Erich

S.

Gruen

(ed.)

Cultural Borrowings

and Ethnic Appropriations

in Antiquity

Geschichte

OrieisetOccidens 8

Franz Steiner Verlag

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Semiramis

in History

and Legend:

a case study in interpretation of an Assyrian historical tradition, with

observations on archetypes in ancient historiography, on euheroerism before

Euhemerus, and on the so-called Greek ethnographic

Stephanie

style 1

D alley

This paper seeks to show that a background of genuine historical events lies behind legends of the Assyrian queen Semiramis. The background allows confla-

between two or perhaps three queens to be untangled, Assyrian historical writings connected with those times show some of the features normally identified as Hellenistic, allowing us to discard the idea that those legends were constructed by Greeks in the Persian and Seleucid periods. The conflation may not
tion
result

from confusion but from the ancient Mesopotamian concept of archetypes,

according to which ideal institutions and offices in heaven had their examples

from time to time on earth. This understanding would imply that Semiramis was the name used for any powerful queen who represented the archetype, with more or less divine status. The archetypes were controlled by the sages who took the form of fish-man and fish- woman composites. This is a connection that may
explain the fishy aspect of the legend.

Herodotus

(1

185) recognised
later

two

great queens of Assyria,

"The

earlier,

Semiramis, preceding the

by five generations", was a character long recognised as Sammu-ramat, the wife of Shamshi-Adad V and mother of Adad-nerari HI. Herodotus named the later queen "Nitocris", confusedly taking the name from a 7 lh century Egyptian princess, the daughter of Psammetiehus I.2 Other

writers such as Diodorus Siculus conflated the

two queens and called both of

them "Semiramis." Scholars attempting to unravel the legends attached to the name of Semiramis have agreed that **Nitocris" is the name used for Sennacherib's second wife Naqia,

who

lived

some

five generations later than

Sammu-

and that Naqia' s building works at Babylon are 1 mainly the same as those attributed to "Semiramis" by Diodorus (IL7-I0). There is a third woman possibly to be picked out from the conflation; Friedrich Konig recognised S argon II in some of the deeds of Ninus. He was the Assyrian

ramau

just as

Herodotus

said,

king to

whom

Semiramis was married, according to legends attributed

to Cie-

would

like to (hank

Jane Lighlfoui, Pclcr Kings! ey and Erich Cruen for contributing

tic

in

various ways to this paper.

-

She became the God's Wife of Amon, and so one of

nwwi distinguished

women of her

generation.

*Lewy
1999, 196
n.

1952. 2o4Yf T accepted by Pettinuto 1985, 26. not apparently

282.

known

to Vanderhoufi

Copyrighted materia!

Semiramis

in History

and Legend

Jaw of Sammu-ramat fought against a king of Urartu named Arrumu. The latter campaign was perhaps the most famous conducted by that long-lived king* Since Urartu is located precisely in the area later known as Armenia, we can be almost certain that the Armenian legend echoes a historical situation,** Arrurnu was
succeeded by Sarduri I who had founded a new dynasty by 832; the names of Arramu's sons are unknown/* Sammu-ramat's husband Shamshi-Adad V reigned

a mere thirteen years, but her son Adad-nerari Hi ruled for longer, twenty eight years. The son officially conducted campaigns on the border of Urartu "
for
1

against Argishti

I,

whose

father king

called "Semiramis canal" according

situ

Menua is to his own

credited with building the soinscriptions,

by the canal." Thus Sammu-ramat, our with a construction later named after her.

first

which are still in Semiramis, is contemporary

One perplexing aspect

of the legends

is

Semiramis' connection with Ascalon

and the cult of fish. According to Diodorus Siculus (II ,4-5)* Dcrketo the mother of Semiramis was a goddess who turned into a fish. 12 Where does this curious mixture come from? Again, Assyrian sources from the lime of Sammu-ramat may contribute at least a part of the answer. We know from the Eponym Chronicle for 788 that the foundations of a new temple dedicated to the god Nabu were laid at Nineveh, and that Nabu entered his new temple in 787. 13 At nearby Nimrud in the temple of Nabu two statues were dedicated to Nabu by the governor Bel-tarsiiluma (who served as eponym official in 797), "for the life of Adad-nerari III and for the life of Sammu-ramat". tJ Great stone figures at the doorways included mermen and mermaids J 5 Thus we have a connexion for the early S^ century between Sammu-ramat, the first Semiramis, and mermaid iconography. A connection of Nabu with fish or fish -man composite creatures is not widespread, and one may suggest that it was introduced to illustrate the new
of Nabu as "sage", apkallu, a title first attested in the reign of Adad-nerari HI, son of Sammu-ramat. According to Mesopotamian tradition, the firsiapkallusages rose up from the sea to bring the arts of civilisation from the gods to mankind. These arts and institutions, known in Sumerian as me, consisted of archetypes or concepts, and included kingship, priesthood, warfare, scribal art, and various craft skills. 16 The sage took the form of a fish body with a human
status

