Religious Practices in Nineteenth-Century Louisville, Kentucky Traveling on an Ohio River steamboat with an evangelical minister was probably the

nineteenth-century e uivalent o! sitting ne"t to an evangelical minister on an airplane# $%war% &ohnson an% the Reveren% 'aniel (anks boar%e% the northeast-boun% steamboat at Louisville where both men resi%e%# )!ter their late morning %eparture, 'aniel (anks %iscovere% $%war% &ohnson, a (ritish &ew whose !amily ha% !le% persecution in $nglan% an% *change% their name to escape su!!ering#+ The chit-chat %ispense%, (anks recor%e% a litany o! phrases %elving into &ohnson,s &ewishness# -n total, si" complete sentences.many o! which have multiple %epen%ent clauses.tallie% &ohnson,s answers to (anks,s /assume%0 brisk interrogation1 That he was taught the 2ebrew language when young 3 was in the habit o! praying in the 2ebrew but ha% now !orgotten most o! it# 2e repeate% the 2ebrew )lphabet 3 some 2ebrew Phrases 3 salutations# 2e ha% strong prejudices in !avor o! &u%eism 4sic5 3 wishe% to %ie in the !aith o! the &ews, but %i% not con!orm to the &ewish !orms, nor believe much o! the Ol% Testament 3 none o! the new# 2e %i% not consi%er himsel! a sinner, %i% not believe he merite% !uture punishment ha% no con!i%ence in a 6essiah to come, not in Christ who has come# 4'5i% not believe the &ews woul% ever return to Palestine 3 i! others %i% he shoul% not# 2e con!i%e% in the goo%ness o! 7o% whom he suppose% woul% not punish his creations !or the little errors o! this li!e# Only now %i% (anks reveal his participation as anything more than stenographer# 8hen (anks goa%e% &ohnson, stating that *rebels+ against 7o% perishe% as *con%emnation !or sin,+ the longsu!!ering conversation partner simply state% that *he believe% it not#+ Presente% with the assurance that without &esus Christ, no one *un%er heaven9coul% be save%,+ &ohnson again shrugge% that *then most men woul% be lost which he %i% not believe#+ )s the %iary entry en%e%, the conclusion to the conversation /an% presumably any goo%will between the two men0 emerge% a!ter (anks uote% the New Testament author Paul as proo! that &ohnson was not.in !act.a &ew# &ohnson replie% 4Paul5 was not a &ew he ma%e no %istintions 4sic5 o! meats, eat what others ate Alluded to no &ewish !orms 3 still e"pecte% to be consi%ere% as a &ew#i &ohnson ha% !lippe% the argument back on (anks, that no matter how much Paul claime% to be a &ew, without the %ietary an% other *&ewish !orms,+ the apostle was not &ewish# The %iscussion between (anks an% &ohnson broa%ly illustrate% the complicate% mi"ture o! belie! an% practice that !orme% religious i%entity in the nineteenth-century :nite% ;tates# &ohnson,s answers to (anks,s uestions reveale% how the Presbyterian minister sought the &ewish merchant,s belie!s an% practices.yar%sticks against which &ohnson !aile% to measure up# )n% &ohnson himsel! use% the same stan%ar%s to %emonstrate Paul,s !orsaking o! &u%aism#

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6y %issertation accomplishes two ob=ectives# >irst, a recovery o! the nineteenthcentury religious practices o! &ews, Catholics, an% Protestants at a very local level# ;econ%ly, an analysis o! these religious practices that reveals an emerging tension that transcen%e% %enominational boun%aries# (y the en% o! the nineteenth century in Louisvillle, mainstream Catholicism, Protestantism, an% &u%aism ha% taken more public !orms, as well as !orms that separate% religion !rom broa%er society into something special or sacre%# ?et simultaneously, these religious tra%itions move% towar% a re!ine% public religiosity evi%ent in their practices# 8hat !ollows here is, !irstly, a %iscussion o! the metho%ological orientation o! the %issertation /stu%ying religious practices0 within the general historiography o! )merican religious history# Then, a %iscussion o! why this %issertation !ocuses on religious practices in the nineteenth century# Ne"t comes the rationales !or using the case stu%y o! Louisville, Kentucky# )n%, !inally, an outline o! my chapters, topics an% conclusions along with the ways in which they !it into my overall argument# The writers o! the !irst religious histories o! the :nite% ;tates were religious pro!essionals in particular tra%itions an%, as such, wrote heroic institutional histories an% biographies with !ew connections to broa%er historical conte"ts# 8hen pro!essional historians began writing o! religion in the early twentieth century, their attempts !ocuse% on locating religion,s place in stan%ar% political or intellectual narratives o! the :nite% ;tates# Perry 6iller,s intellectual histories o! Puritans ha% prompte% a new un%erstan%ing o! covenant in the making o! colonial societies#ii :sing >re%erick &ackson Turner,s *!rontier thesis,+ 8illiam 8arren ;weet publishe% wi%ely on !rontier religion in the early republic#iii Likewise, stu%ies o! the >irst 7reat )wakening,s segue into the Revolutionary $ra, revivalism,s in!luence on antebellum re!orm movements, or the *%emocrati@ation+ o! nineteenth-century %enominations appeare% uickly an% continue as stan%ar%s o! )merican religious history#iv Religion,s involvement in constitutional an% legal matters such as the separation o! church an% state was also an early historiographical concern#v ;cholars o! religious history in the :nite% ;tates betraye% their own provenance in a twentieth-century lan%scape %ominate% by %enominations, ecumenical associations, evangelistic, social =ustice, an% e%ucational institutions# )n%, having been e%ucate% themselves, these historians looke% to past mani!estations o! religious min%s at work# :ltimately, the historiography o! )merican religion groane% !rom a source base o! treatises, tomes, clergy, an% councils# )ll these remarkable histories were not only a%vocating how religion !e% into )merican *culture+ or *character,+ they also pre=u%ice% their analysis on intellectual an% institutional sources# )!ter the historical pro!ession,s social an% cultural turns in the <ABCs, religious history un%erwent similar trans!ormations as scholars %ebate% how religion supporte% or challenge% )merican societies# Religion appeare% in narratives o! working-class an% racial minorities, sometimes as a means o! *social control+ an% sometimes as an opportunity !or the oppresse% to e"ercise agency#vi These more recent approaches built on earlier scholarship by a%vocating the inclusion o! minority religious tra%itions an% ways o! being religious.even pointing out a *mainstream+ religious

