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The Gomti Riverfront in Lucknow, India: Revitalization of a Cultural Heritage Landscape

Swati Nagpal a; Amita Sinha b a School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi, India b Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, IL, USA Online Publication Date: 01 November 2009

To cite this Article Nagpal, Swati and Sinha, Amita(2009)'The Gomti Riverfront in Lucknow, India: Revitalization of a Cultural Heritage

Landscape',Journal of Urban Design,14:4,489 506

To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/13574800903264838 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13574800903264838

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Journal of Urban Design, Vol. 14. No. 4, 489506, November 2009

The Gomti Riverfront in Lucknow, India: Revitalization of a Cultural Heritage Landscape

SWATI NAGPAL* & AMITA SINHA**
*School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi, India; **Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, IL, USA

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ABSTRACT Historic Lucknow was oriented to the Gomti riverfront with monumental architecture of mosques, mausoleums and palaces concentrated on the southern bank. Thus the river was much more than a transportation artery enjoyed for its views and breezes and appreciated for its utility. This elite riverfront landscape was transformed into backwaters and disappeared from the public eye over time. Its centrality as a landscape of power was lost as a result of the momentous political and economic changes, beginning with the Indian Uprising/Mutiny in 1857. Although efforts are currently underway to beautify the riverfront by lining it with parks and plazas, they do not explicitly evoke the historic landscape and are piecemeal efforts to provide greenery. The paper outlines an urban conservation model and suggests design interventions that would revitalize the riverfront and contribute towards preserving both tangible and intangible heritage of the city.

Introduction The cultural heritage of Lucknow, the capital of the state of Uttar Pradesh in India, is interwoven with the Gomti River, on the banks of which it ourished in the 18th and 19th centuries. The Gomti River, vital to the establishment and sustenance of historic Lucknow, has become more of a backwater over time. No longer a transportation artery or a recreational amenity, it was lost to the public consciousness, particularly after embankments were built on both its banks in a bid to protect the city from the ooding river. However, the last decade has witnessed vigorous efforts on the part of the state government to beautify the riverfront. Missing in these endeavours has been a conscious effort to celebrate Lucknows cultural heritage and to restore the rivers ecological health. The premise of this paper is that the Gomti riverfront can become an arena for heritage revitalization, in the process strengthening the unique identity of the city under threat by forces of large-scale economic and social changes. The riverfront as the site of much of Lucknows historic and monumental architecture and in proximity to its historic urban core is particularly suited for revitalization efforts. The paper proposes that the revitalization efforts should be guided by an urban conservation model that aims at enhancing the sense of the city. Kevin
Correspondence Address: Amita Sinha, Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, 101 Temple Buell Hall, 611 Lorado Taft Drive, Champaign, IL 61820, USA. Email: sinha2@uiuc.edu
1357-4809 Print/1469-9664 Online/09/040489-18 q 2009 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/13574800903264838

