IQBALS CONCEPTION OF EGO BY HAFEEZ MALIK

Iqbal (1877-1938) occupies a unique position in the modern history of Muslim thought because he was the first one to make a serious attempt to reconstruct Islamic philosophy in the light of Western thought. Iqbals early training made him eminently suitable for this role. After obtaining (1899) the degree of Master of Philosophy under T. W. Arnolds care from the Punjab University in Lahore, Iqbal went to Europe in 1905 for advance graduate studies in Britain and Germany. In London he studied at Lincolns Inn in order to qualify at the Bar, and at Trinity College at Cambridge University he enrolled as an advanced student of Philosophy in order to benefit from the lectures of the non-Hegelian, Professor McTaggart, and Professor James Ward. At Cambridge, Iqbal also cultivated friendships with two outstanding orientalists--E.G. Browne and Reynold A. Nicholson. Simultaneously, however, Iqbal submitted his doctoral dissertation, Thedevelopment of Metaphysics in Persia, to Professor F. Hommel of Munich University, for which the German university awarded him doctoris philosophiae gradum in November, 1907.1 In 1908 Iqbal started his professional career in Lahore as an attorney, college professor and poet---all at once. At length, however, the true poet-philosopher won out the expense of the Professor and the attorney. Before 1905 the vehicle for his poetic composition had been Urdu, the Muslims lingua franca in

India, but in Europe Iqbal shifted to Persian. In addition to two prose works in English, six are in Persian, and the remaining three in Urdu.2Among these Persian works, Asrar-i Khudi together with its complementary second part, Ramuz-i Bekhudi, is truly Iqbals magnum opus. This mathnavicontained his innovative doctrine of Khudi (ego); all subsequent works of Iqbal supplemented and further refined this central concept. Only five hundred copies of Asrar-i Khudiwere first published by Iqbal in 1915, but they raised a storm of vilification against him. This mathnavi not only expounded the doctrine of Khudi, but was also an indictment of the wahdat al wujud (unitarian monism) school of Sufism, beginning with a criticism (in thirty five verses) of Hafiz (1326-1389).3Some ill-informed critics charged that Iqbal was only a Muslim Nietzsche, propagating the worship of power.

Definition of Khudi
In Persian and Urdu literature the word Khudi has been used to mean vanity, arrogance and haughtiness.4 For example, Iraqi one of his Persian verses says: The beginning is this, do you know whats its end? To achieve deliverance of the Self from ones own conceit.

In a Similar vein the famous Urdu Poet Sauda says:5 Alas, I could not reach him from the prison of my egotism It has been difficult to be released from my own trap. Recognizing the semantic difficulty, Iqbal stated that the other words for the metaphysical fact of the I are equally bad, e.g., ana, shaks, nafs and ananiyat.He wanted a colour-less word in order to express the concept of ego or self, having no ethical significance. At last, considering the requirements of verse, Iqbal adopted Khudi as the most appropriate term to denote the self. He stated: Thus metaphysically the word Khudi is used in the sense of that indescribable feeling of I which forms the basis of the uniqueness of each individual. Metaphysically it does not convey any ethical significance. . . Ethically the word Khudi means (as used by me) self-reliance, self-respect, selfconfidence, self-preservation, even selfassertation, which such a thing is necessary, in the interests of life and the power to stick to the cause of truth, justice, duty, even in the face of death.6

Dictating his views to Nazir Niyazi in 1937, Iqbal explicitly stated that Asrar-i Khudi is based upon two principles: a) That personality is the central fact of the universe; b) That personality, I am is the central fact in the constitution of man. The first principle, Iqbal believed, is described in the Old Testament as the great I-am. The Quran, however, describes the ultimate personality in much grander terms (S.59: 23, 24).7 This concept of personality, Iqbal pointed out, is illuminated in the second chapter of Asrar-i Khudi; for instance: The form of existence is an effect of the Self, Whatsoever thou seest is a secret of the Self, . . . Its self-deceptions are the essence of Life; Like the rose, it lives by bathing itself in blood. For the sake of a single rose it destroys a hundred rose gardens, And makes a hundred lamentations in quest for a single melody. . . . When life gathers strength from the Self, The river of life expands into an ocean.8

