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oLiveR BOYO-BARRE
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Se che whose services are somet
seri alls of ter ow
Srpecls Boy Barret 1997)
sbal manufacture of i
sighs) one US corporation, Microsoft, whose annual reventies in 1997 yer.
log. Microsoft was the world’s fourth largest corporation in. 1998, yon
31 tio aclly and Ryle, 1998), Production of chips for. such machines ig largely
He ibs etudhiee Armerica corporations titel; whic el 3 050 waakteg world’s seventh
personal-computer operating systems is almost entirely
ration valued at $93 billion. Gateway services to the Internet are mainly
see iad by cow lft software pebdaci, Micopuals bbtenet Raphestiiies Netscape, and
wan met sites are located within the rich twenty-seven-nation OECD atey
ith English nua franca), dominated by the USA (Keegan, 1997)
a, heer i i Pi Newnian (397) argues that it threatens to control the
standards of the Internet: Webpage designers tead to: eajport softest mada
compatible with the dominant browser, and Microsoft has been paying Internet service
providers to bundle Explorer with their services. It has signed exclusive deals with com.
Panis like Time Warner and Disney where Microsoft's Explorer will be required for ancem
0 parts of the websites which those companies are establishing. Through contro of deskp
‘operating systems and Internet browsers, Microsoft secks to
‘managing web sts atthe other end. It also represents a threat to the computing standards
of the Internet-orented Java language — an open standard for running software over the
Internet created by Sun Microsystems and supported by hundreds of other companis, Ja
vas designed to be platform- independent. Microsoft's goal, argues Newman, ir to under
seg halt platorm function, using its combination of browsers, operating system and
developer tools to divert java into a new Microsoft-controlled Proprietary system that runs
0 i ys
best only on Windows-based machines.
96 per cent of al In
mtrol the business computers
When Microsoft invested in Apple Computer in 1997 i 4
ld bundle Explorer with every hople ce ea agreed that in exchange Apple
y Apple computer and support Microsoft's Java standards.
Te of programmers and has strong dominance of the
a fessionals. Ie is ingly involved in other media delivery systems
Comeast movies), WebTV Networks, low-orbit aatellit
= St three will ettend Internet scones ernomePO143
MEDIA IMPERIALISM REFORMULATED
from the US market); Bertelemann, the one European firm among the “Brst
= So. with sales of approximately $15 billion in 1996, of which 66 per cont
& Jerives from Europe and 24 per cent from the USA; TCI (1996 income of $7 billion)
US cable provider; Universal, bought from Seagram for $5.7 billion in 1995;
(General Electric, with total sales of $80 billion in 1996, of which 62 per cent were from the
{ISA, and included by Herman and McChesney because it owns NBC, which had $5 billion
in sales in 1996.
These sales figures are modest if hardware, computing and telephony are included, a8
they must be if we are to establish the extent of current colonization activities in the com
2 ions industries. In the case of telephony, for example, US-SBC Communications, the
Jexas-based telecoms company, offered $4.4 billion early in 1998 simply for the purchase of
Southern New England Telecommunications, in a move into the long-distance telepho:
market. SBC bad just previously made a $16.5-billion acquisition of PacificTelesis Group,
ising it California, Nevada and undersea access to Asia and land access to Mexican and South
‘Aiserican markets. In early 1998, US telecoms group GTE was setto raise its $28-billion cash
fier for long-distance telecoms specialist MCI, in the event that rival group WorldCom's
$37 billion agreed bid failed to proceed. We are talking here about sums of money that range
‘etween two to four times the entire size of News Corporation's annual revenues, bigger than
the size of many individual national economies, such as those of Malawi, Angola, Bangladesh,
olivia, Bulgaria, Ireland, Kenya, Malaysia, New Zealand or Pakistan
‘Herman and McChesney identify three tiers of global media players. In the second tier,
pearly half of the listed companies are from North America. The success of companies in
‘the second and third tiers partly depends on strategic alliances among themselves and with
‘companies in the top tier. Herman and McChesney argue that the global media market is still.
