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TheFormsof Capital 47

lIIaximize monetary profit cannot be defined tions, and at the cost of the more or less expen-
2 (Ill Rueh without producing the purposeless
I'nality of cultural or artistic practices and
sive transformations which are the precondi-
tion for its efficacy in the field in question,
Iheir products; the world of bourgeois man, capital can present itself in three fundamental
with his double-entry accounting, cannot be guises: as economic capital, which is immedi-
The Forms of Capital Invented without producing the pure, perfect
universe of the artist and the intellectual and
ately and directly convertible into money and
may be institutionalized in the form of prop-
Ihc gratuitous activities of art-for-art's sake erty rights; as cultural capital, which is con-
Pierre Bourdieu ftndpure theory. In other words, the constitu- vertible, on certain conditions, into economic
tion of a science of mercantile relationships capital and may be institutionalized in the
,.. which, inasmuch as it takes for granted the form of educational qualifications; and as
very foundations of the order it claims to ana- social capital, made up of social obligations
Iyzt..'-private property, profit, wage labor, ('connections'), which is convertible, in cer-
rlc.-is not even a science of the field of eco- tain conditions, into economic capital and
capacity to produce profits and to reproduce nomic production, has prevented the consti- may be institutionalized in the form of a title of
The social world is accumulated history, and lution of a general science ofthe economy of nobility.3
if it is not to be reduced to a discontinuous itselqn identical or expanded form, contains a
tendency to persist in its being, is a force practices, which would treat mercantile
series of instantaneous mechanical equilibria inscribed in the objectivity of things so that "~change as a particular case of exchange in all
between agents who are treated as inter- hHforms.
everything is not equally'possible or impossi-
changeable particles, one must reintroduce ble.1 And the structure of the distribution of It is remarkable that the practices and assets Cultural Capital
into it the notion of capital and with it, accu- Ihus salvaged from the 'icy water of egotistical
the different types and subtypes of capital at a
mulation and all its effects. Capital is accumu- nlleulation' (and from science) are the virtual Cultural capital can exist in three forms: in the
lated labor (in its materialized form or its given moment in time represents the imma-
nent structure of the social world, i.e., the set monopoly of the dominant class-as if embodiedstate, i.e., in the form oflong-lasting
'incorporated,' embodied form) which, when of constraints, inscribed in the very reality of l'l'Onomism had been able to reduce every- dispositions of the mind and body; in the
appropriated on a private, i.e., exclusive, basis that world, which govern its functioning in a 'hing to economics only because the reduction objectified state, in the form of cultural goods
by agents or groups of agents, enables them to durable way, determining the chances of suc- IInwhich that discipline is based protects from (pictures, books, dictionaries, instruments,
appropriate social energy in the form of reified cess for practices. .~crilegious reduction everything which machines, etc.), which are the trace or realiza-
or living labor.1t is avis insita, a force inscribed It is in fact impossible to account for the nrcds to be protected. If economics deals only tion of theories or critiques of these theories,
in objective or subjective structures, but it is structure and functioning of the social world with practices that have narrowly economic problematics, etc.; and in the institutionalized
also a lex insita, the principle underlying the unless one reintroduces capital in all its forms Intcrest as their principle and only with goods state, a form of objectification which must be
immanent regularities of the social world. It is and not solely in the one form recognized by Ihat are directly and immediately convertible set apart because, as will be seen in the case of
what makes the games of society-not least, economic theory. Economic theory has IlItomoney (which makes them quantifiable), educational qualifications, it confers entirely
the economic game-something other than allowed to be foisted upon it a definition of the Ihcn the universe of bourgeois production and original properties on the cultural capital
simple games of chance offering at every economy of practices which is the historical "~change becomes an exception and can see which it is presumed to guarantee.
moment the possibility of a miracle. ~oulette, invention of capitalism; and by reducing the IIHclf and present itself as a realm of disinter- The reader should not be misled by the
which holds out the opportunity of winning a universe of exchanges to mercantile exchange, 1'8tedness.As everyone knows, priceless somewhat peremptory air which the effort att
lot of money in a short space of time, and
therefore of changing one's social status
which is objectively and subjectively oriented ,hings have their price, and the extreme diffi- axiomization may give to my argument.4 The
toward the maximization of profit, i.e., (eco- I'ulty of converting certain practices and cer- notion of cultural capital initially presented
quasi-instantaneously, and in which the win- nomically) self-interested, it has implicitly IIllnobjects into money is only due to the fact itself to me, in the course of research, as a the-
ning of the previous spin of the wheel can be defined the other forms of exchange as Ihat this conversion is refused in the very oretical hypothesis which made it possible to
staked and lost at every new spin, gives a fairly IlIIention that produces them, which is noth- explain the unequal scholastic achievement of
noneconomic, and therefore disinterested. In
accurate image of this imaginary universe of IlIgother than the denial (Verneinung) of the children originating from the different social
particular, it defines as disinterested those
perfect competition or perfect equality of forms of exchange which ensure the transub- peonomy. A general science of the economy of classes by relating academic success, Le., the
opportunity, a world without inertia, without stantiation whereby the most material types of IlrRctices, capable of reappropriating the specific profits which children from the dif-
accumulation, without heredity or acquired totality of the practices which, although ferent classes and class fractions can obtain in
capital-those which are economic in the
properties, in which every moment is per- restricted sense-can present themselves in ubjectively economic, are not and cannot be the academic market, to the distribution of
fectly independent of the previous one, every the immaterial form of cultural capital or Nodally recognized as economic, and which cultural capital between the classes and class
soldier has a marshal's baton in his knapsack, ran be performed only at the cost of a whole fractions. This starting point implies a break
social capital and vice versa. Interest, in the
and every prize can be attained, instanta- restricted sense it is given in economic theory, Inbor of dissimulation 'or, more precisely, with the presuppositions inherent both in the
neously, by everyone, so that at each moment cannot be produced without producing its fllphemization, must endeavor to grasp capital commonsense view, which sees academic suc-
anyone can become anything. Capital, which, negative counterpart, disinterestedness. The IlI1dprofit in all their forms and to establish the cess or failure as an effect of natural aptitudes,
in its objectified or embodied forms, takes Inwswhereby the different types of capital (or and in human capital theories. Economists
time to accumulate and which, as a potential class of practices whose explicit purpose is to
power, which amounts to the same thing) might seem to deserve credit for explicitly
'\\II! change into one another.l " raising the question of the relationship
From J. E. Richardsun (cd.), /!tmt//lllol: of Theory of Researchfor Ihe Sociolol{VofF-tlt/t'IIl;O/l I)epcnding on thc field in whieh it rune. hl:twcl:n the rates of profit on educational
« "','('nwunll'rcsN, IIJKh);2415K. Translnlcd hy Richard Nicc. Rcprintl.d hy 1"""IIiMMinll.