The second principle of the smaller or dependent I-am, Iqbal maintained, is variously described in the Quran i.e.; daif, [weak] jahul, [ignorant] zalum, [unjust] yet it is also described as ahsan al-taqwim, the bearer of Divine trust. . . I has the quality of growth as well as the quality of corruption, it has the power to expand by absorbing the element of the universe of which it appears to be an insignificant part, it has the power of absorbing the attributes of God (takhallaqu bi-akhlaq Allah: create in yourself the attributes of God).The various stages of its spiritual expression are described in the Asrar-i Khudi as follows: 1) Itaat, complete surrender to the Law, 2) Zabt-i Nafs, selfcontrol; 3) niyabat-i Ilahya, vicegerency of God [on earth].9 In the tenth chapter of the Asrar-i Khudi Iqbal maintained that the complete submission to the law is symbolized by the camel: Service and toil are the traits of the camel, Patience and the perseverance are ways of the camel, Noiselessly he steps along the sandy track He is the ship of those who voyage in the desert.

. . . Thou, too, do not refuse the burden of the duty: So wilt thou enjoy the best dwelling-place, which is with God. Endeavour to obey, O heedless one! Liberty is the fruit of compulsion.10 Regarding the significance of self-control, Iqbal says: He that does not command himself Becomes a receiver of commands from others . . . One to whom God is the soul in his body, His neck is not bowed before vanity Fear finds no way into his bosom, His heart is afraid of none but Allah.11 Explaining the concept of divine vicegerency, Iqbal basically developed in his own way the Sufi doctrine on insan-i kamil (the perfect man), and did not present Nietzsches bermensch (superman) as an ideal. Here are some of the qualities of the perfect man: Gods vicegerent is as the soul of the Universe,

His being is the shadow of the Greatest Name. Then Iqbal longs for his arrival on the scene of the world. Appear, O rider of Destiny! Appear, O light of the dark realm of change! Illumine the scene of existence. Dwell in the blackness of our eyes! Arise and tune the harp of brotherhood, Give us back the cup of the wine of the love! Bring once more days of peace to the world, Give a message of peace to them that seek battle.12 Gods vicegerent is obvious not Nietzsches superman; however, when Iqbal says Be as hard as diamond a superficial similarity develops. In the fourteenth chapter of the Asrar-i Khudi, Iqbal compare strong ego to the radiance of the diamond and then concludes: Whosoever strives hard and grips tight, The two worlds are illuminated by him . . . In solidity consists the glory of Life; Weakness is worthlessness and immaturity.13 Unlike Nietzsches ideal, that is not a message of callousness or pitilessness. To Iqbal the

diamond represents the integration of the elements of the ego so that it may be able to obstruct the forces of destruction in its means towards personal immortality.14 (Iqbal, thus, emphatically claimed that in its essence the Asrar-i Khudi and Nietzsche are diametrically opposed to each other.) In the strengthening of ego, Ishq (love) is the determinating factor in the Iqbals philosophic system. Love means the desire to assimilate, to absorb. Its highest form is the creation of values and ideals and the endeavour to realize them. The opposite of love, to Iqbal is sawal (asking), and all that is achieved without personal effort comes under sawal. Iqbal also defined love as the power of assimilative action, and described asking as a synonym of inaction. Partaking in the creative functions of God15 individual ego demonstrates the power of assimilative action. Ego, according to Iqbal, remains creative in a state of perpetual tension. If the tension is not maintained, relaxation ensues, leading man to inactivity. Thus the state of tension is t he most valuable achievement of man, he should see that he does revert to a state of relaxation. That which tends to maintain a state of tension tends to make us immortal. . . . That which fortifies personality is good, that which 16 weakens it is bad. Iqbals conception of ego functioned as the frame of reference, enabling him to judge, art, religion and ethics.17

