(Re)constructing Economic Citizenship in a Welfare State Intersections of Gender and Class

Heidi Hirsto, Saija Katila & Johanna Moisander, Aalto University School of Business Accepted for publication in Equality, diversity and inclusion: An international Journal in September 2013 Abstract Purpose The purpose of the paper is to discuss and illustrate how contemporary market discourses rearticulate socio-political relationships and identities, including the rights, duties, and opportunities of individuals and categories of individuals as citizens. More specifically, the aim is to analyze how economic citizenship is articulated and negotiated in the intersection of (Nordic) welfare state ideals and shareholder-oriented market discourses. We further elaborate on how different identity markers, especially gender and class, intersect in these articulations and contribute to exclusionary practices. Design/methodology/approach The paper approaches the articulation of economic citizenship through an empirical study that focuses on business media representations and online discussions of a major factory shutdown in Finland. Drawing from discourse theory and the notions of representational intersectionality and translocational positionality, we analyze how gender and class intersect in the construction of economic citizenship in the business media. Findings The study illustrates how financialist market discourses render citizenship intelligible in exceedingly economic terms, overriding social and political dimensions of citizenship. The business media construct hierarchies of economic citizens where two categories of actors claim full economic citizenship: the transnational corporation and the transnational investor. Within these categories, particular systems of privilege intersect in similar ways, rendering them masculine and upper middleclass. Whether interpreted as hegemonic or counter-hegemonic, the financialist discourses rearticulate the social hierarchies and moral landscape in Finnish society. Originality/value The paper contributes to critical/feminist management studies by elaborating on the role of the business media as an important site of political identity work, positioning, and moral regulation, where neoliberal ideas, based upon and reproducing masculine and elitist systems of privilege, appear as normalized and self-evidently valued.

Introduction This paper examines how contemporary market discourses reorganize socio-political identities and relations. Through analyzing business media representations and online discussions of a major factory shutdown in Finland, we illustrate how citizenship is negotiated and rearticulated in the intersection of welfare state ideals, shareholder-oriented market discourses, and underlying discourses of gender and class. In January 15th 2007, the international Finnish mobile phone case manufacturer Perlos announced plans to end production in Finland, lay off its 1,200 Finland-based employees, and increase production in its Chinese factories. Following the announcement, the leading Finnish business newspaper Kauppalehti reported that the market knew to expect Perloss extensive performance improvement program. In the online forums of the newspaper, the announcement triggered discussion mainly about the value of the Perlos stock and profitable trading strategies. This interpretation of the Perlos factory shutdown may be considered quite predictable and normalized in the business media commenting on business decisions that result in mass layoffs. It reflects the normalization of financialist or shareholder-oriented ways of legitimizing and reasoning about business practices in the globalized world (e.g. Cheney, 2004; Lazonick and OSullivan, 2000; Froud et al., 2000; Ezzamel et al., 2008). Seldom do we consider, however, how such global discourses work in national contexts, reorganizing basic socio-political institutions such as citizenship. The emergence of global capital markets, emphasizing competitiveness and mobility, has shifted decision-making power from nation states to global economic actors such as corporations, pension funds and global economic institutions like IMF. As many critical scholars have argued, this development has instigated a broad re-articulation of socio-political relationships and identities, including the rights, duties, and opportunities of individuals and categories of individuals as citizens (Sassen, 1996; Brown, 2002). Multinational corporations and financial institutions, for example, have radically gained in political power, effectively turning into a new class of citizenry. As Sassen (1996) puts it, their political power is determined by their power to register and withdraw capital. Moreover, the domain of politics has become increasingly market-oriented and managerial in the sense that instead of facilitating ideological struggle, political governance is increasingly about creating systems and incentives to steer production, consumption, and employment in ways that ensure a smooth operation of the market (Mathieu, 1999; Kantola, 2003). In this paper, we focus on the workings of shareholder-oriented market discourses in the context of the Finnish welfare state and the Finnish business media more specifically. While globalization of capital markets is a worldwide phenomenon, its benefits and downsides are clearly very unevenly distributed, and its impact is also interpreted, negotiated and

