A Complete Collection of The Historical, Political, and Miscellaneous Works of John Milton, Both English and Latin - Vol I

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Ta/^:m^
Complete Colledion
o
Hiftorical,
T H
Political,
and Milcellaneous
WORKS
O
F
John Milton,
Both
ENGLISH
and
LATIN.
before
Publi(b*d.
With fom Papers
never
%f^t Attorn tHoiumet
The
Contents whereof follow in the next Leaf.
ym.
Finiflh'd in the
Year
M. DC. XC. VIII.

thu Title
{jcibre
Pljicc
the Slgmnve
L 1 Ij
ADAMS
xl.V
THE
CONTENTS THE
OF
Second Volume,
445. Sufferings. îîth the Trayer the King's 'Prayer compared of
Arcadia,
Irifl)
EIKONOCLASTES:
f.
5
In anfwer to a 'Book intitul'd,' Eikon Bafilike, The Portraiture of his Sacred Majefty in T. To which is annex' d his Solitudes and
Pamela
in
SidneyV
to
17.
^^g
Charles
the
Fir/i's
Commi/Jion
the
which they juftified the Majfacre of the from Edinburgh, by The Articles agatnfi the Marquefs 0/" An"P. 528. Trotejiants. to the Council in Us Irifh trim, with !{. Charles the Second^s Letter
favor,
(P,
C5^5*] [518.]
*?.
/i^ ^^^
^W
0/ Anglefey '5
Memorandum.
"The Tenure of iQngs and Magiftrates : proVtng that it is lawful, and hath been held fo through aU Ages, for any who haê the Tower, to call to account a Tyrant, or wicked i\ing, and after due conVtSlion, to depofe and put him to death, if the ordinary Magiftrate haVe neg' much blame to do it : And that they who of late or
leSied,
deny'd
fo
depofing,
themfehes, 5 29. the Articles of Peace between James Earl of Oron OhferVations mond for l{, Charles 7. on the one hand, and the Jrijh (Rebels and on the other hand : And on a Letter Ormond to Col. Papijls jent by
are the
Men that
did
it
<?.
Jones Goyernor of Dublin

hytery
atid a
at Belfaft in Ireland.
it,
To
the Scots (êprefentation of Prefwhich the Articles, Letter, faid
with Col. Jones'5 Anfwer to

fix*d.
"P.
and the êprefentation^ &e. are prein to
545.
anfwer
Defence of the People of England,

"P.
Salmafius'f
Defence of the iQng.
557.
during ffôr5 Oliver dwd
Letters of State to mojl of the Sovereign Princes and 'Iêpublics of the Adminift ration of the (Commonwealth, and the TroEurope,
A
is
not
Richard Cromwel. *?. 659. Treat ife of Qvil Tower in Eccleftajlical Qaufes, fhewing that it to compel in Matters of Îêltgioni lawful for any Tower on Earth
Qonftdi"
"P.
74'
The
of
the
Contents of the Second Volume.

Means
to
the likeliefi (j)nJiderations touching
remote
hirelings out
Qhurch.
Wloerein
is
alfo
Tithes ^ difcours*d of
Qhurch-FeeSy
Qhurch-^VemeSy and whether any Maintenance of Minijlers can be Law. <?. 757. fettled by
A Letter to
publifh'd
a Friend concerning the

the
"P.
QommonHêalth, and the and Dangers of reExcellency therof compard with the InconVe?mices in this Nation, *?. 78;. ad;mttingl{ingp?fp
free
from Manufcript, The ready and eafy way to ejlabltjh a
^ptures of yy^.
the
Qommonwealth
The
eafy to
prefent
Means, and brief Delineation of a free Qommonwealth^ In a Letter to General he put hi praElice, and without delay.
ûblijh'd
Monk,
from
the Manufcript.
?.
7pp.
Fear of
a 'Brief Notes upon
late
Sermon,
titled.
The
God and
Griffith D.D, the King, preach' d and fince publip)'d by notorious wreflings Wherin many to the late K^ng. of ScripChaplain are obferVd. P. 801 . other and ture, Falftties true (l(eligion, Herefy, Schifm, Toleration, and what befl Means Of
Matthew
may
lying
be us'd againjl the
Writings of federal Eye-witneffes, A Declaration, or Letters Patents for the EleStion of
growth of Topery. "P. 807. and of other lefs known Qountries brief Hiftory of Mufcovia, Gather'd as far as Cathay. from the Eaftward of Ruflia ^. 819.
John
his
in his
///
IQng
EleBion, âfons of of Poland j containing Services in Virtues and Merits, his eminent War, efpecially
the
his
great
laji
the Latin, ViElory againjithe Turks, &c. Tranflated from Education. To Mr. Samuel Hartlib. (P. 845.
"P.
839.
Of
Accedence commencd
Grammar, fupplyd
with 1(ules for
fuch
as are
defirom
to attain the
Latin Tongue,
thufe of &c. P. 851.
f OUR
TRACTS
FOUR
TRACTS
Publiflied in the Years
\6^^, and 1650.
F
I.
'E I
I Z.
Ih AnlwCF tO
3i
K oNo K A
A'
s T H s
Book
of
his
Intituled,
tina^v âmxi-ri^.
The
Portrature
&'C.
Sacred Ma;efty
II.
in his Solitudes,
The Tenure of Kings and Magiftrates,

