Sci & Educ (2012) 21:293310 DOI 10.

1007/s11191-010-9292-5

Science and Technology in Greek Newspapers, 19001910. Historiographical Reections and the Role of Journalists for the Public Images of Science and Technology
Eirini Mergoupi-Savaidou Faidra Papanelopoulou Spyros Tzokas

Published online: 5 September 2010 Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

Abstract Based on our research on two Athenian daily newspapers for the rst decade of the twentieth century, we present some historiographical reections concerning the role of the daily press in the circulation of scientic knowledge, ideas and practices. From the wealth of material provided, we examine some of the ways in which scientic and technical knowledge was made available to a wider public and contributed to the creation of a general scientic literacy. Although Greece has never been in the forefront of scientic and technological research, the vast amount of newspaper articles on science and technology, but also references to science and technology in other kind of articles, show how discussions on science and technology become part of daily life in order to serve various agendas. Since newspapers address a very wide and diverse public on a daily basis they become privileged media not only for understanding the role science and technology played in the formation of modern societies, but also for examining the values and ideas attached to them and communicated to a wider public.

1 Introduction In recent years, historians of science have turned their attention to the historiographical problems raised by the concept of science popularisation that were rst discussed in the 1980s mostly by sociologists of science. Two seminal papers by the sociologists Stephen Hilgartner and Richard Whitley directed discussion towards the rejection of the so-called diffusionist model, according to which science popularisation is a process of simplication and transmission of scientic knowledge to the lay public for purposes of edication, scientic training and the legitimisation of scientic practice in general (Hilgartner 1990; Shinn and Whitley 1985). Both papers have highlighted the complexities of such a process that could be hardly described by considering three main, but seemingly static, actors: the community of scientists who produce science proper, the lay public that needs to be

E. Mergoupi-Savaidou F. Papanelopoulou (&) S. Tzokas University of Athens, Athens, Greece e-mail: fpapanel@phs.uoa.gr

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enlightened even in a very rudimentary way, and lastly the mediator between the two, the science populariser. The following decade, the historian Roger Cooter together with Stephen Pumfrey, published another seminal paper this time addressing directly the community of historians of science. Apart from historians of medicine, historians of science had not yet taken seriously into consideration this subeld (Cooter and Pumfrey 1994). Almost 20 years later, and after a great amount of scholarly work done on the eld, we are still in search of the right conceptual tools to deal with the phenomenon. In his Halifax keynote lecture on the occasion of the joint British-North American meeting in 2004, James Secord suggested to re-introduce the so-far marginal eld of science popularisation in a reconceptualised history of science based on the concept of the circulation of knowledge (Secord 2004). As Jonathan Topham has remarked, such a reconceptualization breaks down the boundaries between the history of science popularization and other important communicative histories, such as science education and international scientic communication (Topham 2009, 4). Most recently, the Focus section in Isis, under the direction of Topham, has raised questions related to the consequences of historicizing popular science or what Andreas Daum has appositely called a changing set of processes, practices and actors that generate and transform public knowledge across time, space and cultures (Daum 2009). This paper can be inscribed within the concept of knowledge in transit for it deals with science communication through a relatively new and seldom-used archival source for the history of science: newspapers. Historians of science have stressed the emergence of a mass market for science from the second half of the nineteenth century, boosted by the introduction of new technologies in publishing production, the broadening of the learned middle class public, and the adoption of commercial strategies (Brock 1980; Lightman 1997). Discussions on the role of mass media as historical material for understanding the place of science in society have emerged through the renewed interest in reconsidering the historiography of science popularisation and that of popular culture. However, it is mostly the general periodical press that has attracted the attention of historians, with the most comprehensive approach coming from the Science in the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Project.1 Based on our research on two of the most popular Athenian daily newspapers for the rst decade of the twentieth century, we are interested in examining newspapers both from a methodological and a historiographical point of view. Historical research on the presence of science in the daily political press invites the historian to take into account various periodizations concerning the history of the press, the political, social and cultural history of the country (since the press deals mostly with political and social news) as well as the history of science. Historians usually discern two periods in the early history of the Greek daily press, which are closely related to changes in the political scene of the country. The rst period spans from the foundation of the Greek State in 1830 until around 1870, and is characterised by the publication of what is usually referred to as journal d opinion on a periodic (but not a daily) basis.2 The second period begins around the end of the 1870s, when the transition from the journal dopinion to journalism is almost complete.
The initial study of the SciPer project has been published in three collective volumes and is the result of a multi-disciplinary approach, drawing from the history of popular science, cultural and literary studies and periodical studies. See: Cantor et al. (2004a), Cantor et al. (2004b) and Henson et al. (2004). See also Science in the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Project. www.sciper.org. Accessed 21 January 2010.
2 1

The term journal dopinion is often being used to describe the French daily press, and is usually employed in opposition to the term journal dinformation which is considered to characterise the British and American daily press. The journal dopinion usually refers to newspapers that include commentaries,