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Lynch denes the sense of a settlement by the clarity with which it can be perceived and identied, and the ease with which its elements can be linked with other events and places in a coherent representation of time and space (Lynch, 1987, p. 131). This model expands the scope of heritage conservation efforts in Indian cities that have been hitherto directed largely towards architectural monuments, to the exclusion of their urban context. The monument-centric approach, initiated in colonial India has continued to retain its hold in post-colonial India, resulting in a disconnection between the preserved historic monument and its changing surroundings (Menon, 2003). This emphasis on material heritage, and particularly that of buildings alone, is at odds with what the culture values about its pastits modes of aesthetic expression (of which architecture is only a part), oral narrative traditions and symbolic meanings attributed to nature. The lack of congruence between institutional practice of heritage conservation and societal values has resulted in urban landscapes where the isolated historic monuments do not play a meaningful role in developing a vivid sense of the citys past. An urban conservation model that puts equal emphasis on the area around and between historic buildings as on the buildings themselves is necessary bearing in mind that medieval structures were always an ensemble with complex visual and physical relationships among the units. The natural landscape determined the location of forts, palace complexes and gardens, and the interaction between the built form and landscape occurred in multiple ways. The most appropriate way to preserve the spirit of the past would be to conserve and/or recreate these relationships. An equally important aspect of the urban conservation model is the emphasis on intangible heritage, that which resides in cultural habits of perception, knowledge and technologies and is manifested in tangible formsartifacts, buildings and cultural landscapes. Multiple forms of heritage can be preserved through planning and programmatic efforts in this model, wherein heritage sites can be spaces for performance and production. Another facet of this approach is the acknowledgement and acceptance of temporal change. This means accommodating new structures, new ways of using spaces and changing cultural norms. Urban conservation would thus be an assemblage of elements of different periods, made coherent through landscape design and signage. Historic conservation should be thought of as a problem of sensibilityas a way of enriching our image of time (Lynch, 1987, p. 260). Heritage buildings do that, but only partially when compared to what may be achieved by conserving districts (that buildings are a part of) and natural landscape of the city. The river Gomti had been an edge to the historic city that was rst settled on its southern bank and has guided its growth over a century. The riverbank edged the linear growth of the city, at least the monumental part consisting of palaces, mansions, country retreats and gardens that were situated to take advantage of the rivers expansive views, cooling breezes and ready availability of water. The river and its banks were a path of movement that not only afforded entries to the buildings and gardens but also served as places from where they could be viewed, thereby ensuring a memorable image of the city. Although Gomti is no longer an edge or a path, it remains the only venue from where large stretches of the historic and the contemporary city can be glimpsed and accessed. It is this potential that can be exploited to enhance the sense of time and place that Lynch so eloquently

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describes as the purpose of historic conservation and a key performance dimension of the good city form. Much of the historic riverfront landscape has disappeared (although many historic buildings remain) and new types of landscapes have emerged, yet this is not as much of an obstacle as it may rst appear. A close reading of the historic and contemporary landscapes, their patterns of forms and meanings, reveals that through selective design interventions and urban linkages, it is possible to enhance that elusive urban quality that Lynch calls sense of the city. The 19th century riverfront was painted and photographed extensively by European and local artistesthese representations allow us to read the cultural landscape as shaped by picturesque and pictorial conventions of the time. The contemporary landscape is interpreted by documenting existing open space types, their uses and meanings. Based upon these readings, the redesign here of the riverfront reconciles the past and present by restoring the historic connection between the heritage buildings and the river and serving as a catalyst for economic and cultural revitalization. Thus the proposal is not a thematic recreation of the past but one whose authenticity is derived from engagement with the ongoing trajectory of change, in the process reversing decline and ushering in a renewed engagement of the city with the river. The River Gomti Gomti, unlike Ganga or its tributary Yamuna, is not a goddess and is not celebrated as such in mythology and folklore, yet like all rivers in India its waters are considered to be purifying for bathing in all auspicious occasions, and revered enough for worship rituals performed in shrines and temples on its banks. Unlike Varanasi on Ganga or Mathura on Yamuna, Lucknows cultural heritage was not dominated by the rivers religious associations due to the citys very different historical trajectory that was largely characterized by a long period of Islamic rule. It was utilitarian, not spiritual aspects of Gomti that lay behind the monumental landscape taking shape on its banks in the 18th 19th centuries. The settlement that existed prior to coming of Nawabs was centred around Lakhman-Tila, a promontory on the river bank and also a sacred site, associated with Laskmana, a character from the epic tale Ramayana and an incarnation of Shesha-naga, the mythic serpent supporting the universe. The Nawabs (rulers of Avadh kingdom), followers of the Shia sect in Islam, founded the city of Lucknow that developed into a centre for arts and culture, its richness derived from the mixing of many traditions in the courtIslamic, Hindu and European. The river was the lifeblood of the city that developed on its banks and drew its sustenance from it. As a transportation artery for essential and luxury goods, and as the primary source of irrigation for the gardens, orchards and farms lining its banks, the Gomti would have probably played a crucial role in the economic life of the city. In its social life the riverfront would also have been a pleasurable setting, whether in the walled connes of private garden or the public places where boats docked. The cool breezes, the spacious feel of its wide expanses, and the distant vistas it afforded, made Gomtifront an attractive landscape where the Nawabs, not surprisingly, chose to build their palaces (Llewellyn-Jones, 1997). The remnants of these monumental structures, now bereft of their contextual landscape, today constitute Lucknows architectural heritage.