culture in the :nite% ;tates an% its %icontents#vii (ut writing o! history,s *losers+ an% marginali@e% still privilege% the stan%ar% %epen%ence o! )merican religious history on intellectuals an% religious lea%ers, albeit now not =ust white Protestant men# ;tu%ying religious practices may provi%e the necessary correctives to the institutional an% intellectual biases un%er which historians communicate much o! )merican religious history# The new social history o! the postwar %eca%es promote% appreciation !or the masses, an% the 7erman historical school o! )lltagsgeschichte likewise emphasi@e% analysis o! the or%inary lives o! or%inary people# ;tu%ying the or%inary religious practices o! Protestants, Catholics, an% &ews in the :nite% ;tates si%esteps the limitations o! earlier religious histories while simultaneously !ocusing on religious histories sel%om tol%# This %issertation uses Louisville as a case stu%y to answer uestions about or%inary religious practices o! Protestants, Catholics, an% &ews %uring the nineteenth century# 8hat were the weekly worship services likeE 8hat coul% one e"pect to see in a common sanctuaryE 8hat %i% in%ivi%uals %o on a regular basis through religious motivationsE 8hat moral strictures were impose% as i%enti!iers !or each groupsE 8ith the emphasis on every%ay religious practices, my %issertation e"amines religious art, hymno%y, %evotional practices, morality, liturgy, an% architecture# ;o how %oes this approach %i!!er !rom other religious historiesE One theoretical !oun%ation /an% motivation0 !or %ocumenting or%inary religion is an appreciation !or groun%-level religious practices# - %o think religious history shoul% contain a *!rom below+ cogni@ance# ?et this loa%e% phrase may not mean what social historians regar% as properly populist# -nstea%, a *!rom below+ approach to religious history begins at the most local level o! religious institutions1 the parish, church, or synagogue# The congregations making up these local bo%ies may actually be elite by socioeconomic measures, or may inclu%e members o! the religious elite# No matter the makeup o! the local churches, parishes, or synagogues, however, stu%ying religious practice will allow a chance to see how in%ivi%uals practice% religion# -n a%%ition to an emphasis on local religious institutions /use% interchangeably throughout with *congregations+0, my %issertation seeks an appreciation !or or%inary religious e"periences by stu%ying the religious practices o! the nineteenth century# (roa%ly %e!ine%, *religious practices+ are rituals, behaviors, an% activities un%ertaken within religion# (y stu%ying the practices surroun%ing %eath, communities, space, an% worship, this %issertation approaches nineteenth-century religious history !rom a %i!!erent angle than previous stu%ies# Rather than %ocumenting the prescriptive, i%eali@e% !orms o! religious tra%itions /or the !ailure to measure up to such stan%ar%s0, - hope to %escribe what every%ay religion looke% like in nineteenth-century Louisville, Kentucky# This phenomenological perspective %i!!ers !rom other, more normative, analyses not =ust in its sub=ects, but also in the !orm o! the uestions aske%# ;o what is the stu%y o! *religious practices+E 'e!ining the phrase re uires some negative comparisons with similar approaches to religious history# )s part o! the protest

against the stan%ar% religious narratives o! the twentieth century, historians o! )merican religion began writing books on *popular,+ *!olk,+ an% *uno!!icial+ religion#viii (ut all three terms are problematic an% ultimately useless# *Popular Religion+ /also %escribe% as *!olk+ or *uno!!icial+ religion0 presupposes a %ivi%e between institutions or elites an% the *people#+ >or those who use this phrase, clergy an% laity always clash, seminaries an% une%ucate% evangelists routinely %enounce one another, an% %enominations impose or%er on the ar%or o! local churches# Certainly these con!licts %o happen, but what about when everyone agreesE 'avi% 2all reveals that *popular religion+ is *built aroun% a structure o! opposition#+ ;cholars o! *popular religion+ rarely revel in those times o! concerte% hymno%y, theology, or mission# )re plumbers who atten% Catholic 6ass evi%ence o! *popular religion+ when they o!!er penance in a con!essional or only when they practice irregular %evotion to an unauthori@e% *saint+E )n% what o! an upper-class businesswoman who preaches %uring Pentecostal worship servicesE -s she an e"ample o! *popular+ religionE The term *live% religion+ likewise appro"imates what this %issertation attempts, but ultimately !alls short# ;ome historians o! )merican religion have approache% religious practices un%er the moniker o! *live% religion+ with metho%ologies ranging !rom social sciences an% literary stu%ies#i" *Live% religion+ raises specters o! col% theologies an% bureaucraciesG what woul% unlive% religion look likeE )lso, materialism weighs %own the phrase with para%o"# Religion is not =ust about this li!e# Colleen 6c'annell rightly asserts, *Religious practice is also imagine%#+" ;tu%ies o! *live% religion+ shoul% inclu%e the imagination or even *unreal+ e"periences such as %reams# ;imilarly, %oes *live% religion+ have a place !or theology or belie!E Theology, o! course, is important as well as practice# )ny rituals o! baptism, !or instance, re uire at some point thought!ul e"amination o! baptism,s theological an% scriptural bases# ;amuel 2ill intro%uce% a volume on southern religious history with a remin%er that even antiintellectual, ?ankee-suspicious ;outhern evangelicals operate% within a system o! thought#"i This %issertation %oes not !orsake theology or institutions, nor %o all scholars o! practice# 'avi% 2all a!!irms that scholars o! live% religion shoul% not *%isplace institutional or normative perspectives on practice#+"ii There is a ten%ency to throw the in!ant /o! theology0 out in or%er to stu%y the baptismal water# ?et %ivisions between theology an% practice re!erre% to by both historians o! )merican religion an% so-calle% *live% religion+ mistakenly !orget that believing is a religious practice# (elieving a %octrine or theological tenet is an act, an% the best histories o! theology !ocus on the theologians rather than the theological i%eas themselves# There is no i%eal theology hovering in the ether, waiting !or university pro!essors to appro"imate its i%ealness here on terra !irma# &ust like religion, theology /or any other aspect o! religion0 e"ists only in historical e"hibitions o! sermons, unrea% systematics, or classroom lectures# -n other wor%s, there is no such thing as Calvinism without Calvinists# (elieving is an action =ust as much as worshipping, per!orming rituals, atten%ing ceremonies, an% constructing communities#