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9ksa 2001). The one-mans newspaper is now turning into a full-edged business (Lpa The period is also marked by the programme of modernisation promoted by PM Harilaos Trikoupis, and goes up, at least, until 1915 with the emergence of the National Schism.3 The conict between King Constantine and PM Eleftherios Venizelos over whether Greece should enter Word War I, polarised the daily press in supporters of the King and supporters of Venizelos Liberal party. The features of the Greek daily press from 1870s onwards were determined by the specic political, economic, social and cultural characteristics of the period. The emergence of a new political scene, with an emphasis on parties rather than dominant ideol9ksa ogies, rendered newspapers organs of political propaganda and intervention (Lpa 2001, 6670; Hering 2004, 659; Kot 9 ko1 2006, 183).4 New printing techniques contributed to an important increase in the quantity and quality of newspapers produced. The introduction of new means of handling information, such as the use of the network of telegraphy, the collaboration with correspondents in urban centres in Greece, Europe and the East, the emergence of new kinds of journalistic discourse, such as reporting, brought closer the Greek daily press to the emerging style of journal dinformation. Moreover, the construction and expansion of the railway system of the country and the foundation of the rst agency of newspaper sellers facilitated the distribution of the newspapers. The collaboration of newspapers with important personalities from literary circles increased their status, and at the same time the simplication of the language used, with the introduction of forms closer to the vernacular, rendered them more appealing to the public. Lastly advances in the networks of communication and transportation contributed to the circulation of news and ideas outside Greece, and within the reach of the Greek Diaspora, which 9ksa 2001; in turn could facilitate the creation of a coherent national ideology (Lpa Dqot 9 kia 2005, 2008). Although Greece has never been in the forefront of scientic and technological research, the vast amount of newspaper articles on science and technology, but also references to science and technology in other kind of articles, show how discussions on science and technology become part of daily life in order to serve various agendas. Since newspapers address a very wide and diverse public on a daily basis they become privileged media not only for understanding the role science and technology played in the formation of modern societies, but also for examining the values and ideas attached to them and communicated to a wider public. In what follows we will use examples from the history of the Greek daily press, in order to further reect on the role newspapers can play in the history of science and the history of science education.

Footnote 2 continued analyses and opinion articles, whereas the journal dinformation is characterised by the predominance of universal and true telegraphic information. See Martin (2005, 37).
3

The National Schism occurred around 1915 when German-raised Danish King Constantine disagreed with PM Eleftherios Venizelos, who supported the Allies, over whether Greece should enter the First World War. The roots of the conict were of course deeper, and went back to decisions taken during the Balkan wars and the Macedonian Question. See Koliopoulos and Veremis (2002). In a study on the role of the daily press during the parliamentary elections of the period 18811895, the author underlines that newspaper editors conceived their role as educators. Informing and enlightening the readership aimed at shaping the correct opinion that would lead them to choose the most suitable political party to serve the nation. The press had the duty to point the readers-voters to the right choice 9ksa 2001, 258). (Lpa

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2 Newspapers in the History of Science. Historiographical and Methodological Considerations Newspapers are often employed as archival sources in historical research despite debates over their use.5 Regardless the difculties in handling such a material, historians and social scientists make frequent use of newspapers not only for they create a graphic picture of society but also for they provide an amazing wealth of information that cannot always be retrieved from other kind of sources (Maynard Salmon 1923). As Jerry W. Knudson has remarked newspapers contain so many different types of material that no simple statement about their value is possible (Knudson 1993). Indeed, editorials and opinion articles, political, economic and social news, parliament reports, ofcial notices, press conferences, interviews, illustrations and political cartoons, commercial advertisements, obituaries etc. are some of the diverse types of material to be found in newspapers. Historians usually select specic types of newspaper articles in order to gather information about political and ideological trends, patterns of social attitudes, images of race, class, gender and national identities, consumerism cultures, local communities, minority groups, lives of individuals, urbanisation, historical earthquake or ood data etc. The use of newspapers in the history of science is a less common practice.6 It is the general periodical press that has attracted most attention, and has provided important methodological tools for analyzing their contents. SciPers experience, for instance, has shown that science, technology and medicine did not appear only in scientic articles and columns, but permeated most discussions on topics related to Victorian culture and history. Like periodicals, the daily press can be equally seen as a particularly suggestive source for the circulation of scientic knowledge, ideas and practices, the formation of the public images of science and technology and the public perception of their role in society. Unlike periodicals, newspapers are characterised by a less elaborate genre of writing, less coherent contents and less readily identiable editorial agendas. Recording the daily pulse of life, newspaper articles are characterized by spontaneity, directness and liveliness and can, therefore, be considered to reect the immediate response of the public (part of which are the journalists themselves) to the daily news. Moreover, newspapers often contain a variety of views and opinions that do not necessarily agree with each other, but capture the multiple dimensions of the political and social climate of a certain period (Dqot 9 kia9jot 2005). Although, these points have already been exemplied by the work of Lgsqa historians and social scientists, their articulation from the point of view of the history of science is important on two counts. One the one hand, it is important to stress the richness of the daily press as an archival material and legitimate its complementary or even autonomous use in the history of science. On the other hand, the extent to which science and technology are topics that permeate the entire newspaper and are not limited to specic columns dealing with science popularisation is indicative of the important role science and technology played in the formation of modern societies. The legitimisation or activation of a new historical source goes hand in hand with methodological concerns about its exploitation. Based on empirical research conducted on two Greek newspapers during the rst decade of the twentieth century, Skrip [Rjqip]
5

