Call of the millions 6

Work is a four letter word. Most of us cannot live without it. Many too many struggle to survive it. From Manhattan to the maquiladoras, between London and Shenzen, low pay and dangerous work, temporary employment with no trade union rights scar our lives day after day in today's global economy. A living wage; safe workplaces; permanent jobs; the ability to form independent trade unions. These are simple demands, growing from needs and rights we all share. Because workers rights are indivisible, across economic sectors and national borders. We support these rights and those struggling to claim them everywhere. ..we are nothing and we should be everything; this is the call of the millions...

AFTER THE OUTRAGE: BANGLADESH

features: wal-mart update p2; farm labour the millions in action p7; online campaigning solidarity interview p9; international women under pressure part 3 - africa p5; and international solidarity p8; p12; the extras p13.

Wal-Mart: beyond black friday In COTM #3 we looked at the historic events of autumn 2012 in the US. The first ever national stoppage of Wal-Mart retail workers (under the banner of the OUR WalMart workers association), combined with disputes in its warehouses to put real pressure on the mega retailer.
But that isn't the full story, of course....... In the stores, OUR WalMart continues to grow and be active. There has been some surprising success in tackling issues of work scheduling and coercive management. In one Maryland store, workers won an agreement to post schedules in-store, and allow workers to apply for extra shifts: inconsistency and insufficiency of hours are ongoing problems In the aftermath hopes were raised that at across the company. Related to this on April last a definitive breakthrough was in sight in 24 OUR WalMart took delegations to over this long-running struggle for workers 100 stores, calling on their employer to fix justice. These actions demonstrated: the scheduling problems. So far, no progress. 1. A welcome return to labour militancy, with rank-and-file action outside the formal Intimidation of OUR WalMart activists and convening of a recognised trade union, that retaliation against anyone joining direct Wal-Mart has always successfully opposed. actions remain a key problem. A walk out on 2. The flexing of warehouse workers power February 7 at Maryland and Texas stores was evident in the successes of Warehouse prompted by management reaction to Black Workers for Justice (WWJ) and Warehouse Friday. Workers were told strikes were Workers United (WWU) in winning 'illegal' and that they may be sacked for reinstatement of sacked activists, and getting involved with, or just talking to, OUR securing talks with their ultimate employer. WalMart. Dozens of unfair labour practices Here was a real vulnerability in the Wal-Mart charges have now been filed by workers with empire. the National Labor Relations Board.

Nine months later, how have things changed? In some ways the initial excitement and drama of last year hasn't been sustained. The prospect of setting up a trade union within the company is no nearer. And under a legal challenge from their employer, OUR WalMart agreed to suspend store picketing for a 60 day period earlier this year, and publicly concede it was not trying to become a bargaining partner.

As a global employer Wal-Mart has generated opposition to its ways of working in many countries. The Wal-Mart Global Union Alliance was launched in autumn 2012 by the UNI, to fight for decent conditions and freedom of association.

The Rana Plaza disaster in Bangladesh brought more pressure to bear. Unlike most corporations, Wal-Mart refused to sign the new Fire and Building Safety Accord agreed between IndustriALL and global brands to clean up garment production in the country. Instead it set out a far weaker procorporate alternative. In response OUR WalMart brought Kalpona Akter from the Bangladesh Center for Worker Solidarity over to join their lobbying of Wal-Mart's annual shareholders meeting. She pulled no punches: Wal-Mart and the other large retailers hold the key to ending senseless deaths in garment factories across the world.

Demands for better pay, more hours and transparent scheduling were also on their agenda. Wal-Mart is a company that puts profits over people and employs tactics and strategies that keep employees like me in jobs that dont let us provide for our families. Even while Wal-Marts profits are going up, my coworkers and I have to rely on food stamps just to cover groceries. (Charlene Fletcher;OUR WalMart) Alongside the travelling protesters, others took strike action in their stores citing the unfair labour practices they face. Unlike Black Friday this was more than just a one day action. And that brought reaction, though not of a positive kind. The employer began sacking associates involved in the June events, and disciplining others. 'Attendance issues' were the stated reason, illegal retaliation the reality. Around 60 workers have been affected. OUR WalMart responded with a demonstration at Yahoo HQ, calling on its chief exec (Marissa Mayer), who also doubles up as a Wal-Mart board member, to recognise their concerns and speak out against bullying. She didn't; five demonstrators got arrested instead.

