The New Profile of Peruvian History Author(s): Heraclio Bonilla Source: Latin American Research Review, Vol.

16, No. 3 (1981), pp. 210-224 Published by: The Latin American Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2502930 . Accessed: 11/05/2011 17:37
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THE

NEW

PROFILE HISTORY

OF

PERUVIAN

Peruanos and Instituto deEstudios Universidad Cat6lica, Lima

HeraclioBonilla

In the last decade in Peru, therehave been substantivechanges in thinking about Peruvian historyand society.Although this change is visible in all the social sciences, in a special way economic analysis and historigains. Economics no longer cal investigation have made some important consists, in the works of its betteradherents, of vague meditationsor the crude accountingof a druggist;and historicalstudies are also finally beginningto reach a minimallevel of seriousness. Once the end product of only a few particularly lucid minds, the concept thatwe have today of historyand the work of the historianis now shared by a much larger to see where these changes have been therefore, group. It is interesting, made, not only because of the academic necessity of giving a correct accounting,but also because the outlines of this new consciousness of its past that Peruvian societyis acquiring need to be underscored. The study of historyin Peru, more than any other social science, is part of the continual struggle to redraw the past of Peruvian society and to destroythe collectiveamnesia of the masses. These two objectiveshave always been sought but only now are theybeing achieved by works of indisputablerigor. The purpose of this review is to recount the achievements of in the past decade in understandingthe process Peruvianhistoriography market thatbegan with the incorporationof Peru into the international in the sixteenthcenturyand ended with the impact of the 1929 world in that it shows the crisis on its economy. Any inventoryis arbitrary preferencesof its author and because it tends to startwith the most works. In this sense, a complete bibliographyof the hisrepresentative toricalliteratureof the last ten years mightwell reveal that most still view of historyand thatthe change postulated here hold the traditional is not so evident. But it is the existence of this breech, however small, to note. thatit is important

Inc. CharlesTrent Memorial Foundation, provided bytheJosiah Translated with funds

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Colonial System Andean tothe from the TheTransition

the colonial oppression The greatmovementsin pursuitof freedomfrom imposed on the peoples of Asia and Africa;the revolutions,like those in Mexico, Bolivia, and Cuba; and the crisis in Western historiography forthe changes occurring to account satisfactorily caused by its inability in these "peoples without a history" have made it indispensable to reconsider the process of colonial societies and to formconcepts and it. In the case of Spanish that are adequate to reconstruct instruments America,this change implied abandoning the idea of colonial historyas a mere extension of European historyand replacing it with one that peculiar to colonial societyand favoredthe dealt with the characteristics of those colonized. The break imposed by the conquest thus testimony of convertedthe heroicepic of Pizarroand his men into an investigation and the the dismantlingof the mechanisms that upheld Tawantinsuyo effects of this destructionon the native population. This "vision of the vanquished," to use the beautiful expression coined by the Mexican in La Miguel Leon Portilla,permittedNathan Wachtel to reconstruct,

Espagnole, 1530devant la Conquete du Perou LesIndiens Vision desVaincus:

1570 (Paris: Gallimard, 1971), the dramaticprocess of the destructuring of Andean society. Similarly,Karen Spalding, in De indioa campesino (Lima: IEP, 1974) extended this type of analysis into the colonial period, del Peru'(Lima: IEP, a la historia and FranklinPease, in Del tawantinsuyo 1978), showed the implicationsof this approach forPeruvian historiography. Another example of this type of analysis is Steve Stern's "The Indian People of Huamanga, Peru, and the Foundation of a Colonial 1979), which Society, 1532-1640" (Ph.D. dissertation,Yale University, shows how colonial order in any region was established in response to the Andean peasant and his struggles. For this Andean view of the historyof the conquest and the colonial period, the support of anthropological thoughtand the works of JohnV. Murra on the fundamentals of Andean civilizationbefore 1532 have been indispensable. Investigatorsin this field,given the weakness of social historyin Peru, call such work "ethnohistory." to discuss in an examinaOne of the problemsthatit is important the colonial the Andean to the from systemis how to tion of transition the the of native the on size the of population. measure conquest impact in interested time of those the leisure long occupied This problem has both Spanish and Indian studies, and defendersof both the black and rosy accounts of the conquest. Demographic historyin Peru stillhas no Borah, or Goubert,or Laslett,but progresshas been made. Noble David Cook, in "The Indian Population of Peru, 1570-1620" (Ph.D. dissertain Bevblof Texas at Austin, 1973), and GiinterVollmer, tion, University

Peruzu Endeder ir,IVizekonigreich und Bevolkerungsstruktur kerunspolitik

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Review American Research Latin