‘< dominated-by US interests and by the US domestic market, although its proportionate
~inoportance is bound to decline as other nations grow more prosperous and moze media-
__axtive. Yet the world media system will continue cares Race Us ean oelcie
‘“Hext century. US companies can generally recoup costs from their domestic market and can
~ then manipalate prices in overseas markets according to what each market is prepared to pay
and the intensity of local competition. What these authors do not tell us, however, is the
__ Overall, global size of the media market and what proportion of this is commanded by each
oftheir three tiers,
Even if such phenomena are historically specific, the concept of media imperialism is
appropriate for the investigation of any periods in which access to or control of any dimen-
‘ion of media activity is controlled by any one nation or group at the expense at others,
What am indicating here is a reconceptualization of imperialism as a process having to clo
With the colonization of communications space. This may have an international character, as
- fn the above examples, or may be represented by instances such as the dominance of
Islevision markets by single, home-grown corporations which dominate production. and
“ffansmission within national markets, as in the cases of Brazil and Mexico (cf, Cole, 1996;
‘In this framework, communications space has no necessary relationship with territory
with technology, but it docs necessarily have to. do with the resources and fora for
- n Inst analy of hove who gin control ener uch resourses at
ent144 OLIVER BOYD-BARRETT
the extent to which specific activities within particule
a ire controlled by identifiable agents oF interes
‘colonization’ of communic
weal
empirical measures: it ean reve
indus
the findings amount to =
that takes account of the overall context andl the vakuey of
sectors of the communicati
final judgement as to whethe
space is a relative judgement,
different affected interests
“Territorial imperialism has as its object ¢
Trad them to annex yet more territory; eventually they are stopped ~ jy
“gable mountains, overwhelming adverse miktary power, ete
‘communications space does from some perspectives
onal newspapers, for example, can be said tn
1c, define a new audience oF seduce one from,
he conquest of a finite territory; the ambitions
of conquerors may
‘oceans, impassable of impre
‘The object of ambition in the case of
seem deceptively finite: 2 limited range of na
be financially viable, One may add a further #
tnining publications, often at great cost and risk. Yet communications spice demonstrate
conishing clasticity. Technical innovation, especially, often generates mare space, and there
‘many periods in which such space is radically extended ~ as in the case ofthe
have been
tance, or of the Internet ~ and temporarily there may seem to
introduction of radio, for
be enough space for every claimant.
Bat the value of communications space is enhanced relative to the size and quality of
audiences which can be attracted to any given message for which the space is used, Those
interests which have the resources and skills to attract large audiences and the revenues
which attend such success typically gain great influence over regulatory structures governi
producer and audience access. They achieve the power to define what the space is and ie
it should be used. We are beginning to see this happen with the Internet
A feature of this model, therefore, is the symbiotic tension between the physical
potential for communication, on the one hand, and technology, control and skills, on the
other. That is to say, the physical potential for communication is itself extended or limited
by particular choices as to the technologies that are employed for its exploitation, the
egtlhiceystractorce\which govern: Commntinicetips-space: aid is anes and) he ARM ts
‘users bring to the processes of communication, Technologies, regulatory structures and
skills are resources of control, each of which has discriminatory tendencies: t teolog
may be more or less expensive, more oF less suitable for certain forms nee
- fo languages of communication; regulations tend to favour certain categories
use over others; skills are
a noe hers; skills are the product of experience and training which are often
Such. aalities are a cx jon
Seip ees eo of trade seats and have sometimes been
x h ive advantage, where success is Preinforcing
"Sich explanations do not render the phenomenon polite para
oi as phenomenon politically and culturally neutral in the
‘some economists seem to imagine. In the case of media nique reasons
Beer, her ts do with relavces of power is cocen to sane andcn e
Bee tithe of rover in com to man» ces and to the
Bet cdi goimcah, anne ees
ruction inating sy in
a osha ene n of dominating symbolic
Segmitive persvasion and affect, itical, economic and cultural purposes
Pe orosices the kinds of ication
‘commun that are possible,reduce or off-set ft
pen
fords into the struggle for power over comme,
isla
Sspectly foro
ito the way in which such issue =
ital cations s
ori sre inc Space ts resource,
aa copt of imperialism’, burdened k HCOPOFated within wider pees
The concept of ~adcned by 3 weight of teological hac ct MTMEales
peal vestigation (notably in its predisposition abwaps Sa weer. sometimes
7 (0 assume negative ipl
Hons regulation as conquest, never less xo be alert to
ert or inevitable state of affairs (eg, the ‘sear
asting monopolies; ‘guarantee of univer ication for pre.
ire market’ for deregulation and privati ‘communications
F y get (6) and t6 be conscions
{330 broade
vopolies: ization, ete.)