ing that
it is
prov-
lawful to call to account a

&^c,
Tyrant
or wicked King,
in.
I
Obfervations upon the Articles of Peace with the Irifli Rebels, on the Letter of Ormond to Col.
ôner.
IV.
Defence of the People of England^ in anfwer to Salmafitfs's Defence of the King.
Amsterdam, MDCXCIV.
Lit
tr:
-V
rti
( 44? )
'
I
K O N O K A
A'
S t H
S.
In
Book Intitl'd, EiKa'N baxiaikh', The PoRTRATURE of h'ls Sacrcd Majesty

Anfwer to
a
in his SolitMciey
and
Sufferings.
Prov. S.8. 15. jis a roaring lyon and a ranging hear, fo is a wicked ruler over the poor people. 16. The Prime that tvanteth under(landing, is alfo a great opprejfor y hut
I
J.
he that hateih coz'etou/ncjjf, jhall prolong his days. man that doth vtolence to the hlood of any per/on, Jhafl fly to theptt^
let
no
man
flay him.
Salitli.
Conjurat. Catilin,
libertatis,
Regium imperium, quod

Regibiis boni,
initio,
confervandx
atque augends reipub.
causa fueiat, in fnperbiam, doniinationcmque fe convertit.
quam
inali,
ufpedliorts funt, femperque liisalicna viitusformi-
dolofa
Qiiidlibet
eft.
impune
faccre, iioc fcilicettegium eft.
TubiiPêd by Juthorhy.
The
Preface.
fiiirn
defcant on the Misfortunes of aPcrfon
from fohigh a Dignihis Faults,
To
are but
ty,
is
who
hatli
it
alfo
payd
his final
debt both to Nature and
thing comme:idable, 11m the intention of this Difcourfe Neither was it fond Ambition, or the vanity 10 get a Name prefent or with Poftcrity, by writing againft a King. I never was (6 thirfty after Fame,nor fo deftitute of other hopes and means better and more cerfor Kings have gain'd glorious Titles from their Favourers taine to attaine it writing by againft private Men, as Henry the 8/fcdid againft Luther > but no Man ever gain'd much honour by writing againft a King, as not ufually meeting with that force of Argument in fuch Courtly Antagonifls, which to convince
felf a
: :
neither of
might add to
Kings moft commonly, though ftrong in Legions, whoever have accuftom'd from the Cradle to ufe thir Will only as their right hand, their Rcafon alwaysas thir left. Whence unexpededly conftrain'd to that kind of combate, they prove but weak and puhis
Reputation.
j
weak at Arguments
as they
ny Adverfaries
want of
gaudy
: Nevcrthelefs,for their fakes who through cuftom, fimplicity,or better teaching, have not more ferioully confider'd Kings, then in the
Name of Majefty, and admire them and thir doings as if they breath'd not the fame breath with other mortal Men, 1 fhall make no fcruple to take up (for it fcems to be the challenge both of him and all his Party) this Gauntlet, though a King's, in the behalfe of Liberty and the Common-wealth. And furder, fince it appears manifeftly thecnnningdrift of a fadious and defeated Party, to make the fame advantage of his Book, which they did before of his Regall Name and Authority, and intend it not fo much the defence of his former Actions, as the promoting of their own future Deligns i making thereby the Book thir own rather then the Kings, as the benefit now muft be thir own more then his : now the third time to corrupt and diforder the minds of weaker Men, by new Siiggeftions and Narrations, either fallly or fallaciouay reprefenting the ftate of things to the diflionour of this prefent Government, and the retarding of a general Peace, fo needfull to this afflidted
Lll
2
Nation,
444
)
it
no Injurieto thedead, but a good fuppofe de^d rather to the living, if by better information giv'n them, or which is anough, by onely remembring them the truth of what they themfelves know to be heer mifaffirmed, they may be kept from entring the third time unadvifedly for as to any moment of foiidity in the Book it felf, into VVarr and Bloodflied the common grounds of Tyranny and Popery, els but Ituft with naught or a over ; any need of anfvvering, in refpedt offtaid and wellfugar'd little on me as a work afljgn'd rather then by mechos'n or afit take 1 principl'd men, fedted ; which was the caufe both of beginning it fo late, and finilhing it fo leafurely in the midfl; of other imploiraents and diverfions. And if the lace King had thought fufficient thofe Ani'wers and Defences made for him in his life time, they who on the other fide accus'd his tvill Government,judging that on their behalf anough alfohath bin reply'd,theheatof thisControverliewasin likelyhood drawing to an end ; and the furder mention of his deeds, not fo much unfortunate as faulty, had in tendernefs to his late Sufferings been willingly forborn 5 and perhaps for the prefcntage might have flept with him unrepealed, while his Adverfaries, cahn'd and aflwag'd with the fuccefs of their Caufe, had bin the But fince he himfelf, making new appeal to lefs unfavourable to his Memory. Truth and the World, hath left behind him this Book as the belt Advocate and Interpreter of his owne Anions, and that his Friends by publifliing, difperfing, commending, and almoft adoring it, feem to place therein the chief
Nation, and
fo nigh obtain'd
i
flrength and nerves of thir Caufe, it would argue doubtlefs in the other Party great deficience and dillruft of themfelvts, not to meet the force of his Reafon in any Field whatfoever, the force and equipage of whofe Arms they have fo And he who at the Bar ftood excepting againfl: the cft'n met vidoiiouny.