resisted differently in different local and organizational contexts (Ganesh, Zoller and Cheney 2005; Simpson and Cheney, 2007). Here our aim is to explore the ways in which citizenship, and economic citizenship in particular, is being rearticulated and negotiated in the intersection of the competing discourses of the Nordic welfare state and the transnational financialized economy, focusing particularly on the ways in which these discourses, in themselves, are organized by discourses of difference (Ashcraft, 2007) such as gender and class. By economic citizenship we refer here to the ways in which political agency is defined according to the role prescribed to each of us in the processes of global production and consumption (Mathieu, 1999). Market discourse has been shown to gain in scope and influence through colonizing new social domains (e.g. Cohen, McAuley and Duberley, 2001; Fairclough, 1992, Simpson and Cheney, 2007). In this paper we take an interest in the workings of market discourse in one of its legitimized home domains, the business media, in order to examine its nuances, emerging trends, and inner struggles at close range. Using the news coverage of the largest and most influential business newspaper in Finland and online discussion on the Perlos factory shutdown discussed above as an empirical case, we elaborate on the ways in which different identity markers, especially gender and class, intersect in constructing ideal economic citizenship and contribute to exclusionary practices. In doing this, we thus look into intersectionality as a representation (Crenshaw, 1991) of gender and class in the making of economic citizens. Our analysis identifies two actor positions that seem to epitomize full and ideal economic citizenship in the business media: the transnational corporation and the transnational investor. Within these ideal economic citizenship categories, particular systems of privilege intersect in similar ways, rendering them masculine and upper middleclass. They are endowed with rights to disregard human and social concerns as well as to solely act upon self-interest. The naturalization of this type of economic citizenship marks a stark contradiction to the proclaimed egalitarian values of the Nordic welfare state. In our study, the business media appears as a social site where, through seemingly neutral reporting and commentary on individual business and investment decisions, distinctively liberalist ideas of social organization and citizenship are enacted and openly promoted. Citizenship in welfare states As a theoretical and political concept, citizenship is a contested notion. The scholarly discussions of citizenship typically revolve around debates about the proper rights and obligations of individuals as civic, social and political citizens (Shafir, 1998). In the existing literature, two main historical traditions of citizenship may be identified. The participatory republican approach focuses on citizenship in terms of particular obligations and civic duties, premised on the assumption that the expression of the citizens full

potential as a political being represent the essence of citizenship (Lister, 1997:13). In the liberal tradition, the classical liberalist approach emphasizes the rights of the individual and the freedom of the individual citizen from the constraints of the state, the ideal citizen being autonomous, self-governing, self-sufficient, and able to choose. In the social liberalist or social democratic approach, on the other hand, social rights, and the right for employment, education and welfare in particular, are highlighted as a precondition for political equality and democracy, and for performing the role of the ideal citizen as the citizen-worker (Siim, 2000: 25). In this paper, we draw on the social liberalist tradition and set out to explore and advance knowledge of the ways in which the opportunities for people to engage in citizenship practices, as well as the specific forms that practices of citizenship take in society, are grounded in a variety of cultural conditions. The socio-political and cultural context that we focus on in this paper may be described as a Nordic welfare state, where the public sector has a fundamental responsibility for providing universal educational, medical, and other welfare services and social benefits to all citizens in the name of social justice and gender equality (e.g. Esping-Andersen, 1999). According to Ginsburg (1992, ref. in Manning and Shaw, 1998: 582) the key ideological element inherent in the social democratic welfare model is a limit to inequality and competition. The Nordic welfare state is often distinguished from other welfare states with similar goals by its emphasis on maximizing labor force participation and gender equality with policy measures to promote womens active participation in the labor market. In this type of socio-cultural environment, egalitarianism constitutes an important cultural value and political rationality (Erranta and Moisander, 2011; Merilinen et al., 2004; Tienari et al., 2005). Regardless of the equality ideology of Scandinavian welfare states, feminist analyses have revealed a contradictory relationship between women and Scandinavian welfare state. On the one hand, the state has helped to produce and reproduce the sexual division of labor resulting in structural oppression of women in the labor market. Women are still absent from the powerful economic and political elites while being responsible for care work that is less rewarded by the welfare state than the paid work that characterizes mens lives. On the other hand, women have become empowered as citizens and workers with growing participation in the political process (Siim, 1987). In the welfare state ideology also class-based distinctions tend to be silenced. In the 1970s, when the equality discourse was particularly strong in Finland, also the (business) media participated in constructing an egalitarian ideal of economic citizenship, by emphasizing the value of equality and by openly despising the owning class. Talouselm, the main business journal in Finland, positioned private business owners as exploitative capitalists, arguing that the rich and money owning families

have too much economic power and material wealth (Patja, 2011). Since then societal arrangements, discourses, and values in Finland have changed in favor of neoliberal ideals. Economic globalization has made Finnish business and industry increasingly dependent on international capital markets, and resulted in a profound change in the relationship between corporations and their stakeholders (Tainio, 2006; Patomki, 2007). After the economic crises of the early 1990s, neoliberal politics focusing on the smooth operation of the private sector at the expense of the public became the framework for restructuring the Finnish welfare state (Jutila, 2011; Manning and Shaw, 1998; Patomki, 2007). The goal has been to create a welfare state that continuously restructures its institutions to enhance competitiveness (Saari, 2006: 4041; Patomki, 2007: 6878). Increasing inequality in order to secure the competitiveness of Finnish economy has become a legitimate stance among political decision-makers (Saari, 2006; Jutila, 2011; Manning and Shaw, 1998). On the basis of these recent developments it seems that citizenship is increasingly determined by ones contribution to Finlands global competitive position. Intersectional analysis of economic citizenship The previous discussion has highlighted that the boundaries of citizenship are shifting and contested. To tackle the question of shifting boundaries many writers have offered expanded conceptualizations of citizenship that focus on the exclusionary discourses that establish citizenship. In this literature, the focus shifts from the legislated rights of citizenship to the ways in which citizens are produced through an array of exclusionary discursive practices (e.g. Mouffe, 1992; Jenson, 1997, 2007). Regardless of equality claims, citizenship, in most Western democracies, has been constructed through a variety of exclusions, based on gender, race, class, and sexuality, for example (Ackelsberg, 2005; Dobrowosky and Jenson 2004; Jaggar, 2005). The masculine norm that underpins most contemporary conceptions of citizenship, for instance, tends to define citizens rights and responsibilities in ways that make it difficult for women to achieve full membership in the political community as economic citizens. As Marilyn Friedman (2005: 4) has argued, with many other feminist scholars, gender and citizenship thus intersect and engage each other in a variety of ways, often through the mediation of other social institutions. Therefore there would seem to be a need to reconceptualize economic citizenship in terms that incorporate diversity on multiple levels simultaneously (see Yuval-Davis, 2006). To address the question of multiple dominations and subordination in constructing economic citizenship we draw on the notion of intersectionality that originally referred to the outcomes of the interaction