smoveP” nications space as the site for struggle and resistance,
Definitions
uy onal definition of media imperialism Goy-Bare, 197
semarkat out of context of the main body of my work on this subject at thar sans
sot well represent the overall argument. For example, the ea
reernce to authors oF readers. This omission was not an endorsement ofa ‘hypodermic
cele’ model of media effect; indeed, the article itself called for much more sophisticated
treatment than was then common of the encounter between audiences and internation
media texts
In choosing to talk of ‘media imperialism’ as opposed to ‘cultural imperialism’ I was
sot suggesting that we should consider media without full reference to their broader social,
cultural, economic and political contexts, which would indeed have been a regressive step.
instead, | was concerned about the necessity for a focus on the media industries: only
by taking into account the full complexity of this economic sector, by getting inside the
‘black box’ of meaningful production, could we generate theory that was adequate to the
tusk and take us beyond the fairly crude political rhetoric that was part of the NWICO
debate then at its height. Cultural studies was beginning to embark on a line of enquiry
that led towards notions of the autonomous reader and polysemy of texts. Important and
necessary though that development was, it diverted attention away from the political econ-
‘ony of communications production at a crucial moment of history in which the entire
infrastructure and superstructure of communications industries, whose. value ultimately
‘ets on their audiences, were subject to egregious assault by gigantic concentrations of
‘ational and international capital :
7b) was a sentence
Benefits of the concept
lis intations, here i certain eur alu in revising my cigs definiog
"eda imperlalism: “The process whereby the ownership, structure, distribution oF E
ofthe media in any one country are singly or together subject vo wbsantel este
Preours from the media interests of any other country or countries without PPOrMERES
‘"Sprocation of influence by the country so affected”
‘One ofits main strengths, 1 believe, is that it u 3
hw ent ce od ee ee el on
frcune f pEaT of the medi industries. The
(OF content. It was qu
_ “tel ownership coven witht
146 OLIVER BOYD-BARRET
shape of the communication
ated
My 1977 article further differen
vehicle, 0 set of industrial arrangement
media contents. Placing the most ma
the list, this breakdown highlighted the
product of commercial and ovhet ITE" ure and_organization.of media industries ax
rable, Ie salle. attention
land tion (this could apply to the relationahi,
aa he contracting-out of production, etc.) which could and
coher contexts. It also highlighted the relat
ott definitions of best practice: for example
fest element of
ia activity, conte
cultural, ¢ 1 political conve
of professional ana
ee Anglo-American cba.
ted according to values of eliteness, negativity, and so on
or third-world”
ition to Frenc
journalism of development news. ie
980, Chin-Chuan Lee differentiated between television-prog) panic,
a aaceyey Jia outlets, transfer of dominant broadcasting norms,
ship and control of 1
aaaee oemerciatism, the invasion of capitalist world views and infringement upon
aa acon tage of life in adopting societies (Lee, 1980). This work demonstrates a genera
pane sacha ees -dium at a time, whereas from the point of
ew of the whole culture, and of the audience, what matters is balance across available
xtended the boundaries of
traditional academic discourse about media. For example, we now need to allow for such
concepts as gateway provider and telecommunications carrier. One model (KPMG, 1996)
suggests a ‘convergence value chain’ that differentiat
ature to deal with only one
communications space. Internet and media convergence have
between: content, production, pack.
aging, service provision, conveyance and consumer interface. There is scope for considerably
more complexity, if we wish: content can be broken down into various stages of production,
component. supply (for example, animation, graphics, news-film, library services, still
photographs) and programme formatting, We should also include factors to do with ‘pro-
duction’ and ‘readership’ competency (for instance, IT skills) and consider who is involved
in defining these, in relation to whose technologies, for what purposes or functions, and the
distribution of such skills across relevant populations.