8 The Fonns of Capital
investment and on economic investment (and
its evolution). But their measurement of the
mental state, it is linked to the body and pre-
supposes embodiment. The accumulation of
tlllI'OI1Ndously,It always remains marked by
11. 1'llI'liuslconditions of acquisition which,
The Forms of Capital
appropriation between an agent and the
(~
resources objectively available, and hence the
yield from scholastic investment takes cultural capital in the embodied state, i.e., in Ihl'Olll(h the more or less visible marks they profits they produce, is mediated by the rela-
account only of monetary investments and the form of what is called culture, cultivation, 11'11
VI'(Muchas the pronunciations characteris- tionship of (objective and/ or subjective) com-
profits, or those directly convertible into Bi/dung, presupposes a process of embodi- Ih 0111clnssor region), help to determine its petition between himself and the other
money, such as the costs of schooling and the ment, incorporation, which, insofar as it .lllIrhwtive value, It cannot be accumulated possessors of capital competing for the same
cash equivalent of time devoted to study; they implies a lab or of inculcation and assimilation, IlI'yond the appropriating capacities of an goods, in which scarcity-and through it
are unable to explain the different proportions costs time, time which must be invested per- IIlIlIvlllul1lagent; it declines and dies with its social value-is generated. The structure of
of their resources which different agents or sonally by the investor. Like the acquisition of 111111'1'1'(with his biological capacity, his mem- the field, i.e., the unequal distribution of cap-
different social classes allocate to economic a muscular physique or a suntan, it cannot be 1111', l'I'C.).Because it is thus linked in numer- ital, is the source of the specific effects of cap-
investment and cultural investment because done at second hand (so that all effects of del- '11I11wnys to the person in his biological ital, i.e., the appropriation of profits and the
they fail to take systematic account of the egation are ruled out). "lIl(lIlnrity and is subject to a hereditary trans- power to impose the laws offunctioning ofthe
structure of the differential chances of profit The work of acquisition is work on oneself 111INNlon which is always heavily disguised, or field most favourable to capital and its repro-
which the various markets offer these agents (self-improvement), an effort that presup- I'ITn Invisible, it defies the old, deep-rooted duction.
or classes as a function of the volume and the poses a personal cost (on paie de sa personne, as ,ltllll1wrion the Greek jurists made between But the most powerful principle of the
composition of their assets (see esp. Becker we say in French), an investment, above all of IlIhlll'lIl;dproperties (ta patroa) and acquired symbolic efficacy of cultural capital no doubt
19Mb). Furthermore, because they neglect to time, but also of that socially constituted form 1"IIPI.rties(epikteta), i.e., those which an indi- lies in the logic of its transmission. On the one
relate scholastic investment strategies to the of libido, libido sciendi, with all the privation, Ihlllnlndds to his heritage. It thus manages to hand, the process of appropriating objectified
whole set of educational strategies and to the renunciation, and sacrifice that it may entail. '1IlI1hil1ethe prestige of innate property with cultural capital and the time necessary for it to
It follows that the least inexact of all the mea- Ihl l1tul'itsof acquisition. Because the social take place mainly depend on the cultural cap-
system of reproduction strategies, they
surements of cultural capital are those which
inevitably, by a necessary paradox, let slip the I,ulllhions of its transmission and acquisition ital embodied in the whole family-through
best hidden and socially most determinant take as their standard the length of acquisi- ., I I1wre disguised than those of economic (among other things) the generalized Arrow
educational investment, namely, the domestic tion-so long, of course, as this is not reduced 1111'hnl, it is predisposed to function as sym- effect and all forms of implicit transmission.'
transmission of cultural capital. Their studies to length of schooling and allowance is made 1IIIIh'cnpital, i.e., to be unrecognized as capital On the other hand, the initial accumulation of
of the relationship between academic ability for early domestic education by giving it a pos- .lIlIt I'l'cognized as legitimate competence, as cultural capital, the precondition for the fast,
and academic investment show that they are itive value (a gain in time, a head start) or a .11 tIhelI'ity exerting an effect of (mis )recogni- easy accumulation of every kind of useful cul-
negative value (wasted time, and doubly so
unaware that ability or talent is itself the prod- 111111,o.g" in the matrimonial market and in all tural capital, starts at the outset, without
uct of an investment of time and cultural cap- because more time must be spent correcting ,I... II1lu'ketsin which economic capital is not delay, without wasted time, only for the off-
ital (Becker 1964a: 63-6). Not surprisingly, its effects), according to its distance from the IlIlIy I'eeognized,whether in matters of cul- spring of families endowed with strong cul-
when endeavoring to evaluate the profits of demands of the scholastic marke,t.s 11111' with the great art collections or great cul- tural capital; in this case, the accumulation
scholastic investment, they can only consider This embodied capital, external wealth IIlI'n ifoundations, or in social welfare, with the period covers the whole period of socializa-
converted into an integral part of the person, It'lIlIomy of generosity and the gift. Further- tion. It follows that the transmission of cul-
the profitabmty of educational expenditure
for society as a whole, the 'social rate of into a habitus, cannot be transmitted instanta- 111111'11,
the specifically symbolic logic of dis- tural capital is no doubt the best hidden form
neously (unlike money, property rights, or
return,' or the 'social gain of education as mea- IIII"llon additionally secures material and of hereditary transmission of capital, and it
even titles of nobility) by gift or bequest, pur- q\llIho!ic profits for the possessors of a large therefore receives proportionately greate
sured by its effects on national productivity'
(Becker 19Mb: 121,155),This typicallyfunc- chase or exchange. It follows that the use or IlIhuntl capital: any given cultural compe- weight in the system of reproduction strate )
tionalist definition of the functions of educa-exploitation of cultural capital presents ,par- 11'IWl' (e.g" being able to read in a world ofillit- gies, as the direct, visible forms of transmis-
tion ignores the contribution which the ticular problems for the holders of economic 1'1'1111111) derives a scarcity value from its sion tend to be more strongly censored and
or political capital, whether they be private I"IMIIion in the distribution of cultural capital controlled.
educational system makes to the reproduction
of the social structure by sanctioning the patrons or, at the other extreme, entrepre- Ill1dyidds profits of distinction for its owner. It can immediately be seen that the link
hereditary transmission of cultural capital. neurs employing executives endowed with a III 01her words, the share in profits which between economic and cultural capital is
From the very beginning, a definition of specific cultural competence (not to mention 1II'IIreecultural capital secures in class-divided established through the mediation of the time
human capital, despite its humanistic conno- the new state patrons). How can this capital, lllU~lctiesis based, in the last analysis, on the needed for acquisition. Differences in the cul-
tations, does not move beyond economism so closely linked to the person, be bought (,wt Ihat all agents do not have the economic tural capital possessed by the family imply dif-
and ignores, inter alia, the fact that the without buying the person and so losing the I1l1dcultural means for prolonging their chil- ferences first in the age at which the work of
~ from educational action very effect oflegitimation which presupposes Ih'~I1's education beyond the minimum neces- transmission and accumulation begins-the
depends on the cultural capital previously the dissimulation of dependence? How can IIlIrytor the reproduction of the labor-power limiting case being full use of the time biolog-
invested by the family. Moreover, the eco- this capital be concentrated-as some under- 1"1U1Ivalorized at a given moment.6 ically available, with the maximum free time
nomic and social yield of the educational qual- takings demand-without concentrating the '(,hus the capital, in the sense of the means being harnessed to maximum cultural capi-
possessors of the capital, which can have all or nppropriating the product of accumulated tal-and then in the capacity, thus defined, to
ification dep'ends on the social capital, again sorts of unwanted consequences?