The 'Ride for Respect' convened by OUR WalMart in early June signalled the start of another key push. Modelled on the civil rights freedom rides, OUR WalMart caravans called at thirty cities on their way to Bentonville Arkansas, picking up striking 'associates' who courageously walked out of stores to take their demands to the heart of the company empire. In the words of Nicole Mora from the Lakewood California store: 'I am going to Bentonville to speak up for myself, along with all my coworkers that live in fear to speak up about issues at work'.

And in the warehouse sector..... The strategic power of this workforce must be matched against their dire working conditions. From the reports of WWJ and WWU, the charge sheet includes: low pay, wage theft, 'perma-temp' status, no benefits, health and safety concerns (from excessive heat, poor ventilation and lack of water, to blocked exits, dangerous storage and many injuries), managerial intimidation of

workers, sacking of activists, spying and hidden surveillance cameras. That's quite a list of grievances. Despite their non-union status, this workforce and their support groups have been keenly challenging this work regime. Pride of place must go to the Olivet International warehouse workers at Mira Loma, California, 30 of whom who struck in late July. The immediate cause of the walkout was a severe package of employer retaliation measures introduced after workers had lodged a complaint at the Californian Occupational Safety and Health Administration (Cal-OSHA) over their working conditions. Organised through WWU, their action also gained support from OUR WalMart and the UFCW retail union.

In the case of Schneider Logistics, the workforce successfully petitioned Cal-OSHA and won a ruling that over $1 million dollars of unpaid wages were due. Those working for a labour supply agency as 'perma-temps' have also successfully obtained permanent positions and a 60% wage increase. According to WWU director, Guadalupe Palma '...the fact that now all workers at this critical Walmart-contracted warehouses will make a living wage with benefits shows that improving the quality of warehousing jobs is entirely within reach for major retailers like Walmart.'

Elsewhere in the Wal-Mart empire, warehouse operations run by Great Kitchens and the Staffing Network, Quetico LLC and NFI Industries have all come under challenge. These subcontracted outfits haven't always responded well to legal scrutiny. Reprisals against those who dared to raise their voice In the words of one of the workers: about their pay and working conditions have ' managers harass and bother us. They follow been commonplace. Sometimes though the us everywhere and they are paying workers have struck back and won early consultants to follow us around the reinstatement for the likes of David Acosta at Schneider Logistics. warehouse. They have installed 29 cameras to spy on us.' Ultimately though the overall situation will

not improve until Wal-Mart actually does take responsibility for the working situation throughout its supply chain and begins to take real remedial action.

Spring 2013: Wal-Mart workers plus their supporters got together to fashion a common set of working standards that the mega retailer should uphold throughout its whole operation. For the likes of WWU and WWJ, the National Guestworker Alliance and Jobs with Justice, the current 'Standards for strikers at Olivet International Suppliers' Wal-Mart relies on are far too That legal challenge is not the only one Wal- weak to be credible in the face of wellMart and its subcontracted warehouse supply documented and ongoing labour violations in the sector. Change has gotta come.... chain has faced. Many of these actions are brought in respect of wage theft, and some cite Wal-Mart as a responsible party for the appalling conditions in its supply chain.

