithcertaincorrelativequalificationsforbeingruled.Outofthesevenheretains,fouraretraditional qualificationsofauthoritybasedonanaturaldifferencethatis,thedifferenceinbirth.Thosequalifiedtoruleare those'bornbefore'or'bornotherwise.'Thisgroundsthepowerofparentsoverchildren,oldoveryoung,masters overslaves,andnoblesoverserfs.Thefifthqualificationisintroducedastheprincipalprinciplethatsummarizes allnaturaldifferences:Itisthepowerofthosewithasuperiornature,ofthestrongerovertheweakapowerthat hastheunfortunatequality,discussedatlengthintheGorgias,ofbeingindeterminate.Thesixthqualification, then,givestheonlydifferencethatcountsforPlatonamely,thepowerofthosewhoknow[savoir]overthosewho donot.Therearethusfourcouplingsoftraditionalqualificationstobehad,alongwithtwotheoreticalcouplings thatclaimpriorityoverthem:namely,'natural'superiorityandtheruleof'science'quaknowledge. Thelistoughttostopthere.Butthereisaseventhqualification:'thechoiceofgod,'otherwisereferringtoadrawing oflots[letirageausort]thatdesignatestheonewhoexercisesarche.Platodoesnotexpanduponthis.Butclearly, thiskindof'choice'pointsironicallytothedesignationbygodofaregimepreviouslyreferredtoasoneonlygod couldsave:namely,democracy.Whatthuscharacterizesademocracyispurechanceorthecompleteabsenceof qualificationsforgoverning.Democracyisthatstateofexceptionwherenooppositionscanfunction,wherethere isnopredeterminedprincipleofroleallocation.'Topartakeinrulingandbeingruled'isquiteadifferentmatter fromreciprocity.Itis,inshort,anabsenceofreciprocitythatconstitutestheexceptionalessenceofthis relationshipandthisabsenceofreciprocityrestsontheparadoxofaqualificationthatisabsenceofqualification. Democracyisthespecificsituationinwhichthereisanabsenceofqualificationsthat,inturn,becomesthe qualificationfortheexerciseofademocraticarche.Whatisdestroyedinthislogicistheparticularqualityofarche, itsredoubling,whichmeansthatitalwaysprecedesitselfwithinacircleofitsowndispositionanditsownexercise. Butthisexceptionalstateisidenticalwiththeveryconditionforthespecificityofpoliticsmoregenerally. Thesis4: Democracyisnotapoliticalregime.Insofarasitisaruptureinthelogicofarchethatis,intheanticipationofrule inthedispositionforitdemocracyistheregimeofpoliticsintheformofarelationshipdefiningaspecificsubject. Whatmakespossiblethemetexispropertopoliticsistheruptureofallthoselogicsofallocationexercisedinthe parttakingofarche.The'freedom'ofapeoplethatconstitutestheaxiomofdemocracyhasasitsrealcontentthe ruptureoftheaxiomsofdomination:arupture,thatis,inthecorrelationbetweenacapacityforruleandacapacity forbeingruled.Thecitizenwhopartakes'inrulingandbeingruled'isonlythinkableonthebasisofthedemosas

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afigurethatrupturesthecorrespondencebetweenaseriesofcorrelatedcapacities.Democracyisthusprecisely notapoliticalregimeinthesenseofaparticularconstitutionthatdeterminesdifferentwaysofassemblingpeople underacommonauthority.Democracyistheinstitutionofpoliticstheinstitutionofbothitssubjectanditsmode ofrelating. Asweknow,democracyisaterminventedbyitsopponents,byallthosewhowere'qualified'togovernbecauseof seniority,birth,wealth,virtue,andknowledge[savoir].Usingitasatermofderision,theyarticulatedan unprecedentedreversaloftheorderofthings:the'powerofthedemos'meansthatthosewhorulearethosewho havenospecificityincommon,apartfromtheirhavingnoqualificationforgoverning.Beforebeingthenameofa community,demosisthenameofapartofthecommunity:namely,thepoor.The'poor,'however,doesnot designateaneconomicallydisadvantagedpartofthepopulationitsimplydesignatesthecategoryofpeopleswho donotcount,thosewhohavenoqualificationstoparttakeinarche,noqualificationforbeingtakenintoaccount. ThisisexactlywhatHomerdescribesintheThersitesepisodeevokedabove.Thosewhowanttospeak,though theybelongtothedemos,thoughtheybelongtotheundifferentiatedcollectionofthe'unaccountedfor'[l'hors