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The Nawabi Landscape Gomti riverfront in the Nawabi period (1775 1856 CE) was an elite landscape of palace and suburban gardens, country houses and parkland. This landscape evolved rather quickly as each succeeding Nawab sought to make a political statement through grand architectural gesturessecular and religious. Although opinions about Nawabi architectural style varyranging from bastardized to hybridarchitectural historians and critics agree that the jumble of buildings that constituted a palace complex were related to each other through courts and gardens (Llewellyn-Jones, 1985; Tandon, 2001). A complex interior landscape emerged in which space owed easily between indoors and outdoors. The fact that three out of four palaces were situated on the riverbank and one not too far away, is indicative of the value placed on what proximity to a river afforded cooling breezes and expansive views, boat rides for pleasure, a relief from the heat and congestion of the city, and a plentiful source of water for the many gardens within the palace complex. While the high walls of Macchi Bhavan built on a hill presented a fortress-like appearance, the buildings of Chattar Manzil complex were built into the river with arched openings that allowed the water to ow into the lower oors (Llewellyn-Jones, 1985; Gordon, 2006). Roof top terraces and pavilions were an opportunity to linger and enjoy the river in all its moods from a high vantage point. Walled gardens on the river, built independently of palaces, were a retreat to which the Nawabs and their begums often retired. Vilayaiti Bagh, named after Nasir-ud-dins European wife, and Hazoori Bagh had dainty pavilions and water

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Figure 1. Gomti River, from Oriental Scenery by Thomas and William Daniell, 18th century (British Library).

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channels. For more aggressive pursuits, the riverbank provided open grounds where partridges and quails were hunted and elephant ghts were staged (Sinha, 1996). Country houses such as Musa Bagh, Bibiapur Kothi and Dilkusha, although designed in the style of European villas, and quite unlike the other palace complexes, were also deliberately built on the banks of the Gomti River and were used as weekend retreats by the Nawabs and their retinue (Llewellyn-Jones, 1985; Das, 1998, 2006). Although this landscape was similar to the Yamuna riverfront in Agra during the 16th 17th centuries lined by Mughal gardens and palaces, the differences were in the extent of development and also in the quality. Nawabi architecture and gardens were derivative of the Mughal design style yet different. The passage of a century and half had ensured that new inuences on architectural form and detailing would creep in, most notably European. This resulted from the nexus of political and commercial relationships between the Shia rulers and Europeans in their court (Fisher, 1997). Claude Martin, the French superintendent of Nawab Asaf-ud-daulahs arsenal, through his unusually designed buildings on the riverfrontFarhat Baksh, Musa Bagh and La Martiniereset in motion new trends followed in many Nawabi buildings. These buildings were designed with the landscapeMusa Bagh/Baroween was built into a hill at its rear while its grand front opened into Gomti that entered into the lower oors of Farhat Baksh. Further downstream, Constantiahis mausoleumwas built on the Gomti oodplain with its seven-storey monumental fac ade topped by the crest that became the Nawabi signature, and was fronted by a 120-foot high lighthouse in an articial lake (Llewellyn-Jones, 1985; David, 2006).

Figure 2. La Martiniere during the Mutiny from General Views of Lucknow, Sir D.S. Dodgson, 19th century (British Library).