Some of the most frequent questions addressed by historians are whether the daily press can provide factual validity, if it is a carrier of no more than biased views or whether it can accurately represent public opinion. For a report of the various uses of newspapers by historians and social scientists see Jones (n.d.). On a discussion of the uses of newspapers in the history of science see also (Papanelopoulou and Kjaergaard 2009).

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1] (18961969),7 we would like to underline the (18931930) and Embros [Elpqo importance of taking advantage of one of the most prominent characteristics of newspapers: their daily frequency.8 Because of the diverse and vast amount of information contained in newspapers, it is often tempting to use sampling techniques or statistical approaches, as usually employed in the social sciences for quantitative and qualitative analysis. Apart from the fact that there is no convincing criteria with respect to which sampling could be decided, one of the main reasons for choosing to go through the whole body of the newspapers is that sampling prevents the thorough study of various issues that appear in daily sequences. Take for example the frequent articles on the North Pole controversy between explorers R. Peary and F. Cook published throughout 1908 by both newspapers. These articles played both the role of serial stories and that of displaying science to the public. On May 6, 1910 the newspaper Embros published on its last page a 9 mtlo1 6.10.1908a). In page 3 photograph of R. Peary without an accompanying article (Amx of the same issue we nd a very short announcement on Pearys visit to Rome for a lecture 9 mtlo1 6.10.1908b). The frequent reader of the newspaper would not on the North Pole (Amx need additional information so as to place the photograph and the piece of information in context. In the same way, the historian can only recognise the relevance of both objects to the largest context of the North Pole controversy only after having been through the entire contents of the newspapers on a daily basis and for a relatively long period of time. It is important, therefore, to underline that in order to examine the place of science in modern society one has to go through the entire body of the newspaper without limiting oneself to specic types of articles dealing exclusively with science or technology.9 Our work on the Greek daily press has shown that the news about science and technology together with journalists views and opinions were spread throughout the newspaper. Short news items on local, national and international scientic issues were reproduced and critically discussed in opinion articles that appeared on the front page of the paper. Important scientic or technical events, such as the observation of Halleys Comet or a new record for the longest or fastest airplane ight, were followed by popular science articles that explained basic 9 mtlo1 4.6.1908). Local scientic and technical scientic principles behind these issues (Amx issues, such as the use of asphalt concrete for the streets of Athens, were placed close to 9 mtlo1 relevant international events, such as conferences on road construction (Amx 9.10.1908). Similarly, readers learned about the scientic and technical parameters of major projects, such as the electrication of Athens, through letters and reports sent by engineers, politicians and businessmen, which opened a platform for public debate.10 Sampling
7

The high numbers of circulation of the most popular and long-lived Greek newspapers (between 3,000 and 10,000 copies each during the rst decade of the twentieth century) is indicative of the wide popularity the daily press enjoyed. These numbers are quite impressive given the high percentage of illiteracy aficting the country during the same period (around 50%). Similar numbers of circulation are to be found in Spain, whereas at the turn of the twentieth century we know that 81% of Danish households subscribed to a daily lez-Silva and Herran 2009; Andersen and Hjermitslev 2009). newspaper (Gonza Our empirical study is exposed in detail in (Mergoupi-Savaidou et al. 2009). We have recorded over 2,500 newspaper articles for the period 19081910 related to science and technology in both newspapers, and have conducted a less exhaustive search for the whole decade. The articles selected for this paper do not represent the totality of the issues dealt with, but are used as indicative examples for the questions raised here. This is an approach usually adopted within the Public Understanding of Science programme. See for example (Bodmer 1985) and (Dimopoulos and Koulaidis 2002).

10 Spyros Tzokas work on debates concerning the irrigation of Athens has shown that newspapers were alternative media for debates even over technical details, which did not nd their way in specialized journals ja1 (2010 forthcoming). because of competing editorial interests. See Sfo