head beneath the

certain Assyrian

fish head. The description corresponds to a figure shown on and Babylonian seals, sculptures and figurines, and is some-

Petlinato 1985,27-28.

'Radnor 1998. 132-133.

llJ

Tlie viceroy Shnrmhi-rlu led al least part of the campaign, see

Gray &nn 1996. 232-33-

"
12

Salrini 1992.

Wcinfcld 1991 proposed that Dcrketo should be understood from Ugarilic drkt "dominion" and Sammu-ramat as its lexical equivalent tmm rmm '"high heavens". Sec below, with note
45.

"Millard 1994.60. u Grayson 1996,226-227. ,5 Mallowan 1966.235. "Farter 1987-90.610.

ted material

14

Stephanie Dal ley

times depicted together with

mermen and mermaids. 17 Was

there a lemple to

Nebo (West Semitic Nabu)al Ascalon with

similar iconography?

No evidence

for

such a cult has been found by excavation. Weinfeld has supposed that the historical Sammu-ramal, whose name he thought was a West Semitic onc T was a
princess from Ascalon."4 But this seems unlikely because the Philistine cities

were

still

fur

beyond Assyrian imperial ambition

in the 9th century,

and the

Assyrian king would probably not have wasted a royal marriage upon a city of
slight diplomatic weight.

We still

do not know why the legendary Semi ram is was

linked with Ascalon.

Sammu-ramai.

the

first

historical

Semi ram is. held

the

title

mi.e.gal "palace

woman"

of the king, during the reign of her husband and during that of her son.

Although (he title is sometimes translated "queen" when followed by a kings name, in fact it usually includes the status of queen mother as well as the current ruler's consort. This meant that she was an exceptionally powerful woman who succeeded in maintaining the top position despite presumed rivalry from her
daughter-in-law.

phenomenon is comparable to that of the Hittite Tawanbecome high priestess at an important temple when she was widowed, and the lemple of Nabu at Nimrud is a good candidate because of the two statues with their joint dedication. This possibility may be an ingredient in the deification of the queen in later legend. More solid as evidence is the stela inscribed with her name, found among the stelae of Assyrian kings and two other, later, queens at Assur. Miglus has shown that they were carefully discarded from
If this

nanna, she would have

a lemple where they stood as adorants;

19

temple includes a statue or stela of a king

stela of

a text listing statues of deities in Assur s among deities213 Such a placing for the
.

Sammu-ramiit would have given her the status of a lesser divinity. There is no apparent Link between Sammu-ramat and Babylon. Recent research maintains thai Adad-nerari HI reinstated as king of Babylon Baba-ahuiddinu, whom Shamshi-Adad V had deposed, and there is no evidence that either
Assyrian king was involved
has
left

no echo in

major building works stories about Semiramis.

in
is

there. 2

The

reinstallation

The second Semiramis

more problematic. Much of

the suggested evidence

is

details in the account of

ambiguous, Konig, who edited the Persica of Ctesias. interpreted a selection of Diodorus Siculus (11,1-3), to argue that Ninus' deeds included echoes of the deeds of Sargon II, His earlier work, editing Urartian
inscriptions,

an history.
I
.

had given him an exceptionally detailed background in neo- AssyriThe gist of his arguments runs as follows: Sargon. like Ninus, conquered Babylon before "modern" Babylon was built, i.e. before the rebuilding done by Esarhaddon, Assurbanipal and Nebuchadnezzar
II.

''e.g-Qillun 2(XI\.
Ia

m.

12; IfcThordr

]W2

Tafel 15,4.

Weinfeld 1991, 53: and see below, note '"Mi^us I9S4. 133-140.

-15-

-"Mcmcl 198 1, vol.