compte](anarithmoi),getstabbedinthebackbyOdysseus'scepter.Thisisnotadeductionbutadefinition:The onewhois'unaccountedfor,'theonewhohasnospeechtobeheard,istheoneofthedemos.Aremarkable passagefromBookXIIoftheOdysseyillustratesthispoint:Polydamascomplainsbecausehisopinionhasbeen disregardedbyHector.Withyou,hesays,'oneneverhastherighttospeakifonebelongstothedemos.'Now PolydamasisnotavillainlikeThersitesheisHector'sbrother.Demosthusdoesnotdesignateasociallyinferior category:Theonewhospeakswhens/heisnottospeak,theonewhoparttakesinwhats/hehasnopartinthat personbelongstothedemos. Thesis5: The'people'thatisthesubjectofdemocracyandthustheprincipalsubjectofpoliticsisnotthecollectionof membersinacommunity,orthelaboringclassesofthepopulation.Itisthesupplementarypart,inrelationtoany countingofpartsofthepopulationthatmakesitpossibletoidentify'thepartofthosewhohavenopart'[lecompte desincompts][7]withthewholeofthecommunity. Thepeople(demos)existsonlyasaruptureofthelogicofarche,aruptureofthelogicofbeginning/ruling [commencement/commandement].Itshouldnotbeidentifiedeitherwiththeraceofthosewhorecognizeeach otherashavingthesameorigin,thesamebirth,orwithapartofapopulationoreventhesumofitsparts.'People' [peuple]referstothesupplementthatdisconnectsthepopulationfromitself,bysuspendingthevariouslogicsof legitimatedomination.ThisdisjunctionisillustratedparticularlywellinthecrucialreformsthatgiveAthenian democracyitsproperstatusnamely,thosereformsenactedbyCleistheneswhenherearrangedthedistributionof thedemes[8]overtheterritoryofthecity.Inconstitutingeachtribebytheadditionofthreeseparateboundaries onefromthecity,onefromthecoast,andonefromthecountrysideCleisthenesbrokewiththeancientprinciple thatkeptthetribesundertheruleoflocalaristocraticchieftainshipswhosepower,legitimatedthroughlegendary birth,hadasitsrealcontenttheeconomicpowerofthelandowners.Inshort,the'people'isanartificesetatan anglefromthelogicthatgivestheprincipleofwealthasheirtotheprincipleofbirth.Itisanabstractsupplementin relationtoanyactual(ac)countofthepartsofthepopulation,oftheirqualificationsforparttakinginthecommunity, andofthecommonsharesduetothemaccordingtothesequalifications.The'people'isthesupplementthat inscribes'thecountoftheunaccountedfor'or'thepartofthosewhohavenopart.' Theseexpressionsshouldnotbeunderstoodintheirmorepopulistsensebutratherinastructuralsense.Itisnot thelaboringandsufferingpopulacethatcomestooccupytheterrainofpoliticalactionandtoidentifyitsnamewith thatofthecommunity.Whatisidentifiedbydemocracywiththeroleofthecommunityisanempty,supplementary, partthatseparatesthecommunityfromthesumofthepartsofthesocialbody.Thisseparation,inturn,grounds politicsintheactionofsupplementarysubjectsthatareasurplusinrelationtoany(ac)countofthepartsofsociety. Thewholequestionofpoliticsthusliesintheinterpretationofthisvoid.Thecriticismsthatsoughttodiscredit democracybroughtthe'nothing'whichconstitutesthepoliticalpeoplebacktotheoverflowoftheignorantmasses andthegreedypopulace.TheinterpretationofdemocracyposedbyClaudeLefortgavethedemocraticvoidits structuralmeaning.[9]Butthetheoryofthestructuralvoidcanbeinterpretedintwodistinctways:First,the structuralvoidreferstoanarchy,totheabsenceofanentitlementtorulethatconstitutestheverynatureofthe politicalspaceSecondly,thevoidiscausedbythe'disincorporation'oftheking'stwobodiesthehumanand divinebody.