My 1977 model (Boyd-Barrett 19774, 1977) combined the elements of ‘cultural
and ‘imbalance of power resources’ between countries; imperialism could result
through cither deliberate export or through unintentional influence. There was nothing in
the definition itself that proposed positive or negative values associated with the concept
Except posily inthe choice ofthe term ‘imperialist to describe it
Problems with the conceptMeo
TAIMPERIALISM REFORMULATED 147
the EC, ASEAN, NAFTA, ‘
gchnasthe E WTO. ete) although I believe i exagger
‘his isa new problem, the extent to
which
whe owever, too often there is a blurring o
: 3 OF the distinction between global activity of =
and corporations which do have strong 3
and have extensive (but rarely i .
ay mind that in th on
int of some nation sates nunderm
manifestation of neo-imperialisin, But sul pasal
_porations which have no strong domestic bas,
tic bases ~ generally in first-world countries
er lao Tce agate Oe
xs globalization, the sove to which we
=
rare
pnt: ibstantial powers are still inves
San of vere, whether donates of wa cunne or plea at
and legitimate ope for meron
of elleret agencies and ome
» corporations with partic a
identities ~ this is precisely why we need to take account of the malta
xfmedia activity. At the same time, the media-imperialism thesis needs to enconreae nce
colonialisms of inter-ethnic, inter-cultural, inter-gender, inter-generational and inter-clee
the place of media with respect to such snus is a ive
eewse media systems are often complex hybrids «
jdvisable to make simple identification of whole ;
relations.
My 1977b definition ignored the question of audience; this is a significant but no
icreparable omission, The model needs to take account of audiences, caer ee:
salience consumption of specified cultural products as a proportion of total media and
rnoa-media consumption. Yet we must not assume any simple correlation between coloniza
tion of communication space and the attitudes, beliefs and behaviours of audiences. We
mnght expect in some circumstances to find precisely the reverse ~ itis in the nature of :
imperialism to provoke violent resistance. It is not in the area of effects that we need to look
for justification of an enquiry into colonization of communications space, but in relation to
the question: awhose-woices get to be heard, and which voices are-excluded? That is all
Whether the voices that do get to be heard are popular with audiences, try to manipulate
them, are honest or dishonest, intelligent and entertaining or otherwis.
interest_and importance, but within an_ overriding con
communication it is the obstacles in the way of access to mass au
“Testarch priority. Regardless of the sophistication of technologies,
ment and democratization, only a tiny fraction of the world’s population possess the
resources, opportunity and skills that permit such access. In an age of democracy we have
media tyranny
“Not even the Internet is a response: access to the Internet requires equipment, gateway
jernet guarantees mass audiences:
subscriptions and skills, but no amount of access to the Int ;
that requires the kind of technical and’ production skills that we associate with the large
media
corporations,
Applications
in the 1970s. In the 19908
tn recent years the glohal-local mix looks more complex than
ars the global-ocal m sre which enjoy anereatinal
in the 1970s there are significant centres of media seer Soke Hindi
'foeace in what wed t be eae the developing wor for example, ows ft
Sm, Cairo for Arabic television, radio and print productions TON A ersten
‘as Some new centres have appeared, as in the case Hong Kong whieh
: ‘a 5 diaspora; also, Australis,
Pvgramming for mainland China, Taiwan and the Chinese cas wk
‘lion to a state. subsidized iin export trade bas Be
Proved successful in various other countries,148 OLIVER BOYD-BARRETT
of their own, oF thefr
w produce more of Spread
now p ‘
soon riclude sources that are alternative t0 tradition
first-world offer 1 extended choice of programme and media produc
number of television stations doubled in the period 1990-6
Mae lite delivered television services in a variety of local language
T Hind, are actually now more ‘advanced’ in this respect than th
I receives only a range of four or five (depending on
area) terrestrial netw sing availability of direct satellite broadcasting and
cable. In Europe generally the
sly 125 to 250, Digital services increas
* October 1997). Such increases in quantity are accompanied by increas
ed from 10 in 1996 to 330 in 1997
from approxim
Pe falling costs. For example, the cost to transmit one analogue channel on
an. this falls to £500,000 with digital 8 to 1 compression,
997 was roughly £4m p.a
Astra in 1
50,000 by 1998 (Singer, 1997). In some parts of the world, such as India,
alling to £
nrsceuion-act ownership is now ahead oF radio ownership (although half ofall adults in india
sill possessed neither in 1993-5, of. Mytton, 1996)
Tor the Middle East there are now several satellite television stations, catering m:
for Arabic populations, of which the most successful are based in Beirut, Cairo, London ane
Rome: many others are planned. In 1996 almost every Arab state operated at least one
satelite television channel, and by 1997 there were over forty Arab commercial satellite
Channels (Ayish, 1997), In the United Arab Emirates, the bulk of the population is made up
of immigrants from India and Pakistan, Locally available Arabic programming takes litle
account oftheir presence. Instead, this worker force has a choice of ten satellite chanaele
beamed from the Indian subcontinent, In the USA, Canada, Australia and Great Briain
on the other hand, major ethnic groups are comparatively well catered for through eth
broadcast, video and print media, and opportunities for specialist communication needs are
increasing with the development of Internet websites.