forme and manner of his Judicature, and coraplain'd that he was not heard j neither he nor his Friends fhall have that caufe now to find fault ; being mett and debated with in this op'n and monumental Court of his owne ereding ^ and not which to doe effeonely heard uttering his v.'hole mind at large, but anfwer'd ftually, if it be necellary that to his Book nothing the more refpect be had for For it being his, they of his own Party can have no juft reafon to exclaim. were too unreafonable that he, becaufe dead, fhould have the liberty in his Booke to fpeak all evil! of the Parliament and they, becaufe living, Ihould be expeded to have lefs freedom, or any for them, to fpeak home the plain truth of a full and pertinent Reply : As he, to acquit himfelfe, hath not fpar'd his Adverfaries to load them with all forts of Blame and Accufation, fo to him, as in his Book alive, there will be us'd no more Courtfliip then he ufes ^ but
:
,
owne guilt, not imputed any more to his evill Counfelus'd Ceremony longer by the Parlament then he himfelf defir'd) fliall be That they who from layd heer, without Circumlocutions at his owne dore. the fiift beginning, or but now of late, by what unhappinefs I know not, are fo
what
is
properly his
lors (a
affatuated, not with his Perfon only, but with his palpable Faults, and dote upon his Deformities, may have none to blame but thir owne folly, if they live and dye in fuch a firook'n blindnefs, as next to that of Sodam hath not happ'nd to any fort of men more grofs or more mifleading. Firft then that fome men (whether this were by him intended or by bis Friends) have by policy accomplilh'd after death that revenge upon thir EneAnd among ether mies, which in life they were not able, hath bin oft related. Examples we find that the lalt Will of C^far being read to the people, and what bounteous Legacies he had bequeath'd them, v/rought more in that vulgar audience to the avenging of his death, then all the art he could ever ufe to
much
win thir favor in his life time. And how much thir intent who publifh'd thefe overlate Apologies and Meditations of the dead King, drives to the fame end of ftirring up the people to bring him that Honour, that AfTcdion, and by
confequence that Revenge to his dead Corps, which he himfelfe living could never gain to his Perfon, it appeares both by the conceited Porrrature before his Book, drawn out to the full meafure of a masking Scene, and fett there to catch Pools and filly Gazers, and by thofe Latin words after the end, Fota d.ihmt i qats: BilUnegarnnt intimating, that what hee could not compafsby War hee Ihould atchieve by his Meditations For in words which admit of various fenfe, thelibcrtic is ours to choofc that Interpretation which may bell mind li of what our reftlefs Enemies endeavour, and what wc r.rc timely to prevent.
:
And
( 445 )
And heer mav be well obferv'd the loofe and negligent curiofity of thofe who took upon them to adorn the fetting out of this Book ; for though the Piiflure fett in Front would martyr him and faint him to befoole the people, yet the Lain the end, which they underftand not, leaves him as it were a poContrivLr to brine about that Intercft by faire and plaufible words which But quaint Emblems and Devices begg'd from the force of Armsdcny'd him. the olde Pageantry of fome Twelfe-nights entertainment at Whitehall^ will do but ill to make a Saint or Martyr : and if the people refolve to take him fainted at the race of fiich a Canonizing, I (hall fufpeft their Calender more In one thing I muft commend his opennefs who gave the Tithen the GregorUn. and by the nf.cLv this B<xtnAi;<^, that is to fay. The King's Image Book, tiejto Shrine he dredes out for him, certainly would have the people come and wor-
tin
Motto
litic
'
is intitl'd, /cooc/</?, the famous Ihip him: For which reafon this Anfweralfo Surname of many Greek Emperors, who in thir zeal to the Command of God, after long tradition of Idolatry in the Church, tooke courage and broke all But the people, exorbitant and excelTive in fuperftitious Im;iges to pieces.
prone oftimes not to a religious only, but to a civil kind of Kings though never more miftak'n in the objed wont to repute for Saints thofe faithful and heretofcre of thir worfhip;, being lives in the Field, making glorious War who thir loll: Barons courageous for the common Liberty, as Simon de Momfort^ Earle cf Leiagciinfi; Tyrants the Third ; ThomM Plajitagenec Earle of Lancafter, againfl cejitr^ agaiaft llefiry Edward the Second. But now with a befotted and degenerate bafenefs of Spifew who yet retain in them the old Englilh Fortitude and love rit, except fome have tcllili'd if by thir matchlefs deeds, the reft irabaftardiz'd of freedom, and from the ancient Noblenefs of thir Anctftors, are ready to fall flat and give adoration to the Image and Memory of this Man, who hath ojfei'd at more cunning fetches to undermine our Liberties, and put Tyranny into an Art, thea cf mind in any Brittilh King before him which low dejcdion and debafement the people, I muft confefs I cannot willingly afcribe to the natural difpofition of an Englilhman, but rather to two other Caufes : firft to the Prelats and thir fellow-teachers, though of another Name and Sedl, whofe Pulpit-ftuffe both firft and laft, hath bin the Doftrin and perpetuall infufion of Servility and Wretchednefs to all their Hearers, and their Lives the typeof worldlinefsand or Selfe-dehypocrify, without the leaft true pattern of Vertue, Righteoufnefs 1 attribute it next to the faftious Inclination of in whole their nyall pra(ftice. 