Farm labour under pressure Africa Over in the capitalist mainstream, in the

pineapple industry the GAWU is well established. However their agreements with Large scale agriculture came to Africa during the colonial era. Cash-crop production the MNCs have not yet translated into anything approaching a living wage, gaining for export (of coffee, cotton, cocoa) appeared across the continent, relying on the paid time off to attend union meetings, or significant advances on the road to gender brutal proletarianisation of peoples, often equality. Then again we cannot expect one migrants, on lands 'acquired' by settlers or small African union to conquer these goals foreign owners. The monopoly form of land ownership created alone, when their bigger and stronger Western counterparts are still struggling on in colonial times persists today, with large all these fronts. multinationals dominating the production of food and crops right across the continent... KENYA: Tea has been grown commercially in Kenya for over a century and is now its top GHANA: The recent development of tropical export. The proceeds from its sale typically fruit export agriculture in West Africa flow disproportionately towards the provides a rare but welcome example of multinationals who dominate its production, strongly unionised farm workers in Ghana. blending and marketing, rather than returning Here the national agricultural workers union to its African source. (GAWU) has approaching 50,000 members, Tea pickers on smallholdings and the large (split between smallholders and hired labour) estates are bound by common threads of low and holds bargaining agreements with the two waged work, many trapped in perpetually MNCs that dominate plantation agriculture casualised employment. In some cases this Del Monte and Dole/Compagnie Fruitiere. An takes the form of recurrent bimonthly independent Fairtrade producer, Volta River contracts; elsewhere they have the status of Estates Ltd (VREL), also falls within their day labourers, unsure if, where or when they domain. Unlike Latin America, there is no will next find work in the fields. structural hostility to trade unions here.

At VREL the GAWU has won annual wage increases of up to 20% and a substantial benefits package covering health insurance, pension provision, paid leave for sickness and maternity. Despite all that workers are still falling a long way short of a living wage, rely on second sources of income and remain heavily indebted. Having said that they do enjoy permanent employment and have a say in the distribution of the Fairtrade Premium.

On one of the largest estates, Unilever Kericho, the agricultural workers union (KPAWU) has collective bargaining rights. However a series of research projects by the Dutch NGO SOMO, found real concerns amongst the casualised part of the workforce over their efforts.

There were massive differences in benefit entitlements between casuals and permanent staff. Worse still was the prevalence of sexual harassment and discrimination : women workers faced bribery and the giving of sexual favours to keep their jobs, and all female employees underwent pregnancy testing on hiring. As well as all this, the tea pickers are threatened by mechanisation. Strikes took place across the country in 2010 and 2012 over the increased use of machine harvesting by tea companies. The KPAWU estimate over 20,000 jobs were lost 2005 2010 in the sector as a result. This broke an earlier agreement between unions and employers that limited mechanisation to 3% of the tea picking workforce. For the companies, the equation is simple: mechanisation = lower costs. For the tea pickers the calculus is equally stark. Work or no work. SOUTH AFRICA: The colonial legacy and apartheid divisions remain strong in South African agriculture today. MNCs and large landholders continue to monopolise land ownership and cultivation, despite the labour law and land reforms of the post-apartheid government. Over 1 million people have been evicted from white commercial farms, tipped into an expanding pool of seasonal and mistreated farm workers. By autumn 2012 the pressure reached boiling point. Throughout the Western Cape province (where a large part of the 500,000 strong agricultural labour force work) farm labour rose up spontaneously against endless misery. Low pay, rising living costs, abuse at work, scandalous housing conditions, recurrent indebtedness: the farm workers had little to lose. Nor could they look for trade union help. Though legislatively granted by the new regime, unions are unable to gain access to the large farms, who remain hostile to labour. Only 5% of the farm workers are unionised.

The explosion did uncover a talent for self organisation: farm workers forming their own local committees, calling for negotiations with their employers (roundly ignored), and forging alliances with informal settlement dwellers.

More historic events were to follow. In early 2013 the government took a big step to answering the cry of the oppressed fields, by introducing a 50% (yes 50%) pay rise. As we have seen, legislation isn't always followed by commercial farmers. So it proved here again. The passage of the law has been systematically ignored by farmers claiming they couldn't afford this rise, sacking a proportion of their workers in response and evicting them from their homes. COSATU called for the expropriation of these expropriators in response, and threatened new strike action. In an effort to redress this power imbalance, the clothing and textile union has promised financial support for organising the fields. There's plenty for the Food and Allied Workers Union to do. As reported last year in the sugar cane sector there are over 70,000 field workers to target, scattered across remote sites. The outsourcing of production to smaller farms by the dominant industry players increases this dispersal; and their reliance on casual and informal labour poses a real organising challenge.