between gender and race in individual lives, social practices, cultural ideologies and institutional arrangements (Crenshaw, 1991). The concept of intersectionality is open-ended and lacking in precision and thus, can be used as a heuristic device (Davis, 2008; Anthias, 2011). Following Anthias (2009; 2011) we see intersectionality as a social process related to practices and arrangements that position social actors in particular ways. Anthias (2002) employs the concept of translocational positionality to shift the focus from groups of individuals to social spaces that exist within hierarchically organized social structures. These spaces give people forms of advantage and disadvantage, inclusion and exclusion. They can be seen as representational spheres where identities are constructed and negotiated. Such an understanding of social spaces emphasizes the relational nature of boundaries and hierarchies and recognizes the importance of context and the situated nature of claims-making (Anthias, 1998; 2009). Identity markers are thus not stable but shifting both due to external constraints and because they are deployed contextually and situationally as resources (e.g. Anthias, 2002; Essers, Benschop and Doorewaard, 2010; Gill and Ganesh, 2007; Katila, 2010). The translocational positionality framework to intersectionality (Anthias, 2009) highlights lives as situationally located and identities as relational to our location. Thus categorical formations of boundaries and hierarchies are situationally produced allowing the privileging of any categorical formation be it gender, ethnicity or class at a specific intersection. Further, the salience of social categorizations is historically specific as there are new and emerging exclusions and inclusions (Anthias, 2011). In this study, we focus on the different constellations of disadvantage and privilege in business media texts, placing emphasis on gender and class, and on the ways in which these discourses of difference underlie and organize the prominent financialist market discourse and the articulation of economic citizenship in the business media. As such the study investigates intersectionality on the representational level focusing on the symbolic and representational means in the production of difference and inequality (Anthias, 1998; Crenshaw, 1991). Materials and Methods Our empirical material consists of business newspaper articles and related online discussion concerning Perloss offshoring decision and the resulting factory shutdowns and layoffs. We find the Perlos case exemplary in the sense that it was among the first large-scale factory shutdowns of profitable units in Finland. Prior the neoliberal turn, the consensus-based industrial relations had prevented corporations from making such decisions (Vaara and Erkama, 2010). It is also a case where the potentially conflicting identities and interests of at least two economic positions collide: those of the shareholder and of the (dismissed) employee. Representations of the offshoring decision may thus fruitfully be analyzed as struggle over

legitimate economic citizenship and scrutinized for their orientation to difference: Are conflicting interests silenced or discussed? Are they reconciled or accentuated? Whose concerns and interests dominate and whose are marginalized? (Fairclough, 2003.) The data consists of journalistic and reader-produced material from Kauppalehti, which is the oldest and most established business newspaper in Finland, and currently the only printed one. Kauppalehti is an uncommitted journal that appears five times a week. It is the seventh largest newspaper in the country with a circulation of over 81 000. The importance of Kauppalehti extends beyond its printed version. Kauppalehti.fi is the leading business news service in the country. Kauppalehti also produces The Business News for one of the major TV channels as well as business news material for different media belonging to the Alma Media corporation. Established in 1898, Kauppalehti can be considered as an institution in Finnish (business) media. We argue that because of its longevity, wide reach, as well as current status as the only printed business daily in Finland, Kauppalehti is likely to have interpretive and agenda-setting functions for managerial discourse that shape perceptions of legitimate economic citizenship, managerial practices, as well as industrial and economic relations in Finland. The press material includes Kauppalehtis news articles, commentaries and editorials on the topic (28 articles) from January 17, the day after the factory shutdowns were announced, to the end of 2007. The online discussion (96 messages) selected for analysis followed the online publication of the Perlos news on Kauppalehtis website. The online authors write under pseudonyms, and the messages are produced by 47 different authors. On the account that all the commentaries are written in Finnish and appear on the forum of a Finnish-language newspaper, we assume that all commentators have a connection to Finland and hold at least some knowledge of Finnish culture and society. Drawing from poststructuralist discourse theory, we analyze the empirical material as illustrative of discursive struggle (Laclau and Mouffe, 1985/2001) over the cultural meanings and norms of economic citizenship. We see discourses as open and flexible systems of meaning, including vocabularies, values and beliefs that work as resources for representation and positioning. Discourses are performative or generative forces that work through constructing categories, relations of difference and equivalence, and inclusionary/exclusionary boundaries, thereby enabling the construction, but also the challenging, of power relations and structures of domination (Laclau and Mouffe, 1985/2001; Yuval-Davis, 2006; Ashcraft, 2007; Anthias, 2009). The analysis focuses on the nuances of market discourse, which seems to be prevalent and widely accepted in the business media. Analyses of marketization have shown how market discourse may gain influence