1741-1821 (Berlin:Bad Homburg von der Hobe, 1967) have Kolonialzeit, offered the first figureson the evolutionof the native population forthe en al Alto colonial period; Nicolas Sanchez-Albornoz, in Indiosy tributos Peru'(Lima: IEP, 1978), has examined, although foronly a limitedarea, the relationshipsamong population, tribute, and the native economy. As for the Hispanic population, the other component of early colonial society,two recent books go beyond mere reiterationof the deeds of the men of the conquest. SpanishPeru, 1532-1560 (Madison: of Wisconsin Press, 1968) and The Men ofCajamarca(Austin: University Universityof Texas Press, 1972), both by James Lockhart, show the social position of the conquistadores and the new institutions theywere creatingin the verymidstof the wars of conquest. Study of Andean religionwas fora long timea minorappendix to the institutional historyof the Catholic Church. Here, too, anthropological thoughthas obligated historiansto change theirperspective.Beles Relisides the initialworks of Pease, Pierre Duviols' La Luttecontre dans le PerouColonial(Lima: InstitutFrancais d'Etudes gionsAutochtones Andines, 1971), and the currentresearch coordinated by Jose Matos of idolatry, Mar, based on documents of the exterpation should be mentioned in this new context.

TheColonial Mining Economy

The need to understand the mechanisms of the primitive accumulation of capital has attractedthe attentionof North American and European historiansto the mines and precious metals of colonial Peru. The works of Earl J.Hamilton, of Huguette and PierreChaunu, and PierreVilar,to mentiononly the most relevant,are testimonyto this interest.But, for obvious reasons, these analyses emphasized the role that the exportof precious metals fromLatin America played in changing the European economy of the sixteenthcenturyand in unleashing risingsecular price trends. Later works by Alvaro Jara, Tresensayossobreeconomia minera hispanoamericana (Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1966) and Peter J. Bakewell, "Registered Silver Production in the Potosi District,15501735" Uahrbuck fur Geschichte Lateinamerikas, Band 12, [1975]), although the fluctuations in production,did little theyshowed carefully to change of studies on colonial mining. the orientation Now, however, ifthe hypothesisput forth by Murra on the funcit is logical to suppose tioningof the pre-Columbianeconomy is correct, that it began to erode with the opening of the mines at Potosi and Huancavelica and the circulationof the metals, as the commoditymoney,fromtheirplace of productionuntiltheywere shipped out from Callao and Buenos Aires. Carlos Sempat Assadourian has dedicated two importantworks to an examination of the formationof this Andean 212

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economic space and the productionof silver:"Sobre un elemento de la economia colonial: produccion y circulacionde mercanciasen el interior de un conjunto colonial" (Santiago: Eure, no. 8 [1973]) and "La produccion de la mercancia dinero en la formaciondel mercado internocolonial" (Lima: PUC, Economia 1, no. 2 [1978]). The problemofthe mitaand its implicationsforthe Peruvian economy of the eighteenthcenturyhas been studied by Enrique Tandeterin "La rente comme rapportde prole cas de Potosi, 1750-1826" duction et comme rapportde distribution: (These de 3e Cycle en Histoire, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences en el Peru' Sociales [Paris],1980). Finally,JohnFisher,in Minas y mineros colonial(Lima: IEP, 1977), has set aside the idea of an extremecrisis in miningin the last thirdof the eighteenthcentury, showing thatproduction at Cerro de Pasco, even if it never reached the formerlevels at Potosi, neverthelesspermittedthe mining sector to functionuntil the veryeve of independence.

Colonial Agriculture
The rural economy and society of colonial Peru have not yet been treated to a study like that which Francois Chevalier conducted for Mexico; until now, the most suggestive points have been outlined by Pablo Macera, particularlyin Trabajosde historia,4 vols. (Lima: INC, 1977). However, this vacuum has been filled partiallyin the last few years by several solid regional monographs that show the profound of the colonial agrarian structure fromthe verybeginnings of diversity its development: among these are, for the north coast, the work of Susan Ramirez-Horton,"Land Tenure and the Economics of Power in of Wisconsin, 1977); and, Colonial Peru" (Ph.D. dissertation, University forthe centralcoast, the magnificent book by RobertKeith, Conquest and

The Emergence on thePeruvian Agrarian Change: of theHacienda System

Coast (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976); the problem of the middle- and small-size holdings in the countryside of the stability of Arequipa has been discussed extensivelyby Keith Davies in "The Rural Domain of the City of Arequipa, 1540-1665" (Ph.D. dissertation, haciendas were Universityof Connecticut, 1974). The most efficient without doubt controlledby the Jesuitsin the Peruvian coastal region; Nicholas P. Cushner has dedicated his book, Lordsofthe Land: Sugar,