;etting up a %ivi%e between theology an% practice raises uestions o! causality that are unnecessarily complicate% an% also %i!!icult to investigate# 8hat compelle% that woman to per!orm a certain religious actE 2ow %eeply %oes this man believe in his theologyE 8hen theology an% practice are separate%, historians pre=u%ice the !ormer because they assume it to be the causal agent# -n this case, one %oes certain religious actions because o! one,s theological presuppositionsG baptism o! a%ults by immersion re!lects an ecclesiology o! a *gathere%+ church o! believing Christians# Theology %rives religious practices, supporting an% in some cases !ostering particular rituals an% ceremonies# ;o theology becomes the primary !ocus o! religious history an% stu%ies on the origins, changes, an% in!luences in theological systems proli!erate# )s a *conte"tual history o! theology,+ 6ark Noll,s Americas God from Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln reveale% signi!icant motivations !or the $vangelical Protestant behemoth o! the nineteenth century# -n short, )merican theology move% away !rom $uropean antece%ents in the !irst %eca%es o! the <ICCs, opting instea% !or a combination o! common-sense realist philosophy an% republican political i%eology# This combination !ertili@e% an evangelicalism that ha% recently been plowe% un%er by waves o! revivalism# Complementing the *%emocrati@ation+ thesis o! 2atch, Noll e"plaine% how evangelical Protestants, theology ai%e% in their phenomenal growth over the <ICCs# Less clear is why :nitarianism %i% not prosper, given its e ually impressive mi"ture o! common-sense humanism, republicanism, an% Christianity# Perhaps Noll,s book serves as a remin%er why the stu%y o! religious history-as-theology can only tell one part o! the broa%er narrative# )%%ing appreciation !or congregation-level religiosity an% religious practices into the history helps e"plain why :nitarianism never ma%e it out o! the *neighborhoo% o! (oston+ into the !rontier# >or e"ample, in Louisville,s :nitarian congregation, the 2arvar%-e%ucate% &ames >reeman Clarke never uite graspe% the sermonic style or content e"pecte% by his western congregation# Pre!erring theology to religious practices also implicitly ignores the issue o! articulation# 2istorians who privilege theology will likewise privilege sources by which in%ivi%uals articulate theology# 2istorians who are %rawn to articulate% religion naturally swarm to theologians an% institutional !iguresG they are the ones e"plicitly commenting on religion# (ut the assumption that articulation is always possible ten%s to pre=u%ice scholars against or%inary religious practitioners.those nameless scores whose unsel!-conscious religion nevertheless !eature% prominently in their lives# Calling people religious only inso!ar as they can articulate their religion seems problematic an% unkin%# )rticulation o! religion by historical sub=ects is not guarantee% an%, even i! probable, may not be trustworthy# Likewise, the very act o! articulating religious thoughts %istances the in%ivi%ual !rom those actual religious sentiments# >or theorist 6ichel %e Certeau, articulation implies taking signi!icant interpretive steps away !rom religion# There is an automatic %istancing when someone is able to %escribe his or her own religionG sel!awareness bree%s critical %etachment#"iii Religious ;tu%ies scholar Talal )sa% agrees, *'iscourse involve% in practice is not the same as that involve% in speaking about practice# -t is a mo%ern i%ea that a practitioner cannot know how to live religiously without being able to articulate that knowle%ge#+"iv -t is also a 8estern i%ea, an% a

scholarly one# )n in%ivi%ual,s commitment or *a%herence+ to a particular religious tra%ition or belie! may be impossible to %iscover# (ut it is certainly impossible to %iscover while privileging religious thought over practice# Too o!ten *live% religion+ stu%ies.base% on religious stu%ies an% anthropological metho%s.en% unsatis!actorily !or historians o! )merican religion# )gainst the narratives o! theological or institutional history, some scholars a%vocate that religious history *!rom below+ reveals the comple"ity o! religion on the groun%# &on (utler, !or instance, %escribe% his work as *reconstructing a more comple" religious past#+"v ?et comple"ity itsel! is not a conclusion !or a historian# )nthropologists may sleep well a!ter a %ay o! *observing+ comple"ityG historians, however, toss an% turn over their arguments# O! course, the past is comple", but %oes this mean no arguments can be pro!!ere%E The emerging literature o! religious practice o!ten %etails local con!licts over practice an% en%s with an epilogue on *messiness#+ Comple"ity, in turn, !unctions =ust as monolithically as the narratives against these scholars toil# >or e"ample, !rontier priests %i% not !ollow all instructions by the Catholic hierarchy, nor were they religious mavericks reinventing !aith !or pioneers# The history resi%es between the two e"tremes an% the reasons behin% the true comple"ity o! actions# 'avi% 2all pre!ers *selection between choices that the clergy helpe% articulate#+"vi 2istorians shoul% not conclu%e with simple comple"ity# Likewise, scholars o! *live% religion+ /or perhaps their publishers0 privilege e"otic practices# 2istorians o! )merican religion know more about the sKances o! a small, unrepresentative group o! northern spiritualists than unremarkable (aptist worship services# This is not hyperbole# Robert Orsi,s magni!icent book on the -talian Catholic enclave in New ?ork City provi%es graphic images o! women being %ragge% towar% the altar while licking the !loor, but Orsi,s stu%y applies to mere thousan%s whereas millions o! -rish Catholics atten%ing *normal+ 6ass receive less attention# ;urveys o! religious history in the :nite% ;tates likewise %escribe religious practices only when strange or evocative# >or instance, ;haker %ancing rituals appear in almost every stan%ar% narrative# -n this way, marginali@e% groups become even marginali@e% /*they+ have strange practices, *normal+ religious tra%itions have theology an% institutions0# 6y %issertation speaks to scholarship on religious practice by championing the mun%ane# The e"isting scholarship on religious practices.be it !rom historical, *live% religion,+ or religious stu%ies perspectives.%oes not accomplish what this %issertation attempts1 a comparative %escription o! or%inary religious practices in the nineteenthcentury :nite% ;tates# ;cholars o! religious history /particularly religious practice0 rarely publish comparative stu%ies#"vii ?et stu%ying various tra%itions alongsi%e one another recreates the worl% in which each single !aith operate%# 'i!!erences become more visible an% similarities even more signi!icant with a comparative stu%y# 8ith all the ma=or !aiths respon%ing to local events, not only will a comparison be more pronounce%, but it will also allow me to speak to broa%er historical tren%s in the nineteenth-century :nite% ;tates# Louisville,s congregations respon%e% to immigration, urbanism, an% regionalism with a *separate but better+ approach to religious practices# Their religious architecture