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The early representations of the Gomti riverfront, watercolours by Hodges (c. 1782) and Daniell (c. 1789) are picturesque depictions of an oriental scene (Figure 1). Domes and minarets can just be seen over the green foliage on the banks of the river linked by the arched stone bridge; elephants casually stroll on the bank and bathe in the waters; small boats with tiny shermen dot the serene and tranquil landscape. There are also festive depictions of hunting processions and reworks displays betting the image of a bustling oriental city. Llewellyn-Jones describes the river as a place of celebration and partying, where the Nawabs and their courtier would drift up and down in their ceremonial barges, the lcharrah or elephant-prowed boat, the peacock-headed punt, and the swan boat. She describes the small punts laden with showers of reworks moored in the river to add the general merriment and echo the enormous reworks set off on the banks where European bandsmen played tunes before the palaces (Llewellyn-Jones, 2001).
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The Colonial Landscape These idyllic scenes on the Gomti riverfront were rent asunder by the Uprising/Mutiny, a momentous event that changed the course of Lucknow and of India. After the last Nawab Wajid Ali Shah was deposed and exiled to Matiya Burj (near Calcutta) in 1856, and administration of Avadh passed into the hands of the East India Company, widespread dissatisfaction among the Indians led to the Sepoys (Indian soldiers) revolting and setting re to the cantonments in a number of places, including Lucknow. The European Residency, built on one of the three hills on the Gomti riverfront containing a total of 6398 people, was besieged from June to November 1857 (Hilton, 1934; Llewellyn-Jones, 2006). Battles were fought between the Indians led by Begum Hazrat Mahal (wife of deposed Wajid Ali Shah) and the East India Company troops in the gardens on the Gomti Sikandar Bagh, Shahnajaf Imambara (religious complex), La Martiniere (mausoleum complex of Claude Martin), and Musa Bagh (Figure 2). The Mutiny became a historic event celebrated in British chronicles, and the subject of many paintings that showed pitched tents and troops massed on the riverfront ready for battle (Gupta, 2003). The failed uprising led to drastic political, social and economic changes in the Awadh kingdom (as elsewhere), reected in the urban landscapehighly visible on the Gomti riverfront in Lucknow. Felice Beatos panoramic photographs taken in 1858 capture the eerie desolation in the immediate aftermath of the events (Lifson, 1988). The placid Gomti owed in a ravaged landscape where carcasses of once opulent palaces stood silently in a warren of more pedestrian buildings, all uninhabited. The Gomti had lost its splendor. A 200-metre swathe was cleared on its banks around Macchi Bhavan (partly demolished) and it became the focal point of three 50-metre wide roads built by Robert Napier, a military engineer in charge of rebuilding Lucknow. This urban surgery, in a bid to quell any further uprising through rapid movement of troops, not only opened up the Nawabi palace interiors to public gaze but also moved trafc away from the river towards the south where a new cantonment was built next to the Railway Station (Oldenburg, 1984). The centre of power had obviously shifted from the riverfront although many Nawabi buildings on the riverfront continued to exist and over time were occupied by new owners. However, most river entrances and water gates became obsolete with lack of use and the city gradually turned its back on its river (Llewellyn-Jones, 2006). With the coming of the Railways in 1862, Gomti lost its