[10]Democracy,accordingtothislatterview,beginswiththemurderofthekinginotherwords,witha collapseofthesymbolictherebyproducingadisincorporatedsocialpresence.Andthisoriginarylinkisposedas theequivalentofanoriginaltemptationtoimaginativelyreconstructthe'gloriousbodyofthepeople'thatisheirto theimmortalbodyofthekingandthebasisofeverytotalitarianism. Againsttheseinterpretations,letussaythatthetwofoldbodyofthepeopleisnotamodernconsequenceofthe sacrificeofthesovereignbodybutratheragivenconstitutiveofpolitics.Itisinitiallythepeople,andnottheking, thathasadoublebodyandthisdualityisnothingotherthanthesupplementthroughwhichpoliticsexists:a supplementtoallsocial(ac)countsandanexceptiontoalllogicsofdomination. Theseventhqualification,Platosays,is'god'spart.'Wewillmaintainthatthispartbelongingtogodthis qualificationofthosewhohavenoqualificationcontainswithinitallthatistheologicalinpolitics.The contemporaryemphasisonthethemeofthe'theologicopolitical'dissolvesthequestionofpoliticsintothatof powerandofthegroundingeventthatisitsfundament.Itredoublestheliberalfictionofthecontractwiththe representationofanoriginalsacrifice.Butthedivisionofarchethatconjoinspoliticsanddemocracyisnota foundingsacrifice:Itis,rather,aneutralizationofanyfoundingsacrifice.Thisneutralizationcouldfinditsexact fableattheendofOedipusatColonus:itisatthepriceofthedisappearanceofthesacrificialbody,atthepriceof notseekingOedipus'body,thatAtheniandemocracyreceivesthebenefitofitsburial.Towanttodisinterthebody isnotonlytoassociatethedemocraticformwithascenarioofsinoroforiginalmalediction.Moreradically,itisto returnthelogicofpoliticstothequestionofanoriginarysceneofpowerinotherwords,toreturnpoliticstothe

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state.Byinterpretingtheemptypartintermsofpsychosis,thedramaturgyoforiginalsymboliccatastrophe transformsthepoliticalexceptionintoasacrificialsymptomofdemocracy:Itsubsumesthelitigiousnessproperto politicsunderanyoftheinnumerableversionsofanoriginary'crime'or'murder.' Thesis6: Ifpoliticsistheoutlineofavanishingdifference,withthedistributionofsocialpartsandshares,thenitfollowsthat itsexistenceisinnowaynecessary,butthatitoccursasaprovisionalaccidentinthehistoryoftheformsof domination.Italsofollowsfromthisthatpoliticallitigiousnesshasasitsessentialobjecttheveryexistenceof politics. Politicscannotbededucedfromthenecessityofgatheringpeopleintocommunities.Itisanexceptiontothe principlesaccordingtowhichthisgatheringoperates.The'normal'orderofthingsisthathumancommunities gathertogetherundertheruleofthosequalifiedtorulewhosequalificationsarelegitimatedbytheveryfactthat theyareruling.Thesegovernmentalqualificationsmaybesummedupaccordingtotwocentralprinciples:Thefirst referssocietytotheorderoffiliation,bothhumananddivine.Thisisthepowerofbirth.Thesecondreferssociety tothevitalprincipleofitsactivities.Thisisthepowerofwealth.Thus,the'normal'evolutionofsocietycomestous intheprogressionfromagovernmentofbirthtoagovernmentofwealth.Politicsexistsasadeviationfromthis normalorderofthings.Itisthisanomalythatisexpressedinthenatureofpoliticalsubjectswhoarenotsocial groupsbutratherformsofinscriptionof'the(ac)countoftheunaccountedfor.' Thereispoliticsaslongas'thepeople'isnotidentifiedwiththeraceorapopulation,inasmuchasthepoorarenot equatedwithaparticulardisadvantagedsector,andaslongastheproletariatisnotagroupofindustrialworkers, etcRather,thereispoliticsinasmuchas'thepeople'referstosubjectsinscribedasasupplementtothecountof thepartsofsociety,aspecificfigureof'thepartofthosewhohavenopart.'Whetherthispartexistsisthepolitical issueanditistheobjectofpoliticallitigation.Politicalstruggleisnotaconflictbetweenwelldefinedinterest groupsitisanoppositionoflogicsthatcountthepartiesandpartsofthecommunityindifferentways.Theclash betweenthe'rich'andthe'poor,'forinstance,isthestruggleovertheverypossibilityofthesewordsbeingcoupled, oftheirbeingabletoinstitutecategoriesforanother(ac)countingofthecommunity.Therearetwowaysof countingthepartsofthecommunity:Thefirstonlycountsempiricalpartsactualgroupsdefinedbydifferencesin birth,bydifferentfunctions,locations,andintereststhatconstitutethesocialbody.Thesecondcounts'inaddition' apartofthenopart.Wewillcallthefirstpoliceandthesecondpolitics. Thesis7: Politicsisspecificallyopposedtothepolice.Thepoliceisa'partitionofthesensible'[lepartagedusensible] whoseprincipleistheabsenceofavoidandofasupplement. Thepoliceisnotasocialfunctionbutasymbolicconstitutionofthesocial.Theessenceofthepoliceisneither repressionnorevencontrolovertheliving.Itsessenceisacertainmannerofpartitioningthesensible.Wewillcall 'partitionofthesensible'agenerallawthatdefinestheformsofparttakingbyfirstdefiningthemodesof perceptioninwhichtheyareinscribed.Thepartitionofthesensibleisthecuttingupoftheworldandof'world'itis thenemenuponwhichthenomoiofthecommunityarefounded.Thispartitionshouldbeunderstoodinthe doublesenseoftheword:ontheonehand,thatwhichseparatesandexcludesontheother,thatwhichallows participation(seeEditor'snote2).Apartitionofthesensiblereferstothemannerinwhicharelationbetweena shared'common'[uncommunpartag]andthedistributionofexclusivepartsisdeterminedthroughthesensible. Thislatterformofdistribution,inturn,itselfpresupposesapartitionbetweenwhatisvisibleandwhatisnot,ofwhat canbeheardfromtheinaudible. Theessenceofthepoliceistobeapartitionofthesensiblecharacterizedbytheabsenceofavoidora supplement:societyconsistsofgroupsdedicatedtospecificmodesofaction,inplaceswheretheseoccupations areexercised,inmodesofbeingcorrespondingtotheseoccupationsandtheseplaces.Inthisfittingnessof functions,places,andwaysofbeing,thereisnoplaceforavoid.Itisthisexclusionofwhat'thereisnot'thatisthe policeprincipleattheheartofstatistpractices.Theessenceofpolitics,then,istodisturbthisarrangementby supplementingitwithapartofthenopartidentifiedwiththecommunityasawhole.Politicallitigiousness/struggle isthatwhichbringspoliticsintobeingbyseparatingitfromthepolicethatis,inturn,alwaysattemptingits disappearanceeitherbycrudelydenyingit,orbysubsumingthatlogictoitsown.Politicsisfirstandforemostan interventionuponthevisibleandthesayable. Thesis8: Theprincipalfunctionofpoliticsistheconfigurationofitsproperspace.Itistodisclosetheworldofitssubjectsand itsoperations.Theessenceofpoliticsisthemanifestationofdissensus,asthepresenceoftwoworldsinone.[11] Letusbeginfromanempiricalgiven:policeinterventioninpublicspacesdoesnotconsistprimarilyinthe interpellationofdemonstrators,butinthebreakingupofdemonstrations.Thepoliceisnotthatlawinterpellating individuals(asinAlthusser's"Hey,youthere!")unlessoneconfusesitwithreligioussubjectification.[12]Itis,firstof all,areminderoftheobviousnessofwhatthereis,orrather,ofwhatthereisn't:"Movealong!Thereisnothingto seehere!"Thepolicesaysthatthereisnothingtoseeonaroad,thatthereisnothingtodobutmovealong.It assertsthatthespaceofcirculatingisnothingotherthanthespaceofcirculation.Politics,incontrast,consistsin transformingthisspaceof'movingalong'intoaspacefortheappearanceofasubject:i.e.,thepeople,the workers,thecitizens:Itconsistsinrefiguringthespace,ofwhatthereistodothere,whatistobeseenornamed therein.Itistheestablishedlitigationoftheperceptible,onthenementhatfoundsanycommunalnomos. Thispartitionconstitutingpoliticsisnevergivenintheformofalot,ofakindofpropertythatobligesorcompels

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politics.Thesepropertiesarelitigiousasmuchintheirunderstandingasintheirextension.Exemplaryinthis regardarethosepropertiesthat,forAristotle,defineapoliticalabilityorareintendedfor'thegoodlife.'Apparently nothingcouldbeclearerthanthedistinctionmadebyAristotleinBookIofthePolitics:thesignofthepolitical natureofhumansisconstitutedbytheirpossessionofthelogos,thearticulatelanguageappropriatefor manifestingacommunityintheaisthesisofthejustandtheunjust,asopposedtotheanimalphone,appropriate onlyforexpressingthefeelingsofpleasureanddispleasure.Ifyouareinthepresenceofananimalpossessing theabilityofthearticulatelanguageanditspowerofmanifestation,youknowyouaredealingwithahumanand thereforewithapoliticalanimal.Theonlypracticaldifficultyisinknowingwhichsignisrequiredtorecognizethe signthatis,howonecanbesurethatthehumananimalmouthinganoiseinfrontofyouisactuallyvoicingan