through colonizing other domains of activity and working as a universal rationality (e.g. Fairclough, 1992; du Gay and Pryke, 2002; Simpson and Cheney, 2007). For this reason it is important to critically examine the workings of market discourse also in its supposedly more proper or original home domains. Kauppalehti is targeted at readers with a positive inclination towards business and investment, and in this community, the offshoring decision can presumably be represented in an overtly positive light. Similarly, commentators on Kauppalehtis online forums are likely to represent a rather specific fraction of the Finnish public, as (at least potential) readers of the business newspaper, and/or generally active users of the Internet. The material chosen for this study thus represents discursive practices of a loose business-oriented community rather than the discursive landscape of Finland or the Nordic welfare society more broadly. This study focuses on the work of market discourse, i.e. the functions it performs or serves (Ashcraft, 2007) especially in (re-)articulating economic citizenship. The starting point of our analysis is that the internal borders of economic citizenship are subject to constant contestation (Ferguson, 1993; McCall, 2005; Yuval-Davis, 2006), and texts, written or spoken, can be seen as actions participating in the contextual and situational construction of positionalities (Anthias, 2002, 2009). The analysis focuses on the ways in which categories and boundaries are negotiated within market discourse through discursive practices of othering, difference, and dissociation and on the other hand, identification, equivalence, and association. We started our analysis by reading all the articles and online comments to get an overall picture of the content of the texts. Then we carefully analyzed which actors were represented in the texts and how they were positioned. We further looked at who were excluded, on the basis of cultural and contextual knowledge of potentially relevant or involved parties. Then we analyzed the representational choices made in describing different economic actors by focusing weather the actors were 1) personalized or impersonalized, 2) activated or passivized, and 3) associated with or dissociated from others (van Leeuwen, 2008: 2347). The last round on analysis focused on identifying what kind of duties and rights were ascribed to different actors. Because we were primarily interested in assumptions and views that might be consensual or normalized in the business media, we focused on the hegemonic or preferred reading (Hall, 1980; Fairclough, 1992) of the newspaper articles, and on online comments that went unchallenged in the online discussion. However, recognizing that hegemony can only ever be partial and incomplete, an attempt of closure (Laclau and Mouffe, 1985/2001), we will also elaborate on tensions and points of contestation as we go along.

Findings In this section we will first discuss our findings concerning Kauppalehti news reporting, which will be followed by the findings concerning Kauppalehti online discussions. We will discuss the general character of news reporting and web discussions on the Perlos case and analyze the positioning acts and representational choices made in constructing ideal economic citizenship. In addition, we will assess how different identity markers and discourses of difference intersect in constructing ideal economic citizens and how the rights and duties of different economic citizenship categories are articulated. Kauppalehti The corporation as the ideal economic citizen The articles of the business newspaper Kauppalehti are characterized by an extremely factual, detached and objectivist style void of emotions, which may be considered typical to news reporting. Read as a whole the data suggests that the overall goal of Kauppalehtis Perlos reporting is to calm down the market by avoiding negative and pessimistic reporting after Perloss offshoring decision. Our analysis of representational choices reveals that the key economic citizens in Kauppalehti are corporations in general and Perlos in particular and, to a lesser extent, the investor community and Finnish government. By contrast, the employees of Perlos are practically non-existent in the articles. Elevating, gendering, and classing the corporate actor. The importance of corporations in Kauppalehti is highlighted by activation. In Kauppalehti articles, Perlos is discursively portrayed as an autonomous corporate actor operating in a community with other corporate actors. The market is thus represented as a network of interorganizational relationships (Cheney, 2004). Within this network, corporations compete, co-operate, and fight for contracts with the largest and most powerful corporate actors. To a certain extent, corporations are also personalized. Perlos is even described as the company self and Perlos self. The corporation is positioned as an active humanlike agent, which, among other things, refuses to tell, moves quickly, fights toughly, and anticipates changes. In short, the corporation is represented as a subject. By contrast, managers are often passivized and represented in an instrumental role or as mere spokespersons for the corporation. Interestingly, Kauppalehti is eager to nationalize the corporations: American Jabil Circuit, Taiwanese Green Point, American Solectron, Foxconn from Hong Kong. The nationality of Finnish companies is mentioned occasionally, when they are juxtaposed with competitors from other countries. Nationality does not, however, appear to be an important identity marker for the corporation. It is used mainly as a descriptive adjective, whereas size and economic power appear as more important identity markers. The largest corporate actors (Nokia, Sony Ericsson, BenQ/Siemens) appear in the texts as transnational or global actors, which