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preeminent position as a transportation artery. Lost too was recreational travel to and fro from the pleasure gardens and palaces that had made the river akin to an urban boulevard of sorts. With time it was relegated to being urban backwaters, ignored and invisible until it ooded, causing havoc to life and property. Thus new modes of transportation (railways, automobile), changes in the political structure (from king to colonial and then post-colonial governments), and economic shifts (from agrarian to industrial) were responsible for the city turning its back on the river. The Contemporary Landscape Gomti riverfront today shows a complex pattern of land uses. There is extensive cultivation on its oodplain, juxtaposed with very urban uses, especially on the southern bank towards the west in proximity to the traditional core of Lucknow. The banks of the River Gomti make up a vernacular landscape, an expression of the everyday life. Once an arena of the rich and powerful, the landscape today is home to the poor and marginalized and also caters for the recreational needs of the larger public in its parks and plazas. The urban riverfront typology is varied, reecting both structured and unstructured spaces, programmed and ad hoc uses. Like other open spaces in the city, it is ne grained, i.e. there is a mix of types in a small area. Most visible is the religious use and the sacred spaces that it has spawned. Gomti, although far below Ganga and Yamuna in the hierarchy of reverence attributed to rivers in Hindu mythology and tradition, has attracted fervent religiosity, visible in the many widely visited shrines on its banks in Lucknow (Figure 3a). Among the popular shrines are Hanuman Setu, Shani and Mahakali on the cremation ghat (steps to the river)these receive devotees from all over the citywhile others that are smaller and lesser known are patronized by those living in their vicinity. The unstructured activities on the oodplain range from children playing cricket, ying kites and other games that require larger areas which are at a premium in the congested old city (Figure 3b). The most frequent activity is washing and drying clothes on the riverbank as the river is major source of water for the citys washermen (Figure 3c). Squatter communities of rag-pickers have made the oodplain their home in short stretches below the bridges. In short stretches at the edges of the city there is oodplain farming of vegetables and fruits that can grow in moist sandy loam. Parts of the riverfront have been designed in the last few decades to serve the recreational needs of the city. This design typology includes parks and memorial plazas, built and maintained by the Lucknow Municipality and Development Authority. Of the two memorial plazas on the riverfront, the older oneShaheed Smarakis a memorial to the 1857 Uprising (Figure 4a) while Kuriya Ghat, built recently in 2003, celebrates Gomtis legacy to the city (Figure 4b). Shaheed Samarak is built on a terrace overlooking the river with an expansive view. A magnicent memorial complex to Dr. Ambedkar, the leader of the Dalits (lower castes) was completed in 2004 by the Bahajun Samajwadi Party near La Martiniere (Figure 4c). Unlike the Nawabi palaces of the 19th century, it is not accessible from Gomti, although it is located close to its bank. From early on in this decade, the State Government had made a concerted effort to beautify the riverfront by greening it. Approximately 400 000 people cross the bridges daily to go to work in ofces south of the river from the residential colonies that have developed during the post-independence period

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Figure 3. Ad hoc uses on the Gomti ood plain: (a) shrine; (b) children playing on the maidan; (c) washing.

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Figure 4. Recent memorials on the Gomti: (a) Shaheed Smarak; (b) Kuriya Ghat; (c) Ambedkar Complex.

in the north. Large-scale planting in the hitherto derelict sites or those occupied by the squatter communities is being done in an attempt to make the riverbank green. The planting of trees such as eucalyptus is not exactly ecological restoration and it does not make for a public, accessible landscape.

Riverfront as a Heritagescape Missing in these efforts is any attempt to connect with and represent the Nawabi heritage of Lucknow. Although parts of the riverfront are designated as cultural heritage zones, it is not clear how these heritage zones should be conserved and managed. They contain a cluster of heritage buildings; however, each historic precinct is walled off from its urban context and maintained by the Archaeological Survey of India or a religious Trust. The public spacesriverfront, streets and other open areasare not considered as extensions of heritage precincts and are therefore left unmanaged. All traces of Nawabi riverfront gardens have vanished (with the exception of Sikandar Bagh, part of which was transformed into Botanical Gardens during the colonial era and Vilayaiti Bagh, which is badly in need of restoration) and in the absence of archaeological or archival evidence, there is little incentive to recreate them.