utteranceratherthanmerelyexpressingastateofbeing?Ifthereissomeoneyoudonotwishtorecognizeasa politicalbeing,youbeginbynotseeingthemasthebearersofpoliticalness,bynotunderstandingwhattheysay, bynothearingthatitisanutterancecomingoutoftheirmouths.Andthesamegoesfortheoppositionsoreadily invokedbetweentheobscurityofdomesticandprivatelife,andtheradiantluminosityofthepubliclifeofequals.In ordertorefusethetitleofpoliticalsubjectstoacategoryworkers,women,etcithastraditionallybeen sufficienttoassertthattheybelongtoa'domestic'space,toaspaceseparatedfrompubliclifeonefromwhich onlygroansorcriesexpressingsuffering,hunger,orangercouldemerge,butnotactualspeechesdemonstrating asharedaisthesis.Andthepoliticsofthesecategorieshasalwaysconsistedinrequalifyingtheseplaces,in gettingthemtobeseenasthespacesofacommunity,ofgettingthemselvestobeseenorheardasspeaking subjects(ifonlyintheformoflitigation)inshort,participantsinacommonaisthesis.Ithasconsistedinmaking whatwasunseenvisibleingettingwhatwasonlyaudibleasnoisetobeheardasspeechindemonstratingtobe afeelingofshared'good'or'evil'whathadappearedmerelyasanexpressionofpleasureorpain. Theessenceofpoliticsisdissensus.Dissensusisnottheconfrontationbetweeninterestsoropinions.Itisthe manifestationofadistanceofthesensiblefromitself.Politicsmakesvisiblethatwhichhadnoreasontobeseen,it lodgesoneworldintoanother(forinstance,theworldwherethefactoryisapublicspacewithintheonewhereitis consideredaprivateone,theworldwhereworkersspeakoutvisvistheonewheretheirvoicesaremerelycries expressingpain).Thisispreciselywhypoliticscannotbeidentifiedwiththemodelofcommunicativeactionsince thismodelpresupposesthepartnersincommunicativeexchangetobepreconstituted,andthatthediscursive formsofexchangeimplyaspeechcommunitywhoseconstraintisalwaysexplicable.Incontrast,theparticular featureofpoliticaldissensusisthatthepartnersarenomoreconstitutedthanistheobjectortheverysceneof discussion.Theonesmakingvisiblethefactthattheybelongtoasharedworldtheotherdoesnotseecannot takeadvantageofthelogicimplicittoapragmaticsofcommunication.Theworkerwhoarguesforthepublic natureofa'domestic'matter(suchasasalarydispute)mustindicatetheworldinwhichhisargumentcountsasan argumentandmustdemonstrateitassuchforthosewhodonotpossessaframeofreferencetoconceiveofitas argument.Politicalargumentisatoneandthesametimethedemonstrationofapossibleworldwherethe argumentcouldcountasargument,addressedbyasubjectqualifiedtoargue,uponanidentifiedobject,toan addresseewhoisrequiredtoseetheobjectandtoheartheargumentthatheorshe'normally'hasnoreasonto eitherseeorhear.Itistheconstructionofaparadoxicalworldthatrelatestwoseparateworlds. Politicsthushasno'proper'placenordoesitpossessany'natural'subjects.Ademonstrationispoliticalnot becauseittakesplaceinaspecificlocaleandbearsuponaparticularobjectbutratherbecauseitsformisthatofa clashbetweentwopartitionsofthesensible.Apoliticalsubjectisnotagroupofinterestsorideas:Itistheoperator ofaparticularmodeofsubjectificationandlitigationthroughwhichpoliticshasitsexistence.Political demonstrationsarethusalwaysofthemomentandtheirsubjectsarealwaysprovisional.Politicaldifferenceis alwaysontheshoreofitsowndisappearance:thepeopleareclosetosinkingintotheseaofthepopulationorof race,theproletariatbordersonbeingconfusedwithworkersdefendingtheirinterests,thespaceofapeople's publicdemonstrationisalwaysatriskofbeingconfusedwiththemerchant'sagora,etc. Thedeductionofpoliticsfromaspecificworldofequalsorfreepeople,asopposedtoanotherworldlivedoutof necessity,takesasitsgroundpreciselytheobjectofitslitigation.Itthusrenderscompulsoryablindnesstothose who'donotsee'andhavenoplacefromwhichtobeseen.Exemplary,inthisregard,isapassagefromArendt's OnRevolutiondiscussingthemannerinwhichJohnAdamsidentifiestheunhappinessofthepoorwiththefactof 'notbeingseen.'