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procedures or selective reading of articles that have an explicit scientic or technical context cannot capture the interconnectedness of most articles within a single newspaper issue. In addition, the positioning of news items and articles in the newspaper is in a way representative of the image journalists want to convey about daily life. It is, therefore, important to examine the relative signicance of these different articles according to their place within the body of the newspaper.11 It is obvious that articles on the front page situated near illustrations, or related to headlines attract more attention than short newsitems that are scattered in the middle pages among a great number of advertisements. This is part of the editorial agenda of the newspaper, which is, of course, to some extent, restricted by the physical characteristics of the medium itself. Moreover, it is often the case that the same event, such as the 1908 earthquake in Messina or the appearance of Halleys Comet in 1910, appears in various kinds of articles of the same issue. The different points of view of the journalists, the different ways in which they highlight the news, the different connotations they prescribe to science may produce a multiplicity of images and meanings, often complementary but sometimes contradictory as well, which obliges the reader to actively process the information offered. In this respect, readers are not passive receptors of the views and opinions presented in the newspapers. An important but difcult aspect of studies dealing with newspapers is the examination of reading practices, their shaping by but also their inuence on the content of newspapers. Since newspapers are by denition ephemeral publications that are read, discussed, and perhaps thrown away the same day or used as cheap paper for other purposes, traces of reading practices, discussions over the news of the day, and generally the circulation of newspapers among various social strata can be found mostly in indirect sources and photographic material.12 It is interesting to note that for the period under examination we get some information about reading practices, as well as the reactions of the audience to the news from the newspapers themselves. In their daily columns, journalists often described how Athenians were engaged in heated discussions about the news of the day in coffee shops or taverns of the city centre. On the return of Halleys Comet, for instance, one journalist observed that popular science articles on the comet were read and then avidly discussed in public spaces. As he characteristically said, the comet left behind a great number of astronomers who continued to support their theories over a cup of coffee 9sg1 6.5.1910). Another indicative example of how to account for the immediate (Diaba impact of the news to the reading public is the information a journalist gives of instances of microbe-phobia after the publication of a series of articles on the Nobel-prize winners Paul Ehrlich and Ilya Mechnikov, and their work on microbiology. A few days after the publication of a translated article (published in two sequels) by Ilya Mechnikov on microbes (Le 9srmijxu 9.9.1909 and 10.9.1909), a Greek journalist described the effect it created to the audience by referring to the reaction of one of his friends and reader of the newspaper: I had never imagined that the publication in Skrip of that terrible article by Mechnikov on the microbes found in food and their dangers could provoke the danger of death not because of microbes, but because of their absence. I realised it yesterday through a friend I saw, who was pale, thin and barely able to walk.

11 From the 1870s onwards, the contents of the newspapers, previously arranged in the newspaper without 9ksa 2001, 6667). any particular order, are now organised in specic columns (Lpa 12

For one of the most comprehensive accounts of reading practices in relation to books is Secord (2001).

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I asked him worried how did he end up in such a condition, and to my surprise he replied that I was the cause! Criminals, he told me, you will condemn everybody if you start unveiling the truth of all things instead of leaving us to our benecial deception and ignorance. And he explained that he had read the article of the great but merciless savant, in which it was said that the ngers of the merchants who handle food are full of microbes, and that he hadnt eaten for 3 days, fearing that whatever he ate could be covered with the microbes of typhoid or cholera. [] (9Ewikom 14.9.1909). Although the journalist may have exaggerated the incident, the existence of several similar references to readers immediate reactions to the news, is indicative of traces of reading practices and audience reactions from the medium itself. A careful examination of such articles in relation to news items may give useful information about the way journalistic discourse affects but is also inuenced by the public. One of the main research elds of media studies is the examination of the double nature of newspapers both as instruments of inuence and expression of public opinion. Within the social and political context of the period, and without a clear denition of what constitutes public opinion, researchers attempted to approach the concept considering it to be the result of a wider historical, political, social and psychological procedure.13 Often, public opinion was referred to as a criterion for the understanding of certain (public) views expressed by specic social groups with specic objectives and which were addressed to less privileged groups through the mediation of the daily press.14 In this context, journalistic discourse was the main regulator of the way in which public opinion was expressed and integrated in the public sphere. Based on our research on the two Athenian newspapers during the rst decade of the twentieth century, we have tried to understand this double nature by taking into account the hegemonic role of journalistic discourse in the public sphere. The period 19001910 is particularly important for the constitution of the Greek political national press and the formation of public opinion. It was a period during which new political and social currents clashed with established social groups and increased social and political tensions, which developed in 1909 with the military revolt at Goudi.15 These tensions boosted the mass circulation of the daily press, which became one of the main sources of information and reected public dialogue on 9msg1 2002, 62). This period, also characterised by similar European these issues (Lpara and international developments leading to the First World War, is considered to be a seminal point for the history of propaganda, communicational culture as well as the process 9ksa and Papadglgsqi of the integration of the masses in political participation (Lpa 9ot 1993, 63). The printed media, and especially the daily national press played a decisive role in the constitution of different social groups as reading groups (audiences), in the organisation of
13 For a genealogy of the concept of public opinion see Childs (1965), Habermas (1989/1962) and NoelleNeumann (1993). 14 The daily press was the rst media of mass communication that contributed to the development of public opinion. See Price (1992). 15 During the rst decade of the twentieth century political and social unrest culminated in the revolt of a group of military ofcers in 1909. The Military League, which protested against the neglect of the countrys military defence, gained also the support of the public and the trade unions, who strived for social and political reform. This military revolt brought, in 1910, into power the Cretan politician Eleftherios Venizelos(18641936), who presided over a vigorous programme of constitutional, military and social reform and represented the hegemonic national ideology until the defeat of Greece in the Greek-Turkish war in 1922, which eradicated any aspirations for territorial expansion in Minor Asia. See Clogg (1992).