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are nationalized very seldom. Their importance is emphasized through metaphoric expressions like the great mobile phone giants. In this way, the articles construct a hierarchy of corporations in the global arena where the giants on top of the hierarchy are dictating the rules and forcing the subcontractors to compete fiercely over the constantly decreasing profits. Perlos, once again undergoing strict reorganization, and other Finnish contract manufacturers have to struggle ever more fiercely for Nokia orders (KL 2). The representation of the corporation as an autonomous actor and active agent in Kauppalehti easily appears neutral due to the factual and objectivist style of the articles. However, the discourses used in the construction of the corporate actor carry subtexts that can be seen as gendered and classed. The texts depict corporations as instrumentally rational, aggressive, competitive, self-assertive, goal directed, individualist, and in control all characteristics associated with managerial masculinity (see for example, Alvesson and Due Billing, 1997: 84; Katila and Eriksson, 2011; Kerfoot and Knights, 1998; Tienari et al., 2010). In the Kauppalehti articles, these attributes are portrayed as natural, legitimate and valued. Managerial masculinity goes hand in hand with (upper) middleclass social position. The corporation described in the Kauppalehti articles may be seen as representative of upper middleclass global capitalist elite. It is mobile and transnational it can freely move capital and factories over national borders to locations where economic conditions are more favourable a right denied from the working poor. It can further legitimately disregard the harm inflicted upon people, other companies, regions and nations by its strategic moves. It can treat people as disposable resources in the service of the corporation. Metaphors like the great mobile phone giants and big players highlight their masculine and dominating class position. There are, however, also some duties placed upon the corporation in the articles. As a good economic citizen the corporation is expected to be an up-to-date and proactive transnational profit-maximizer. Instrumentalizing the nation state. The role of the nation state in the articles is mainly reduced to an economic citizen at the service of the corporations. This positioning marks an interesting shift in relation to the egalitarian ideal of the Nordic welfare state, where the state is traditionally regarded to service all citizens in the name of social justice and equality, either with the support of, or as a balancing counterforce to, corporations and the market. The nationalizing and localizing practices of Kauppalehti construct subtle hierarchies of nations according to their ability to provide favorable conditions for corporations. The news reports construct a category of countries that are equivalent especially with reference to one important feature from the point of view of the corporate actor, namely cheap labor. This category is referred to as cheap countries or low labor cost countries. A strategy of juxtapositioning is used in the newspaper to

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imply that Finland is an expensive country, opposite to what is constructed as good and valuable. There are bound to be more offshoring decisions and layoffs in Finland in the future, in line with Perlos for example the price of labor per hour is around twenty euros in Finland, whereas in India it is 50 cents, and in Eastern European countries a few euros (KL13). Orienting to the implicit investor. None of the Kauppalehti articles questions the legitimacy of the offshoring decision, which is represented as a sound business decision in accordance with the dominant market principle of shareholder value maximization. The dominant discourse of Kauppalehti may be characterized as financialist or shareholder-oriented (see also Hirsto and Moisander, 2010). The financialist discourse may be understood as a specific type of market discourse (Cheney, 2004; Simpson and Cheney, 2007) that coronates the shareholder (instead of, or along with, the consumer) as the king of market, and redefines corporate activities in terms of shareholder interests (e.g. Lazonick and OSullivan 2000; Ezzamel et al. 2008). The role of the investor citizen is, however, downplayed via representational choices. The investor citizen is impersonalized in the articles by representing investors as an abstract collective actor, the market, which is then used to evoke and consolidate exigence or pressure for change (Cheney, 2004: 73). The investor is also dominantly passivated by describing the actions of the investor indirectly through reference to stock price movements. The investor gets voice through the analysts of big banks who articulate the duties of the investor: to analyze the market and to make sound investment decisions based on profit maximizing criteria only. The way investors are represented leaves investors faceless without any clear identity markers. Devaluing and silencing the employee. In Kauppalehti articles the employees of Perlos as economic citizens are dominantly excluded. They are impersonalized by representing them in passing as numbers in statistics. Perloss employees are also passivated by using indirect decision making rhetoric void of human beings: Perlos is shutting down its factories in Finland; Perlos is under fierce reorganization; skimmed cost structure in the future; looking for 100 million yearly cost savings. The people hit by these decisions are silenced. The articles do, however, construct hierarchies between employees in the global market by dissociating Finnish employees from ideal global employees who can do the same job cheaper. Moreover, Perloss employees as future unemployed are indirectly dissociated also from ideal-unemployed. In an article that refers to earlier mass layoffs of Perlos in 2005 as a jackpot for regional industry, a subtle hierarchy is constructed between people laid off in 2005 and those facing layoffs in 2007 respectively, based on their locality and a few partly implicit identity markers. The employees laid off in 2005 are described as young (average age 33), well educated, willing to work, and easily employable. In comparison to them, the new group of unemployed in North Carelia is described as much more difficult to melt (KL18), implying that