employe% the stylistic themes o! their contemporaries, the %eath rituals became more elaborate an% !ormali@e%, an% their worship inclu%e% musical an% %ecorative elegance# ;tu%ying religious practices not only provi%es a !uller picture o! religious history, but it also acknowle%ges an important claim about historical change1 the mi%%le-voice approach# Religious in%ivi%uals in nineteenth-century Louisville, !or e"ample, were simultaneously ma%e by history an% making history# ;ome scholars employ such strong emphases on various conte"ts /political, social, economic, gen%ere%0 that choice an% !ee will appear to !all be!ore history,s hegemony# Other scholars !avor religious virtuosi who act like completely !ree agents e"ercising outsi%e o! history, respon%ing purely an% %irectly to something sacre%# -n truth, some religious communities mani!este% the nonreligious values o! their societies, nee%s or !ears an% other communities simply parrote% their own religious tra%itions without any alterations# ;ocial scientists an% religious stu%ies scholars privilege religious *agency+ without appropriate !rameworks o! conte"tual contingency# Talal )sa% remin%s scholars that agency is in%ee% a privilege% position, but in the sense that structural hegemony either allows or %ampens an in%ivi%ual,s agency# 'avi% 2all %escribes religious practice as an *ongoing struggle o! %e!inition9 present in how people choose to act#+ )n% Robert Orsi, in usual evocative prose, %escribes religion as a *network o! relationships between heaven an% earth#+ (oth scholars, however, %epen% too much on volition# )t some point, religion is limite% by cultural an% even environmental !actors# There is such a thing as !ree will !or religious in%ivi%uals, but even it plays within set boun%s# Options !or certain, but historical an% religious actors %o not have unlimite% autonomy in constructing an% e"pressing religion# Rather than e"tremes o! passivity an% activity, religious history takes place in the mi%%le-voice o! constant re-creation o! tra%itional religiosities# )lways changing, but always built on something previous, religious e"pression inclu%es both a conte"tual e"perience an% tra%itional orientation# Tra%itions e"ist as, one scholar summari@es, *long-term practices,+ although one coul% e"pan% this %e!inition to inclu%e the communities that organi@e aroun% these rituals an% ceremonies, or the theological views passe% %own through such communities# -n %i!!erent historical environments, religious actors have options within the almost-genetic inheritances o! a religious tra%ition, but they %o not have unlimite% options i! they wish to remain in the tra%ition# There!ore, *Christian+ an% *&ewish+ can have historical meaning, though in various temporal an% spatial circumstances may look %i!!erent# 6obility in the nineteenth-century :nite% ;tates inclu%e% very %iverse religious immigration, some o! which originate% internationally# Catholics %isplace% by politics on the Continent an% !amine in -relan% arrive% in millionsG &ews !rom $urope came !or many o! the same reasons# The waves o! migration brought *!resh+ tra%itionalism into contact with those generations alrea%y *)mericani@e%#+ Religious practice coul%n,t help but be re-!orme% by $uropean orthopra"is# ;trangely, the nineteenth century has escape% the notice o! scholars stu%ying religious practice# Thus !ar, scholarship on religious practice has been either topical /gospel hymno%y0 or by means o! tra%ition /Re!orme% practices in the :nite% ;tates0# 6o%el stu%ies o! *live% religion+ are 'avi% 2all,s on *horse-she%+ Puritans an% Robert

Orsi,s on twentieth-century Catholicism# There are goo% topical stu%ies !or some nineteenth-century religious practices, an% other e%ite% volumes inclu%e essays on relevant themes, but nothing that !ocuses on the nineteenth century as a whole# $ven a two-volume anthology o! rea%ings in *religious practice+ has a mere han%!ul o! nineteenth-century e"amples# Religious historians, stan%ar% narratives o! the <ICCs :nite% ;tates bear repeating here, although many contain the same theme o! *moving !orwar%+ that lost Louisville its historiographic importance# 7rowth o! various religious tra%itions, increasing pluralism o! new immigrants, )mericani@ation o! e"isting an% new institutions all appear in most synthetic stu%ies an% te"tbooks# -n general, too o!ten narratives treat the <ICCs as the pre-twentieth century# The !ormula seems1 choose a contemporary theme /$vangelical power, multiculturalism, seculari@ation, in%ivi%ualism0 an% trace the beginnings to the nineteenth century# 6ost surveys o! the nineteenth-century )merican religious lan%scape wan%er !irst through the wastelan% o! the post-Revolutionary $ra be!ore !in%ing green shoots at Cane Ri%ge an% ?ale 'ivinity ;chool in the !irst %eca%e o! the <ICCs# The conglomerate o! Protestant revivals.now calle% the ;econ% 7reat )wakening.begins the century with well-%ocumente% enthusiasm# )n% it also allows scholars to intro%uce a !avorite nineteenth-century theme1 the rise o! evangelical %enominations# Correctly, historians portray the ;econ% 7reat )wakening as altering the <ICCs through its subse uent mani!estation in the (enevolent $mpire, the loosely-relate% e!!orts to improve society by eliminating moral ills such as slavery# Nineteenth-century revivalism, an% the re!orm e!!orts it spawne%, was one o! the narratives worth /re0telling, though historians sometimes overstate the importance# This *$vangelical ;urge+.as one classic stu%y terms it.was the une"pecte% result o! the )merican e"periment in religious %isestablishment, as certain tra%itions e"plo%e% in numbers o! a%herents an% congregations# Though they %ebate what actually ma%e tra%itions such as (aptists an% 6etho%ists attractive, most historians agree that it was a combination o! a !le"ible an% %emocratic organi@ation with a theological stan%o!!ishness that eschewe% intellectual preparation !or ministry# This evangelical e"plosion in the <ICCs inclu%e% a westwar% migration with which the (aptist !armerpreachers an% 6etho%ist circuit-ri%ers coul% keep pace# The century woul% see a complete reversal in the largest %enomination lists with (aptists an% 6etho%ists surpassing all others# ;uccess by these evangelical Protestants %isplaye% themes o! in%ivi%ualism an% %emocrati@ation that many historians see as %ominant in the nineteenth century# Religion, so the story goes, became more resonant with what people wante% an% more responsive to inclu%ing *the !aith!ul+ in %ecision-making processes# ;imultaneously, religion became an increasingly in%ivi%ual an% privati@e% a!!air# (y the Mictorian era o! the late nineteenth century, )mericans ha% compartmentali@e% religion into something each person e"perience% !or himNhersel!# 7one were ties to ethnic or other group