inherited, which can be used to back it up. IlIhlll'in the objectified state which is held by a satisfy the specifically cultural demands of a
Cultural capital can be acquired, to a vary- ~lvel1agent, depends for its real efficacy on the prolonged process of acquisition. Further-
THE EMBODIED STATE ing extent, depending on the period, the soci- rOI'l1!of the distribution of the means ofappro- more, and in correlation with this, the length
Most of the properties of cultural capital can ety, and the social class, in the absence of any printing the accumulated and ohjeclivdy of time for which a given individual can pro-
be deduced from the fact that, in its funda- deliberate inculcation, and therefore quite IIvnilnhle I'CSCIIIrees; and the rclal iCII,,;!!ip01 101110(
his acquisition process depends on the
ThoForm. of Capitol 51
(50 : The FormsofCapital
\.-/'
1'lIhlll"IIcapitlll which has a rclntivl: nulol1omy Social Capital
period of embodiment needed to acquire the vllI'l\ viIIits hl:arl:r and even vis-a-vis the cul-
length of time for which his family can provide means of appropriating it), so the collective
him with the free time, i.e., time free from 111I'111 cnpitnl he effectively possesses at a given Social capital is the aggregate of the actual or
strength of the holders of cultural capital
economic necessity; which is the precondition would tend to increase-if the holders of the IIHllncnt in time, It institutes cultural capital potential resources which are linked to pos-
for the initial accumulation (time which can be hV l'OlIective magic, just as, according to session of a durable network of more or less
dominant type of capital (economic capital)
evaluated as a handicap to be made up). were not able to set the holders of cultural "".rll:nu-Ponty, the living institute their dead institutionalized relationships of mutual
Ih!'llugh the ritual of mourning. One has only acquaintance and recognition--or in other
capital in competition with one another.
THE OBJECTIFIED STATE tllthink of the concours(competitiverecruit- words, to membership in a groupll-which
(They are, moreover, inclined to competition 1l1l'l1ll:xamination) which, out ofthe contin-
Cultural capital, in the objectified state, has a provides each of its members with the backing
by the very conditions in which they are 1111111 of infinitesimal differences between
number of properties which are defined only selected and trained, in particular by the logic of the collectivity-owned capital, a 'creden-
in the relationship with cultural capital in its of scholastic and recruitment competitions.) "II'filrmances, produces sharp, absolute, last- tial' which entitles them to credit, in the vari-
embodied form, The cultural capital objecti- Cultural capital in its objectified state pre-
I "11differences, such as that which separates ous senses of the word. These relationships
fied in material objects and media, such as Iht, Inst successful candidate from the first may exist only in the practical state, in mater-
sents itself with all the appearances of an
writings, paintings, monuments, instru- autonomous, coherent universe which, 1I1\/llIccessfulone, and institutes an essential ial andlor symbolic exchanges which help to
ments, etc., is transmissible in its materiality. .11t1('rence between the officially recognized, maintain them. They may also be socially
although the product of historical action, has
A collection of paintings, for example, can be its own laws, transcending individual wills, 1IIIIII'IInteedcompetence and simple cultural instituted and guaranteed by the application
transmitted as well as economic capital (if not 1111'11111, which is constantly required to prove of a common name (the name of a family, a
and which, as the example of language well
better, because the capital transfer is more dis- 11_.11I', In this case, one sees clearly the perfor- class, or a tribe or of a school, a party, etc.) and
illustrates, therefore remains irreducible to
guised). But what is transmissible is legal that which each agent, or even the aggregate of IIhlllvl:magic of the power of instituting, the by a whole set of instituting acts designed
ownership and not (or not necessarily) what I",wl:r to show forth and secure belief or, in a simultaneously to form and inform those who
the agents, can appropriate (i.e., to the cul-
constitutes the precondition for specific WIU'd,to impose recognition. undergo them; in this case, they are more or
tural capital embodied in each agent or even in
appropriation, namely, the possession of the lIy conferring institutional recognition on less really enacted and so maintained and rein-
means of 'consuming' a painting or using a the aggregate of the agents). However, it
should not be forgotten that it exists as sym- lilt' cultural capital possessed by any given forced, in exchanges. Being based on indissol-
machine, which, being nothing other than 1\1('~nt, the academic qualification also makes it ubly material and symbolic exchanges, the
bolically and materially active, effective capi-
embodied capital, are subject to the same laws I'IIMflible to compare qualification holders and establishment and maintenance of which pre-
tal only insofar as it is appropriated by agents
of transmission. 8 "Ven to exchange them (by substituting one suppose reacknowledgment of proximity,
and implemented and invested as a weapon
Thus cultural goods can be appropriated and a stake in the struggles which go on in the 101'another in succession). Furthermore, it they are also partially irreducible to objective
both materially-which presupposes eco- fields of cultural production (the artistic field, IIInkesit possible to establish conversion rates relations of proximity in physical (geographi-
nomic capital-and symbolically-which the scientific field, etc.) and, beyond them, in IIlHween cultural capital and economic capital cal) space or even in economic and social
presupposes cultural capital. It follows that the field of the social classes-struggles in hy guaranteeing the monetary value of a given space.12
the owner of the means of production must which the agents wield strengths and obtain IlI'ademic capital.lO This product of the con- The volume of the social capital possessed
find a way of appropriating either the embod- vcrsion of economic capital into cultural capi- by a given agentthus depends on the size of the
'profits proportionate to their mastery of this 1nlestablishes the value, in terms of cultural network of connections he can effectively
ied capital which is the precondition of spe- objectified capital, and therefore to the extent !III)ital, of the holder of a given qualification mobilize and on the volume of the capital (eco-
cific appropriation or the services of the
holders of this capital. To possess the
of their embodied capital.' /
I'Cative to other qualification holders and, by nomic, cultural or symbolic) possessed in his
machines, he only needs economic capital; to THE INSTITUTIONAUZED STATE Ihe same token, the monetary value for which own right by each ofthose to whom he is con-
appropriate them and use them in accordance The objectification of cultural capital in the It cnn be exchanged on the labor market (aca- nected.13 This means that, although it is rela-
with their specific purpose (defined by the form of academic qualifications is one way of demic investment has no meaning unless a tively irreducible to the economic and cultural
cultural capital, of scientific or technical type,
neutralizing some of the properties it derives minimum degree of reversibility of the con- capital possessed by a given agent, or even by
incorporated in them), he must have access to from the fact that, being embodied, it has the vc:rsionit implies is objectively guaranteed). the whole set of agents to whom he is con-
embodied cultural capital, either in person or lIr.:causethe material and symbolic profits nected, social capital is never completely
same biological limits as its bearer. This objec-
by proxy. This is no doubt the basis of the tification is what makes the difference which the academic qualification guarantees independent of it because the exchanges insti-
ambiguous status of cadres (executives and between the capital of the autodidact, which .IKOdepend on its scarcity, the investments tuting mutual acknowledgment presuppose
engineers). Ifit is emphasized that they are not Itlllde(in time and effort) may turn out to be the reacknowledgment of a minimum of
may be called into question at any time, or objective homogeneity, and because it exerts a
the possessors (in the strictly economic sense)even the cultural capital of the courtier, which Irssprofitable than was anticipated when they
of the means of production which they use, were made (there having been a de ]acto multiplier effect on the capital he possesses in
can yield only ill-defined profits, of fluctuat- liIlangein the conversion rate between acade-
and that they derive profit from their own cul- his own right.