The millions in action: campaigning for safety in Bangladesh

thanks to USAS for the photos

The solidarity interview: Daisy Arago Centre for Trade Union and Human Rights, the Philippines
How would you describe the character of the This combination of factors has seen existing Filipino labour movement to our UK readers? unions busted or attempts to organize unions

The Philippine labour movement remains persistent, dynamic and a force to reckon with, albeit not numerically in Philippine society as it was more than a hundred years ago. Its historically progressive, independent and militant tradition, rooted in the development of peoples struggle for justice, genuine democracy and peace, can still be found in some sections of the labour movement that has also seen fragmentation for several decades now. Today, more than ever, the movement is facing perhaps the most difficult time in its modern history. Since the mid-90s the number of unionized workers has declined sharply as a result of the implementation of neo-liberal policies and programs in the country. Economically, no strategic industries were developed and the majority of population remains in the peasantry. Even if today, when the Philippines is the so-called brightest spot in Asia due to its higher growth compared with its Asian neighbours, the perennial unemployment that long-characterized the Philippine economy has not been reduced. Growth did not bring the expansion of manufacturing, nor any modernization of agriculture but rather the socalled growth of the service sectors and in stocks, both of which are not labour intensive.

nipped in the bud. Consequently, the countrys unionized workers dipped from as high as 12% in mid 80s to 1.83 million or 4.5% of the estimated 40 million labour force. Out of this number, only 220,000 workers are covered by collective bargaining agreements (CBAs). The quality of the CBA is another issue; there are cases that CTUHR has documented where companies themselves formulate the CBAs of their organized or supported unions to deter any independent union organizing. The union law prescribes one company, one union policy and unionism is workplace- based.
Our brief survey of farm labour in the Philippines pointed towards a large role for the military in industrial relations. Could you say something about this?

The militarys role is a `common feature in industrial relations, a role bolstered during Martial Law in 1972 and strengthened as part of the governments (past and present) counterinsurgency program. However, it was during the Arroyo administrations on Oplan Bantay Laya (Operation Plan Freedom Watch) counterinsurgency program (2001-2010) and its War on Terror Campaign that the militarys interference became more naked and brazen. In September 2001, a little more than a week after the 9/11 Specifically, the apparent decline in unionism incident in the US, then President Arroyo made could also be attributed to the widespread and an open statement that the government will systematic use of flexible employment schemes hound all terrorists, including those instigators (such as short term contract, temporary worker, of strikes and disputes in industrial areas which long term casuals etc) that virtually remove the were equivalent to factory terrorism. security of tenure and shrink the number of The declaration signalled both open and secret regular or permanent workers who are the involvement of the military particularly the traditional base of trade unions. The Army in strike dispersals, harassments, precariousness of employment of casual and abduction and extra-judicial killings of trade contract workers prohibits them from unionists and labor activists. CTUHR also complaining, and to organize unions as they are received reports and was able to get information dismissed outright when companies learn of from various sources detailing the spy attempts to organize. This condition is intelligence network set up in factories inside compounded by anti-union laws and impunity the economic zones as a move to pre-empt union on corporate violations of labor laws and labour organizing and to weaken militant unions rights as well as a repressive political climate. particularly those allied to Kilusang Mayo Uno (May First movement), trade union center.