[13]Suchanidentification,shecomments,coulditselfonlyemanatefromamanbelongingtoa privilegedcommunityofequals.And,bythesametoken,itcould'hardlybeunderstood'bythepeoplecomprising therelevantcategories.Wecouldexpressamazementattheextraordinarydeafnessofthisaffirmationintheface ofthemultiplicityofdiscoursesanddemonstrationsofthe'poor'concerningpreciselytheirmodeofvisibility.But thisdeafnesshasnothingaccidentalaboutit.Itformsacirclewiththeacceptanceofanoriginalpartition,a foundingpolitics,withwhatwasinfactthepermanentobjectoflitigationconstitutingpolitics.Itformsacirclewith thedefinitionofhomolaboransasapartitionofthe'waysoflife.'Thiscircleisnotthatofanyparticulartheoretician itisthecircleof'politicalphilosophy.' Thesis9: Inasmuchaswhatisproperto'politicalphilosophy'istogroundpoliticalactioninaspecificmodeofbeing,soisit thecasethat'politicalphilosophy'effacesthelitigiousnessconstitutiveofpolitics.Itisinitsverydescriptionofthe worldofpoliticsthatphilosophyeffectsthiseffacement.Moreover,itseffectivenessisperpetuatedthroughtothe nonphilosophicalorantiphilosophicaldescriptionoftheworld. Thatthedistinguishingfeatureofpoliticsistheexistenceofasubjectwho'rules'bytheveryfactofhavingno qualificationstorulethattheprincipleofbeginnings/rulingisirremediablydividedasaresultofthis,andthatthe politicalcommunityisspecificallyalitigiouscommunitythisisthe'politicalsecret'thatphilosophyfirst encounters.Ifwecanspeakoftheprivilegedstatureofthe'Ancients'overthe'Moderns,'itisaconsequenceof theirhavingfirstperceivedthis'secret'andnotofhavingbeenthefirsttoopposethecommunityofthe'good'tothat ofthe'useful.'Attheheadoftheanodyneexpression'politicalphilosophy'onefindstheviolentencounterbetween philosophyandtheexceptiontothelawofarchepropertopolitics,alongwithphilosophy'sefforttoresituate politicsundertheauspicesofthislaw.TheGorgias,theRepublic,thePolitics,theLaws,allthesetextsrevealthe sameefforttoeffacetheparadoxorscandalofa'seventhqualification'tomakeofdemocracyasimplecaseof

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theindeterminableprincipleof'thegovernmentofthestrongest,'againstwhichonecanonlyopposea governmentofthosewhoknow[lessavants].Thesetextsallrevealasimilarstrategyofplacingthecommunity underauniquelawofpartitionandexpellingtheemptypartofthedemosfromthecommunalbody. Butthisexpulsiondoesnotsimplytakeplaceintheformoftheoppositionbetweenthe'good'regimeofthe communitythatisbothoneandhierarchisedaccordingtoitsprincipleofunity,andthe'bad'regimesofdivision anddisorder.Ittakesplacewithintheverypresuppositionthatidentifiesapoliticalformwithawayoflifeandthis presuppositionisalreadyoperatingintheproceduresfordescribing'bad'regimes,anddemocracyinparticular. Allofpolitics,aswehavesaid,isplayedoutintheinterpretationofdemocratic'anarchy.'Inidentifyingitwiththe dispersalofthedesiresofdemocraticman,Platotransformstheformofpoliticsintoamodeofexistenceand, further,transformsthevoidintoanoverflow.Beforebeingthetheoristofthe'ideal'or'enclosed'citystate,Platois thefounderoftheanthropologicalconceptionofthepolitical,theconceptionthatidentifiespoliticswiththe deploymentofthepropertiesofatypeofmanoramodeoflife.Thiskindof'man,'this'wayofbeing,'thisformof thecitystate:itisthere,beforeanydiscourseonthelawsortheeducationalmethodsoftheidealstate,before eventhepartitionoftheclassesofthecommunity,thepartitionoftheperceptiblethatcancelsoutpolitical singularity. Theinitialgestureofpoliticalphilosophythushasatwofoldconsequence:Ontheonehand,Platofoundsa communitythatistheeffectuationofaprincipleofunity,ofanundividedprincipleacommunitystrictlydefinedas acommonbodywithitsplacesandfunctionsandwithitsformsofinteriorisationofthecommon.Hefoundsan archipolitics[14]basedonalawofunitybetweenthe'occupations'ofthecitystateandits'ethos,'(inotherwords itswayofinhabitinganabode),aslawbutalsoasthespecific'tone'accordingtowhichthisethosrevealsitself. Thisethologyofthecommunityonceagainmakespoliticsandpoliceindistinguishable.Andpoliticalphilosophy, inasmuchasitwantstogivetothecommunityasinglefoundation,iscondemnedtohavetoreidentifypoliticsand