1:10ft men divided from the Public by feveral ends and humours of their owne. At firft no Man lefs belov'd, no Man more generally condemn'd then was the King i from the time that it became his Cuftom to break Parlaraents at home,_ and either wilfully or weakly to betray Proteftants abroad, to the beginning of thefe Combuftions. All men inveigh'd againft him all men, except Court Valfals,
all
thir motions, are
Idolatry in idolizing thir
and oppos'd him and his tyrannicall Proceedings-, the Cry was univerfall ^ this full Parlament was at firft unanimous in thir diflike and proteftation againlt But when they who fought themfelves snd not the his evill Government. to doubt that all of them could not by one and the fame way atpublick, began tain to thir ambitious purpofes, then was the King, or his Name at leaft, as a (it
firft made ufe of, his doings made the beft of, and by degrees juftiwhich begot him fuch a Party, ?.s after many wiles and ftruglings with his inward feares, imboldn'd him at length to fett up his Standard againft the When as before that time, all his Adherents, confifting moft of Parlament. of fiifibluteSwordmenandSuburb-royfters, hardly amounted to the making up one ragged Regiment, ftrong enough to affault the unarmed Houle of Commons. After which feconded by a tedious and bloody Wai on his
property
fied
:
attempte,
in time Subjefts, wherein he hath fo farr exceeded thofe his arbitrary Violences of Peace, they who before hated him for his high Mifgovernment, nay fought
againft him with difplay'd Banners in the Field, now apj laud him and extoll bim for the wifeft and moft religious Prince that liv'd. By fo ftrange a Method amongft the mad Multitude is a fudden Reputation won, of Wildom by wilfullnefs and fubde ftiifts, of Goodnefs by evill, of Piety by en-
multiplying
deavouring to root out true Religion. But it is evident that the chief of his Adherents never lov'd him, never honourd either him or his Caufe, but as they took him to fet a face upon their own malignant
(440
lignant Defignes, nor bemoan his lofs at all, but the lofs of their own afpiring like thofe captive Women whome the Poet notes in his //;W, to have hopes bewaild the Death of Patr$cliu in outward fliow, but indeed their own condi,
tion.
naTfOK,Aov
TTfo'cpaaiv,
C(pZv
(f''
auiz^v
i(J(f^' )Wc$k.
Horn.
Iliad, t.
needs mufl be ridiculous to any judgement uninthrall'd, that they who matters exprefs fo little fear either of God or ?4an, fliould in this one particular outftripp all Precilianifm with their fcruples and cafes, and fill mens ears continually with the noife of their confcientious Loyaltie and Allegeance to the King, Rebels in the mean while to God in all their aftions befide : much lefs that they whofe profefs'd Loyalty and Allegeance led them todireft Armes
And
it
in other
and thought him nothing violated by the Sword of them Hoftilitydrawn by againft him, fhould now in earneft think him violated by the unfparing Sword of Juftice, which undoubtedly fo much the lefs in vaine Ihe beares among men, by how much greater and in higheft place the offender. Elsjuftice, whether moral or politicall, were not J ulf ice, but a fals The onely griefe is, Counterfeit of that impartial and Godlike Vertue. .^y. th.it the Head was not ftiook off to the bcft advantage and commodity of them that held it by the Haire which obfervation, though made by a common Enemie, may for the truth of it heerafter become a Proverb. But as to the Author of thefe Soliloquies, whether it were the late King, as is vulgarly beleev'd, or any fecret Coadjutor, and fome flick not to name him, it can add nothing, nor fhall take from the weight, if any be, of reafon which he But Allegations, not Reafons, are the maine Contents of this Book, brings. and need no more then other contrary Allegations to lay the Queftion before all Men in an eev'n Ballance ; though it were fuppos'd that the Teltimony of one Man in his own Caufe affirming could be of any moment to bring in doubt the Autority of a Parlament denying. But if thefe his faire- fpok'n words fhall be heer fairely confronted and laid parallel to his own farr-differing deeds, manifeft and vifible to the whole Nation, then furely we may look on them who notwithftanding fhall perfift to give to bare words more credit than to op'n deeds, as men whofe Judgment was not rationally evinc'd and perfwaded, but fatally ftupifi'd and bewitch'd into fuch a blind and obftinate belief: for whofe Cure it may be doubted, not whether any Charm, though never fo wifely murmur'd, but whether any Prayer can be available.
againft the King's Perfon,
;
I.
Upon
( 447 )
1.
ZJfon
the
Kings
the
calling
this
lafl
Parlament.
^ Hat which King ^H head I were