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Heritage revitalization on Gomti riverfront thus would imply not the recreation of non-existent historic settings but a strengthening of the relationship between the extant historic architecture and the river, achieved through creative reinterpretation of the past landscapes. This approach does not aim at the physical re-creation of the historic landscape, but instead attempts to recreate its ambience and vitality. Heritage encompasses both material structureshistoric landmarks and landscape remnantsand its intangible aspectspractices, living traditions and memories associated with river. Lucknows cultural heritage is, of course, much more than the sum of its historic monuments. Its legendary tahzeeb (courtesy), cuisine, handicrafts, music and dance gharanas (schools) are perhaps more famous today than its monumental heritage (Sharar, 1975; Graff, 1997; Dev, 2003; Mangalik, 2003). Although battleweary and time-worn, Lucknows architectural heritage is protected by state institutions and religious trust, while its intangible cultural heritage is under threat. With adequate incentives, including the provision of public settings where arts and crafts can be produced, exhibited and sold, this intangible heritage has the possibility of becoming an identiable and accessible public good. This would also bring an economic dimension in the use of civic spaces to the Gomti riverfront that have been so far developed by the Lucknow Development Authority as recreational and memorial spaces with no commercial uses. Lucknows architectural heritage is most visible from the river and it would not be impossible to imagine parts of the riverfront showcasing both the tangible and intangible elements of the citys cultural heritage (Llewellyn-Jones, 2003). The riverfront in the designated cultural heritage zone in the Lucknow Master Plan is used intensively in parts, but vacant stretches do exist on the oodplain that present an opportunity to showcase Lucknows tangible and intangible heritage and weave together diverse patterns of the riverfront in a continuous corridor. Local uses and spaces would be supplanted by public spaces with civic functions, but would also vastly expand access and use of the river and thus restore to some extent the primacy it enjoyed in 19th century Lucknow. The development of such civic spaces would displace squatter communities, grazing and oodplain farming, but would also simultaneously generate alternative modes of employment and revenue. Squatters eke out a precarious existence in the oodplain, subject to periodic ooding when the Gomti rises in the monsoons, and have no sanitation facilities. Riverfront revitalization presents an opportunity to planners and development authorities to make a serious commitment to nding alternative and better sites for their housing. Visualized as a heritagescape, i.e. as a unied landscape of heritage, as opposed to de-contextualized, walled or fenced-in historic monuments with their relationship to their urban context and the river lost, the riverfront can be developed as a truly public realm accessible to all (Garden, 2006). Here citizens and visitors can orient themselves in time and space and make sense of how the urban past continues into the present through an introduction to its intangible (crafts traditions) and monumental architectural heritage. The riverfront spaces, designed for exhibiting and selling traditional crafts, can be a catalyst in preserving intangible aspects of the citys heritage. The riverfront can provide a public corridor of access to the historic precincts, heritage buildings and to the more recently built parks and public monuments. These memorial spaces would introduce the resident and visitor alike to the citys historical narrative, its events and gures.