Criticism of Wahdat al-Wujud

In Islam, Iqbal criticized the doctrine of wahdat al-wujud, which had been innovated by the Hispanic-Arab mystic Muhyil Din Ibn al-Arabi (1165-1240). Although in his doctoral dissertation Iqbal had paid a glowing tribute to, in Ibn al-Arabi his introduction to the first edition of Asrar-i Khudi, he repudiated 18 him. ToIbn al-Arabi all paths lead to one straight path (al- Tariq al-amam), which leads to God.19The different religions were thus in his opinion identical. Following his views,Ibn alArabis indic disciples during the sixteenth century had sought to reconcile the symbol of the Vaishnavite poetry and other devotional Hindu songs with Muslim beliefs. In 1566, Mir Abdul Wahid Bilgrami wrote a treatise, Haqaiq-i Hindhe endeavouredto reconcile and integrate more than fifty symbols of Vaishnavites and several other terms of devotional Hindu songs with Muslim beliefs. For example, Karishna (a Kshatriya hero gradually deified in the Mahabharata),20and other names symbolized for Bilgrami [the] Prophet Muhammad, Gopis (cow-herd Krishnas wives), sometimes symbolized angels, sometimes the human race. . .Gobra (cow-dung) symbolized the faults and follies of human beings. . . Braj of Gokul (a town near Mathura) sometimes symbolized alam-i Nasut (the human world), sometimes alam-i Malakut (the invisible world) and sometimes alam-i Jabrut (the highest world). Jumna and Ganga [rivers] sometimes

indicated the Sea of Wahdat (unity) and at the other occasion marrifat (gnosis). . .21 In order to meet thewahdat ul-wujud brand of Islam half way, the Hindus also wrote the Allopanishad [Allah Upanshad].22The Mughal Emperor Akbars (1556-1605) Din-iIlahi23 (Religion of God, promulgated in 1582) , was designed to synthesize Islam with other Indic religions and creeds, and was the triumph of wahdat ul-wujud in India. Iqbal believed that if this synthetic trend had been allowed to continue the distinctive culture if Indic Islam would have been assimilated into the dominant Hindu culture and would have completely disappeared from India. However, this potential synthesis of Hindu-Muslim culture was shattered by the movement of Shaykh Ahmad Sarhindi Mujaddid Alf Thani24 (born in 1564), who subscribed to, and further developed the theory of wahdat ul-shuhud (unity of the Phenomenal), in order to refute the doctrine of wahdat ul-wujud. Finally, the Mughal Emperor, Aurangzeb Alamgir (d. 1707) struck the coup de grace which stopped the endeavours towards synthesis. Since Muslims were outnumbered for to one in India, Iqbal believed that the pantheism of Ibn al-Arabi would dissolve their collective Khudi in the Hindu cultural milieu. Khudi (or selfpreservation) became the frame of reference for Iqbals analysis of Indian history. Political forces or persons were virtuous insofar as they strengthened the collective Muslim Khudi. Hence Iqbals lack of appreciation for Emperor Akbars Din-i Ilahi, and itsconcomitantcultural syncretism,

and its approbation of Shaykh Ahmad Mujadded Alf Thani, who spent his life combating the legacy of the Din-i Ilahi. Extolling the virtues of Mujaddid, Iqbal says in Bal-i Jibril: I stood by the reformers tomb: that dust Whence here below an orient splendor breaks, Dust heads, Dust unknown whose least speak high stars knower hang of their things

shrouding

that

Who to Jahangir would not bend his neck, Whose ardent breath fans every free hearts ardour, Whom Allah sent in season to keep watch In India on the treasure-house of Islam.25 By the same token Aurangzeb was considered to have reinforced the collective Muslim ego, because in Iqbals judgment he understood the reality of the ideological and cultural as well as ecological struggles in India. Discussing in Ramuz-i Bekhudi (the mysteries of selflessness) the personal fulfillment of the individual in the society, Iqbal described Aurangzeb Alamgir as: Shah Alamgir, the high and mighty king, Pride and renown [Tamerlame] line, of Gurgan Timurs

In whom Islam attained a loftier fame And wider honour graced the Prophets Law,

He the last arrow to our quiver left In the affray of Faith and Unbelief; When that the impious seed of heresy, By fresh26 Akbar nourished, sprang and sprouted

In Daras soul, the candle of the heart Was dimmed in every breast, no more secure Against corruption our community Continued; then God chose from India The humble-minded warrior, Alamgir, Religion to revive, faith to renew. The lightening of his sword set all ablaze The harvest of impiety; faiths torch Once shed. . . . He was a moth that ever beat its wings About the candle-flame of unity, An Abraham in Indias idol-house.27 In the light of the doctrine of Khudi, Iqbals interpretation of Indian history were led him to develop the two-nation theory, which was officially adopted by the All-India Muslim League in 1940. Iqbal attributed the development of Indic Muslims as a nation largely to the endeavours of Aurangzeb. more its radiance oer our counsels