‘The identity of major players, while still heavily represented by corporations with close
links to the USA and other first-world countries including Japan, has also, become more
‘complex. Nowhere is this more evident than in the changing panorama of telecommunics
tions growth, where privatized ex-PTTs such as those of Spain, Italy, Malaysia and others are
increasingly involved in complex alliances (often with the giants, such as ATS, British
a Sprint or MTT for the captre of overseas markets incl ad lng tance
aid related services, which increasingly include such activities as cable, subscription
ee hich ily include such activities as cable, subscrip
‘The phenomenon of international journalism is still associated mainly with prestige
Wall Stet Journal, Financial Times, Time, Newmeek, International Herald Tibube)
selling to elite business audiences (Sparks, 1997), and most national press systems are stil
SAgly ‘local’ in terms of ownership and structure; but the influence of international pros*MEDIA
IMPERIALISM REFORMULATED 149
see cheaply. This may now be a threat to hitherto Latin Amerie een qt an sel
{elevision, international satellite ancl i aaa i
. leo in India is weaker
oonbay fil ye = . =n
th increases dependence on imports to
ie time, especally f nports which
: eee hich guarantee the interest of larg
al averse Television ty i nceaiogy a high-ecnolgy, ow aioe
iran from modest offices and even private villas, where many ofthe eaemal operations
adver
ising sales, news provision and transmission, are eomrenat
teem eatly complicating the ie of denies feign Ses
ssrng els rowing complerey i a aloe ‘oak Gx gee
Cee Ne +holars of international com-
vpcding programming
veto other companies,
rmication for at least some element of celebr
eveil, 1991), Persistng throogh this complet, honewe, are the ly vb
raping bran-names of transnational media power with indisputable frtwerld soc
sas incorporating such household names az Microsoft, News Corporation, Twentieth
ay Fox, US Fox, HarperCollins, Asian Star Television, BSkyB, Times Warner, Viacom,
BO. Atari, Sony, Bertelsmann, NBC, EMI, Disney, ABC, Dreamworks, BellSouth, Ameria :
bale, ESPN, MTV, TCI, Polygram, DirecTV, New York Times, Reader's Digest, McGraw
Ht, Dow Jones, Reuters, British Broadcasting Corporation, Axel Springer, Canal-Plus,
Reel Elsevier, Pearson, and many, many others. i
iris precisely to help make sense of this complexity that aplication of the frame:
vwork of media imperialism continues to be relevant. In applying this conceptual frame-
ver, we are likely to find evidence of (i) considerable disparity between dlflerent areas
Uf media activity, and Gi) considerable internal variations within any single area of
media activity.
In the case of news agencies, for example, Lconcluded (Boyd-Barrett and Thassa, 19925
toyd-Barrett, 1997) that this sector of the communications industry mapped better: than
‘many to patterns of ‘imperialism’ both in the past (in the nineteenth-sentory cartel oper:
sted by Reuters, the French Havas and German Wolf}, and, in effec, though under much
more open market conditions, still today, and I noted that
+The total number of global print agencies bas diminished rather than increased
cues Se viders but these are either
ii There has been a growth of television and Internet news PON ‘
closely tied to existing major media players the USA aoe ee principally, oF
represent new formations of capital, principally representing
Thc nlhuls cvidence’ to wiggest at ence Rebels mae sOHEe =
clicpuroer on etiesHon: orariing roms ne ampneSeRe meen .
ovim, weake; indeed have grown stronget-
t ker; indeed, they may avs ET pave media (for exanspe, Dep,
iy There is little encouraging evidence that <
Gemini, Inter Press Service) have had a significant impact on mainstream
The maintenance or even the intention of erent ot wae eee
‘news agencies may coesist with an incrente it 9,
‘ontent (though content is only one variable inthe
Production, text and supply), We would150 OLIVER BOYO-BARRETT
sistem are enorensuay ecceliatet ad i eat
have om dha sen of media mPa ei alot certainly the ease with othe
Is the case oe ae joa: article (Boyd-Barrett, 1981/2) identified three core
spheres of media activity a Tr nd their component variables, with 2 view to demon.