By 2005 several unions in different parts of the country were taken over by the Army, and some union officers were forcibly conscripted into the Armys initiated and organized Barangay (Village) Defense System (BDS) or Interterritorial Defense System (ITDS).

association, i.e. to organize freely, collectively bargain to strike, and launch solidarity action at the national and international level. CTUHR trains, organizes and coordinates the dispatch of Quick Response Teams (QRTs) to places and situation where workers rights are violated or at risk of being violated, such as arrests, dispersal In 2008, again, then President Arroyo, formally of collective action, and even investigation of ordered the Armed Forces of the Philippines to cases of extrajudicial killings and abduction. create the Investment Defense Forces (IDF), to CTUHR maintains and develops its Women protect investments (primarily in power, program that ensures CTUHR work is gender mining, plantations, other infrastructure) from sensitive, and that women workers play an equal so-called terrorist attacks, including by the rebel role and are equally represented in all group, New Peoples Army. The militarys undertakings of the organization. interference and resulting human rights violations have been object of criticisms in the CTUHR was established in 1984, under Martial UN Special Rapporteur Prof Philip Alston's Law, following a fact finding mission by a group report on Extra-Judicial Killings. It was also a of Catholic bishops, religious sisters and some subject of the ILO High Level Mission to the trade unionists on a violent and bloody dispersal Philippines in 2009, recommending that a high of a picket lines by the military in Mindanao. level order be made that in the conduct of Since then, CTUHR has remain faithful to the military operations, the government must ensure reason why it was established but has also that such operations will not violate the workers broadened its scope to support workers rights right to freedom of association. Despite the end promotion in the special economic zones, of Arroyos term and many recommendations, plantations and mining. Last year, it launched the military remains a player in the countrys its campaign to combat child labor starting in oil labor relations. palm plantations. The integration of labour relations in the counter-insurgency program also continued with the present Oplan Bayanihan or the Internal Peace and Security Program (IPSP) of the Aquino government. The IDF also continues its operations and has expanded in scope. In some parts of the country, the same forces are called Investment Security Forces (ISF). Many Filipinos work outside your country. What impact does this migrant mass have on the labour movement? The impact of mass migration of Filipinos to other countries, which included workers, previously unionized workers could be seen at two levels, domestically and internationally;

Tell us about the CTUHR you work for. What 1 Internally or domestically, workers' exodus from the Philippines contributes to the reduction is its background?

The Center for Trade Union and Human Rights (CTUHR) as the name implies is a labor rights NGO which monitors, documents, and investigates human rights violations committed against workers (by the state and corporations). CTUHR is also engaged in research, public information, advocacy and campaigns on various issues related to workers rights; it builds network at the national and international level for the defense and protection of workers rights, primarily the right to freedom of

of union membership, though, I must reiterate, that this is not a principal factor in the decline. The local labour movement has lost good union organizers, trade unionists to migration. And every loss of good union organizer or trade unionist from organizing work has a negative or weakening effect, albeit temporarily on trade unionism. 2 The second way of looking at it, the loss of unionists in the local workers organizing becomes a gain in developing the movement of migrant workers, in their host countries.

Their organizing plays an important role in supporting the movement at home, and in helping develop another aspect of international solidarity. Most if not all Filipino workers migrant organizations in host countries were, I think, initiated by workers or individuals who have some background in organizations here in the Philippines. They provide crucial campaign support for the rights and protection of migrant workers in their host countries, and a formidable challenge to the very policy of exporting labor pursued by the Philippine government. To a certain extent, migration also contributes to the local labor movement in the host countries; their presence challenges the local movements understanding and analysis of capitalist globalization, for instance, its impact on peoples lives and strategies for dealing with those impacts and causes.

This was able to get lots of support abroad; the management and Labor Department were forced to talk to the union and went on to a marathon hearing before the International Labor Conference in June. Except, that the result was not what the workers were exactly expecting. But of course, theres another reason to that. Another big contribution is that the Philippine government would not have accepted the ILO High level Mission, if the international unions and organizations had not exerted pressure on the Philippine government. Last month (July) CTUHR together with other local organizations held an international conference on freedom of association. As a result, we are now looking at a more coordinated action or platform to push for the defence of freedom of association at the national and international level.