The political genius of Aurangzeb was extremely comprehensive, wrote Iqbal in his private note-book, which he had started writing in 1910. He continued: His [Aurangzebs] one aim of life was, as it were, to subsume the various communities of this country under the notion of one universal empire. . . Ignoring the factor of time in the political evolution of his contemplated empire he started an endless struggle [ref. to his fifty years wars against the Sikhs, Rajput, and Marathas] in the hope that he would be able to unify the discordant political units of India in his own lifetime. He failed to Islamise (not in the religious sense) India just as Alexander had failed to Hellenise Asia. . . The history of the preceding Muslim dynasties had taught Aurangzeb that the strength of Islam in India did not depend, as his great ancestor Akbar had thought, so much on the goodwill of the people of this land as on the strength of the ruling race. With all his keen political perception, however, he could not undo the doings of his forefathers. Sevajee [Shivaji, the Maratha leader] was not the product of Aurangzebs reign; the Maharatta owed his existence to social and political forces called into being by the policy of Akbar. Aurangzebs political perception, though true, was too late. Yet considering the significance of this perception he must be looked upon as the founder of Musalman [Muslim] nationality

in India. I am sure posterity will one day recognize the truth of what I say28 Iqbal was not a professional historian and he never did claim to be one. However, he was a maker of history. In view of this, it is not without significance that most Muslim scholars and historians have accepted his interpretation of the Muslim period of Indian history as valid. This is also vividly demonstrates the abiding influence of Iqbals philosophic concepts in the evolution of Indic Muslim historiography.29 (In: The Muslim World, vol. lx/no. 2, April 1970, pp. 160-169.)

Notes and References

1.
The dissertation was published in 1908 by Luzac and Company. London, and was dedicated to Professor T. W. Arnold. Cf. also. Muhammad Din Fauq, Doctor Shaikh Sir Muhammad Iqbal: Mukhtaser Sawanih Hayat, Nayrang-i Khayal, Iqbal Number (Lahore: SeptemberOctober, 1932), pp. 25-29. 2. The following are the poetical works of Iqbal and the years of their publications. 1) Asrar-i Khudi (Persian, 1915); 2) Ramuz-i Bekhudi (Persian, 1918); 3) Payam-i Mashriq (Persian, 1923); 4) Bang-i Dara (Urdu, 1924); 5) JavidNamah (Persian, 1932); 6) Bal-i Jibril (Urdu, 1935); 7) Pas Cheh Bayad Kard AyAqwam-i Sharq (Persian, 1936); 8) Dharb-i Kalim (Urdu, 1936); 9) Armaghan-i Hedjaz (Persian, Urdu posthumously published, 1938).

Including their first editions, altogether 395, 400 copies of these works had been published by 1959. Cf. Faqir Sayyid Wahidud-Din, Ruzgar-i Faqir (Karachi: Line Art Press, 1966), i, 214-216. In addition to his doctoral dissertation, the other prose work is The Reconstruction ofReligious Thought in Islam (Lahore: 1930; subsequently a seventh chapter, Is Religion Possible? was added and the new edition was published in 1934 in London). 3. For instance, some of the verses warned of Hafiz: Beware of Hafiz the drinker, His cup is full of the poison of death. His garment of abstinence is mortgaged to the cup-bearer Wine is the remedy for the horror of the resurrection. From the second edition of Asrar-i Khudi, Iqbal eliminated the introduction as well as the thirty-five critical verses about Hafiz. Criticism of Hafiz, stated Iqbal, was not a personal criticism, but was aimed at a literary objective. In difference to the sensitivity of some friends, those verses have been eliminated and some new were substituted, containing a description of the criterion on which the literature of any nation should be judged. Cf. Deybacheh Asrar-i Khudi second edition in Maqalat-i Iqbal, ed., Sayyid Abdul Vahid Muini (Lahore: Ashraf, 1963), p. 193. The most noted individuals who continued their polemics against Iqbal including Hakim Firoz-ud-Din Tughrai, Malik Muhammad Kashmiri, Dhauqi Shah, Akbar Allahabad, Khawaja Hasan Nizami, Pirzadeh Muzaffer-udDin Ahmed Fadli. In refutation of Asrar-i Khudi, and in the defense of Hafiz, Fadli composed