i%entitiesG now religion e"pression woul% occur insi%e a person rather than a mass revival or congregational meeting# 6any scholars recogni@e the innovation o! Protestant %enominations as a signi!icant change in the history o! )merican religion# The *%enomination,+ new in the peculiar )merican churchNstate situation, was a sel!-su!!icient an% sel!-containe% organi@ation o! similar religious institutions# )s more states %isestablishe% particular !aiths %uring the early nineteenth century, Protestantism,s !ractious nature emerge% an% eventually separate tra%itions organi@e% into /sometimes several0 %enominations# )gainst this *stan%ar%+ narrative have come many a%%en%a an% corrections, yet the *$vangelical ;urge+ remains the primary story o! nineteenth-century )merican religion# Rightly, historians have sni!!e% at the e"clusion o! other religious tra%itions present in the <ICCs, an%.as a testament to their e!!orts.te"tbooks written in the last !ew %eca%es inclu%e Catholics, &ews, an% )!rican-)merican religions# 8hen multiculturalism re-emerge% a!ter the :nite% ;tates reopene% immigration in the <ALCs an% i%entity politics !oiste% new voices into public %iscourse, minority religions an% religious tra%itions became the ob=ects o! historical scrutiny# )n% the nineteenth-century likewise became a richer story, with the evangelical monolith gaining internal te"ture with the a%%ition o! those outsi%e evangelical Protestantism# -n particular, the stories o! immigrant !aiths such as Catholicism, &u%aism, an% )!ro-Christianity appeare% in many now-classic stu%ies# 8hatever the merits, a%%ing material to any gran% narrative generally makes it longer# -nstea% o! the tra%itional evangelical e"plosion narrative, now there is a narrative o! evangelical e"plosion at the e"pense o!9 or in a%%ition to9 Regar%ing the history o! &u%aism in the :nite% ;tates, &onathan ;arna,s compelling an% capable te"tbook stan%s !irst in its brea%th o! coverage an% a%roit analysis# 'uring the <ICCs, &ews e"perience% a sea change in their entire religious !ramework1 the *synagogue-community+ became a *community o! synagogues#+ )s the uni!ying !ocus o! the in%ivi%ual &ewish communities, synagogues were internally %iverse in both religiosities an% ethnicities# 8hen immigration increase% in numbers an% wi%eness o! provenance, &ewish synagogues e"perience% !ractious con!lict# Thus, by the later %eca%es o! the nineteenth century, )merican &ews o!ten ha% multiple synagogues !rom which to choose.ethnic variations, religio-cultural variations, socio-economic variations# ;arna conclu%es that the e"tra-religious organi@ations /such as (,nai (,rith0 !orme% in the late <ICCs became the uni!ying !orce that synagogues no longer provi%e%# Though he e"plicitly eschews the term, &u%aism un%erwent a process o! *%enominationalism+ %uring the nineteenth century an% eventually !orme% three branches1 Re!orm, Conservative, an% Ortho%o"# -t also promote% a %emocratic ethos, as synagogues !oun% %iscipline more %i!!icult in the new marketplace o! several local religious institutions# These narratives o! religion in the nineteenth-century :nite% ;tates represent %eca%es o! worthwhile historical scholarship# ?et even with emphases on the revivals an% (enevolent $mpire o! evangelical Protestantism, or the inclusion o! immigrant religions such as ethnic Catholicism or &u%aism, a rather large gap in the re-creation o!

<ICCs )merica remains1 what or%inary religious practice looke% like# Not all Protestants in the nineteenth century ha% the enthusiasm !or annual revival services or the leisure time to promote temperance# )n% once Catholics an% &ews arrive% on )merica,s shores with e"otic customs, the stan%ar% narratives leave them to retrieve the ne"t wave o! !oreign immigrants# Looking at the local religious history o! a case stu%y such as Louisville, Kentucky, rein!orces what synthetic narratives are1 glossy, consumable narratives that obscure in or%er to communicate# >or Louisville,s congregations, events that loom large in te"tbook narratives barely registere%# The Presbyterian schism between Ol% ;chool an% New ;chool !actions in the <IFCs ha% little e!!ect on Louisville,s congregational li!e# Catholic %ebates over )mericanism in the postwar %eca%es never appeare% in the 'iocese o! Louisville# The city,s religious history likewise scotches the large-scale tren%s that %i% reach Louisville# 'espite the stan%ar% narrative o! Protestant %enominational schism presaging the Civil 8ar,s regionalism, Louisville /an% Kentucky0 remaine% politically :nionist while at the same time its Protestant congregations =oine% southern %enominations# Kentucky was a charter /albeit reluctant0 member o! the ;outhern (aptist Convention in <IHJ an% Louisville hoste% the 6etho%ist Convention that inaugurate% the 6etho%ist $piscopal Church, ;outh, in <IHL# -n !act, Kentucky,s Presbyterians =oine% the southern Presbyterian Church in the :nite% ;tates two years a!ter the Civil 8ar en%e%# Re!orm &u%aism came to Louisville !rom the synagogic lea%ership, not !rom -saac 8ise.usually the e"emplar o! the movement in the mi%-nineteenth-century :nite% ;tates# 8ise actually turne% %own opportunities to preach to Louisville congregation, an% his own Cincinnati synagogue even a%opte% his prayerbook a!ter Louisville,s %i%# 8hy choose Louisville, Kentucky, as a case stu%yE (esi%es the practical reasons /the author,s hometown, %riving %istance to Notre 'ame0, Louisville,s nineteenthcentury history len%s itsel! e"cellently to a comparative stu%y o! religious practices o! Catholics, Protestants, an% &ews# Though obviously the most important city in the Commonwealth o! Kentucky an% a ma=or urban center on the Ohio River, historical scholarship rarely mentions Louisville# &ust as permanently as its place at the >alls o! the Ohio, Louisville seems !orever plante% within the large constituency o! the phrase *9an% others+ /i#e# ;t# Louis, Chicago, Cincinnati, and others0# ?et the history o! this vibrant city proves worthy o! stu%y !or several reasons# >irst, the rate an% brea%th o! e"pansion within Louisville,s %emography an% economy illustrate% the westwar% migration o! eastern states /nee colonies0 in the postRevolutionary an% early republic# Though nowhere near Chicago,s e"ponential increases, Louisville %i% grow at roughly the same rate as ;t# Louis /until a!ter the Civil 8ar0 an% Cincinnati# Louisville also outpace% later regional centers such as -n%ianapolis, Nashville, 6emphis, an% Columbus, Ohio# Louisville, organi@e% as a town in <BIC, an% Kentucky, a commonwealth a%mitte% into the nation in <BAD, allow a stu%y that moves

<C

through the nineteenth century# Their growth !rom !rontiers to organi@e% urban an% rural lan%scapes provi%e an e"cellent back%rop against which religious changes stan% in relie!# The population o! Louisville increase% !rom FJC in <ICC to DCC,CCC in <ACC# The number o! inhabitants %ouble% almost every %eca%e until <ILC to reach BC,CCC an% then %ouble% again by <IIC# Table <# Louisville Population /by %eca%e0 ?ear <BAC <ICC <I<C <IDC <IFC <IHC <IJC <ILC <IBC <IIC <IAC <ACC Population DCC /estimate0 FJA <FJB HC<D <CF<H D<D<C HF<AH LICFF <CCBJF <DFBJI <L<<DA DCHBF< Percentage -ncrease -ICO DBIO <ALO <JBO <CLO <CHO JIO HIO DFO FCO DBO