police,tocanceloutpoliticsthroughthegesturethatfoundsit. ButPlatoalsoinventsa'concrete'modefordescribingtheproductionofpoliticalforms.Inaword,heinventsthe veryformsoftherefusalofthe'idealstate,'thesettledformsofoppositionbetweenphilosophical'apriorism'and concretesociologicalorpoliticalscientificanalysesoftheformsofpoliticsasexpressionsofwaysoflife.This secondlegacyismoreprofoundandmorelonglastingthanthefirst.Thesociologyofthepoliticalisthesecond resourcethedeuteronplousofpoliticalphilosophythataccomplishes(sometimesagainstitself)its fundamentalproject:tofoundthecommunityonthebasisofaunivocalpartitionofthesensible.Inparticular,de Tocqueville'sanalysisofdemocracy,whoseinnumerablevariantsandersatzversionsfeedthediscourseson moderndemocracy,theageofthemasses,themassindividual,etc.,fitsintothecontinuityofthetheoretical gesturethatcancelsoutthestructuralsingularityof'thequalificationwithoutqualifications'andthe'partoftheno part,'byredescribingdemocracyasasocialphenomenon,ofthecollectiveeffectuationofthepropertiesofatype ofman. Inversely,theclaimsforthepurityofthebiospolitikos(oftherepublicanconstitutionandofthecommunityversus theindividualordemocraticmass,andtheoppositionbetweenthepoliticalandthesocial)shareinthe effectivenessofthesameknotbetweentheapriorismofthe'republican'refounding,andthesociological descriptionofdemocracy.Nomatterwhichsideonerestson,theoppositionbetweenthe'political'andthe'social' isamatterdefinedentirelywithintheframeof'politicalphilosophy'inotherwords,itisamatterthatliesatthe heartofthephilosophicalrepressionofpolitics.Thecurrentproclamationsofa'returntopolitics'and'political philosophy'areanimitationoftheoriginarygestureof'politicalphilosophy,'withoutactuallygraspingthe principlesorissuesinvolvedinit.Inthissense,itistheradicalforgettingofpoliticsandofthetenserelationship betweenpoliticsandphilosophy.Thesociologicalthemeofthe'endofpolitics'inpostmodernsocietyandthe 'politico'themeofthe'returnofpolitics'bothderivefromtheinitialdoublegestureof'politicalphilosophy'andboth movetowardsthesameforgettingofpolitics. Thesis10: The'endofpolitics'andthe'returnofpolitics'aretwocomplementarywaysofcancelingoutpoliticsinthesimple relationshipbetweenastateofthesocialandastateofstatistapparatuses.'Consensus'isthevulgarnamegiven tothiscancellation. Theessenceofpoliticsresidesinthemodesofdissensualsubjectificationthatrevealthedifferenceofasocietyto itself.Theessenceofconsensusisnotpeacefuldiscussionandreasonableagreementasopposedtoconflictor violence.Itsessenceistheannulmentofdissensusastheseparationofthesensiblefromitself,theannulmentof surplussubjects,thereductionofthepeopletothesumofthepartsofthesocialbody,andofthepolitical communitytotherelationshipofinterestsandaspirationsofthesedifferentparts.Consensusisthereductionof politicstothepolice.Inotherwords,itisthe'endofpolitics'andnottheaccomplishmentofitsendsbut,simply,the returnofthe'normal'stateofthingswhichisthatofpolitics'nonexistence.The'endofpolitics'istheeverpresent shoreofpolitics[leborddelapolitique]that,inturn,isanactivityofthemomentandalwaysprovisional.'Returnof politics'and'endofpolitics'aretwosymmetricalinterpretationsproducingthesameeffect:toeffacethevery conceptofpolitics,andtheprecariousnessthatisoneofitsessentialelements.Inproclaimingtheendof usurpationsofthesocialandthereturnto'pure'politics,the'returnofpolitics'thesissimplyoccludesthefactthat the'social'isinnowayaparticularsphereofexistencebut,rather,adisputedobjectofpolitics.Therefore,the subsequentlyproclaimedendofthesocialis,simplyput,theendofpoliticallitigationregardingthepartitionof worlds.The'returnofpolitics'isthustheaffirmationthatthereisaspecificplaceforpolitics.Isolatedinthismanner, thisspecificspacecanbenothingotherthantheplaceofthestateand,infact,thetheoristsofthe'returnofpolitics' ultimatelyaffirmthatpoliticsisoutdated.Theyidentifyitwiththepracticesofstatecontrolwhichhave,astheir principalprinciple,thesuppressionofpolitics. Thesociologicalthesisofthe'endofpolitics'symmetricallypositstheexistenceofastateofthesocialsuchthat politicsnolongerhasanecessaryraisond'trewhetherornotithasaccomplisheditsendsbybringingintobeing