Wine andJesuit Estates 1600-1767 StateUniversity ofCoastal Peru, (Albany:

of New YorkPress, 1980), to a studyof how these haciendas operated. To my knowledge, studies of this type do not exist forthe traditionalmountainhaciendas nor forthe evolutionof the internalstructure of the ruralcolonial communities.Except forthe solid inspection given (Lima: Universidad del Pacifico, 1968), and the well-known thesis of 213

in Perfil deCuzco a fines dela sociedad rural dela colonia byMagnusMorner

Latin American Research Review

Karen Spalding forthe region of Huarochiri, "Indian Rural Society in Colonial Peru: The Example of Huarochiri" (Ph.D. dissertation, Univerof this kind of prosityof Californiaat Berkeley, 1967), the functioning ductiveunit has yet to be investigated. We are equally ignorantof the formsof labor and the transformation of relations of production. FrederickBowser's monumental book, The African Slave in ColonialPeru (Stanford,Calif.: StanfordUniversity Press, 1974) tells about the characteristics of slavery in early colonial times, but it is of littleuse in understanding the functionof slavery with other withinthe colonial economy and the natureof its articulation in this context,to examine formsof production.It would be important, the problemof slaveryin colonial Peru in lightof the debate inspiredby Eugene Genovese and RobertW. Fogel several years ago.

Obrajes andColonial Industry

The obrajes,like the mines, are significant for theircapacity to induce internalchanges in the regional economies, since they call for precise networksboth forthe supplies theyrequireas well as forthe distribution of theirtextileproduction. These facts,togetherwith the type of labor to justifytheir study, not only to force they employed, are sufficient of the "industrialsector" of the colony,but understand the functioning also to figureout the logic of the colonial economic system. Unfortunately,with the exception of the old book by Fernando Silva Santisteban, only the recent work of Miriam Salas, De los obrajesde Canaria y

a lascomunidades Chincheros de Vilcashuaman indigenas (Lima,1979),gives

about Andean obrajes. Thus, Robson P. Tyrer's "The any information Demographic and Economic Historyof the Audiencia of Quito: Indian Population and the Textile Industry,1600-1800" (Ph.D. dissertation, of Californiaat Berkeley, University 1976), although it refersto modern Ecuador, will remain the fundamentalreference work in this fielduntil forPeru. similarmonographs are written

TheState andColonial Finances

The operationof the Peruviancolonial systemrevolved around the fiscal of the surpluses it produced. These facilitated extraction the reproduction of the internalsystem of political domination and maintenance of the metropolitanstate; hence the special care taken by the colonial bureaucracy in keeping the accounts of the Cajas Reales of the viceroy. Thus, an analysis of this voluminous documentationnot only gives a but also gives information good idea ofthe extentof colonial exploitation about the productive potentials of the different regions of the colonial sphere. Such has been the aim of the studies based on these sources by 214

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has pubJavierTord and HerbertKlein and JohnTePaske. The former lished his preliminary findingsin "Sociedad colonial y fiscalidad" (Lima: Universidad del Pacifico,Apuntes [1979]); the others are preparing to publish their statisticaldata in the series of the Institutefor Peruvian Studies. Discussion on the natureof the colonial state, on the otherhand, has just begun. Inspired by the Weberianidea of patrimonialsupport of power, Richard Morse, in "The Heritage of Latin America," in The ed. Louis Hartz (New York: Harcourt,Brace, Founding ofNew Societies, in SpanishBureaucratic PatriJovanovich, Inc., 1964), and Magali Sarfatti, monialism in America(Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1966), to initiatemodern studies on the colonial state. JulioCotwere the first ler,in a more general work, Clases, estadoy nacionen el Peru'(Lima: IEP, of the 1978), uses similar premises to examine specificcharacteristics colonial state. Without doubt, this is an area where collaborationbetween politicalscientistsand historiansis necessary.But even iftheory, in this case political theory,is necessary in order for the historianto understand the realityhe is studying,nevertheless,theorizingthat is not backed by empirical evidence runs the risk of turninginto pure metaphysics. The factis that empiricalinvestigationson the structure of the colonial state in Peru simply do not yet exist. and functioning and Society in ColonialPeru: Thus, the books by JohnFisher, Government of London HistoriTheIntendant System, 1784-1814 (London: University de la cal Studies No. 29, 1970); GuillermoLohmann Villena, Los ministros

de Limaen el reinado de los Borbones, 1700-1821: de un audiencia esquema

estudiosobreun nucleodirigente (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispanoamericanos, 1974); Mark Burkholderand D. S. Chandler, FromImpotence

toAuthority: TheSpanish Crown and theAmerican Audiencias, 1687-1808

of Missouri Press, 1977); and Leon Campbell, The (Columbia: University because these carefulstudies Philosophical Society,1978), are important of the composition of the ruling class and the army provide the basic elements fora rigorousreexaminationof the state and its multiplerelations with colonial society.