ic
laies
the
floiie
of
Parlamem, mt more by then hy his own chais and inclination^ is to all knowing men fo appamoie unlucky and inanfpicious fentencci and more berently not true, that a of iiis whole Fabric, hardly could have come into his tok'ning the downfall that the inclination of a Prince is beft known either not Mind. For who knows
here as his firfb foundation, and as whole Strudture, that fê call'd thu Ufl others advice^ and the necejfity of bis affairs.
his
down
Hi
and molt bythofe nextabout him,
own
tiers
Aftions
Thofe
necrefl:
a^d Prelates ; Men How thefe Men ftood affesfted to Parhim exadly inclined, and to imitate laments cannot be forgott'n. No Man but may remember it was thir continuall excrcife to difpute and preach againlt them j and in thir common difcourfe nothen that they hoped the King (houldnoiv have no need of thing was more frequent, this was but the copy which his Parafites had induftrimore. And Tarlaments any and Actions, who never cali'd a Parlament, own Words his from oufly taken v and necetlities his having to fupp'y'd thofe, as fuddenly and ignomibut fupply one greevance of the People Sometimes dilfolv'd any redrcffing it,without niouily
:
in favor with him, or by the current of his to this King, and molt his Favorites, were Courwhofe chief fludy was to find out which way the King
of his Subfidiss, or to raife them by illegal courfes, then chooling rather to mifs that the People (hould not ftiU mifs of thir hopes tobereliev'd by Parlaments. The firft he broke off at his comming to the Crown, for no other caufe then
to proteftthe Duke of BHckingham ^g2^\n^ them who had accufed him, befides other hninous Crimes, of no lefs then poyfoning the deceafed King hisF'ather. And [till the latter breaking was with more alFront and indignity put upon the Houfe and her worthieft Members then the former, Infomuch that in the fifth he feems offended at the very rumor of a yeare of his Pvaign, in a Proclamation jParlament divul^, d among the people, as if hee had tak'n it for a kind of Slander, that Men (hould think him that bids it as a prefumption to prefcribe
:
way
exorable,
much
lefsinclin'd
;
and
is
for-
him any time
for Parlaments
that
to
or Petition, or fo much as the reporting of fuch a fay, either by Perfwafion of prefcribing was at that time not fufpected. manner other for By Rumor which fierce Ediift, the people, forbidden to complaine, as wellas forc'd to fufto defpair of Parlament*-. Whereupon fuch ilfer, be.'an frorti thenceforth aftions, andefpecially to get vail fumais of Money, were put in pradlife
legal
by the King and his new Officers, as Monopolies, compulfive Knighthoods^ Cote, Conduift and Ship-mony, thefeizingnot of one A^^Wfcx Vineyard, but of whole Inheritances, under the pretence of Forreft, or Crown- Lands ^ Corruption and Bribery compounded for, with impunities granted for the future, as gave evident proof that the King never meant, nor could itftand with the reafon of his Affairs ever to recall Parlaments having brought by thefe irregular courfes the peoples Interell and his own to fo direft an oppofition, that he night forefee plainely, if nothing but a Parlament could fave the people, it muft ne:
ceflarily be his undoing. Till eight or nine years afcer,
proceeding with a high hand
in
thefe
Enormi-
an injurious War againft his native Conn-; ties, and having the fecond time levied thofe fhifts of raifing mony, which borcouc and all other Scotland-, trie, finding his firft Expedition, now tofaile him, nQloihlso^n chois and inclination, as any Child may fee, but urg'd by ftrong necelfities, and the very pangs of State,