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they do not match the optimal criteria of unemployed citizens. Their ability to service the economy in the future is discursively constructed as limited. In reality, the employees of Perlos are well educated and represent middle class property owners in Finland. Nevertheless, the articles place them in a working class position without voice or choice. Their only relevant identity marker in the articles is the price of labor. According to the dominant financialist discourse of the business newspaper, the duties of employees as economic citizens in Finland, and elsewhere, are to be effective, cheap and at the service of the corporation. The rights of the employees in regard to the corporation are excluded altogether. As Cheney (2004) notes, within a market-oriented frame for values, notions of efficiency and productivity are likely to override social concerns for employees rights. The Finnish employees are, however, granted the right to have government support in times of unemployment, which is in line with the values and laws of the welfare state. However, the right to employment, which is a principle included in the Constitution of Finland and has long been the corner stone of the Finnish welfare state, is silenced and implicitly refuted, making it increasingly difficult for the current and future unemployed to claim rights and voice as full (economic) citizens and members of society. Kauppalehti online Constructing the transnational investor citizen At first glance, writing in the Kauppalehti online forum seems very similar to Kauppalehti news reporting. However, a careful analysis of the positioning acts taking place in the comments reveals that the texts are quite different. Compared to Kauppalehti news reporting, the online discussions are more emotional and nuanced in metaphoric expressions. The positions of economic citizens are also shifting, as the corporation is off-staged and the investor limelighted. However, the role of employees remains marginal also in the online discussions of Kauppalehti. Further of interest is that global class relations are explicitly spelled out and nationalistic sentiments more openly expressed. Prioritizing, gendering, and classing the stockholder-investor. The main actor in the texts is the stockholder-investor, a position dominantly taken by the authors in the Kauppalehti online discussion. The stockholderinvestor is personalized and activated by describing him/her as a selfinterested, rational, calculative, and professional actor. Expression of emotions is also allowed if it concerns profit made or lost: The cost cutting goals (of Perlos) are really extensive and when they are realized they will bring substantive dividends to the owners. This is fantastic news for the stockholders. Now we are moving upwards! (KL@6.) The hierarchical positioning of the stockholder-investor and the corporation as economic citizens is clearly articulated: the corporation is useful as long as it benefits the stockholder-investor.

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The discourse from which the majority of online comments draw can be called investor community discourse. It is similar to the financialist discourse of the Kauppalehti newspaper in prioritizing cost cutting and shareholder value, and in disregarding responsibilities towards the nation state and the local community. In addition, the investor community discourse is characterized by the expression of enjoyment in investing and by competitive rivalry between participants. The discourse thus treats the market as an arena for play and profit (Cheney, 2004). When drawing from this discourse in the social site of business media, the authors situationally associate with the transnational investor community and dissociate from the community of Finns. The discourse can further be characterized as masculine and upper middle-class. It draws on managerial masculinity by emphasizing calculative rationality, aggressiveness, individuality, autonomy, self-interest and power over others, especially corporations and their employees (e.g. Alvesson and Due Billing, 1997; Katila and Eriksson, 2011; Kerfoot and Knights, 1998; Tienari et al., 2010). Further, authors taking an investor position in the online discussion seem to perform masculinities that are congruent with masculinities in the fields of economics and finance in general (see Herrmann, 2007). The rights and duties of the stockholder-investor as an economic citizen are clearly articulated in the online commentaries. The list of duties is very short: invest successfully! The stockholder-investor has, however, several rights: the right to disregard suffering inflicted to people, corporations, regions or states; the right to benefit from the exploitation of poor global workers and the right to be openly economically self-interested and boast about private wealth made. But hey honestly: By owning Perlos you can exploit Asians. They practically work for free for stockholders dividends. Aggravating they are slaves controlled by stockholders. I would not put more than 5 % of my portfolio on Perlos. But there are a lot interesting companies listed for whom the Chinese and Indians will work for a couple of hundred for a whole month, and they work long days, as long as they can stay on their feet. When the bloke can no longer take it, there will be hundreds like him waiting by the factory gate to take his place. Lets burn them off so that money will be pouring in to the welfare societies. Could it be any easier? Just buy the stock of suitable companies and indirectly your interests are served by thousands of slaves. (KL@17.) The bold comment cited above may be also interpreted as an ironic appropriation of financialist discourse, realized through overidentification with the position of an exploiter (Fleming, 2005). The comment highlights the unequal labor relations often hidden by the neutral discourse of the market, and may thus be read as an act of resistance. As Fleming (2005) notes, ironic/cynical resistance is, by definition, premised on intimacy and (quasi-)identification with dominant discourses, which makes it essentially ambiguous by nature. In our view, comments such as this one may best be interpreted as token criticism, where the deficiency of the prevailing system