ing value, in the market of high-society
tural capital only by selling the services and mic capital and economic capital), The strate- The profits which accrue from member-
exchanges, and the cultural capital academi-
products which it makes possible, then they Ities for converting economic capital into ship in a group are the basis of the solidarity
will be classified among the dominated cally sanctioned by legally guaranteed qualifi-
cultural capital, which are among the short- which makes them possible.14 This does not
cations, formally independent of the person of
groups; ifit is emphasized that they draw theirtheir bearer. With the academic qualification, IeI'm factors of the schooling explosion mean that they are consciously pursued as
profits from the use of a particular form of cap-
a certificate of cultural competence which nnd the inflation of qualifications, are gov- such, even in the case of groups like select
ital, then they will be classified among the confers on its holder a conventional, constant, erned hy changes in the structure of the clubs, which are deliberately organized in
dominant groups. Everything suggests that legally guaranteed value with respect to
chances of profit offered hy the different types order to concentrate social capital and so to
as the cultural capital incorporated in the culture, social alchemy produces a form of (}fcapital. derive full benefit from the multiplier effect
meansof production increases(and withit the
~ The Forms of Capital
implied in concentration and to secure the societies, the preparation and conclusion of '1I'lIlInllllnnce'of nil their 'acquaintances'; they
The Formaof Capital

through him.) The mechanisms of delegation


53
.~.

profits of membership-material profits, marriages should be the business of the whole 111'1'
klIown to more people than they know, and and representation (in both the theatrical and
such as all the types of services accruing from group, and not of the agents directly con- 11\1'11' work of sociability, when it is exerted, is the legal senses) which fall into place-that
useful relationships, and symbolic profits, cerned. Through the introduction of new ht~hly J)I'oductive. much more strongly, no doubt, when the
such as those derived from association with a members into a family, a clan, or a club, the l~vcl'Ygroup has its more or less institution- group is large and its members weak-as one
rare, prestigious group. whole definition of the group, i.e., its fines, its 111111.11 forms of delegation which enable it to of the conditions for the concentration of
The existence of a network of connections boundaries, and its identity, is put at stake, 111I1I't'lIlratethe totality of the social capital, social capital (among other reasons, because it
is not a natural given, or even a social given, exposed to redefinition, alteration, adulter- "hil'h is the basis of the existence of the group enables numerous, varied, scattered agents to
constituted once and for all by an initial act of ation. When, as in modern societies, families act as one man and to overcome the limitations
III IlIl\IiI~or a nation, of course, but also an
institution, represented, in the case of the lose the monopoly of the establishment of ,1~_odRtlonor a party), in the hands of a single of space and time) also contain the seeds of an
family group, by the genealogical definition of exchanges which can lead to lasting relation- tI11"11I or a small group of agents and to man- embezzlement or misappropriation of the
kinship relations, which is the characteristic of ships, whether socially sanctioned (like mar- 11.111 Ihis plenipotentiary, charged with plena capital which they assemble.
a social formation. It is the product of an end- riage) or not, they may continue to control ~"'''.''II.' agendi et loquendi,16to represent the This embezzlement is latent in the fact that
less effort at institution, of which institution these exchanges, while remaining within the 1410111', to speak and act in its name and so, with a group as a whole can be represented, in the
rites-often wrongly described as rites of pas- logic of laissez-faire, through all the institu- thi IIld of this collectively owned capital, to various meanings of the word, by a subgroup,
sage-mark the essential moments and which tions which are designed to favor legitimate t -1'1'I'iHea power incommensurate with the clearly delimited and perfectly visible to all,
is necessary in order to produce and repro- exchanges and exclude illegitimate ones by '1141'111'H personal contribution. Thus, at the known to all, and recognized by all, that of the
duce lasting, useful relationships that can producing occasions (rallies, cruises, hunts, 11111" elementary degree of institutionaliza- nobiles, the 'people who are known', the para-
secure material or symbolic profits (see Bour- parties, receptions, etc.), -places (smart neigh- 111111, Ihe head of the family, the pater Jamilias, digm of whom is the nobility, and who may
dieu 1982). In other words, the network of borhoods, select schools, clubs, etc.), or prac- IIII ,'Idest, most senior member, is tacitly rec- speak on behalf of the whole group, represent
relationships is the product of investment tices (smart sports, parlor games, cultural "1I1I1~ed asthe onlyperson entitled to speakon the whole group, and exercise authority
strategies, individual or collective, con- ceremonies, etc.) which bring together, in a III,hllll'of the family group in all official cir- in the name of the whole group. The noble is
sciously or unconsciously aimed at establish- seemingly fortuitous way, individuals as , 1lIlIlIlnnces. But whereas in this case, diffuse the group personified. He bears the name of
ing or reproducing social relationships that homogeneous as possible in all the pertinent 111\"',lItionrequires the great to step forward the group to which he gives his name (the
are directly usable in the short or long term, respects in terms of the existence and persis- '"111defend the collective honor when the metonymy which links the noble to his group
i.e., at transforming contingent relations, tence of the group. 11111111I'of the weakest members is threatened, is clearly seen when Shakespeare calls Cleopa-
such as those of neighborhood, the workplace, The reproduction of social capital presup- till Institutionalized delegation, which tra 'Egypt' or the King of France 'France,' just
or even kinship, into relationships that are at poses an unceasing effort of sociability, a con- I II_III'I~Sthe concentration of social capital, as Racine calls Pyrrhus 'Epirus'). It is by him,
once necessary and elective, implying durable tinuous series of exchanges in which tll_11 hns the effect oflimiting the consequences his name, the difference it proclaims, that the
obligations subjectively felt (feelings of grati- recognition is endlessly affirmed and reaf- III IlIdividuallapses by explicitly delimiting members of his group, the liegemen, and also
tude, respect, friendship, etc.) or institution- firmed. This work, which implies expendi- I"~ponsibilities and authorizing the recog- the land and castles, are known and recog-
ally guaranteed (rights). This is done through ture of time and energy and so, directly or 1I11I,dspokesmen to shield the group as a nized. Similarly, phenomena such as the 'per-
the alchemy of consecration,the symbolic con- indirectly, of economic capital, is not prof- ",hoh' from discredit by expelling or excom- sonality cult' or the identification of parties,
stitution produced by social institution (insti- itable or even conceivable unless one invests in 11llIl1kntingthe embarrassing individuals. trade unions, or movements with their leader
tution as a relative-brother, sister, cousin, it a specific competence (knowledge' of III he internal competition for the monop- are latent in the very logic of representation.