a mathnavi, Raz-i Bekhudi and Tughrai composed Lisan alGhaib. They are now forgotten, and one can hardly find their copies. Cf. Rasul Mehr, Matalib Asrar-wa-Ramuz (Lahore: Ghulam Ali & Sons, 1960), p. 26. 4. Cf. the standard work of Steingass: (1) selfishness, (2) conceit, (3) egotism; see also Nur ul-Lughat: (1) ananiyat, khud prasti, (2) khud gharzi, khud mukhtari, (3) gharur, nakhwat, takabbur. 5. For many more examples of this kind, and Iqbals attitude toward wahdat al-wujud see an excellent study, Abu Sayeed Nur-ud-Din, Islami Tasawwuf Awr Iqbal (Karachi: Iqbal Academy, 1959), pp. 267-270; also, Muhammad Farman, Iqbal Awr Tasawwuf (Lahore: Bazm-i Iqbal, 1958); the central thesis of Farmans study is that Sufi tenets are derived from the Quran, and Iqbal never repudiated Sufism. 6. Note on Nietzsche, in Thoughts and Reflections of Iqbal, ed., S.A. Vahid (Lahore: Ashraf, 1964), p. 243. 7. Ibid., p. 238; The Quran says (S. 59:23): God is He, than Whom There is no other God; The sovereign, the Holy One, The Source of peace (and perfection), The Guardian of faith, The Preserver of safety, The Exalted in might, The Irresistible, the Supreme. The translation given is that of A. Yusuf Ali, The Holy Quran (Lahore: Ashraf, 1938). 8. Muhammad Iqbal, Asrar-i Khudi (Lahore: 1959), pp. 12-13; (tr.) Reynold A. Nicholson, The Secrets of the Self (Lahore: Ashraf, 1960), pp. 16-17. 9. Note of Nietzsche, op. cit., p. 239. See also Nicholson, op. cit., p. xxvii; that Iqbal was stimulated and impressed by the

provocative language and thoughts of Nietzsche is not denied. Iqbal has at times utilized Nietzsches philosophic technique without adopting his ideas. The three stages of Khudisdevelopment are very much reminiscent of Nietzsches Of the Three Metamorphoses, in which the spirit becomes a camel, and the camel a lion, and the lion at last a child. Cf. Nietzsche, Thus Spakes Zarathustra (Baltimore 1961; pp. 54-56). 10. Iqbal, Asrar-i Khudi, p. 45; Nicholson, op. cit., pp. 72-73. 11. Ibid, pp. 75-76. 12. Ibid., pp. 79, 83-84. 13. Ibid., pp. 106-107. 14. Note of Nietzsche, p. 244. 15. Citing the Quran (S. 23: 14) Blessed is God, the best of those who create. Iqbal stated it indicated the possibilities of other creators than God (Nicholson, op. cit., p. xviii), thus returning to Quranic argument dating from the classical Mutazilite-Asharite controversy. 16. Ibid., pp. xxi. 17. Consequently, Iqbal became a firm exponent of the theory of purposive art as against art for arts sake. Writing on this subject in 1916, Iqbal said: the highest art is that which awakens our dormant willforce and verves us to face the trials of life manfully. . . There should be no opiumeating in art. The dogma of art for the sake of an art is the clever invention of decadence to cheat us out of life and power. Muhammad Iqbal, Our Prophets criticism contemporary Arabian Poetry. The New Era (1916), pp. 251. 18. Muhammad Iqbal, Daybacheh-i Asrar-i Khudi in Wahid-ud-Din, op. cit., ii, 44-52;

Muhammad Iqbal, The Development of Metaphysics in Persia (Lahore: Ripon Printing Press, 1959), p.x. 19. Ibn al-Arabi tried to derive this doctrine from the Quranic verse: For each one of you we have made a religion and a pathway (S. 5: 52). Affifi, a competent authority on Ibn al-Arabi, has stated that monotheism and polytheism, together with other creeds, are, when interpreted in the light of his [Ibn al-Arabis] theory, nothing but one universal religion. And so,Ibn al-Arabi des not reject polytheism, provided that the worshippers of images and idols fully realized that there is a Reality behind the forms of their gods, regarding the forms as mere majali (theatres) of wujuh (aspects) or manifestation of this reality. A. E. Affifi, The Mystical Philosophy of Muhyid Din-Ibnul Arabi (Lahore: Ashraf, n.d.), pp. 149-149. 20. Pusalker, a noted Hindu historian, has maintained that evidence of different stages in the progress of deification of Krsna [Krishna] will be found in the Mahabharata itself. (Mahabharata, cr. ed., ii, 22-29). In contrast to the earlier portions which clearly bring out the human elements of Krsna and portray him as a human hero, he is represented a semi-divine being in later portions; whereas the parts of the epic that came still later, regard Krsna as the Supreme God. A.D. Pusalker, Studies in The Epics and Puranas (Bombay: Bharatiyaa Vidya Bhavan, 1963), p. 89. 21. Mir Abdul Wahid Bilgrami, Haqaiq-i Hind (Aligarh Muslim University, Ms. Ahsan Collection), f. 106; cf. also, Saiyad Athar Abbas Rizvi, Muslim Revivalist Movements in Northern India in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Agra: University Press, 1969), pp. 31-39.