owne violent Proceedings had brought him to, hee calls a Parlament ; which only was to give him fourSubfidies, and fo to expire-, then in England, where his firft demand was but twelve Subfidies, to maintaine a Scotch Warr, condemn'd and abominated by the whole Kingdom promiling thir greevances fhould be confider'd afterwards. Which when the Parliament, who judg'd that Warr it felf one of thir main gteevances, made no h^ft to
which
his
firft
in Ireland,
-,
grant, not enduring the delay of his impatient will, or els fearing the conditions of thir grant, he breaks ofi' the whole Seffion, and difmilfes them and thir
greevances with fcorn and fruftration.
Mvcb
(448)
therefore did heecall this lafl: Parlament by his own choisand inclination but having fiift try'd in vaine all undue ways to procure mony, his Army of thir own accord being beat'n in the North, the Lords petitioning, nd the general voice of the People almofl: hitTing him and his ill-ad;ed
Mi:ch
lefs
:,
regalitie
off the Stage, compeird at length both by his wants, and by his fears, upon meer extrenritie he fummond this lafl Parlament. And how is it poffible that hee Ihould willingly incline to Parlaments, who never was pcrceiv'd to call them but for the greedy hope of a whole National Bribe,his Subfidies j and never lov'd, never fulfill'd, never promoted the tiue end of Parlaments, the redrefs
of greevantes , but Hill put them off, and prolong'd them, whether gratify'd or notgiatify'di and was indeed the Author of all thofe greeVances ? To fay therefore that he call'd this Parlament of his own chois and inclination, argues how Ijttle truth wee can expert from the fequel of this Book, which ventures in the v:ry firft period to affront more then one Nation with an untruth fo remarkable,-, and prefumes a more implicit Faith in the people of England., then the Pope ever cominanded from the RomiHi Laitie; or els a natural fottiflinefs fitc to be abus'd and idd'n ? While in the judgement of wife Men, by laying the foundation of liis defence on the avouchment of that which is fo manifeftly untrue, hebath giv'n a worfefoile to hisown caufe, then when his whole Forces were at any time overthrown. They therefore who think fuch great Service den to the Kinss affaires in publifhing this Book, will find themfelves in the end miftsken, if fenfc and right mind, or but any raediocritie of and rei
knowledg
quite forfak'n men. But to prove his inclination to Parlaments, he affirmes heer, To have always his Crown., andbefi f leafing to his People. thought the right way of them moft fafe for What he thought we know nor, but that he ever took the contrary way we faw i
membrance hath not
and from his own adions we telt long agoe what hee thought of Parlaments or of pieafing his People: a furer Evidence than what we heare now too late in words.
He alleges, that the caufe of forbearing to convent Parlaments was the fpariês which fame mens diftemfers there (indiedto kindle. They were indeed not teroper'd to his temper > for it neither was the Law, nor the rule by which all other tembut they were efteem'd and chos'n for the fitted men, in pers were to be try'd ihir feverall Counties, to allay and quench thofe diftempers which his own inAnd if that were his refufing to convene^ till thofe ordinate doings had inflani'd.
;,
men had
bin qualified to hi^ temper, that
is
to fay, his will,