:i

II.

147.

Hnki'l and Rcadc 2tMjfVk"3.

neu reading of

\Uc Synclinviifclic Chronicle.

II.

15-20.

ted material

Semiramis

in History

and Legend

2.

Sargon recorded
great

hi s conquest of Musasi r in sou them Urartu c ul t centre of the god Haldi. in a long poetic-epic letter, when its king was Urzana. whom Konig equated with Diodorus" Barzanes. 22 This seems to me to be his
,

strongest argument.
3*

Sargon conquered Daiukku,

tified

a ruler of the

Mannay whom some scholars iden-

with Deioces, called by Herodotus the first king of the Medes. Konig identified this with the campaign of Ninus against the Mcde Pharnos. He interpreted Pharnos as the Old Persian fama h, a quality ascribed to Persian
kings in the time of Herodotus, but not restricted to Pcioccs, 23
4,

Ninus was said to have built a new capital city, and this is true of Sargon II and of no other king in the S" -?* centuries BC. This interpretation ignores
1

the possibility that "build" stands for "rebuild".

Ninus was a corruption of Kinos, tinder the influence of the etymologising that associated him with the name of Nineveh. Diodorus said that Ninus gave his own name to the city, and this is what Sargon did in naming his new capital Dur-Sarrukin. However, there is no hard evidence that Ninus was ever known as Kinos, cither in Greek or in Akkadian. There is a tittle more support for identifying aspects of Ninus with Sargon II. Orosius, a Spanish priest contemporary with Augustine of Hippo, wrote in his polemic against the pagans that Ninus died in battle, 24 and this fits well with what is securely known of Sargon II who died in battle in Cilicia The event has
5.

Konig thought

that

importance in Christian tradition because (as is now often thought) Isaiah 14:3 it. Orosius was so keen to vilify the pagans that he claimed Ninus drank human blood instead of milk, no doubt giving reason for Jerome to trans21 records
late the

Son of the Dawn

Semiramis

as Lucifer. Orosius also said, as did Diodorus Siculus

(II.7), that

built

a mausoleum for Ninus after his death.

I

It

may be

monument, for a tomb* ike structure is shown on Roman coins from Tarsus which are connected with the cult of Marduk-Santa. patron god of Tarsus. 26 This cult was established, according to Berossus, 27 by Sennacherib, son of Sargon. An equation of Ninus with Sargon 11 would suggest that his wife
possible to locate this

Atalya

may be a second

Semiramis, but this cannot be considered certain.

generally agreed that
*l

The third Semiramis.

erib,
33

It is

Nitocris"

is

the

name used by
and two

Herodotus for Sennacherib's second wife Naqia.

2*

During the reign of Sennachwails, city gates,

Nineveh was magnificently enlarged, with new

This wus previously suggested by

Lcwy

1952, 269, although she maintained that Minns

stood Tor Sennacherib rather than Sargon.

between Herodotus' Deioces and Daiku the Median king of Sunardu in Sargon 's reign is now preferred to a link with the Mannayan ruler Daiukku, Radner 1999 s.v. Daiku and Daiukku. This is an unimportant adjustment from the point of view of Kbnig's argument.
link
i4
'5

2i

Oros. 14.1-8.

Peuitailol9R5,61
1941 and Dal ley 1999,
Burtiein 1978, 24.
Eilcrs
1

* Goldman
2'

38

97 1 ;

Petti nalo 1985.

The contemporary cuneiform sources

,

for Niiqia are thoroug-

hly discussed by Melville 1999. See also Baker 2001 s.v. Naqi'a.

Copyrighted material

16

Stephanie Dal ley

palaces,-'*

although the role played by Naqia

in

these deeds

is

not

known. At
in

Babylon, on the other hand, her building works during the reign of her son

Esurhaddon are known from contemporary Assyrian royal inscriptions

her role

which

was acknowledged publicly, an advertisement which is noi known for any other Mesopotamian queen. Given that Greek writers sometimes confused Nineveh and Babylon, it is not always possible lo separate the two cities in legends about Semiramis, but in some cases details suggest which city is meant when Herodotus or Diodorus attributes building works lo Nilocris or to Semiramis. One of several reasons for confusion between Nineveh and Babylon arises from the indisputable fact thai Naqia was queen in Nineveh, yet helped her son
Esarhaddon
to undertake great building

works

in

Babylon.*"
in

A
1.

series of details

from the classical authors corresponds to deeds recorded

Sennacherib's

own

inscriptions:

The description in Herodotus (1.185) corresponds to the water engineering works which Sennacherib undertook to bring mountain water lo Nineveh,
according to his Bavian inscription. 31

2.