American Military and Society in Colonial Peru,1750-1810(Philadelphia:

TheCrisis Order ofColonial

When one thinks of the rupture of the colonial compact in Peru, the or not, who immediately figure springsto mind is Tupac Amaru. Rightly of other, minor, this Tungasuca cacique and the mobilization efforts ofthisperiod. chiefs,are the main preoccupationofthe historiographers Since Boleslao Lewin's classic study of Tupac Amaru in 1957, recent efforts have contributedto a betterunderstandingof the revolutionary bonfirethat ignited the great rebellion. Many of these have been col215

Latin American Research Review

lected, with an intelligent introduction, in a volume edited by Alberto Flores-Galindo, TupacAmaru II (Lima: INC, 1976). Scarlett O'Phelan, having recordedmost of the native rebellionsof the eighteenthcentury, is finishing an important thesison the same subject. But the most important contribution has been made by JurgenGolte. His book, Repartos y 1980), is an almost unnecessary demonstrationof the correlationbeand rebellions;but its greatvalue lies in showing how the tween repartos distribution of goods stimulatedthe growthof the internalmarketat the same time as it regulated the extractionof the labor surpluses of the peasantry. In 1971, Heraclio Bonilla and Karen Spalding noted, in La inde-

Amaru de sistema colonial rebeliones: Tupac y las contradicciones (Lima:IEP,

enelPeru: pendencia mostof laspalabras y loshechos (Lima:IEP, 1971),that

the propositionson Peruvian emancipation propounded by traditional, local historiography, were meaningless. At the same time, they formulated some questions forfutureinvestigations about independence. Despite the time that has passed, our knowledge of the period 1784-1824 does not seem to have increased perceptibly. The notable exception is TimothyE. Anna's recentbook, TheFall oftheRoyalGovernment in Peru (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979). Also thereis the appearance of a collectionof massive tomes, grouped under the titleColeccion de la independencial documental de Peru',edited by the National Commission forthe Sesquicentennial of Peru. But these are only documents, no doubt importantones, that still await the patience and enthusiasm of some reader....

tothe From Independence Crisis of1929

The hundred years through which Peruvian society passed from its independence fromSpain until the explosion of the crisis of 1929 are eras: contraction, divisibleinto foursignificant 1821-40; guano, 1840-79; the war of the Pacific,1879-84; and postwar reconstruction, until1929. Without doubt, the great work of JorgeBasadre, Historiade la del Peru',5th ed. (Lima: Ediciones Historia, 10 vols, 1962-64), Repu'blica forthisperiod, just as his Introduccion continuesto be the basic reference

de la Repu'blica delPeru' conalgunas a las bases documentales parala historia

reflexiones (Lima: Ediciones PL.V., 1971) remains the principalreference detailed of the Peruviannational period. It is equally certain fora history that his earlierworks, Peru', problema y posibilidad (Lima: F. Y. E. Rosay, y 2d and La multitud, la ciudad el campo(Lima: Editorial 1931; ed., 1978) but have opened Huscaran, 1947), have not only not lost theirfreshness, one of the most suggestiveapproaches to the studyof Peruvian history; only recentlyhas his approach been taken up again for the historiography of Peru. Beside the classic works of Basadre, anothersynthesisof delPeru' thisperiod, Historia economica (Buenos Aires: EditorialSudameri-