;econ%, Louisville appears in several broa%er, an% signi!icant, tren%s in the narrative o! nineteenth-century :nite% ;tates.especially growing regionalism an% urbani@ation# Louisville was in the line o! western boom towns that emerge% over the nineteenth century an% it i%enti!ie% itsel! primarily as a 8estern city# 6any newspapers inclu%e% *8estern+ in their titles# This character set it against *eastern+ interests, whether they be Carolina plantation-owners or New ?ork merchants# The a!orementione% 'aniel (anks, !or instance, was an eastern Presbyterian sent to Kentucky as a missionary# $conomic ties were to eastern commercial centers such as Phila%elphia an% New ?ork rather than 6i%western or ;outhern cities# Louisville,s transition to a southern city.with a culture o! horseraces, colonels, an% mint =uleps.signale% the a"ial shi!t in )merican regionalism# ;urprisingly, Louisville,s southern i%entity %i% not occur until a!ter the Civil 8arG this proves the ol% =oke that Louisville =oine% the Con!e%erates a!ter their surren%er# Two reasons !or this shi!t in sectional allegiance1 the Louisville 3 Nashville /L3N0 railroa% ran %ue south an% supplie% staples to the Con!e%eracy an% !orwar%-moving :nion )rmy, an%, as the only ma=or city le!t stan%ing in the region a!ter the war, Louisville,s population receive% a large e"-Con!e%erate an% e"-slave migration in the late nineteenth century# Thus, Louisville e"iste% as the pivot point on which the early republic,s east-west regionalism turne% into the nineteenth-century north-south %ivision# This !rontier town uickly e"pan%e% into a regional center o! population an% commerce, especially once Kentucky,s own agriculture an% settlements re uire% an outlet <<

!or their pro%uce# Twin revolutions in governmental *improvements+ an% transportation technologies propelle% the growth o! Louisville, which woul% become a city in <IDI# The Louisville an% Portlan% Canal, built in the <IDCs to circumvent the >alls, encourage% the city,s transition to a regional hegemon o! commerce, especially in the tobacco, hemp, an% bourbon in%ustries# The city also ma%e early use o! steamboats, barges, an% railroa% transportation# $ventually, the city e"pan%e% into a manu!acturing center as well as a shipping an% tra%ing hub# Louisville embo%ie% in microcosm broa%er national tren%s o! urbani@ation, in%ustriali@ation, an% pluralism# >oun%e% in <BIC.but not really more than a village until steamboat travel.Louisville,s nineteenth-century narrative was that o! a growing city that !oun% economic growth in manu!acturing an% commerce, an% absorbe% the varie% ethnicities an% classes such an economy precipitate%# -n its own =ourney !rom !rontier outpost to regional urban center, Louisville provi%es a back%rop against which to test the stan%ar% narratives o! nineteenth-century religious history# Thir%, the regional pluralism o! Louisville,s citi@en is remarkable as is the mi"ture o! ethnicities an% races# The city ha% the ethnic $uropean enclaves o! a northern urban center, but combine% with a substantial /slave an% !ree0 )!rican )merican presence o! a southern city# )s with other western cities in the new republic, some >rench. %isplace% by the Revolution an% >irst $mpire.!oun% in Louisville a permanent home# (uil%ing the canal in the <IDCs prompte% the !irst wave o! large immigration !rom -relan%, or as we say in Notre 'ame1 *2ere come the -rish9to %ig#+ The city continue% to e"perience perio%ic waves o! 7erman an% -rish immigrants through the <IHCs an% <IJCs# 6ostly looking !or economic opportunities or leaving their !aile% <IHI revolutions, these immigrants !oun% employment in Louisville,s growing manu!acturing an% commercial sectors# )nother wave o! $uropean migration came in the <IICs with 7ermans !leeing (ismarck,s Kulturkamp!, Central an% $astern $uropeans seeking economic opportunities, an% Russians !leeing tsarist pogroms# Louisville,s mi"ture appears similar to other western an% mi%western cities %uring the <ICCs, particularly its large 7erman population# Table D# Non-native 8hite Population o! Louisville /by %eca%e0 ?ear Percentage o! Louisville Population <ILC DL<DFP -FIO <IBC DJLLI -DO DLO <IIC DF<JL -<CO <AO <IAC DFJ<C DO <JO <ACC DFFCFP -<O <<O P&e!!erson County number, though the city ha% starte% e"pan%ing into suburbs an% most immigrants live% within the city limits# Non-Native Population Percentage Change

<D

8hat set Louisville apart !rom Chicago, 6ilwaukee, Cincinnati, or ;t# Louis %uring the <ICCs was the presence o! a large !ree an% enslave% )!rican-)merican population# :rban slavery remains an outlier in both scholarly appreciation an% the popular imaginationG Louisville was the largest urban center in the :nite% ;tates that inclu%e% slaves, save (altimore# Table F# )!rican-)merican Population o! Louisville /by %eca%e0 ?ear <BAC <ICC <I<C <IDC <IFC <IHC <IJC <ILC <IBC <IIC <IAC <ACC ;laves EE BL HIH <CDI DHCL FHFC JHFD HACF ---->ree (lack EE < << AF DFD L<A <JFI <A<B <HAJL DCA<< DILJ< HFA<L Percentage Change -EE JHFO <DLO <FJO JHO BDO -DO <<AO HCO FBO JFO Percentage o! Louisville Population EE D<O FBO DIO DLO <AO <LO <CO <JO <BO <IO DDO

One result o! this racial an% ethnic %iversity was a religious pluralism rich with a mi"ture o! )merican, $uropean, an% *)mericani@e%+ religiosities# There were a variety o! Catholic parishes, &ewish synagogues an% temples, white Protestant churches o! alarming %iversity, an% )!rican )merican churches o! an impressive brea%th /(aptist, 6etho%ist, $piscopalian, an% Catholic0# -n religious histories, Louisville appears in!re uently though this may be in!luence% by its absence !rom many historical narratives# )s mentione%, Louisville,s religious %emography %uring the <ICCs provi%es an e"cellent cross-section o! %i!!erent types o! congregations# Over DJC local religious institutions emerge% in Louisville, Kentucky, be!ore <ACC# Table H# Religious Congregations in Louisville /by tra%ition0 Religious >amily /an% ;ubcategories0 Congregations !oun%e% be!ore <ACC Catholicism FF >rench Catholic )nglo Catholic -rish Catholic 7erman Catholic &u%aism B Re!orm

<F

Conservative Ortho%o" Protestantism (aptist 6etho%ist Presbyterian $piscopalian Christian :niN:CCP Lutheran TOT)L