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their culture and the emergence of public opinion in the communication scene of the beginning of the twentieth century. During this period, in Greece, we observe the establishment of the daily Athenian opinion press, which addressed the whole population of the country and which went hand in hand with the development of the socioeconomic, 9ksa 2005, 65; Lpara 9msg1 2002, political and technological structures of the country (Lpa 5354). The evocation of the public opinion by Greek journalists took place mainly in political articles, dealing with pressing national issues, such as the Cretan, Macedonian and Eastern Questions. Writing about, or criticising, what the public opinion thought of local or national affairs became, to a certain extent, an instrument of political pressure, employed by journalists according to their political alliances and beliefs (Papamsxmi 9ot 2.10.1908). In particular, on what concerned science and technology, Greek journalists did not write about scientic theories and technical issues only to describe the scientic phenomenon. They also developed a discourse that incorporated the values and ideas associated with the increasingly important role of science and technology for the immediate prospects of Greek society. This discourse blended both optimism about the emergence of a technoscientic society as well as criticism about the changes occurred. The press was not always supporting modernity, and journalists took the opportunity to comment and criticize the notion of progress. The everyday struggle of Greek society to adjust to the transformation of their cities was made evident in discussions about the impact of the introduction of new technologies in urban centres (Mergoupi-Savaidou et al. 2009). The extent to which these articles really expressed public opinion on the latest advances of science and technology is, of course, difcult to gauge.

3 Social, Cultural and Political Aspects of the History of Science Through the Daily Press. Revisiting the Question of Centre and Periphery One of the main questions historians of science could ask when dealing with newspaper material is how the main political, social and cultural features of a period, as well as the ideology that goes with them, inuence the public discourse about science and technology, and how in turn discussions about science and technology in the public sphere transform the ideological, social and cultural formations of each historical period. Does the acknowledgment of this dialectic relation allow us to consider the history of science as a privileged prism through which to re-examine certain aspects of political, economic, social and cultural history? Although there is a wealth of archival material and tools available for the examination of the circulation of knowledge, historians of science seem to have neglected perhaps one of the liveliest, but perhaps most difcult, representatives of the past: newspapers.16 On what concerns early-twentieth century Greece, the proliferation of discussions about science in political newspapers is indicative of the important role science and technology played in the formation of modern Greek society. The inseparable relation between science and society, which emerges when looking at the entire body of a newspaper, brings almost effortlessly the history of science closer to social and cultural history. The news about
16 Apart from the special issue on Science and Technology in Spanish, Greek and Danish Newspapers lez-Silva 2009). There is of course a wealth of articles around 1900, Centaurus, 51 (2009), see also (Gonza dealing with science and technology articles in newspapers originating from science communication studies and the public understanding of science community, such as Bauer and Bucchi (2007). Our approach is somewhat different for it is tuned to qualitative analysis rather than strict quantitative content analysis based on specic predetermined criteria.

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science was part and parcel of newspapers discourse because it was felt that science was inseparable from more general and cultural issues (Mergoupi-Savaidou et al. 2009). When dealing with countries of the European periphery, such as Greece, one of the main concepts we should pay attention at is that of appropriation. Historians of science in countries of the European periphery have used the concept of appropriation as a historiographical tool for understanding and accounting for the scientic and technological phenomenon in the peripheries. In contrast to interpretational schemes used by transmission and reception studies, according to which peripheral countries passively receive the science and technology that is produced and automatically transferred from the centres, the notion of appropriation places emphasis on the receiving end and the particularities of each local context in specic historical periods. It also puts forth the active role of local actors in the transformation of scientic and technological knowledge, ideas and practices and their subsequent integration into their multifarious cultural traditions (Gavroglu et al. 2008). The introduction of new technologies in the Greek cities, for example, was described in the Greek daily press of the early twentieth century in a variety of ways; news items and articles on the technical works undertaken in Athens had both positive and negative undertones, and were followed by both laudatory and critical comments. The news on the electrication of the tramway, for instance, was not only about the transfer of technology and expertise from abroad in Greece, but also about its adjustment to a new environment. Works on the tramway was part of a greater agenda of public works put forth by the Greek State during the 1880s that went along with a strong rhetoric on progress and the need to develop the newly founded Greek State. The electrication of the tram was presented as a national issue that would bring progress, health, a new moral, safety, well-being and would 9 mtlo1 contribute to the development of economy because of time and money saving (Amx 28.5.1905). Newspapers conveyed the idea that the construction and expansion of the tramway network was a necessary precondition for urbanisation. The expansion of the city towards its outer suburbs depended on the facility of transportation to and from the city centre, and the electric tram was presented as one of the main means of communication to 9 mtlo1 13.3.1902). In addition, the tramway also served a social achieve this goal (Amx function: it was seen as a means of socialisation, bringing people from various neighbourhoods of Athens together, and also allowing them to visit the countryside (Peqi 9eqco1 12.9.1908). Up to 1908, the rhetoric of progress concerning the installation of the electric tram explicitly referred to other European capitals and was linked to the notions of civilisation and development. Just before the operation of the electric tram, and on the occasion of the construction of the new rail tracks, journalists wrote that Athens was 9 mtlo1 31.1.1908). turning into a European city (Amx However, when the tramway begun its operation, the Athenian newspapers referred mostly to the difculties and the problems that were created, and journalists even disputed the very idea of progress (9Ewikom 7.3.1909). In an article of 1908 in Embros we nd a satirical account of the decline of the horse-driven tram and complaints about progress [being] against some economic interests, while the journalists of Skrip also spoke of the 9 mtlo1 20.12.1908; Peqi horse as one of the victims of progress (Amx 9eqco1 2.3.1909). Similarly, the chroniclewriter Diavatis of Embros criticised the notion of progress in relation to the tramway on the occasion of a lethal accident after the fall of an electric cable: Progress, you see, justies everything. What is the death of 30 or 50 men in front of 9sg1 7.4.1909). Although newspapers do not provide the technical details progress? (Diaba that an historian of technology would need in order to study the appropriation of various