etc.-or as a knight, an heir, an elder, etc.) and genealogical relationships and of real connec- lilt ol'legitimate representation of the group is Everything combines to cause the signifier to
endlessly reproduced in and through the tions and skill at using them, etc.) and. an 1111110 Ihreaten the conservation and accumu- take the place of the signified, the spokesmen
exchange (of gifts, words, women, etc.) which acquired disposition to acquire and maintain 1111 Ion of the capital which is the basis of the that of the group he is supposed to express, not
it encourages and which presupposes and pro- this competence, which are themselves inte- IIIIIP,the members of the group must regu- least because his distinction, his 'outstanding-
duces mutual knowledge and recognition. gral parts of this capital}S This is one of the r..111'Ihe conditions of access to the right to ness,' his visibility constitute the essential
Exchange transforms the things exchanged factors which explain why the profitability of 11I'llnreoneself a member of the group and, part, if not the essence, of this power, which,
into signs of recognition and, through the this labor of accumulating and maintaining ,.hoveItll, to set oneself up as a representative being entirely set within the logic of knowl-
mutual recognition and the recognition of social capital rises in proportion to the size of hllll,'g:tte, plenipotentiary, spokesman, etc.) edge and acknowledgment, is fundamentally a
group membership which it implies, re- the capital. Because the social capital accruing III IIll' whole group, thereby committing the symbolic power; but also because the repre-
produces the group. By the same token, it from a relationship is that much greater to the .'"'1111 capital of the whole group. The title of sentative, the sign, the emblem, may be, and
reaffirms the limits of the group, i.e., the lim- extent that the person who is the object of it is IIlIhllityis the form par excellence of the insti- create, the whole reality of groups which
its beyond which the constitutive exchange- richly endowed with capital (mainly social, IlIl'Ionalizedsocial capital which guarantees a receive effective social existence only in and
trade, commensality, or marriage-cannot but also cultural and even economic capital), 1'"1'llcularform of social relationship in a last- through representation. 17
take place. Each member of the group is thus the possessors of an inherited social capital, IIIK wny.One ofthe paradoxesof delegation is
instituted as a custodian of the limits of the symbolized by a great name, are able to trans- Ihlll the mandated agent can exert on (and, up
group: because the definition of the criteria of form all circumstantial relationships into last- 11111point, against) the group the power which Conversions
entry is at stake in each new entry, he can mod- ing connections. They are sought after for Ih(l"roup enahles him to concentrate. (This is
ify the group by modifying the limits oflegit- their social capital and, because they are well 11I,,'hnpsespecially true in the limiting cases in The different types of capital can be derived
imate exchange through some form of known, are worthy of being known ('I know which the mnndated agent creates the !(roup from economic capital, but only at the cost of a
misalliance. It is quite logical that, in most him well'); they do not need 10 'mnke the wlllch Cl'enteshil11hut whkh only l~xiNIN 11100'eor less great effort of transformation,
--- ---

54 The Forms of Capital

which is needed to produce the type of power ence of the economy of practices). The uni- The Form. orCapital 55
effective in the field in question. For example, versal equivalent, the measure of all equiva-
there are some goods and services to which lences, is nothing other than labor-time (in the
economic capital gives immediate access, widest sense); and the conservation of social ''''''''',',,'''''' ""d In "'y I" /0"'" """, 1'""-",,,"f "'o'ml"loo-pw-a<U!"ly" tb,
without secondary costs; others can be energy through all its conversions is verified ' ""y'hl"g
wh/oh hdp, ,,, dl'gul" 'h, oco- ,Im, of '''''''''10'', a crlaoal mom"", fo, ,)1
obtained only by virtue of a social capital of if, in each case, one takes into account both the ""'''h "I""" ,~" ',od, '0 Incr.." tb, ri,k nf POWOt-<ovory "'produ'rion ""togy Isa' tb,
relationships (or social obligations) which labor-time accumulated in the form of capital ,,," (''''''/o"',,ly 'h, Inu""""",.ann,) <tan.. , tIm, a I'gltlmaaon ''''''gy aim", at
cannot act instantaneously, at the appropriate and the labor-time needed to transform it h 1'.)'I'h", 'h, (app_,) in"""""'n' bil_ oon"""ring botban oxdusiv,appropriaaon
moment, unless they have been established from one type into another. 11J "1"", ddT'"nttYi''' ofoapltalintrodu"", and Its "producrlon, Wheu tb, ,ubv.,,;..
and maintained for a long time, as if for their It has been seen, for example, that the trans- · "'.h d'g'ce of UUCOttainty inm ,)1<tan,oc- crlaqu, whlohai"" '0 WOak"" tb, dominan,
own sake, and therefore outside their period of formation of economic capital into social cap- 11",,,I""Woon hold,,, ofddf=n,typos, Sim- cla" throughtb, principl,ofitsP'''''"",aon
use, i.e., at the cost of an investment in socia- ital presupposes a specific labor, i.e., an ",,,Iy. 'h, docJ.,,,, "fu'" ofoaloulaaouand by bringingto ligh, tb, "bi in"', of tb,
bility which is necessarily long-term because apparently gratuitous expenditure of time, ,,' '''''''0'"", whi'h oh"""'orlz.. oxchan"", ,uad"",,,,,ts ltansmltredand of tboir _..
the time lag is one of the factors of the trans- attention, care, concern, which, as is seen in "'"""..'" produceasocialoaP/taliu tb, funu ml,~on (,uoh .. tb, crlaqu, whi'h tb,
mutation of a pure and simple debt into the endeavor to personalize a gift, has the ,,', ""p/tolofobligarionstha,'" u,"bl, intb, Euligh'''''m'''', phikoph" d/rocred,in tb,
that recognition of nonspecific indebtedness effect of transfiguring the purely monetary "'"'''' '" ,." lougrenu(oxchan"",ofgifts,'Ot- nam, of n"ure, agaIn" tb, "bl"'riuos, of
which is called gratitude. ISIn contrast to the import of the exchange and, by the same ',,,'0,v/,/ts,'le,) n'''''' ily""""" tb, ri'k of birth) Is inoo","",,,, lu l",amaonaJ/zod
cynical but also economical transparency of token, the very meaning of the exchange. '"'' ,11
'''' iI"d" th",,,,,,, of tbatrocogniaonof mochani"", (fo, OXamp1"la", of inhOtI-
economic exchange, in which equivalents From a narrowly economic standpoint, this """'"''",ure'''
r,
d,bts whloh""h "Xchan"", !an",)aim'" at oon"oningtb, official,dire"
change hands in the same instant, the essential effort is bound to be seen as pure wastage, but ..,,, ,,, ptodu"" Sinill"ly, '00, tb, high -""/SSlou of poWOtand p,ivil'g.., tb,
ambiguity of social exchange, which presup- in the terms of the logic of social exchanges, it ", "f ""'oeahn"", of tb, <tan,m/ssiouof hold,", ofoaP/talha.. anOVOt ""'''' lu",,,,,