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is passingly noted but, at the same time, overlooked through a pragmatic, exploitative attitude that confirms it as natural or inevitable. The rights granted to the stockholder-investor in the online commentaries seem to be in contradiction with other, enduring values of the Finnish welfare state, such as just distribution of wealth, equality between people regardless of wealth, and modesty in showing wealth. As such, the textual representations deployed contribute to the rearticulation of social hierarchies and moral landscape in Finnish society. Investor responsibility is further discursively managed in the texts by diminishing the role of private small investors and by shoving responsibility e.g. onto the abstract process of globalization, or professionalism: The small investor is not to blame however when the big winds blow (KL@56). People who are somehow involved in investing activities will hardly practice charity when investing successfully, this comes with the profession! (KL@52.) Instrumentalizing and moralizing the corporation. In the online texts, the corporation seems to lose some of its agency. While in Kauppalehti articles the corporation is clearly the main economic citizen, in the online discussions it is dominantly positioned in an instrumental role as an object, as a stock bought and sold at the market (see also Hirsto, 2011). The actions of corporations are reported but the focus is not on what the company is doing in terms of products and innovations but rather how the stock prices are influenced by the company actions and how it benefits the stockholder. The rights and duties of the corporation are, however, more contested in the online commentaries than in Kauppalehti articles. The dominant discourse of the online texts grants the corporation the same rights as the newspaper articles. However, there is also another discourse, evoked in relatively few comments and therefore remaining marginal, which denies the very same rights. This discourse, which is nationalistic and moralistic in nature, implies that corporations have responsibilities beyond keeping stockholders satisfied. In the marginal discourse, Perlos is represented in a rather unflattering position as the traitor of Finland. Through metaphoric and emotional expressions, the authors articulate the principles according to which Perlos was expected to behave. It seems that Perlos feels that there will be no more government support available here (in Finland), thus it is moving to China, to the bosom of the communist party. (KL@13.) The nationalistic-moralistic discourse can be seen as resisting the dominant investor community discourse by taking distance from its principles. The first duty of the corporation is to serve the interests of the Finnish nation and nation state. It is clearly implicated that the former success of Perlos (and other Finnish corporations) was not solely based on its ability to compete in the open market. Rather the company owes some of its success to the Finnish nation state, which has allocated financial support and highly educated employees to Perlos over the years. Thus, according to the

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nationalistic-moralistic discourse, Perlos is not fulfilling its responsibilities as an economic citizen by closing factories in Finland while building new ones in China. The unacceptable nature of Perloss decision is made exceptionally clear by contrasting it with the heroic actions of Finnish soldiers in the Second World War, when the Soviet Union was threatening Finlands independence: I am glad that these managers were not in on Raatteen tie and in other important settlements 39-40. (KL@.) The Raatteen tie battle carries a mythical meaning in Finnish war history. It is famous for the courageousness of the soldiers who did not surrender or leave the front even though losses were drastic. Authors drawing from the nationalistic-moralistic discourse thus implicitily position themselves as patriots. Decoupling investors from employees. While corporations as well as stockowner-investors as economic citizens are differently positioned in the online texts compared to Kauppalehti articles, the position of the employees remains the same, i.e. marginal, also in the online discussions of Kauppalehti. HELLO! The company has performed poorly for long. Now it is kicking off the staff according to legislation. Why an earth should it (Perlos) pay something because it has done everything according to law I suppose it could have stayed in Kontiolahti if they (the employees) would have agreed to work for 500 euro/month. Who can afford to pay an assembly line worker over a thousand a month, when the Asians will do the same job for a couple of hundred. Because we already have the factories here, it would be wise to pay 500 euro/month. (KL@37.) Given the living expenses in Finland, with 500 /month one could afford the rent for a small flat with no money left for food. The extract illustrates the impersonalizing practices of representing employees in the investor community discourse, which dominates discussion in Kauppalehti online forums. It further articulates the position of the employee at the bottom of the economic citizenship hierarchy. The authors drawing from the investor community discourse position the employees, weather in Finland or elsewhere, as factors of production solely. The employee is present as a number or cost; hence, the only relevant identity marker of the employee is price. The difference between the Finnish employee and the Asian employee is decided on the axis between (too) expensive cheap. Further, the online commentaries articulate the position of the employee in colonial relations of global capitalism, explicitly constructing hierarchies between ideal and sub-ideal employees. Even the authors drawing from the nationalist-moralist discourse retain from talking about the employees directly. Human-related concerns are expressed via proxy, the non-human entity, and through resorting to metonymic, abstracting and objectifying rhetoric, where people are represented by locations, entities, prices, or even industries: This is a really sad day for Finnish plastic industry and for the region of North

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Carelia (KL@15); Yeah, hard luck for Kontiolahti tax revenue. (KL@32.) Overall, Perloss employees appear in the Kauppalehti online forums as faceless others who live elsewhere, who we writing from a stockholders position do not know, and who we are not. It may be argued that the employee as a human being and a co-citizen is actively excluded in the constitutive sense (Laclau 2005). The (transnational) investor is thus articulated as an ideal economic citizen through the negation of the excluded employee. Importantly, the categories of us and them, the mobile, autonomous investors and the dependent, deprived employees, are mostly represented as distinct and not interlinked or interdependent. We argue that this decoupling serves several discursive functions (Ashcraft, 2007). It works to create moral distance to the potentially problematic premises and social consequences of investment activities and to legitimize investment activities that are based on self-interest only. In this way, it enables the establishment of a new type of valued economic citizenship based on personal wealth management instead of, for example, earning a living, supporting others, commitment, or loyalty to the employer. Finally, the distinction works to build a sense of community through forming a chain of equivalence among those who are willing and capable to identify with the new ideal of economic citizenship. However, it must be noted that even though the distinction between investors and employees is prominent in the business media, not all commentators accept the decoupling of the two categories. Indeed, through pointing to the interlinkages of different economic actors and activities, for example shareholding and exploitation of global workers, some commentators manage to evoke the moral and political aspects of shareholding (e.g. social responsibility) and to criticize the neoliberal order. Conclusions and discussion In this paper, our aim has been to contribute to a better understanding of the ways in which the ever more prevalent shareholder oriented, financialist discourses and practices of organizing marketplace activity exert their influence in contemporary market economies, rearticulating the sociopolitical relationships, hierarchies and identities through which individuals and categories of individuals are defined and represented as citizens. By means of an empirical study that focuses on media representations of a major factory shutdown in the context of a Nordic welfare state, we have elaborated and illustrated the ways in which the financialist and investor community discourses render citizenship intelligible in exceedingly economic terms, i.e. as economic citizenship, and the ways in which this articulation of citizenship is based on and reproduces gendered and classed meanings.