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technologies in peripheral countries or the impossibility of an automatic transfer of knowledge and practices from centres to peripheries, they do provide us with plenty of material concerning the public image of science and technology and their impact on general culture. Moreover, the examination of the various ways in which science entered the daily press in European peripheries in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries can bring the history of science closer to political history. Research on two Barcelonan newspapers, for instance, has pointed to the entrenchment of science in their political discourse, which led to the formation of different images of science according to the different social groups lez-Silva and Herran 2009). At the same period, science and technology addressed (Gonza were part of the discourse and rhetoric concerning the formation of Greeces national identity. As the irredentist ideology and territorial claims prevailed in public discourse, news about the expansion of the national railway, technical descriptions of military equipment and discussions about possible uses of airplanes in warfare that were placed next to political articles on the Macedonian question (19041912) gained special weight because of this specic context. On what concerns the Greek case, we might even use news items or references to science and technology in the press in order to examine perceptions of the countrys position between the West and the East. What do they tell us about perceptions of its peripheral position compared to other European countries, and at the same time its aspirations for an increasingly important position in the Balkans? In 1905, a Greek journalist, who had visited Berlin and witnessed the efciency of the electric tram, criticised the decision of the Greek government to introduce trams of an older technology. His con9 mtlo1 cluding remark was that Greece got always what was bon pour l Orient (Amx 10.12.1905). This remark, reproduced in several other instances, implied the ambiguous way in which Europeansbut also Greek journalists and possibly the Greek publicsaw the place of Greece lying somewhere between the West and the East. Although there are differences in every local context, a question that is perhaps worth answering is to what extent can newspapers be seen as a privileged medium for the examination of the cultural meanings of science and technology in countries of the socalled European periphery? Comparative studies might contribute to such an endeavour. Moreover, through comparative research in the history of science we could also approach the concept of the periphery in each historical context, taking into consideration the fact that centres and peripheries are not static but historically and geographically re-denable notions. In such studies, the particularities of various localities as well as the circulation of science and technology across nations can highlight not only convergences and divergences on knowledge production and practices but also the grey zones that lay between such distinctions.

4 Newspapers and the Circulation of Scientic and Technical Knowledge At the turn of the twentieth century, scientic developments and technical works appeared as major agents of social progress, which transformed urban spaces, changed peoples daily habits and improved the standards of living. Newspapers held a mediating position between the scientic community and the wide public and contributed, in their way, to the social legitimisation of science. By conveying to the public a variety of news on science and technology, their impact to society, as well as the participation of scientists and