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cana, 1949; 2d ed., Lima, 1968), by Emilio Romero, is stillhighlyinformative. More recently, ErnestoYepes del Castillo, in Peru,1820-1920: un (Lima: IEP, 1972), has presented an overall siglo de desarrollo capitalista of the nineteenthceninterpretation of the fundamentalcharacteristics tury;and Cotler,in the book already mentioned, discusses the persisof the colonial characterof the state and Peruvian tence and significance century, 1821. An economic periodizationforthe nineteenth societyafter based on the behavior of Peruvian exporttrade, has been suggested by Bonilla in Un sigloa la deriva(Lima: IEP, 1980, chaps. 1, 2), and by Shane Hunt, in "Price and Quantum Estimates of Peruvian Exports, 1830Woodrow Wilson School, Discussion Paper 1962" (PrincetonUniversity, no. 33, 1973). In addition, a studyof the financesof the period has been to a forthcoming collecA. in the Introduction made by Javier Tantaleain tion of annual reports by the ministersof the era. Another decisive contribution,Peru, 1890-1977: Growthand Policyin an Open Economy is a (London: MacMillan, 1978), by RosemaryThorp and GeoffBertram, carefulanalysis of the functioning of the modern sectorsof the Peruvian If thereis any lack to economy since the end of the nineteenthcentury. be regretted,it is the absence of a work similar to this one for the traditionalsectors of the economy. It is these solid general works that indicatewhere more specificmonographs are needed. TheContraction, 1821-1840 These were two decisive decades in the process of loosening the bonds of the colonial systemand forming a new national order,but an examination of this area has not yetbeen undertaken;studies have been done in referenceto other,although not less significant, problems. In Gran economico (Lima: IEP, 1977), de un control Bretafia y el Perui: los mecanismos of the Britishpresence Bonilla has examined the conditionsand effects in postindependence Peru. The economy and culture peculiar to the south Andean region, that is to say, their notable potential within a framework of economic decline, has been treatedby Flores-Galindo in siglosXVIII-XX (Lima: Horizonte, 1977), and by Arequipa y el Sur Andino, John F. Wibel, "The Evolution of a Regional Community within the Spanish Empire and the Peruvian Nation: Arequipa, 1780-1845" (Ph.D. dissertation,Stanford University,1975). The relations between communitiesand haciendas and the process ofdecomposition/ recomposition withinthe former duringthis period have been studied in an exemplary manner in an unpublished manuscript by Christine Hunefeldt. Alspecifically to thisperiod, since theyare treatments thoughnot referring withina largerchronologicalframework, the books ofVictorVillanueva, al militarismo del caudillaje reformista (Lima: Ediandrquico peruano: Ejercito in and Revolution Klaiber,Religion torialJuanMejia Baca, 1973) and Jeffrey 217

Latin American Research Review

Peru, 1824-1976 (Notre Dame, Ind.: Universityof Notre Dame Press, of 1976) tell something about the military and religious characteristics this era.

TheGuano Era,1840-1879
TheirPattern Economies: In 1960, JonathanLevin published The Export of in Historical Development Perspective (Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press, 1960), beginning modern discussion of the impact of guano on the Peruvian economy as a whole. Levin's thesis, that the international mobilizationof the factorsnecessary forthe guano industryturnedthe Peruvianfertilizer into the mainstayof a typical"enclave" economy,has been questioned persuasivelyby Hunt in his work,Growth and Guano in Nineteenth-Century Peru (Princeton University, Woodrow Wilson School, 1973). Hunt, afterpatientstatistical work, demonstrated that the Peruvian state, during the guano era, managed to capture between 65 and 70 percentof the income produced by the sale of guano, which contradictsthe theoryof an enclave economy, in which the returns are scant or nonexistant;he proposed the concept of a rentier economy to explain the economic situation of this period. William M. Mathew,in "Anglo-PeruvianCommercialand FinancialRelations,18201865" (Ph.D. dissertation,Universityof London, 1964), based on the private papers of the mercantilefirmof Anthony Gibbs, one of the principal exportersof guano, shows the mechanisms forthe commercialization of the fertilizer and the great autonomy on which the Peruvian governmentcounted in the face of the dictatesof English business firms.This last aspect, thatof pressure by the English, has been developed by Mathew in a laterarticle,"The Imperialismof Free Trade, Peru 1820-1870" (London: Economic HistoryReview21, 2d series [1968]), in which he argues, as does D. C. M. Platt,thatthe thesis of Gallagher and Robinson concerningthe English imperialismof freetrade had no relevance forLatin America. In this same context,the impact that changes in the dominant class had on the policies to be followedin regardto the income fromthe sale of guano, as well as the effects of the international crisisof 1872 on Peruvian finances, were the principal themes treated by Juan Maiof the Guano Age, 1840-1880" (Ph.D. guashca, in "A Reinterpretation dissertation,Universityof Oxford, 1967). Finally,Bonilla, in Guano y en el Peru'(Lima: IEP, 1974), examines the economic failureof burguesia Peru duringthe guano era in termsofthe characteristics ofthe dominant class and the narrownessof the internalmarket. The problemof the induced effects generatedby guano is another theme thathas begun to be investigatedseriously.For a long timeit was thought that the so-called "consolidation of the internal debt," the 218