22. The Hindus were willing to absorb the Muslims; they wrote the Allopanishad and went perilously near to making an avatar of the Emperor Akbar. Sir Jadunath Sarkar, India Through the Ages (Calcutta: M.C. Sarkar & Sons, 1928), pp. 15-16. 23. For Akbars and Abul Fadls (the high priest of the Din-i Ilahi) religious innovations, see Abdul Qadir Badauni, Muntakahab al-Twarikh (Calcutta: College Press, 1868), vols. i, ii; cf. also, Vincent Arthur Smith, Akbar, The Great Mughal (Oxford University Press, 1917), pp. 160-170. 24. For the Mujaddids views on the synthetic Din-i Ilahi, and his doctrine of wahdat alshuhud, see his Persian letters to leaders and officers in the administration of Emperor Jahangir (1605-1628). Mujaddid Alf Thani, Maktubat-i Imam-i Rabbanis (Lucknow: Nawal Kashore Press, n.d.), iii vols.; contain 313 letters; also, Sayyid Imam Ali Shah. Maktubat-i Qutub-i Rabbani, ed., Muhammad Fadl Naim (Lahore: n.d.); Muhammad Manzur Numani, Tadhkira-i Imam-i Rabbani Mujaddid Alf Thani (Lucknow: 1960), 2nd edition; AlFurqan; Mujaddid Alf ThaniNumber (Lucknow: 1357 A.H./1938), Burhan Ahmed Faruqi, The Mujaddids Conception of Tawhid (Lahore: Ashraf, 1940). 25. Iqbal, Bal-i Jibril (Lahore: 1946), pp. 211-2; V. G. Kiernan, Poems from Iqbal (London: John Murray, 1955), p. 58. 26. This refers to Dara Shikoh (1615-59), a great-grandson of Akbar, and Aurangzebs elder brother. In the war of succession Dara was defeated by Aurangzeb. 27. A. J. Arberry, The Mysteries of Selflessness (London: John Murray, 1953), p. 17. 28. Stray Reflections, Ed., Javid Iqbal (Lahore: Ghulam Ali & Sons, 1961), p. 44-46.

29. For Iqbals political philosophy see also, Hafeez Malik (Ed.), Iqbal: Poet-philosopher of Pakistan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969).

About The Writers:

Hafeez Malik; Professor of Political Science
at Villanova University in Pennsylvania, USA (1980). From 1961 to 1963, and from 1966 to 1980, he was visiting Lecturer at Foreign Service Institute of the U.S. State Department. His publications include Muslim Nationalism in India and Pakistan (Washington, D. C.: Public Affairs Press, 1963), Iqbal: Poet-Philosopher of Pakistan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), Sir Sayyids History of the Bijnore Rebillion (East Lansing; Michigan State University, 1967) and Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Muslim Modernization in India and Pakistan(New York: Columbia University Press, 1980). From 1971 to 1974, he was President of Pakistan Council of the Asia Society, New York. Also, he is Director of the American Institute of Pakistan Studies, the President of the Pakistan-American Foundation. Since 1977, he has been the Editor of the Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies. In his autobiography, Apna Gariban Chak, in Urdu, recently published from Lahore (Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2003), Dr. Javid Iqbal has paid a tribute to him as a renowned Iqbalist,

reminiscent of Hafeez Malik.

his

personal

relations

with

(Source: IQBAL NEW DIMENSIONS (A Collection of Unpublished and Rare Iqbalian Studies). Compiled, Annotated and Translated by M. Ikram Chaghatai). Digitized by: www.mbilal-azam.blogspot.com

The End