The method of

construction of a bridge which Herodotus (1.188-189) at-

tributes to Nilocris but

Diodorus (11.8.1-3) to Semiramis, corresponds to

details given in inscriptions of Sennacherib. J2

3.

The

description of mechanical devices for opening gates related by Diodorus

(11.8.7).

corresponds to Sennacherib's mechanical sluice gates in the Bavian

in

inscription.
4.

The account
a

Diodorus

(II.

16,6-7) of how Phoenicians

made

river boats for

campaign against Bactria may be related to Sennacherib's own account of how he had boats built by Phoenicians in Til Barsip for his campaign in
southern Babylonia.
1

5.

6.

Walls and gates of Babylon descrihed by Herodotus (III. 55) are comparable to those built by Sennacherib at Nineveh.33 The description in Diodorus (11.8.3), supposedly referring to Babylon, of the palace sculpture showing "Semiramis" hunting a lion, corresponds to wall sculptures of Assurbanipal in the North Palace built by Sennacherib, on which beardless persons wearing jewellery, and riding on horseback, take
active part in a lion hunt,

7.

The two palaces (11.8.3) may refer

built

by the river (Euphrates^

to the

SW and N

palaces built

"Babylon" in Diodorus by Sennacherib at Nineveh,

at

both overlooking the river (Tigris) there.

8.

Diodorus named Semiramis' husband as Ninus and her son as Ninyas. Both have names that can be etymologised as derived from Nineveh. This was not

^ Sec
3fl

Haute 11WK-200 1.411-116.

at the

Confusion between Hubylon ami Nineveh starting from the inscriptions of Sennacherib
Rencontre AsfAriolojjique Internationale:
held, in

was discussed in several papers delivered London in 2(H)3. 11 Jacobwcn and l.luyd. 1935. 36-7.
,:

e.. Frali in.

19"7 62-64. 7K and S3.

,;

Lcwy |52

Copyrighted materia!

Stephanie Dallcy

alive, supporting her

ipal*s

grandson in his role as world conqueror. It was Assurbansuck of Susa* capital of the Elamites, which lies behind the awful slaughter

carried out by Esther in the

Hebrew story,
Naqia
is

In a letter written to Esarhaddon,

referred to in exceptional terms:

"The mother of the king is as clever as Adapa".- Ada pa* also called Oa lines* was the first sage, apkallu. one of those characters traditionally represented as men wearing fish-cloaks. Adapa was also a priest, and since we have 7 century sculptures of men wearing a fish-cloak* it is possible that the compliment paid in the letter refers to a cultic ceremony when Naqia wore such a garment and was honoured with a rare status. Al the lime of the first Semiramis in the 9th century, a> we have seen* the god Nabu was credited with being a sage; and statues of two mermaids in the temple of Nabu at Nimrud are mentioned in an administrative
,,,

text

of the late 8 1h century.'10 This

is

a possible,

if

very tentative, connection of the

Semiramis with fish. The connections with the sage tradition, shown above for both the first and third Semiramis queens, find resonance in a classical source: in the name of On nes, husband of Semiramis according to Diodorus Siculus (II. 5). The suggestion that Onnes is a mild corruption of Oannes, the first sage, Sumcrian ia*an, was first made in 1887. 41 The idea that Semiramis became a goddess after her death is recorded by Diodorus (II. 14). It re Ms on the authority of an oracle delivered in Egypt from The shrine of Amon in the Siwa oasis: "that she would disappear from among men and receive undying honour among some of the peoples of Asia'*. "Some, making a myth of it. say that she turned into a dove and flew off in the company of many birds which alighted on her dwelling, and this, they say, is the reason why the Assyrians worship the dove as a god, thus deifying Semiramis" (11,20). Tills has been discounted because it seems to be an example of that Hellenistic phenomenon, euhemerism. according to which mortal rulers who lived in the distant past were thought to have become divine.
third

had a long history in the Near East well before the arrival of Hellenism. For example, Gilgamesh was distinctly mortal yet became god of the Underworld: and certain Mesopotamian kings such as Shulgi of Ur and NaramSin of Agade were deified before (heir death, A slightly different form of the idea comes from the tradition that the gods were once on the earth and did the deeds now performed by mortals. In the Legend of Etarta the gods were said to have built the city vf Kish; in the Epic of Creation Marduk and the other gods slaved to make bricks and to build Babylon; in the Epic ofAtrahasis the gods formed rivers and cities: the city Assur bears the name of its own god* as does the city Anal on the middle Euphrates; an inscription of the Old Babylonian king Yahdun-Lim from Mari on the middle Euphrates refers to the time long past "when the god
idea, in fact,