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preciselythisstate(i.e.,theexotericAmericanHegelianFukayamaistversion)orwhetheritsformsarenolonger adaptedtothefluidityandartificialityofpresentdayeconomicandsocialrelations(i.e.,theesotericEuropean HeideggerianSituationistversion).Thethesisthusamountstoassertingthatthelogicaltelosofcapitalismmakes itsothatpoliticsbecomes,onceagain,outdated.Andthenitconcludeswitheitherthemourningofpoliticsbefore thetriumphofanimmaterialLeviathan,oritstransformationintoformsthatarebrokenup,segmented,cybernetic, ludic,etcadaptedtothoseformsofthesocialthatcorrespondtothehigheststageofcapitalism.Itthusfailsto recognizethatinactualfact,politicshasnoreasonforbeinginanystateofthesocialandthatthecontradictionof thetwologicsisanunchanginggiventhatdefinesthecontingencyandprecariousnesspropertopolitics.Viaa Marxistdetour,the'endofpolitics'thesisalongwiththeconsensualistthesisgroundspoliticsinaparticular modeoflifethatidentifiesthepoliticalcommunitywiththesocialbody,subsequentlyidentifyingpoliticalpractice withstatepractice.Thedebatebetweenthephilosophersofthe'returnofpolitics'andthesociologistsofthe'endof politics'isthusastraightforwarddebateregardingtheorderinwhichitisappropriatetotakethepresuppositionsof 'politicalphilosophy'soastointerprettheconsensualistpracticeofannihilatingpolitics.

Notes
[1]Theoriginaltranslationofthe"TenTheses"wasdonebyRachelBowlby.However,somephraseswere modifiedbyDavidePanagiainconsultationwithJacquesRancire.TermsinsquarebracketsareRancire's originalFrenchexpressions. [2]OurEnglish'politicalsubject(ivity)'doesnotgiveanadequatesenseofRancire's"lesujetpolitique,"aterm thatrefersbothtotheideaofapoliticalsubjectivityandtothe'proper'subjectofpolitics.[3]Rancireplaysonthe doublemeaningoftheavoirpartasbotha'partaking'anda'partition.' [4]ThereferenceistoArendt'sclaimthat"thehumancapacityforfreedom,which,byproducingthewebofhuman relationships,seemstoentangleitsproducertosuchanextentthatheappearsmuchmorethevictimandthe suffererthantheauthorandthedoerofwhathehasdone"(TheHumanCondition,p.233234Chicago:The UniversityofChicagoPress,1989). [5]Thewordplay,here,isontheideaofan'interest'referringbothtoaprincipleofinterrelatingandtotheideaof societal'interest.'RancireisinvokinganArendtiandistinctionfoundinherTheHumanCondition(seepages50 58). [6]HannahArendt,TheHumanCondition,p.177. [7]ThoughtheliteraltranslationoftheFrenchis"thecountoftheunaccountedfor"theformulationfoundinthe EnglishtranslationofDisagreement:PoliticsandPhilosophy,(JulieRosetrans.,Minneapolis:Universityof MinnesotaPress,1999)isretainedforthesakeofconsistency. [8]DemesweretownshipsordivisionsofancientAttica.InmodernGreecethetermreferstocommunes. [9]SeeDemocracyandPoliticalTheory(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1988)especiallyPartIV:"On theIrreducibleElement." [10]RancireisinvokingErnstKantorowicz'sworkonmedievalpoliticaltheology,alsopresentinLefort'sstudy. [11]Rancire'sconceptionofdissensuscountsasaninstanceoftheparadoxofthe'oneandthemany' characteristicofdemocraticpolitics. [12]RancireherereferstoAlthusser's"IdeologyandIdeologicalStateApparatuses"(seeLeninandPhilosophy, NewYork:MonthlyReviewPress,1971). [13]SeeArendt'schapterentitled"TheSocialQuestion"fromOnRevolutionespeciallypages6871(NewYork: PenguinBooks,1990). [14]SeeRancire'sDisagreement(Chapter4)foranextendeddiscussionofthisconcept. top

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