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fraudulentpayments made to a great number of native creditorsof the Peruvian state with the resources provided by guano, had been the originof the process by which the Peruvian elite was reestablishedecobeen challenged by Alfonso Quiros in nomically.This idea has recently "La consolidacion de la deuda interna" (Tesis de Bachiller,Universidad Catolica [Lima], 1980). Afterreviewing the relevant primarysources, ofconsolidation,as well as those ofthe Quiros foundthatthe certificates external debt, circulated among a small group and ended up in the with strongforeign interests.The role of guano hands of merchantfirms in the formation of productivecapital has been demonstratedby Manuel book on the agrarianhistoryof the Jequetepeque Burga in an important capitalista (Lima: a la hacienda Valley on the northcoast. De la encomienda IEP, 1976), shows how the capitalization of one of its haciendas depended upon financialmovement originatedby guano. His work has been extended in a thesis written by JuanR. Engelsen, "Social Aspects of Agricultural Expansion in Coastal Peru, 1825-1878" (Ph.D. dissertation,University of California,Los Angeles, 1977). It is already well known that guano produced both riches and misery.The fantastic inflationthat took place in cities such as Lima in the early 1870s incited one of the firstimportantmobilizations of the urban masses. The composition and objectives of this uprising have been studied carefully y rebelion by MargaritaGiesecke in Masas urbanas en la historia: golpede estado,Lima,1872 (Lima: Centro de Divulgacion de Historia Popular, 1978). On the otherhand, demographichistoryof the period continues timein to be ignored. Althougha national census was taken forthe first in 1854, thus doing away 1876, Castilla had abolished the Indian tribute with the Padrones,one of the most importantsources for tracingthe demographic evolution of this population. Although several important workson thistopicare in progressforthe regionofCuzco, the earlywork of George Kubler, The Indian Caste of Peru, 1795-1940 (1952; reprinted Homewood, Ill.: Greenwood Press, 1973), is stillthe basic reference. The War,1879-1884 Over the last century, many books of varyingvalue have been written as long as about the war with Chile, and theywill continueto be written independence and war of the Pacificare the obligatoryaxes of official In 1975, Henri Favre, in "Remarque sur la Lutte des historiography. au Classes au Perou pendant la Guerre du Pacifique" (Literature et Societe to call attentionto the necessity of examining the 1975]), was the first war from a different perspective. But the war is also a test case for analysis of more serious problems, such as the national question and 219

de Grenoble, [Grenoble:Universite Peroudu XIXe Sieclea' Nos Jours

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colonial survivalsin modern Peru; forthis reason, in 1978, in "The War of the Pacificand the National and Colonial Problem in Peru" (Past and Present, no. 81 [Oxford,November 19781),Bonilla outlines a reexamination of both dimensions. Without doubt, the most importantadvance made since the problemwas presentedis the thesisofNelson Manrique, "Campesinado y naci6n: la sierracentraldel Peru'durante la guerra del Pacifico" (Tesis de Magister,Universidad Catolica [Lima], 1979).

tothe From the Postwar Reconstruction Crisis of1929

The Peruvian economy recuperated fromthe breakdown produced by with Chile by means of severe monopolization of the prothe conflict ductiveresources and a massive injectionof foreigncapital. Thus began a process that continued until the great crisis of capitalism in 1929, characterizedby the followingtraits.In economic terms,the concentration and denationalizationof resources, associated with the change in the operation of foreigncapital in Peru and the final replacement of British capital by United States capital, gave birthto complex productive units sustained by the massive extraction of raw materialsand capitalist exploitationof the native work force. These "enclaves," as they have come to be called, were new phenomena in the economic historyof Peru, both for the regional rearrangement they produced and for the new relationsof productiontheyestablished. These productiveunits, in addition, introduced profound modificationswithin the regions where they operated, one of their effects being the takeoverof the land of small- and medium-sized proprietors and of peasant communities.This fact,and the exploitation ofthe workers of the miningcentersand the agro-industrial plantations,gave birth to the first great popular uprisings of the urban and rural masses and inspired the diverse ideologies that questioned the legitimacyof such domination. The state of this republic of aristocratsarticulatedthe linkages between the interestsof the different fractionsof the propertiedclass with those of imperialist capital. The frequent readjustments in the composition of and the relationshipsamong the ruling forcesindicate the precarious nature of such an arrangement, even though this period is one of the most stable in the politicalhistoryof Peru. For this reason, the crisis of capitalism in 1929 and the accumulated internaltensions ended with the erratic efforts of Leguia to turnPeru into a "New Fatherland," that is, to modernize its economic and politicalorder. Basic economic analysis of this period has been done by Thorp and Bertram; politicalanalysis has been done by Cotler,and by Sinesio Lopez, in "El estado oligairquicoen el Peru':un ensayo de interpretacion"(San Jose: Cuadernos SocialesCentroamericanos [mayo-agosto1978]). But the ground220