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The character of this heritagescape would be guided by adjacent heritage precincts and land use patterns. First, physical access to the historic building from the river needs to be restored. This would require the redesign of the riverbank as well as of the building grounds. Nineteenth century paintings and photographs could be consulted for this purpose, although complete restoration of the historic landscape may not be possible or even desirable. A guiding principle in redesign should be to create public spaces that facilitate traditional rituals, everyday uses and also make symbolic gestures (in the form of public art) towards the heritage precincts in their vicinity. To integrate preservation of the intangible heritage into the riverfront redesign would entail designing spaces for workshops, exhibitions, cultural festivals and music and dance performances. Intangible Heritage The riverfront has clusters of historic buildings of the Nawabi and colonial periodfor example, the Chowk Zone lies close to the heart of old Lucknow; further east lies Residency Memorial Complex and even further downstream is La Martiniere. The Chowk is not a protected heritage precinct and in spite of its dilapidated physical condition, its signicance as a centre for crafts and cuisine remains undiminished. In connecting and extending its uses to the riverfront, Lucknows intangible heritage will nd a very visible, public setting. The riverfront site can act as a portal to the historic Nawabi city with its retail and exhibit spaces set against a backdrop of monumental historic architecture that include the Bara and Chota Imambaras, Jama Masjid and Tilewali Masjid, Husainabad Tank and Clock Tower, Sat Khande, Rumi and Hussainabad Darwazas. Most of these monuments lie on the 1-kilometre long artery that used to be a historic route of ceremonial processions (Figure 5a). The historic streetChowkis approximately 1 kilometre south of this axis, anged by residential Old Lucknow (Hjortshoj, 1979; Sinha & Kant, 2000). Urban crafts featured in this development would showcase the products of intangible heritage of Lucknowchikan (a type of pattern) embroidery, silverware, attar (perfumes), tazias and kite making, and gota weaving. Three sites are proposed for this crafts villagea crafts plaza east of Kuriya Ghat (Figure 5b) for small-scale retail and trade traditionally plied in the Chowk, and across the river an exhibition plaza for the exhibition/sale of crafts and art performances, and a Chikan Park (Figure 5c) where chikan work is produced.1 Memorials As Lucknow expanded eastwards during the 19th century, the British Residency and the later Nawabi palaces monopolized the riverfront. Today the embankment cuts off the Residency Memorial Park, the Chattar Manzil complex (now the Central Drug Research Institute), and Moti Mahal from the river. Behind them lie a number of heritage siteswhat is left of Kaisrbagh, the last Nawabi palace, and historic and new parks, Begum Hazrat Mahal and Suraj Kund, Gandhi Memorial Building and Parivartan Chowk, a memorial plaza. These lie in close proximity to a stretch of the riverfront currently housing the squatter community of ragpickers, the Shaheed Smarak and a shrine complex. It is proposed that this stretch is redesigned as a point of entry to the many memorial parks and plazas in this part of Lucknow (Figure 6a). The Residency Memorial Park (Figure 6b) commemorates the Mutiny from the British point of
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Figure 5. Sites of intangible heritage: (a) Core of Nawabi Lucknow, (b) Crafts Plaza, (c) Chikan Park.

view in its numerous building ruins, obelisks, plaques and graves, testimony to the siege, lives lost, and eventual victory (Llewellyn-Jones, 2007). The Indian version of the Mutiny events can be narrated in a riverfront plaza next to Shaheed Smarak, the two together commemorating the First War of Independence (Figure 6c). From these two memorial plazas it will be possible to walk to the grounds of Chattar Manzil (Figure 6d) that would be publicly accessible as a riverfront garden.2 The ow of the Gomti is controlled by a barrage, east of which the river ows freely, and is susceptible to seasonal vicissitudes. In this stretch, riverfront uses decline sharply, raising the possibility of planning for ecologically oriented land use patterns. In addition to oodplain farming and orchard cultivation, natural wetland habitats for river ora and fauna are recommended. The signicant historic sites here include the La Martiniere Estate and Dilkusha, both dwarfed by the recently built Ambedkar Memorial and Vilayaiti Bagh, a riverfront Nawabi garden. In restoring the riverfront entry to La Martieniere, a school building but also a mausoleum to its builder, Claude Martin, the hitherto grazing and ill-kempt land would be transformed into a publicly accessible heritage landscape (Figures 6e and Figure 6f). Constantia or La Martiniere is a unique and spectacular building sited deliberately on the riverfront complete with a lighthouse (Lat) in a lake. It was meant to be seen and accessed from the river, a relationship that was lost over time due to silting of the lake and the construction of the embankment.3 Conclusion Based upon readings of the historic and contemporary cultural landscape, the design proposal for the riverfront reconciles the past and present by restoring the historic connection between heritage buildings and the river. The plan when implemented can be a catalyst for economic and cultural revitalization of the riverfront so that it is a public realm for all. Revitalization does not imply

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a thematic recreation of the past but one whose authenticity is derived from engagement with the ongoing trajectory of change, in the process reversing decline and ushering in a renewed engagement of the city with the river. Gomti can be visualized as an aquatic heritage trail with boat rides to the historic buildings and to new monuments and public places arrayed along its banks (Figure 7). A journey downriver today affords exciting possibilities of viewing the city and visiting its historic and new monuments. It would commence at the Musa

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Figure 6. Historic memorial sites: (a) Context, (b) Residency, (c) Chattar Manzil, (d) Mutiny Memorial, (e) La Martiniere School, (f) La Martiniere Park.