fear
we may eafily
con-
his infatiat poverjefture tie in the midft of his excellive wealth conftrain'd him. Hee hofedhy hn freedom and their moderation to prevent mifunderfiandings. And wherefore not by thir freedom and his moderation ? But freedom he thought
what hope ther was of Parlaments, had not
and
toohighaword for them, and moderation too mean a word for hirafelf this He ftill feard pajfion and wa not the way to prevent mifunderftandings.
;
and doubted not by the weight of his not in himfelf FaUion it being fo eafie for him, and fo reafon counterpoife any frequent, to call his obftinacy reafon, and other mens reafon Faftion. Wee in the mean while muft believe that wifdom and all reafon came to him by Title with his Crowne i pafTion, prejudice, and fadtion came to others by being Subjedts. He WM forry to hear with what popidar heat EleBions were carrtd in many Places. Sorry rather that Court-Letters and intimations prevaifd no more, to divert, or to deterr the people from thir free Eletftion of thofe men, whom they thought beft affefted to Religion and thir Countries Libertie, both at that time in danger to be loft. And fuch men they were, as by the Kingdom were fenc toadvife him, not fent to be cavill'd at, becaufe eleded, or to be entertained by him with an undervalue and mifprifion of their temper, judgement, or aflfeftion. In vaine was a Parlament thought fitteftby the known Laws of our Nation, to advife and regulate unruly Kings, if they, inftead of hearkning to advice, fhould be permitted to turn it off, and refufe it by vilifying and traducing thir advifers, or by accufing of a popular heat thofe that lawfully eleded
freji'.dice
in
other men-,
own
to
them. His own and hi^ Childrens