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Our study illustrates, in particular, how the business press, in unison with the online investor community, actively constructs hierarchies of economic citizens where two actors claim full and ideal economic citizenship: the transnational corporation and the transnational investor. Within these ideal economic citizenship positions, particular systems of privilege intersect in similar ways, rendering them masculine and upper middleclass. These positions bear some resemblance to the ideal entrepreneur of business press discourse (Gill, 2012): similarly to ideal entrepreneurship, ideal economic citizenship in our study values ownership over labor, stresses the ability to recognize and capitalize on opportunity, and carries gendered and classed meanings. The innovative entrepreneur analyzed by Gill may arguably be considered another type of ideal economic citizenship that is available within contemporary market discourse. The financialist discourses that dominate the business media in our study foreground corporations and investors as economic actors, marginalizing other actors involved in or affected by corporate activities most notably, employees. Corporations and investors are represented as autonomous, self-interested, aggressive and mobile, making the position of the (ideal) economic citizen available primarily for masculine, upper middleclass subjects. The ideal nature, i.e. the intrinsic legitimacy and value of this kind of economic citizenship, is cemented through the acknowledgement of several privileged rights, including the right to disregard potential harm or suffering inflicted on people, corporations, regions or states; the right to benefit from the exploitation of poor global workers; and the right to openly act upon pure economic self-interest. The findings of the study thus support Sassens (1996) argument that globalization erodes some of the preconditions of citizenship like the principled right to work and the right to economic wellbeing by granting economic citizenship to firms and markets instead of people. The (re-)articulation of ideal economic citizenship in the business media may be interpreted as a hegemonic intervention that seeks to fix the meaning of economic citizenship in a way that excludes certain ways of being, puts up new internal borders of citizenship, creates new hierarchies, and, in addition, makes the new types of ideal economic citizenship appear as natural and universal. In the business media, the articulation of ideal economic citizenship is crucially based on the exclusion and rejection of the worker-citizen or wage-earner-citizen and, more generally, of identities that are (too) bound to place or rigid to change. As the voices of the actual people facing the layoffs might endanger the celebration of the mobile transnational citizenship epitomized by corporations and investors, they are simply excluded from the representations of the factory shutdowns. This practice resonates with Holmer Nadesans (2001) observation that optimistic or celebratory articulations of globalization in the business press are constructed in large part by silences and absences. The business

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press interpretations of ideal economic citizenship are thus normalized in a way that leaves little room for alternative interpretations and resistance. The study indicates that the naturalization of the financialist discourse has implications also in terms on identity construction. The majority of authors in the online discussions position themselves situationally as upper class masculine and mobile capitalist elite. The positioning may be strategic and even ironic (e.g. Essers, Benschop and Doorewaard, 2010; Cohen and Musson, 2000; Gill and Ganesh, 2007; Fleming, 2005; Katila, 2010) nevertheless, it implicates that the position has become a valued identity and fantasized position in the Finnish welfare state. Through identifying with the cross-border economic electorate (Sassen, 1996) who can move capital across borders, the stockholder-investor citizen is liberated from moral obligations and restraints placed upon citizens of nation states. Discursive struggle, by definition, entails struggle between hegemonic and counter-hegemonic elements. Adjusting the perspective, the construction and enactment of financialist discourses may thus also be regarded as an act of resistance that undermines or unsettles a prior hegemony that of the national welfare state. From this perspective, the financialist discourse may be interpreted as a novel framing, which helps to finally replace the idea of Finland as an independent, unitary nation a notion that is already in flux and under pressure from many angles. In its place, the financialist discourse suggests an alternative, individualistic interpretation of democracy and independence typical to market discourses more generally: market democracy as a (seemingly) post-nationalistic, open, inclusive, and equal system where consumers and investors define the rules and conditions of business in an environment free from governmental intrusion (Rose, 2000; Cheney, 2004; Simpson and Cheney, 2007). As many critical scholars contend, however, the ideal of market democracy is inherently problematic, as the possibilities of citizens to participate in the market system are severely affected by structural inequities, and unevenly distributed both geographically and demographically (Holmer Nadesan, 2001). Whether interpreted as hegemonic or counter-hegemonic, the financialist discourses clearly play a significant role in the discursive struggle over economic citizenship in the business media. We argue that by naturalizing and unifying meanings of economic citizenship and by disregarding social and human-related concerns in ways discussed above, the business media engages in the practice of moral regulation. The masculine dominant class position of the ideal economic citizen obviously stands in contradiction with the persisting egalitarian values of the Finnish welfare state, which emphasize equality between citizens regardless of gender and class. It seems, then, that despite its apparent progressive and liberal ethos, the financialist discourses that dominate the business media are likely to reproduce if not reinforce conservative gender and class hierarchies.

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