For the labor movement, in home and host countries, migration offers both opportunities and challenges. Opportunities, because they can be an effective means of building working class solidarity, of bridging the gap between the socalled North and South, as the impact of neoliberal policies on workers, regardless of the level of development becomes more naked. It is also a challenge, especially for the labour movement in the host countries to address and to fight for rights of migrants to belong to a union. For them to be accepted as equal in the union movement and not seen as people stealing jobs Are you hopeful for the future of the Filipino or competitors of local people, but rather as allies in the pursuit of just, humane and peaceful labour movement? world for workers and their children . Yes, absolutely. With crisis, poverty and intensifying repression amidst the so called growth besetting us now, there is no way for Is international solidarity a feature of workers to protect and defend their rights and current labour action in the Philippines? interests but to organize and act collectively. The more the industrial relations become more Yes, definitely. International solidarity work is repressive, the greater the task and opportunities always a feature in all labor actions in the to organize. It will not be a walk in the park, Philippines and the labour movement has and we really have to find creative but bold learned and gained a lot from this activity at ways to organize and raise awareness not only of different levels. One concrete example is the campaign against the dismissal of 293 long term workers but also of the general public at all casuals and child labor in the oil plantations in levels. It is really important that simultaneous to strengthening the labor movement, we are also CARAGA that CTUHR launched. able to share in the parallel task of strengthening the peoples movement.

international women

the international domestic workers network

Domestic work, hidden from public view, is a labour long associated with gross exploitation and abuse. For its 52 million plus global workforce, the challenge to be recognised as workers with real rights has been a long and hard road. More and more organisations of domestic workers are now active around the world, demonstrating that collective action and association are the best way to break out of isolation and claim justice. In 2009 the International Domestic Workers Network (IDWN) was set up to help link together these national bodies, promote new strategies and campaign for their rights. The passage of the international ILO Convention on Decent Work for Domestic Workers (C189) in 2011, and its early adoption in countries like Uruguay, gave the IDWN a strong momentum to press for minimum labour protection for domestic workers everywhere. In Hong Kong, domestic workers have staged public protests against forced living-in arrangements that leave them at extra disadvantage. Privacy, rest, selfeducation and interaction with the rest of society are all undermined by this situation. Some who have taken action and moved out have faced arrest. The workers themselves want their own accommodation, paid for by the employers. And rightly so. Meanwhile in India, the National Platform for Domestic Workers staged strike action at the end of July to pressurise the government to recognise their rights. This involved over 2000 workers from a dozen states. The Platform is itself made up of 17 different unions of domestic workers and support groups. A worker registration system, minimum wage and social security are key demands on their agenda.

So far the strategy is playing out unevenly. To date eight nations have embedded C189 in their national labour laws. Elsewhere the struggle goes on . IDWN supports national organisations who are trying to raise the profile of domestic work in their countries. It now covers 33 national organisations, with a combined membership of 192,000 workers.

The extras
For the continuing story of organising at Wal-Mart see Making Change at Wal-Mart http://makingchangeatwalmart.org/ and OUR WalMart at http://forrespect.org/. In the warehouse sector see http://www.warehouseworkersunited.org/

The Ghanaian farm workers are reported on regularly through the Bananalink website, http://www.bananalink.org.uk/gawu-ghana. Kenyan tea pickers are the subject of War on Want's report A Bitter Cup: http://www.waronwant.org/campaigns/fightingsupermarket-power/tea-industry. The SOMO research is available at http://somo.nl/publications-en/Publication_3711?searchterm=kenyan+tea. For South African farm labour try the International Viewpoint site http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/ and COSATU, available at http://www.cosatu.org.za/index.php The Bangladeshi garment sector has been extensively covered by many sites. Try IndustriALL as a starting point: http://www.industriall-union.org/ Daisy Arago and the CTUHR can be found at http://ctuhr.org/ Eric Lee's book Campaigning Online can be ordered from Labourstart:
http://www.labourstart.org/2013/.

The International Domestic Workers Network can be followed here: http://www.idwn.info/. Particular affiliates can be tracked via the IDWN site.