poses misrecognition, in other words, a form is a solid investment, the profits of which will ' " """I "pltal h.. tb, dl..dvama""(Inaddl- in,,,,"rtiug'0 r"Produ,aou''''regi", oa",bl,
offaith and of bad faith (in the sense of self- appear, in the long run, in monetary or other 11"",,, Its iuhOt"", risk. of I...,) tbat tb, of "",uring be'rer-di'guloed-""/sslon,
deception), presupposes a much more subtle form. Similarly, if the best measure of cultural .. ,",.",,/0qualifi<latlon whlohI, ItsinstI'uaou- bu, at tb, 00" of g '" 1.., of oapltal,by
economy of time. capital is undoubtedly the amount of time ./,,,',II.,m i, ncitbOttransnUosIble (Ilk.. ad, oxploiriogtb, oonv"""bJij,yof tb, rypooof
So it has to be posited simultaneously that devoted to acquiring it, this is because the ,,' ""hill,y)nor U'""aabl, (Ilk, "ocb aud "pi tal, Thu, tb, moretb, offici,)-'mls-
economic capital is at the root of all the other transformation of economic capital into cul- """,,), Mo" proci'dy, ",ltu'" oapltal, 'Iou of oapltalI, preV""ted0' hiudOt"', ,h,
types of capital and that these transformed, tural capital presupposes an expenditure of "I".. dilT",.. oonanuo", <tanomlssion mo<otb, dfocu of'h, "and",au, cir<U!aaou
disguised forms of economic capital, never time that is made possible by possession of "",,,.. 'h, f.milly"""I'''' oooorvarionand of oapltal in tb, funu of <U!tura]oapital
entirely reducible to that definition, produce economic capital. More precisely, it is because "'''' 0" (lIDtb" tb, "'uoaaonaJ'y'tem ""m, booom,d,tonniuan, in tb, '''Producrlonof
their most specific effects only to the extent the cultural capital that is effectively transmit- ,,'"w",ditshouo",IIDldy'0 nam'" qu,)la",) tb, 'ocia] ,rru<ltUre,Ao an in"'um"", of
I
that they conceal (not least from their posses- ted within the family itself depends not only
'''''' wh/,hIslucreasing'y'""dlngtoa<rainfull "Producrlon oa",bl, of di'gulslug Its own
sors) the fact that economic capital is at their on the quantity of cultural capital, itself accu- '"k",y, at Ieao,on tb, labor m"k,~ ouly fuu,aon, tb..oo"" oftb, "'uoaaonaJ'JStem
root, in other words-but only in the last mulated by spending time, that the domestic
"h,.. 'alidated by tb, "'uoaaou,) 'y"om, '''''d, to incr..." aud to""tbOt wltb tbls
analysis-at the root of their effects. The real group possess, but also on the usable time ' , ,""'''''''''' lu,oa oapltalofqU,)dioaaon" lucreas, I, tb, undioaaouof tb, mark" lu
I

logic of the functioning of capital, the conver- (particularly in the form of the mother's free ,.."h;", toa moredlsguioed
11'IIIHl11issionthan bu, mu"Asrisky
economic capital. the """,,I qualliioaa
occupy rare positions. whlcirgivos rights '0
'''III~l\tional qualification, invested with the
sions from one type to another, and the law of time) available to it (by virtue ofits economic "/"'1'/lie force of the official, becomes the con-
conservation which governs them cannot be capital, which en~bles it to purchase the time I fl/Ionforlegitimateaccessto a growingnum- Notes
understood unless two opposing but equally of others) to ensure the transmission of this It"1 ur positions, Particularly the dominant
partial views are superseded: on the one hand, capital and to delay entry into the labor markcl
economism, which, on the grounds that every through prolonged schooling, a credit which "fll" the educational system tends increas_ 1. This inertia, entailed by the tendency of the
'11 11
type of capital is reducible in the last analysis pays off, if at all, only in the very long term. 20 I 'n dlspo""", tb, domosa,groupof tb,
,,,.,..' ~,~"'! of"'plta'.'0rep!od"",""""'cl""
to economic capital, ignores what makes the The convertibility of the different types of """wpoly of the transmission of POwer and m IOStltutlonso~m diSPOSItions
adapted t? the
11 specific efficacy of the other types of capital, capital is the basis of the strategies aimed OIl . strUcturesofwhIchtheyaretheproduct,IS,of
and on the other hand, semiologism (nowa- ensuring the reproduction of capital (and thl' "" " '~d" amoug,otbOttluu"" of tb, ""''"'' reinfo,"" bya "",",ooIlypolla""
days represented by structuralism, symbolic position occupied in social space) by means 01 01",/",
of,tsI'''_re h,,,, &om","ongohd- ""aDUof ""'''"''''' """""",aDU,i", 0'
interactionism, or ethnomethodology), which the conversions least costly in terms of COli ,/"" "f obIT",:"'" !"'" and b""h !"uk:" And d""'"",""M" "'d d'pollacirat;"", Th,
reduces social exchanges to phenomena of version work and of the losses inherent in the /"",hI,,,,, of """-Iou,
."""m" oap.taI,tseJ{1'_ qu", d.IT_,
d"P""ding ou tb,
''''or ""'d, '0 koep,hod"..In""" " 'n
tb, ,tare nf" 1''"''''001gro"p, uui"" DUlyby
communication and ignores the brutal fact of conversion itself (in a given state of the soci.,1 """,,,,,, fonu It """', Thu~ aocordingto the ,reh_don of tb,/r dh"",la "nd
universal reducibility to economics. 19 power relations). The different types of capi,
In accordance with a principle which is the tal can be distinguished according to their /'...by (J970),tb, liquidItyof """""Ot"'1 rond_od ro fu~"'DU," '" ,"~"
""I"', whioh giv", inunodiato<ICOnom!, "P<ared1y""'"''''''''' "'''',re, ",d.wdoaf
equivalent of the principle of the conservation reproducibility or, more precisely, accordil'Mi 1'/lWl~r
and favors transmission also makes it act~(~uchasconsumerorelectoralChOIces).
of energy, profits in one area are necessarily to how easily they are transmitted, i.e., wilh '. , 2. ThIsIStrueofallexchangesbetweenmembers
p;lid for by costs in another (so that a concept more or less loss and with more or less COli ""'It vulu bl, than landod propeny (or nf dllT_, &aai"", of tb, domlnan,d...,
1;1".Wl1Shl1otehas no meaning in a general sci- cealment; the rate of loss and the degree or ,,".. 1"'tat,) and do", uo' laVorth, "'tab- P""""In, dlJreren,""" of """tal, Th,,,
,,,,,,"CU,"floug-Ia""'g d1""'''''':, , """'" &om..,'" of "'''''"'', ","rn"u, "'
/I... "", 'h, q" "'''''U 0' 'h, ",h..,,,,"... 0' ",h" "<><'Vi""wh'oh tak, tb, f"", of gift
- "'''"'''''''''/00 ,,/,'" m"", ,h"'pl y 10 ,I" ''''h, """ ""d d/""ify 'h"",<cl,,,, w/,h 'h,
5~ The Fonns of Capital
'.
most decorous names that can be found (hon- educative effect automatienlly 1'~I"'ledhy the I) N"I"hhoThlllld "11lntllln"hlpM11I11)', IIII'IIlIrM~, IlIll'mh'd III 111'HI'I'I1 (11'01\1 holow),lIml 10 11111'1'
oraria, emoluments, etc.) to matrimonial environment. If one adds to this the filetthat 'Tel loIolIl.rOU"
rI'I'I.ln' 1111de:Ille:lllnl'Yfi,rlll ollnHlllllll1111111 or !;hll,'hnhlc condUCln" '1,"lcu
exchanges,the prime exampleof a transaction embodied cultural capital is constantly 11.llllun,"" In the Benrllor Ihe 1111"11110 I IIled III.:t8of clnssnppl1nselllcnl.' This nnively
that can only takeplace insofaras it is not per- increasing, it can be seen that, in each genera- IIIlttlln .whe:re:nci~hbors, lousIJcs;.! (a word Mnehillvellinn view lorgels thnt the mo~1 sin.