D<F L< J< FH DF <B <L << DJF

Though its religious %iversity alone makes Louisville remarkable, there were also signi!icant events, people, an% themes that shoul% pi ue historians, interest# -n <IHH, Louisville hoste% the organi@ing convention o! the 6etho%ist $piscopal Church, ;outh# Likewise, the newly-!orme% ;outhern (aptist Convention woul% move its !lagship seminary to Louisville %uring the Reconstruction era# /)ll o! these southern religious connections, yet Kentucky remaine% in the :nion#0 -n <IJJ, the most violent nativist riot in :nite% ;tates history occurre% in LouisvilleG Know-Nothings %estroye% immigrants, houses an% businesses, killing over twenty people in one %ay# (ut most importantly, Louisville,s religious history.stu%ie% through comparing Catholic, &ewish, an% Protestant practices.has much to contribute to the main narratives o! )merican religious history# ?et Louisville merits almost no mention in the historiography o! the :nite% ;tates or )merican religion# Kentucky appears in the literature as the site o! the !rontier revivals in the nineteenth-century,s !irst %eca%e, an% Kentucky sometimes appears as the home o! 2enry Clay or the bor%er-state uintessence o! *brother-!ighting-brother+ %uring the Civil 8ar# )si%e !rom these in!re uent appearances, neither the city o! Louisville nor the commonwealth o! Kentucky plays prominent in history te"tbooks# Partly to blame is the regional boun%aries o! the :nite% ;tates an% scholars, temerity to traverse those boun%aries# (esi%es historians %evote% to the commonwealth, who e"actly shoul% stu%y KentuckyE -ts southern heritage is none"istent be!ore the <ILCs, though its antebellum *southernness+ is %ebatable# Though always a *slave state,+ Kentucky never became a *slave society+G in !act, it %ecrease% its slave population in the pre-war %eca%es# Kentucky %oes not belong in the 6i%west, an% the *western+ a%=ective has long since applie% to trans-6ississippi an% transmontane lan%s# The commonwealth seems stuck in a bor%erlan%, not only o! geographical regions, but historiographical ones too# New $nglan%, mi%-atlantic, low-country ;outh, southwest, the Ol% Northwest each has historical a%vocates9the Ohio River Malley /inclu%ing Kentucky0 is =ust too inbetween# )nother reason !or Louisville an% Kentucky,s absences !rom historical narratives is scholars, %is%ain !or !ailures# (oth city an% state e"plo%e% %emographically an% economically a!ter the Revolution, an% their growth stea%ily increase% throughout the <H

<ICCs# (ut the twentieth century le!t both behin% an% history, we hear o!ten, is written by an% about the winners# The growth o! the <ICCs cease% booming, an% the %owntown area o! the city remains somewhat !ro@en in a late-nineteenth-century cityscape# ) brie! e"planation o! histories written about Louisville %isplays this point# 2istories o! Louisville re!lecte% the city,s nineteenth-century boosterism# The !irst written history actually appeare% be!ore the town chartere% itsel! into a city# -n <I<A, the physician 2enry 6c6urtrie penne% his Sketches of Louisville, an% appen%e% the botanical, geological, an% other scienti!ic catalogues popular !or an early nineteenthcentury man o! science# 'eca%es later, a new history appeare% by (en=amin Casse%ay# Not a classic work o! scholarship, Casse%ay,s concerns gravitate% towar%s weighty matters such as economic an% transportation statistics# These business-oriente% interests occupie% almost all o! the subse uent historical treatments o! Louisville# Richar% 'eering,s <IJA publication %i% not even attempt to hi%e his real sub=ect1 the promotion o! the city# 2is title page %eclare% Louisville: Her ommercial! "anufacturin#! and Social Advanta#es an% then, in smaller print, promise% $ncludin# a Sketch of Her Histor%! Geo#raph%! &opo#raph%! Schools! Health! 'ailroad and Steamboat (acilities! )ater *ower! +c,! +c,! +c, /8hat he hope% to inclu%e un%er all three *et ceteras+ his rea%ers coul% %eci%e#0 ) broa%er scope appeare% in the <IID two-volume Histor% of the -hio (alls ities and their ounties with only the !irst volume about Louisville properG the other covere% -n%iana an% Kentucky rivertowns nearby# Louisville,s nineteenth-century promoters inclu%e% amateur historians that amasse% an impressive library a!ter !orming the local >ilson 2istorical ;ociety in <IIH# Conse uently, the centennial prove% an irresistible target, with two books appearing soon therea!ter# >ilson member ?oung )llison,s &he it% of Louisville and a Glimpse of .entuck% /<IIB0 %isplaye% the history o! Louisville in the somewhat stilte% prose o! one continuous narrative# Then, the secon% hal! o! the one-hun%re% an% !i!ty page book liste% *Prominent Commercial an% 6anu!acturing -nterests in Louisville,+ with each page a brie! history o! a particular !irm or business /complete with location an% %escription o! services provi%e%0# The other anniversary publication emerge% %irectly !rom an a%%ress by the >ilson,s !oun%er an% curator, Reuben T# 'urrett# &he entenar% of Louisville, though mostly anec%otal, !eature% ru%imentary %ocumentation an% source-base% argumentation# The most impressive compilation o! Louisville,s past an% present remains the late nineteenth-century e%ite% "emorial Histor% of Louisville, a two-volume set o! essays by %o@ens o! elite city resi%ents# This late Mictorian-$ra history continue% in the boosterism o! the previous historiesG !or instance, the in%ivi%ual chapters on religious tra%itions /written by prominent ministers0 bur%en rea%ers with statistics on buil%ings, congregants, an% !un%raising# -ronically, the "emorial Histor%,s title prove% prophetic# The a%vent o! the twentieth-century coinci%e% with Louisville,s passing glories# -nten%e% as a spur to more growth, the volume instea% memoriali@e% a once-prosperous city# The twentieth-century historiography o! Louisville began with un!lattering epithets !rom 7eorge Leighton, in maga@ine articles an% a chapter in his (ive ities: &he Stor% of &heir /outh and -ld A#e1