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engineers in issues that affected peoples daily life, newspapers contributed to the shaping of a public image for science. With their frequent articles on the activities of the international scientic community, such as on-going research, conferences, publications, and scientic controversies, newspapers familiarised the public with institutional aspects of scientic activity. These articles showed how science was produced and practiced by specic professional groups in specic 9 mtlo1 institutional spaces, such as universities, laboratories and research centres (Amx 27.8.1908). They described the experimental work conducted in laboratories, the equipment and experimental apparatus used, as well as the methods and techniques developed by 9 mtlo1 23.1.1908). Journalists reported also the emergence of new new scientic elds (Amx 9 mtlo1 9.4.1909), while an important number of articles dealt scientic disciplines (Amx with announcements from various international academies of science, and the events taking 9 mtlo1 3.08.1908). News on special periodical place at international conferences (Amx editions on science provided a picture of how members of a scientic community communicated with each other and underlined to the public the importance of the constitution of a scientic community as one of the major legitimising mechanisms of scientic activity 9sg1 17.11.1910). (Diaba Moreover, newspapers published a series of popular science articles that aimed to inform the public about various scientic theories that explained mostly natural phenomena, such as earthquakesa topic of particular interest for the Greek publicor new technical artefacts. It was Messinas devastating earthquake in 1908 that triggered the publication of popular-science articles on geology, especially on earthquakes and volcanoes, and on the latest scientic theories of seismology. However, these often contradicted one another since they attributed the causes of earthquakes to the sun, the tides, the 9 mtlo1 2.8.1908, 5.1.1909a, movement of the poles or the inner activity of the Earth (Amx 7.1.1909a, 23.3.1910). It was clear that science had no adequate answer for natures deadly caprices, but that scientists were working hard in order to nd one. Journalists presented the main sites where scientic activity was taking place, such as observatories and seismological stations, as well as the newly developed instruments that promised the possi9 mtlo1 20.3.1908, 29.12.1908, 7.1.1909b, 15.1.1909, bility of future predictions (Amx 18.4.1909, Peqi 9eqco1 8.1.1909). Although there was no strong criticism concerning the inability of earthquake predictions, some articles discussed the need to take measures for 9 mtlo1 the prevention of lethal accidents, such as the reinforcement of buildings (Amx 9sg1 4.7.1909). Chronicles and commentaries on earthquakes also made use 8.1.1909; Diaba of scientic theories in order to enhance their credibility, while few articles presented how mythology, especially the Greek one, or religious texts dealt with earthquakes (Oijo9 mtlo1 28.12.1908; Peqi potko1 23.12.1908; Amx molo 9eqco1 8.1.1909). Also, both news9 mtlo1 6.1.1909a; papers discussed the psychological distress caused by earthquakes (Amx Laqe 9 10.7.1909). The often deadly earthquakes encouraged a discourse endowed with metaphysical and religious implications. The end of the world was expected to be caused by earthquakes, volcanoes, oods and temperature changes, which were often presented as the result of the 9sg1 21.12.1908; Rilisro revenge of Nature or God for mankinds arrogance (Diaba 9 mtlo1 14.2.1909; potko1 28.12.1908; 9Ewikom 13.1.1909; Laqe 9 25.1.1909; Amx Peqi 9eqco1 26.8.1909). Nevertheless, the daily press played also a consolatory role and tried to calm down peoples fears when curious natural phenomena occurred. Periergos in two of his articles in Embros spoke ironically of Camille Flammarion and his thermodynamic claims that wanted the world to freeze in some millions of years (Peqi 9eqco1

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8.9.1908, 26.8.1909). In another instance, when a thick fog that covered Athens 3 weeks after the earthquake in Messina was interpreted by the public as foreshadowing another earthquake, the daily press sought the opinion of a specialist. The Director of the National Observatory and Professor of Astronomy and Meteorology, Dimitrios Aiginitis, attributed 9 mtlo1 5.1.1909b, 6.1.1909b), and journalists, on their turn, the fog to great humidity (Amx 9 mtlo1 4.1.1909, 5.1.1909c, invited the public to admire the unusual phenomenon (Amx 5.1.1909d; 9Ewikom 5.1.1909; Peqi 9eqco1 5.1.1909). Journalists contributed also to the creation of the image of the scientist as an individual. Especially in articles dealing with contemporary inventions and scientic discoveries, newspapers depicted scientists as geniuses, endowed with moral values who worked for the good of science and subsequently for the good of humanity as a whole. Experimental scientists who worked under hard laboratory conditions, and risked their lives with dan9 mtlo1 20.12.1910). gerous experiments, were presented as the martyrs of science (Amx This particular, but very common for the time period, depiction of scientists seems to have attracted the curiosity of the public who read avidly about the saviours and heroes of modern society. Newspapers seem to have had a dual function in shaping this image and in responding to the publics eagerness to learn more about scientists with the publication of biographies, interviews and photographs of scientists and inventors. Biographies offered a human-interest story with details from scientists private lives, interviews created an illusion of intimacy with scientists, whereas illustrations provided a visual experience that assisted the creation of an imaginary portrait (Ukp 5.7.1910). In this way, newspapers apart from rendering scientists public gures, helped to personalize what was otherwise thought as the impersonal scientic process.17 In articles dealing with local news and affairs, such as the observation of strange or unexpected natural phenomena or the introduction of new technologies in urban spaces, journalists sought, and then commented on or criticised the opinion of local scientists and engineers. It was mainly through these kinds of news material that newspapers created the prole of the local expert, as well as the prole of specic scientists and engineers as public gures in the local society. The way in which newspapers fashioned the prole of scientic and technical experts created the impression that these individuals belonged to a social elite. At the time period under study, science was in the hands of a social elite and access to science, as well as to any kind of knowledge, was synonymous to social rec91 1981; Amsxmi ognition (Srotjaka 9ot 2006, 119120). Indeed, most of these experts appearing in the newspapers were related to the University and the Polytechnic School of Athens, which were institutions that provided an outstanding social status. Dimitrios Aiginitis was frequently interviewed in both newspapers on the occasion of unusual 9 mtlo1 5.1.1909). Similarly, well-known engineers were meteorological phenomena (Amx called to give their opinion in various issues that were in the front line. Although the relation between newspapers, society and the scientic community is far complex, it can be conveniently expressed in a dialectical scheme: on the one hand, newspapers created the prole of expert, since they could inuence public opinion, while on the other hand, they reected the social status of the expert and his obligations towards society, since they were 9 mtlo1 13.8.1909). also supposed to impress reality (Amx Newspaper articles presented science as an exclusive enterprise, restricted to a professional elite made of scientists and engineers. Although Greek newspapers wrote broadly about scientic and technical developments, their emphasis was placed on the useful
17 On a similar conclusion about the public images of scientists in British general periodicals see also Broks (1993, 131).