ceived or defined as such by the contracting tion, the educational system can takemore for wlth,h,in uld texts, ISapplied to the legitimate cerely disinterested ncts mllY he: thosc hesl
parties. It is remarkable that the apparent granted. The fact that the same educational Inhllhltantsof the village, the rightful mem- corresponding to obje:ctive interest. Anum.
extensions of economic theory beyond the investment is increasinglyproductive is one of ',1"'.of the assembly),are explicitlydesignated, ber of fidds, particularly those: which most
limits constituting the discipline have left the structural factors of the inflation of quali- IIIIIccllrdnncewith fairly codified rules, and tend to deny interest and every sort of cnlculn.
intact the asylum of the sacred, apart from a fications (together with cyclicalfactors linked IIrf ""signed functions which are differen- tion, like the fields of cultural production,
few sacrilegiousincursions. Gary S. Becker, to effectsof capital conversion). 1IIIIcdIIccordingto their rank (there is a 'first grant full recognition, and with it the conse.
for example, who was one of the first to take 8. The cultural object, as a living social institu- nClI"hhor,'a 'second neighbor,' and so on), cration which guarantees success, only In
explicit accountof the types of capital that are tion, is, simultaneously, a socially instituted pnrlicularly for the major social ceremonies those who distinguish themselves hy Ihc
usually ignored, never considers anything material object and a particular class of habi- (J\lIIcrnls,marriages, etc.). But even in this immediate conformity of their investme:nls, 11
other than monetary costs and profits, forget- tus, to which it is addressed. The material II'He,the relationships actually used by no token of sincerity and attachment to the essclI
ting the nonmonetary investments (interalia, object-for example, a work of art in its mate- IIIUIIIIS always coincide with the relationships tial principles of the field. It would be thol'
the affectiveones) and the material and sym- riality-may be separated by space (e.g., a Hm'lnlly instituted. oughly erroneous to describe the choices of
bolic profits that education provides in a Dogon statue) or by time (e.g., a Simone Mar- I t MIlliners(bearing,pronunciation, etc.) maybe the habitus which lead an artist, writer, (11'
deferred, indirectway,such as the added value tini painting) from the habitus for which it was hll'llIdedin social capital insofar as, through researcher toward his natural place (n subjecl,
which the dispositionsproduced or reinforced intended. This leads to one of the most funda- Ihl\ mode of acquisition they point to, they style, manner, etc.) in terms ofrationnl strnl
by schooling(bodilyor verbal manners, tastes, mental biases of art history. Understanding IlIdlcnteinitial membership of a more or less egy and cynical calculation. This is despih'
etc.) or the relationships established with the effect (not to be confused with the func- I"'n.ligiousgroup. the fact that, for example, shifts from (1111'
fellow students can yield in the matrimonial tion) which the work tended to produce-for I1 Nlllionalliberation movements or nationalist genre, school, or speciality to nnother, qunsi.
market (Becker1964a). example, the form of belief it tended to hlC'ologiescannot be accounted for solely by religious conversions that are perlilfll1ed 'ill 1111
3. Symbolic capital, that is to say, capital-in induce-and which is the true basis of the II'h~renceto strictly economic profits, i.e., sincerity,' can be understood ns cnpilul COli
whatever form-insofar as it is represented, conscious or unconscious choice of the means IIIIItdpation of the profits which may be versions, the direction and momenl of whil'h
Le., apprehended symbolically,in a relation- used (technique, colors,etc.), and therefore of .1t'I'lvedfrom redistribution of a proportion of (on which their success oftell depelldH) 111'1'
ship of knowledgeor, more precisely, ofmis- the form itself, is possible only if one at least wl1l1hhto the advantage of the nationals determined by a 'senseol'inveslmelll' WIUl'lllM
recognition and recognition, presupposes the raises the question of the habitus on which it (1IIIIionalization)and the recovery of highly the less likely to be seen ns slIch Ihc IIUII'I!
intervention of the habitus, as a sociallycon- 'operated.' 1IIIIdjobs(see Breton 1964).To these specifi- skillful it is. Innocence is Ihe prlvill'fll' of, hOHI'
stituted cognitivecapacity. 9. The dialectical relationship between object- (1111)'economic anticipated profits, which who move in their field of acl Ivily likl' U"h III
4. When talking about concepts for their own ified cultural capital-of which the form par wouldonlyexplainthe nationalismof the priv- water.
sake, as I do here, rather than using them in excellenceis writing-and embodied cultural I1l1l1ed classes,must be added the very real and 19. To understand the attractiveness 01'1hiMpllU'01
research,onealwaysruns the risk ofbeingboth capitalhasgenerallybeen reduced toan exalted ""I'Yimmediateprofits derived from member- antagonistic positions which SCI'VCU" l'III'h
schematic and formal, i.e., theoretical in the description of the degradation of the spirit by .hll' (socialcapital) which are proportionately other's alibi, one would need In ullulYZl'Ih"
most usualand most usuallyapproved senseof the letter, the living by the inert, creation by 11111111
er for those who are lower down the social unconscious profits and the prolils of 1111I'1111
the word. routine, graceby heaviness. hh'l'lITchy('poor whites') or, more precisely, sciousness which they procure lill' IlIlelll'(
5. This propositionimpliesno recognitionof the 10. This is particularly true in France, where in IIIIITe threatened by economic and social tuals. While some find in economlsm a ml'UI1H
valueof scholasticverdicts; it merely registers many occupations (particularly the civil ser- drdine. of exempting themselves by cxcludllll( Ihr
the relationshipwhich existsin realitybetween vice)there is a verystrict relationshipbetween " I'here is every reason to suppose that socializ- cultural capital and all the specific prufilM
a certain cultural capital and the laws of the qualification, rank, and remuneration (trans- 11""or, more generally, relational: dispositions which place them on the side of the dom IIIUIll,
educational market. Dispositions that are lator's note). 111'1'very unequally distributed among the others can abandon the detestable lerrnin of
given a negative value in the educational 11. Here, too, the notion of cultural cap~taldid not Mo!;illlclasses and, within a given class, among the economic, where everything remillllM
market may receive very high value in other spring from pure theoretical work, still less 1I'IIctionsof different origin, them that they can be evaluated,in Ihc IUHI
markets-not least, of course, in the relation- from an analogicalextensionof economiccon- 1/1 1\ 'full power to act and speak' (translator). analysis, in economic terms, for thal of 1111'
ships internal to the class. cepts. It arose from the need to identify the I1 It goeswithout saying that social capital is so symbolic. (The latter merely reproduce, ill 11111
6. In a relatively undifferentiated society, in principle ofsocialeffectswhich,although they Inllllly governed by the logic of knowledge and realm of the symbolic, the strategy whcl'l'Il)'
which accessto the means ofappropriating the can be seen clearly at the level of singular IIcknowledgment that it always functions as intellectuals and artists endeavor 10 ImpoHe.
cultural heritage is very equally distributed, agents-where statistical inquiry inevitably Mymboliccapital. the recognition of their values, i.e., ,hrll
embodiedculture doesnot function ascultural operates-cannot be reduced to the set of I", I1 should be made clear, to dispel a likelymis- value, by inverting the law of the markcl it
capital, Le., as a means of acquiring exclusive properties individually possessed by a given understanding, that the investment in ques- which what one has or what onc I'UI'II
advantages. agent. These effects, in which spontaneous lion here is not necessarily conceived as a completely defines what one is worth and whil.