<J

*)merica,s 6useum Piece+ an% *The City o! Let 8ell $nough )lone#+ These <AFCs %escriptions summari@e% the public perception o! Louisville !or the last century# Other twentieth-century histories o! Louisville range% !rom a !ictionali@e% account by -sabel 6c6eekin to the photograph- an% inset-heavy &wo Hundred /ears at the (alls of the -hio by amateur historian 7eorge ?ater# The twentieth century also inclu%e% the only scholarly treatments Louisville has receive%.mostly stu%ies o! particular topics such as )!rican-)mericans, -rish-)mericans, or 7erman-)mericans# On categories1 local religious institutions appear as *congregations,+ a term that inclu%es Protestant churches, &ewish synagogues or Temples, an% Catholic parishes# 7roups o! congregations appear occasionally as *tra%itions+ or *institutions,+ but most commonly as *%enominations#+ Religious *bo%ies+ can mean either the most local e"pression o! a religion /i#e# *congregation+0 or a larger group /i#e# any combination o! congregations0# The use o! many o! these terms simply alleviates the te%ium o! precisionG the $nglish language is a%aptable enough to avoi% *congregation+ or *%enomination+ multiple times in sentences an% paragraphs# Calling various !aith tra%itions *%enominations+ may seem strange, but the term was prevalent enough in the nineteenth century to merit its use in a history o! nineteenthcentury religious practices# Richey,s typology o! %enominations in the <ICCs inclu%es three complete i%entity shi!ts# >rom the ethnic an% regional associations o! the eighteenth century, many %enominations grew aroun% missionary or other cooperative pro=ects in the early <ICCs# >rom there came the /in0!amous nineteenth-century perio% o! competition an% centrali@ation o! the Protestant %enominations# >inally, the century en%e% with %enominational bureaucracies employing the new corporate mo%el o! the business worl%#"viii -n particular, Catholicism an% &u%aism usually sco!! at the Protestanti@ation inherent in calling these religious organi@ations *%enominations#+ 2owever, !or postconciliar Catholicism, the term gaine% acceptance by scholars o! Catholic history# Reasons behin% not calling Catholicism a *%enomination+.particularly Catholic e"ceptionalism, anti-Catholic sentiment, an% ecclesio-theological concerns.have %ecrease% in importance# &u%aism,s broa% ta"onomy o! Re!orm, Conservative, an% Ortho%o" is help!ul an%, %espite risking some &ewish scholars, ire, these groups appear un%er the umbrella term *%enominations#+ The movement o! the %issertation is roughly !rom Louisville,s eighteenth-century beginnings as a !rontier outpost to its late nineteenth-century regional urban i%entity# $ach chapter inclu%es a centering event that moves chronologically through that history# ;imultaneously, each chapter takes a speci!ic topic /%eath, community, space, worship0 an% analy@es that topic throughout the entire nineteenth century# The !irst chapter %emonstrates that the !rontier nature o! Kentucky an% Louisville create% an% re!lecte% the religious sensibility that the natural an% supernatural coe"iste% an% communicate% easily#

<L

The secon% chapter uses the !rontier beginnings o! Louisville an% Kentucky as a backgroun% to un%erstan%ing the %eath practices o! nineteenth-century Catholics, Protestants, an% &ews# -n several real ways, %eath was the beginning o! religious li!e in Louisville, Kentucky, given that the !irst &ews an% Catholics place% so much emphasis on *goo% %eaths#+ )s the city grew %uring the <ICCs, the ceremonies an% commemorations surroun%ing %eath became more religious /especially !or Protestants0# (ut this was not the only tren% %uring those %eca%esG religion itsel! became compartmentali@e% an% thus lai% claim to certain aspects o! %ying, %eath, burial, grieving, an% commemoration# The ne"t chapter analy@es the creation an% maintenance o! religious congregations against the back%rop o! a mobile an% thriving Louisville in the %eca%es between the <IDCs through <IJCs# These local religious institutions !orme% through gatherings o! religious people who live% in geographical pro"imity# Though 2atch, 2eyrman, 6ea%, an% others saw ministers an% %enominations as the %riving !orce in religious growth %uring the nineteenth century, Louisville,s e"ample reveals the opposite1 congregations ma%e other congregations# Rare in%ee% were schisms or plants by %enominational missionaries# )lso in this chapter is a %iscussion o! those rituals that provi%e% the communitarianism an% group i%entity absent in most historical accounts# Location was originally the %eci%ing !actor in the makeup o! a congregation# 'uring the century, however, other !actors became as important as *religion+ in !orming an% maintaining a local religious institution.inclu%ing race, ethnicity, class, an% regional sympathies# Religious architecture an% the location o! congregations, meeting-places serve as the topic o! the ne"t chapter, with Louisville,s tumultuous history %uring the <IJCs an% <ILCs as the backgroun%# The (loo%y 6on%ay riot o! <IJJ an% the Civil 8ar each involve% symbolic uses o! churches# -n the !ormer, Catholic churches were threatene% !or hol%ing secret papal armies an% ammunitionG imme%iately a!ter the Civil 8ar, :nion o!!icers con!iscate% one Presbyterian church an% use% it !or a military hospital because o! the Con!e%erate sympathies o! its pastor# This chapter argues that over the nineteenth century, Louisville,s religious architecture not only became %istinctly religious, but that a process o! amalgamation occurre%, pro%ucing an *)merican+ religious architecture to which &ews, Catholics, an% Protestants all subscribe%# 7enerally, the narrative o! &ewish synagogues an% Catholic churches emphasi@e% their architectural Protestanti@ationG Louisville,s e"ample %emonstrates that Protestant religious architecture also change% in the <ICCs, !rom house-like churches to %emonstrably *religious+ buil%ings# Postwar an% Reconstruction-$ra Louisville e"perience% an in!lu" o! !ormer Con!e%erates an% !ormer slaves# The city,s elite also emerge% as lea%ers in political, economic, cultural, e%ucational, an% social circles# This strati!ication o! classes an% the increase o! legal an% me%ical pro!essionals provi%es the situation in which - %iscuss the broa% shi!ts that took place in congregational worship %uring the nineteenth century# 6ost generally, worship shi!te% !rom a lay-oriente% an% participatory e"ercise to one that was organi@e% an% le% by religious *e"perts+ /i#e# ministers an% music %irectors0# 7one were %ays o! class meetings an% sharing o! religious e"periencesG instea%, ministers

<B

sermoni@e% an% musicians per!orme% !or the congregation# )gain, the &ewish, Catholic, an% Protestant e"amples %ovetail nicely into a pan-tra%ition *)merican+ worship style# -n Louisville,s &ewish, Catholic, an% Protestant congregations over the nineteenth-century, religious practices %emonstrate% an increase in a public religiosity that separate% religion !rom every%ay society an% li!e# (y comparing the religious practices o! Protestants, &ews, an% Catholics in Louisville, Kentucky, this sacre%ness or otherness becomes apparent#

<I

'aniel (anks 'iary# <H 'ecember <IDA ;teamboats were cra@y places, c!# 6elville, &he onfidence "an# miller iii sweet iv ;mith, hatch, etc# v EE vi &ohnson, slave stu!! vii moore viii Lippy, williams
ii i" " "i "ii "iii "iv "v "vi "vii "viii

FL /(ra% 7regory,s stu%y o! early mo%ern martyr%om begins with an e"cellent rationale !or cross-con!essional analysis#0 Richey