Bagh, go past the oodplain farms, with the rst stop at the Kuriya Ghat and Crafts Village from where a heritage trail can be taken to the historic Imambaras and mosques. The second stop at the Mutiny Memorial introduces the visitor to a very signicant point in Lucknows history. From here it is possible to explore the many memorial parks, plazas and buildings that were built in the post-mutiny phase, and the later Nawabi palaces. As the journey continues further downstream towards the east, past the orchards and ood plain farms, the domes of the Ambedkar Memorial Complex are visible, leading the visitor to the last stop in the journeyLa Martinierefrom where a trail can be taken to Dilkusha Gardens. Gomti will once again introduce Lucknow and its history to the visitors and its citizens as it had done in the past. The Gomti riverfront revitalization can be a model for urban conservation efforts in many other cities of the Indian subcontinent whose historic core developed along a river. For example, the historic monumental core of Agra and Delhi on the banks of the Yamuna riverfront has been preserved, but is cut off from

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Figure 7. Riverfront heritage corridor.

The Gomti Riverfront in Lucknow, India

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the river and its urban context. The Master Plans drawn up every decade or so by the Town Planning Departments of riverfront cities should be guided by an urban conservation policy that aims to string together isolated heritage parks and districts into a linear corridor along the riverfront. This should be done through open space development along the riverfront that can be the connection between the historic complexes and the river. This green infrastructure will transform mostly derelict sites along the riverfront into civic spaces and should be designed with a palette of forms and materials in a creative reinterpretation of historic landscapes. The open space typology can be diverse, consisting of recreational and memorial parks, heritage landscapes, riverfront walks and plazas, that reintegrate the city with the river. In this open space continuum, traditional practices of bathing in the river and worshipping can be accommodated, as can the production of traditional arts and crafts that showcase intangible heritage. Expanding the focus of conservation efforts to include the landscape would not only be an appropriate gesture in heritage management but would also contribute towards urban revitalization. Riverfront revitalization can thus be a powerful contributor in enhancing the sense of the city. Notes
1. The crafts plaza on a 12.8-acre site consists of 210 brick kiosks with pitched fabric roofs arranged around courtyards. The outer courtyards open up to the river edged by kunds that can become social spaces for sitting and gathering. The plaza is connected by a bridge of boats to the exhibition plaza on the opposite bank consisting of series of interconnected open galleries with sloping tiled roofs supported by brick columns. Performances can occur in the central sunken green spaces edged by a stretch of ghats. A Chikan Park showcasing production of chikan embroidery is designed for the eastern part. The sequential production process of embroidery, dyeing, and tailoring would be carried out in a sh-shaped (Nawabi symbol) plaza opening on to a parterre garden in a paisley shape, a popular Chikan motif. Laundering and drying in a colorful display would occur on either side of the plaza. 2. The Mutiny Memorial is designed as a linear, symmetrical plaza, anked by mango groves and is a study in contrast between hardscape and softscape, mass and void. The memorial walk in the plaza is lined with friezes depicting the various battles, and overlooks the memorial trees planted in shallow water. Chattris and domed pavilions in the orchards dedicated to the fallen heroes serve as outlook points to the river. 3. A linear and terraced riverfront entrance park would restore that connection. The Lat in a large water tank with Constantia as a backdrop would beckon the visitor who, after alighting from the boat, can traverse through two 400-foot mulberry groves planted in a charbagh pattern, interspersed with raised plazas where chattris similar to the one adorning Constantias facade provide seating and outlook.

Acknowledgements The design proposals discussed in the article are taken from Swati Nagpals unpublished Masters in Landscape Architecture (MLA) thesis, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, 2007, The Gomti Riverfront in Lucknow, India: Revitalization of a Cultural Heritage Landscape. References
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