7. What I call the generalized Arrow effect, Le., sociologyreadily perceives the work of 'con- cnlculated pursuit of gain, but that it has every one is-as is shown by the practicc of hallk
the fact that all cultural goods-paintings, nections,' are particularly visiblein all casesin likelihood of being experienced in terms of the which, with techniques such as the pCI'SOIlIl.
monuments, machines, and any objects which different individuals obtain very logic of emotional investment, i.e., as an ization of credit, tend to subordinatc thc 11:1'1I111
shaped by man, particularly all those which unequal profits from virtually equivalent Involvement which is both necessary and dis- ing ofloans and the fixing of interest rOIlcs III11
belong to the childhood environment---exert (economicor cultural) capital, depending on Interested. This has not always been appreci- exhaustive inquiry into the borrower's pl'CSI'1
an educative effect by their mere existence, is the extent to which they canmobilizeby proxy IIted by historians, who (even when they are as and future resources.)
no doubt one of the structural factors behind the capitalofa group (afamily,thealumni ofan 1I(e:rtto symbolic effects as E. P. Thompson) 20. Among the advantages procured by capilli I i
the 'schooling explosion,' in the sense that a elite school,a selectclub, the aristocracy,etc.) te:nd to conceive symbolic practices-pow- all its types, the most precious is the incr'I'usc
growth in the quantity of cultural capitalaccu- that is more or less constituted as such and dered wigs and the whole paraphernalia of volume of useful time that is madc possit.
mulated in the objectified state increases the more or lessrich in capital. officl.'-as explicit strategies of domination, throughthe variousmethodsofappropl'iali.

-
58 TheFonnsof Capital

other people's time (in the form of services).It nomic capital remains one of Ihe principal
may take the form either of increased spare means of reproduction, and the effect of social
time, secured by reducing the time consumed
in activities directly channeled toward pro-
capital ('a helping hand,' 'string-pulling,' the
'old boy network') tends to correct the effect of
3
ducing the means of reproducing the exist- academic sanctions. Educational qualifications
ence of the domesticgroup, or of more intense
use of the time so consumed, by recourse to
never function perfectly as currency. They are
never entirely separable from their holders: Class and Pedagogies: Visible and Invisible
other people's laboror to devicesand methods their value rises in proportion to the value of
which are available only to those who have their bearer, especially in the least rigid areas of
spent time learninghowto use them and which the social structure. Basil Bernstein
(likebetter transport or livingcloseto the place
of work)makeit possibleto savetime. (This is
in contrast to the cash savings of the poor, References
which are paid for in time--do-it-yourself,
bargain hunting, etc.) None of this is true of Becker, G. S. (19Ma), A Theoreticaland Empirical
mere economic capital; it is possession of Analysis with Special Reference to Education I .1t..1I1
~lIllIillesome of the assumptions and more diffuse the criteria the more invisible the
cultural capitalthat makesit possibleto derive (New York: National Bureau of Economic
greater profit not only from labor-time, by Research). Ill" 11111111111context of a particular form of pedagogy; the more specific the criteria, the
securinga higheryieldfromthe sametime, but - (19Mb), Human Capital(New York:Colum- 1"".IIIIIIII'11I11IOtschool pedagogy, a form more explicit the manner of their transmis-
also from spare time, and so to increase both bia Univ. Press). ,,1111"h,.. III least the following characteris- sion, the more visible the pedagogy. These
economicand cultural capital. Bourdieu, P. (1982),'Les rites d'institution',Actes lit ~ definitions will be extended later in the paper.
21. It goeswithout sayingthat the dominant frac- de la recherche en sciences sociales, 43: 58-63.
\\ I"." IhI' control of the teacher over the If the pedagogy is invisible, what aspects of the
tions, who tend to placeever greater emphasis Breton, A. (1962), 'The Economics of National- child have high visibility for the teacher? I
on educational investment, within an overall ism',Journal of PoliticalEconomy,72: 376-86. , hll.l hiImplicit rather than explicit.
suggest two aspects. The first arises out of an
strategy of asset diversificationand of invest- Grassby, R. (1970),'English Merchant Capitalism \\ hl'II, Ideally, the teacher arranges the
ments aimed at combining security with high in the Late Seventeenth Century: The Compo- . ,'1', I"~which the child is expected to re-
inference the teacher makes from the child's
ongoing behaviour about the developmental
yield, haveall sortsof waysof evadingscholas- sition of Business Fortunes', Past and Present, .11111111(1'
IIlId explore.
tic verdicts. The direct transmission of eco- 46: 87-107. \\ h"I'l' within this arranged context, the stage of the child. This inference is then
,hlld IIpparently has wide powers over referred to a concept of readiness.The second
aspect of the child refers to his external behav-
\Ihili he selects, over how he structures,
.llIdIIvcr the time scale of his activities. iour and is conceptualised by the teacher as
\\' h.'n' the child apparently regulates his busyness. The child should be busy doing
IIWIItnovements and social relationships. things. These inner (readiness) and outer
WIWl't'there is a reduced emphasis upon (busyness) aspects of the child can be trans-
1111 1I'IIIlsmission
and acquisitionof specific formed into one concept of ,ready to do.' The
'I~IIIM(HCC NoteI). teacher infers from the 'doing' the state of
'readiness' of the child as it is revealed in his
It Whjlll'cthe criteria for evaluating the peda-
IIII~ynre multiple and diffuse and so not present activity and as this state adumbrates
II.Nnymeasured. future 'doing.'
We can briefly note in passing a point which
will be developed later. In the same way as the
child's reading releases the child from the
IlIvl.lble Pedagogy and Infant Education teacher and socialises him into the privatised
solitary learning of an explicit anonymous
past (i.e. the textbook), so busy children (chil-
I hll I'nll characterise this pedagogy as an dren doing) release the child from the teacher
111\INlhle pedagogy.In terms ofthe concepts of but socialise him into an ongoing inter-
tlmllkntion and frame, the pedagogy is actional present in which the past is invisible
I h.,.d through weak classification and weak and so implicit (i.e. the teachers' pedagogical
"""II!M. Visible pedagogies are realised theory). Thus a non-doing child in the invisi-
Ihllllll(h strong classification and strong ble pedagogy is the equivalent of a non-
'''IIIW/!,The basic difference between visible reading child in the visible pedagogy.
tllIlltllvifiible pedagogics is in the manner in (However, a non-reading child may be at a
~hll'h criteria are transmitted and in the greater disadvantage and experience greater
Ih'III'I'"of speciticity of the criteria. The more difficulty than a 'non-doing' child.)
IInpllc-ilthe manner of transmission and the The concept basic to the invisible pedagogy

1'1'11111./.
Kllrllhl'llllld A. 11.1IIIINcy
(CdN.>,I'IIII'I"'1I1Ii1
",,'//1//10'
i" IM"m/i"" (OxfordUniversityPress,1978),511-34.