The

"

Dallcy. forthcoming, provisional

Ittle

Revenue tn Susa. From Scnnache rib

to Exlhrr

"'Purpula 1993, no. 244.

4,5

41

and Postgate 1984. 95 B: 28. Lehmanr..Haupl in 19 HI thought there was no pimple

Diilley

identification, see Eilers 1971,

52

ii.

90.

Copyrighted me!

20

Stephanie Dallcy

physical geography of the urea. I he climate, live slock, agricultural and mineral

produce, the origins and features of the inhabitants and the political, social and

we find aspects of most of these in the accounts of Assyria of Semi rami s are recounted, as given by Herodotus and in which the deeds 47 A late Sth century BC example can be found in the letter Diodorus Si cuius.
military organisation,

written to the gods of Assyria by Sargon

"J

II:

4*

I drew near to Ushqaya, a great fort heading the Unman of Zaranda region like a door and holds hack messengers, and si and?, out like a needle on Mai bin a mountain of firs, and is clothed in radiance spreading over the land of Subi; the people who live in thai region within Urartu, all of them, are

departed from (he land UishJish.

Iron tier,

which harv the

psifcs

unequalled for

tlicir ability

with cavalry horses; every year they take colls, very young

steeds horn in their hroad country, which they raise far their royal regiment, lo such an

extent that they are not taken lo Subi. the region of Urartian people called
their

Maunayan,

until

performance has been seen: nobody has yet mounted them and going forwards, turning around uutt going buck wards as needed for battle has not yet been demonstrated: harness
has
still

not been fixed on." titties 167-173).

Do
first

confusion and conflation account for the three Scimrainis queens?

An

intentional explanation

may be

suggested.

We

have noted the connection of the

and

third

archetypes for

Semi ram is characters with sages, and the ancient tradition of kingship etc. Presumably "queenship*' could be an addition to this

Mcsopoianiian history is the naming of a new king alter a much earlier king of a different dynasty to whom he was unrelated. Sargon, Naram-Sm. and Nebuchadnezzar are three obvious examples. In the first instance the second Sargon seems to have adopted and reused
wide-ranging category.
striking feature of ancient

legends attached lo the

earlier.
41'

first

Sargon,

who had

lived
in

This

may
to

imply an understanding of history

lie

more than 1,500 years which an ideal or arche-

type

was thought

behind similarities. Other instances include the archetypal

Flood, which stands for the

locations;**'

many

floods that took place in various places and

literal

and the use of schematic chronology alongside

1

chronology,

both

Mesopotamia" and in Biblical literature/ finding its way from Assyria 1 into Lydia.* For Semi ram is stories. Diodorus would have taken the archetype for historical fact, whereas Herodotus separated two literal examples from the archein
'

type.

New' evidence from Assyria helps to disentangle a historical kernel within

legends about Semi ram is, and to distinguish probably three Assyrian queens. The very ancient Sumerian tradition of archetypes may account for the confusion
or fusion of

more than one woman

into the category

of superlative queens hi p.

*'

Note

that similar features,

<*

attributed In Rcrovsos

sometimes ascribed to Greek influence, arc found ho mentioned Semi rami*, as a ruler of Assyria.
translation.

in writings

"Text using Mayer I9R3: own w Horowitz IMS. 165, 5fJ Mallowan 1%4, 62-82.
*
:

Hrinkman 1976. Kn. 5.

1940, 2 taking up observations

- Hughes
**

made by

Julius Wellhausen.

Bmkcrl 1995.

Copyrighted material

Scmiramis

in Hisiory

and Legend

This evaluation goes along with the recognition that euhemerism and ethnographic description can be found in Assyrian literature in the 8^ and 7 ,n centuries, and

do not necessarily mark a Hellenistic composition.

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