Ne Be oles may move in different directions with respect t0 thee
and if d
dimensions io 1
strating how different varia
mnperialism.
The core dimensions were:
significance for me
stent tw which the media in a country are dependent upon services imported
ae . ved by the major news services (dependency dimension)
the extent to which the nondomestic activities of the major agencies ae affected by
factors brought to bear on them by the national government or other indigenous
swwers within any specific client area (client countries or individual clients should not
percganded a wholly passive) (production /processing dimension)
iii the extent to which the content of major news services is. culturally, politically,
morally, or in any other way ‘alien’ to their clienteles (content or cultural dimension)
Iihastrating the complexity, I will briefly summarize the findings relating to one of these
three dimensions, namely dependency variables, where I concluded that in relation to-how
far developing countries are dependent, we can say that there is likely to be a high degree of
cultural dependency by news-media clients on the service of the major Western news
agencies under the following conditions:
1 when a high consumption of agency material exists, this consumption representing a
high proportion of all news provided by retail news media, both across the various
categories of news and across most news media
when agency material represents a high proportion of all news made available to
domestic client media from exogenous sources and a high proportion of all such news
actually consumed for retail purposes
when alternative news sources also depend heavily in various ways on the activities of
the major agencies and share important similarities with these (NB: this would affect
‘much of the news available through available sources on Internet)
in terms of news contents, dependence in general is reinforced by dependence in
the identification of which stories are to be considered ‘really eae
_ Tespect to the general priorities ascribed to different categories of news, and if stories
g
=
*
QAREERBERESE
gTRersaereeEese
ewe eS
i
a
«
t
g
_
.
ofme
DIA IMPERIALISM REFORMULATED 151
conclusion
.¢ reformulation
Bg fa the theory of me
oe media imperialism I am not saying that we
aid or need fail t0 take into account some of the
» the flimsier elements of the cultural
theory generally or of the medlia-imperiali
dia-imp peti cesar = Ne
ae hav been eared gt both ai
set require such a model to justify its importance. Nori it true that those who argued
ber a aol/enainciepblion Hee mantis sy ace ace ae
srping them to be pure and unsulied from previous cultural influences. This charge is 2
os
sonuatibedsa aces
less, that some of the arguments that hav
fest
‘The significance of media-imperialism theory is in part premised on the necessity to
te economy, and the role of culture and media in helping to sustain and reinvigorate that
telationship. It is not true that media imperialism focused only on relations between first
ind third worlds and ignored relations of cultural inequality and imposition within the
first world, as I have already indicated with reference to concerns about the influence of
North American media in countries such as Canada and Britain and the rest of Western
Europe. Nor is it true that the media-imperialism theory typically ignored sources of local
-y much part of Tunstall’s work, for example, at the very
production: such awareness was
beginning of the debate.
There were two principal defects of the media-imperialism theory, in addition to those
that Phave already discussed. The first is that in the early days it was too much embedded in &
radical political discourse against the USA. Less restrictively, it was embedded in a radical
dependency discourse that grew from the work of Latin American scholars. This had value,
as we have seen, in that it took account of the integration of the work of media as agents of
politcal, cultural and commercial ideology and propaganda, and their value ashareware and
software commercial products.
“i this could be added the place of media within a discourse of national politcal and
nt’: this is a controversial discourse, ‘but we can certainly conclude
J do have a role to ply in constructions of nation and
91, Das and Harindranath, 1996), and that in 2
1 for electricity through to facilitating business
networks, the media contribute
gration of business efites with the
ia contributions 0
fiom recent literature that me
cational identity (e.g Scannell and Cardi, 19
wide variety of ways, from fostering a demand
‘communications across modern telephony and computer
to economic development and, at the very least, to the inte
dobal economy, It is also important to take serious Sorby
‘ducation and information across a wide range of ‘pro-seci :
Tals alin: ay vos eerily win eenestee
tons, aed tik” how isk omquaiies rebel onal Bares ee
bt the metaphor of imperialisin and colonialism was ME uy
f-aiona medi relations (althoul
biness enterprise in opposition to the interest®
fostering of espace bof men and women, different
nl labour, Arguably, the theory didnot stress152 OLIVER BOYD-BARRETT
nperistinm therefore fx geographical
1» committed. ‘The phenomenon of imperial ‘geographically
Ses de the media-imperialism theory is that it has never bee
The second major defect of the prin i) Sea
(0 a sufficiently comprehensive degi =
empirically applied «