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workon the basic questionscalled forby the economicand political book of processof 1895 to 1930 has been coveredin the important Apogeo y crisis de la repu'blica ManuelBurgaand Alberto Flores-Galindo, by the 1979),whichwas inspired aristocratica (Lima:EdicionesRikchay, it lacks rigorous of Frenchhistoriography; unfortunately, latesttrends economic analysis. several was attempted A study oftheorigins ofU.S. domination andtheUnited Carey, in Peru yearsago, without muchsuccess,byJames of NotreDame Press, 1900-1962(NotreDame, Ind.: University States, in "The Rise oftheUnitedStatesInfluence 1962).William S. Bollinger, in Peruvian 1869-1921"(Master'sThesis,University ofCaliEconomy, in Unsiglo the a la deriva (chap.3) have treated fornia, 1971)and Bonilla, withthenew dyThe international associated sameproblem. migration in theseyears economy has also begun namism acquired bythePeruvian ofinvestigators. The impact theattention oftheItalianmigrato attract "ItalianImmigration to Peru: Worral, tionhas been examined by Janet of ofIndiana,1972),and that University 1860-1914" (Ph.D. dissertation, 1873-1973 TheJapanese andPeru, (AlGardiner, theJapanese by Clinton of New MexicoPress, 1975) and AmeliaMoribuquerque:University en el Peru(Lima: Universidad Agraria, moto,Los inmigrantes japoneses the standard book is stillWatt Stewart's 1979).On Chinesemigration, inPeru(Durham: Duke University Chinese Press,1951),butnew Bondage in a regional camefrom Arnold context, J.Meagher's"The information, of ChineseLaborers to LatinAmerica: The Coolie Trade, Introduction ofCalifornia, University Davis, 1975). 1847-1874" (Ph.D. dissertation, The functioning of the vast economiccomplexesthatwere inin severalsolidmonographs. in thisperiodalso has been treated stalled For exportagriculture, the most important worksare PeterKlaren's de las haciendas azucareras delApra, 2d ed. (Lima: y losor'gines Formacion An Essayon thePeruvian 1880SugarIndustry, IEP, 1976),Bill Albert's of a 1920 (East Anglia,1976),and MichaelGonzales' "The Formation on a Peruvian RuralProletariat Sugar Plantation" (Ph.D. dissertation, ofCalifornia at Berkeley, connected with 1978).The problems University of themining have been explored thebirth by Bonillain El proletariat in LosmiFlores-Galindo de losAndes(Lima:IEP, 1974),Alberto minero del Cerro de Pasco,1900-1930(Lima: Universidad Catolica,1974), neros and analyzedby AdrianDe Windin "PeasantsbecomeMiners"(Ph.D. of the Cobriza ColumbiaUniversity, 1977)in the context dissertation, and Economic in "Railways Develminesin Huancavelica. Miller, Rory in Modern Peru, Change opmentin CentralPeru" (Socialand Economic CenterforLatinAmerican Studies,1974)has evaluatedthe Liverpool, in theeconomic ofthecentral mountain roleoftherailroads expansion
region.

of Andean agrarian and conditions forthe emergence structure 221

Research Review LatinAmerican capitalismhave been treatedby Martha Giraldo and Ana Liria Franch in "Hacienda y gamonalismo: Azaingaro, 1850-1920" (Tesis de Magister, Universidad Catolica [Lima], 1979), by Carmen Diana Deere in "The and the Division of Labor by Development of Capitalism in Agriculture Sex: A Study of the NorthernPeruvian Sierra" (Ph.D. dissertation, Universityof California,Berkeley,1978), and by Florencia Mallon in "The Povertyof Progress:The Peasants ofYanamarca and the Development of Capitalism in Peru's CentralHighlands, 1860-1940" (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1980). The specificity of the south Andean economy, which lay in the productionand exportof wool, and the role of commerof the productive structure of the region cial capital in the functioning have been studied rigorouslyby Manual Burga and Wilson Reategui in the monograph theyhave just completed on the Ricketts Company, one in this industryin Arequipa. The articulation of the largestfirms of the modes of production, the link between capitalism and precapitalism, which is an intenselydebated problem among social investigators, has been treated persuasively by Rodrigo Montoya for the region of Ayacucho-Apurimacin "Les Luttes Paysannes pour la Terreau Perou au XXeme Siecle (These de TroisiemeCycle, Universitede Paris, 1977). Tom Davies has examined, in IndianIntegration in Peru: 1900-1948 (Lincoln: of Nebraska Press, 1974), relationsbetween the state and the University native peasantryas theycan be seen in the legislationof the era. There exists virtuallyno work on the evolution of living conditions of the different groups of Peruvian society. The first,and only, work in this fieldis Shane Hunt's "Salarios reales y crecimiento economico en el Peru, 1900-1940" (Lima: PUC, Economia 3, no. 5 [1980]). Studies on the beginningsof workerand peasant movementsand theirlaterdevelopmentare numerous. An acceptable synthesishas been done by Dennis Sulmont, El movimiento obrero en el Peru',1900-1966 (Lima: Universidad Catolica, 1975) and by WilfredoKapsoli in Los movimientos en el Peru', 1879-1965 (Lima: Delva Editores,1978). But campesinos of this problemforthe period 1880-1920 is the most extensivetreatment PeterBlanchard's "The Peruvian Working Class, 1880-1920" (Ph.D. disof sertation, University London, 1974). The political ideologies of the twentieth century-anarchism, aprismo,and communism-also have been the subjects of important analyses. Piedad Pareja, in Anarquismo en el Peru'(Lima: y sindicalismo Ediciones Rikchay,1978), basing her work on study of La Protesta, the most importantanarchist periodical, has examined the birthof these ideas and and theireffects on theemergingurbanproletariat. The ideas of and de la Torre Mariategui Haya also have attracted new interest forthe value theystillhave forclarifying the politicaldilemma of contemporary Peru. On Haya and aprismo, the most recent works are those of Liisa North, "The Origins and Development of the Peruvian Aprista Party" 222