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character of science for society as a whole and not on the participation of their readers in scientic enterprise for self-improvement.18 Although readers had few chances to be in direct contact with the scientic community, journalists, on the other hand, had gained access to this exclusive environment. They wrote about science and its practitioners, and presented their, often personal, views on scientic issues. They were the most common, and widely read, mediators between science and the public.19 Between 1900 and 1910, some of the journalists, especially the chronicle writers and the ones with permanent columns, were public gures respected for their broad knowledge on current issues. As mentioned in their own chronicles, they were often approached by the man on the street, who sought to learn more about what was written in the paper. In the aforementioned case of microbe-phobia, created by the afuence of articles on microbes, the journalist claimed to have calmed-down his fellow citizen by providing him with more information on the issue and by showing the irrationality of his fears (9Ewikom 14.9.1909). It was not uncommon for journalists to provoke their audiences or even to create panic only to dissipate it right after. In this way, they enhanced their own authority and attracted at the same time the attention of their readership by employing sensational means. In the local context, journalists had to trade with the local scientic community. They usually did not contest the authority of local scientists, except perhaps in the case of controversies. Especially in political controversies in which scientists and engineers were involved, newspapers took sides underlining their role as means of political intervention and propaganda. On what concerned scientic controversies, their stance was somewhat ambiguous. For instance, Greek journalists reported extensively the threat and possible dangers of the passage of Halleys Comet in 1910 and used as their sources of information publications and reports issued from foreign and local astronomical communities. When the passage of the comet proved to be uneventful, journalists severely criticised both the credulity of the lay public for having believed farfetched scenarios about the end of the world, but also the unreliability of the astronomers. However, although they were harsh in their criticism of foreign astronomers, when it came to the local community they showed 9 mrespect and reproduced uncritically the sober reports of the Athens Observatory (Amx tlo1 7.5.1910). If we had the means to examine the ways in which journalists were informed about scientic topics, we could perhaps have a clearer understanding of their relationship with the scientic community and their role as mediators between scientists and the public. Did they have a direct relation with the local scientic community, like in the case of interviews, or were there other means of acquiring such knowledge, such as press conferences or news releases from the various scientic institutions? An important source of information was, of course, the local periodical press, in which university professors published scientic and semi-scientic articles but this was not an exhaustive source. Similarly, more research is also needed in order to examine the way in which newspapers served as a forum for local scientists. In the case of the comet, the frequent interventions of local scientists in
18 This is in stark contrast to other kinds of literature of the time, such as the British popular science publications of the early twentieth century, which seems to have aimed mainly at self education. See for example Bowler (2009). Of course it is difcult to know whether, and to what extent, discussions on science in the newspapers impelled a part of the Greek public to engage with science, either on a professional or an amateur level. 19 In early twentieth century Greece, there was a variety of spaces where science was made available to a wider public: periodicals, popular science books, public lectures, science clubs etc. However, these targeted specic types of audiences. Newspapers, on the other hand, addressed wider and more diversied audiences and circulated among various social strata.

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the newspapers, gave them the opportunity to portray their science as a positive one, selffashion themselves as experts and enhance their role in Greek society. Although we are not able to know the exact terms of the trade between journalists and scientists, we can state with some certainty that the presence of the local scientic community in the press was protable for both sides: on the one hand it gave a forum to scientists, while on the other newspapers gained the credit of a legitimate vehicle of scientic knowledge.

5 Conclusion In this paper, we have presented some historiographical thoughts concerning the role of the daily press in the circulation of scientic knowledge, ideas and practices at the beginning of twentieth century Greece. From the wealth of material provided by the daily political press of the time, we have examined some of the ways in which scientic and technical knowledge was made available to a wider public and contributed to the creation of a general scientic literacy. However, apart from their (sometimes unintentional) educational role, journalists played an important role in rendering science and technology objects of daily discussions and in shaping their public images. By focusing on the multiple aspects of the scientic phenomenon, as well as its relation to social, economic and cultural activities and ideological trends, newspapers become privileged media that help us understand the increasing role of science in the shaping of modern society.

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