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(Ph.D. dissertation, ofCalifornia University at Berkeley, 1972),Carmen RosaBalbi,"El Aprayel partido comunista en 1931"(Memoria de Bachiller,Universidad Catolica[Lima], 1977),and Victor en Villanueva, El Apra delpoder, busca 1930-1940 (Lima:Editorial Horizonte, 1975).On Mariategui,besidestheanalysis ofhisItalian written experience byDiego Meseguerin Jose Carlos Mariategui revolucionario y su pensamiento (Lima:IEP, 1974),themostrecent studiesare thoseofJesus Chavarria, Jose' C. Maandthe riategui RiseofModern Peru, 1890-1930 (Albuquerque: University of New MexicoPress, 1979);Alberto La agonia de MaFlores-Galindo, riategui (Lima:Desco, 1980);and JoseAric6'sMariategui y losor'gines del marxismo Pasado y Presente, latinoamericano (Mexico: 1978).Thelastcontainsa beautiful introduction byArico, whichputsan end to thenarrow view so often provincial takenof Mariaitegui's of work,and a selection essays on thethought of thePeruvian Amauta.Elsewhere, Cesar Germana,in "La polemicaHaya de la Torre-Mariategui: reformo o revolucion" (Lima:Cuadernos deSociedad y Politica pointsoutthemajor [1978]), discrepancies in thethought ofHaya and Mariategui in light ofPeruvian reality. But,ifnotable advanceshavebeenmaderecently in understanding the thought of Haya and Mariaitegui, it is now indispensible to continueexaminingthe politicalmovementsinspiredby them,by means of a sortof "anthropology" of Peruvian aprismoand communism,analyzing thewayin whichtheir first members putintoaction the ideas oftheir founders. Finally, theimpact ofthecrisis of1929was studied in a pioneering workby AnibalQuijano,reprinted in Imperialismo, clases sociales y estado en el Perui, 1890-1930(Lima: Mosca Azul, 1978). Contemporary social history of Peru owes a greatdebt to Quijano because he suggested coursesofanalysis longbefore thisdiscipline everexisted, eventhough hispropositions did notalwayshave solidempirical backing. Today, the bestviewofPeruin thetwenties, and theproblems causedbythecrisis of1929,is in thealready mentioned bookbyBurgaand Flores-Galindo. This view is admirably complemented by Stephen Stein's beautiful book,Populism andMassPolitics inPeru(Madison:University ofWisconsin Press,1980),whichstudiestheemergence and characteristics ofthe and sanchecerrista aprista forces thatmetin theelection of1931. To sum up, I would suggest thatmuchremains to be done. Nevan attentive ertheless, readingof the worksmentioned here confirms thattoday'sview of the historical processof Peruviansociety is very different from thatwhichwas formerly held. As has been pointedout, certain of the new historical generaloutlines werecertainly anprofile ticipated in lucidmindslikethatofJorge Basadre.But onlyignorance could dismissthefundamental factthatthe deepeningof thelevelsof analysis as wellas theexpansion ofthefrontiers ofhistorical knowledge 223

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ofthe characteristics ofPeruvian historiography are themostsignificant past decade. This changehas been made possibleby variousfactors: ofpolitical consciousness by themassesand the thedevelopment first, not onlyto mobilization obligedsocial scientists theyinspired political a different to the possibilities ofconstructing but to try future, explore away.Second, theinspiration recapture a past thatwas earlysnatched of a Marxismpurified of its dogmaticinterpretations and teachings ofthefundamental toconcern witha study forced historians themselves the impactof the conventional social of social change.Finally, origins to obligedhistorians sciences,such as economicsand anthropology, for ofthought. substitute rigidity ingenuity investigation is, ofthisnew historical Accessto theachievements to a "circleof initiates." Nobodydenies the stilllimited unfortunately, in Perubetween thelevelreached byhistorical enormous exists gap that thatcirculate and thecontent "histories" ofthepedestrian investigation at popular, levels.To closethisgap, to help school,and even university a new historical is surely another ofthetasks,perhaps conscience, forge left. ofthePeruvian one, in thedailystruggle thefundamental

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