welfare of his Subjects.
But the fame intereft, common to all Kings, was never yet available to make them all feek that, which was indeed belt
?
Who doubts it
interefi obliged him to
to the love and preferve' feek^ and
for
(
for tliemfclves and
inttreft are
ti;ir
449
Poflcriiic
All
men
:
thatconfideration works in private men, how mixh iefs in Kings, their deeds declare belt. He intended to oblige both Friends and Enemies, And to exceed their Defres, did and fcber fenfe ^ miftaking the whole bufinefs of a they bu^rctendto any mode(t not mett to receive from him Obligations, but Juftice 5 Which Parlamcnc. them thir from nor hec to expert modelty, but their grave advice, utter'd the caiifc. His talk of modefty in thir defires of the in with freedom public him not much to have underftood what he had to welfare, common argues grant, much the nature of what they had to dedre. fo mifconceav'd And for who was too mean, and rccoiles with as much diflionour fober fenff, thcexpreflion a whi.refober fenfe could poffibly be fo wanting in a tobe King himielfe,
oblig'd to Honeliic ar.d Junice
by thir but how
own and
little
thir
Childrens
upon
Parlament. The odium and offences which fojr.e mens rigour., or remiffnefs in Church and State hadcontrnBed Hftn hi^ Government, hee refolved to have expiated with better Laws And yet the worft of mifdemeanors committed by the worit and Rebuilt ions. of all his favourites in the hight of thir dominion, whether îfts of rigor or remilfnefs, he hath from ti.ne to time continu'd, own'd, and tak'n upon himfelf by public Declarations, as oft'n as theClergie, or any other of his Inftruments And who knows not the felt themfelvcsoverburdn'd with the peoples hatred. and the licentious remillhefs of his fuperltitioiis rigor of his Sundays Chappel, Sundays Theater > accompanied with that reverend Statute for Dominical jigs
and Maypoles, publifht in his own Name, and deriv'd from the example of his ^^t\\cv James? Which teftilies all that rigor in Superftition, all that remilfnefs in Religion to have ilTu'd out originally from hisownHoufe, and from his own
rather then may thofe general mifcarriages in State, his proto no other perfon chiefly than to himfelf be And which imputed per Sphear, of all thofe oppreflive Afts or impolitions did he ever difclaime or difavow, till
Autority.
Much
the fatal aw of this Parlament hung ominoufly over him? Yethecrhee fmoothly fceksto wipe off all the envy of his evill Government upon his Subftitutes
and under
and promifes, though much too late, what wonders he Officers don in the reforming of Religion ; a work wherein all his have to purposed declare hira to have had little or no judgment : Neiheretofore undertakings ther could his breeding, or his cours of life acquaint him with a thing fo fpi,
ritual.
Which may
,
well affure us
politic
from him
either
fome
what kind of Reformation we could expeft form of an impos'd Religion, or els perpetual
The vexation and perfecution to all thofe that comply'd not with fuch a form. like amendmenthe promifes in State i not a Itep furder then his Reafon andCnhad kept within thofe bounds, fciince told himwas fit to bee deftr''d\ Vii^mghee not ftff'epd his own judgment to have bin ever-born in fome things, of which things
and one
was the Earle of Straffords execution. And what ngnifies all this, but that ftill his rcfolution was the fame to fet up an arbitrary Government of his own, and thatall Britain wasto bety'dand chain'd to the confcience, judgment, and reafon of one Man ; as if thofe gifts had been only his Peculiar and Prerogative, intail'd upon him with his fortune to be a King? When as doubtlefs no man fo obltinate, or fo much a Tyrant, but profelfes to be guided by that which he calls his Reafon and his Judgment, the never fo corrupted ; and pretends alfo In the mean while for any Parliament, or the whole Nation to his Confcience. have either reafon, judgment, or confcience by this rule, was altogether in vaine, if it thwarted the King's Will i which was eafie for him to call by any And thus we find thefe faire and fpecious promiother more plaufible name. fes, made upon the experience of many hard fufferings, and his mod mortili'd
retirements, being throughly fifted, to contain nothing in them much diiferent; his former prartices, fo crofs and fo aver fe to all his Parlament?, and both the Nations of this Hand. What fruits they could in likelyhood have
from
produc'd
in his reftoreraent
is
is
obvious to any prudent forefight.
firft Seftion, till wee come to the devout of it, modeled into the form of a privat Pfalter. Which they who fo much admire the Arch-Bi(hops late Breviary, and many other as good Manuels and Handmaids of Devotion, the lip-work of every Prelatical Liturgill, dapt together, and quilted out of Scripture-phrafe, with as much eafe, and as little need ot Chriftian diligence or judgment as belongs to the compiling of any ordnary and mm
And
this
the fubftance of his
(
ftnd falable piece
45
of Englifh Divinity that the Shops value. But he who from fuch a kind of Pfalmillry, or any other verbal Devotion, without the pledge and earhefl: of futable deeds, can be perfwaded of a zsal and true righteoufnefs in and knov/s not that the theperfon, hath much yet to learn, deepeft^jôlicy And Arifiotle in his Poliever to countcrfet been of a Tyrant hath Religious. tics hath mentioned that fpecial crafc among twelve other tyrannical Sofhtfms.
Neither want we examples: Andronicm Comnentu the 5_>'2.<jwf* Emperor, though a moft cruel Tyrant, is reported by ISicetas to have been a conftant reader of Saint ?anls Epiftles \ and by continual ftudy had fo incorporated tbephrafe and ftileof ihattranfcendent Apoftle into all his familiar Letters, that the imitaYet this availd not to deceave the people tion feem'd to vie with the original. of that Empire, who uotwithltanding his Saints vizard, tore him to peeces for From Stories of this nature both antient and modern which ahis Tyranny. Poets alfo, and fom Englilh have been in this point fomindfullof bound, the in the mouth of any perfon then as to Decorum^ put never more pious words of a Tyrant. 1 fhall not inftance an abflrufs Author, wherein the King might be lefsconverfant, but one whom wee well know was the Clofet Companion of thefe his folitudes, William Shake ffcare, who introduces the Perlon of Richard the third, fpeaking in as high a ftiainof pietie and mortification as is utterd ia any palfage of this Book, and fomecinies to the fame fenfe and purpofe with fome words in this place-, I intended^ faith he, not enely to tbligt my Friends., bht
mine Enemies.
The like
/ do
faith Richard.,
not
AQ
2.
Seen. i.
know that Enghjhman alive ^

i
IFith
whom my
More
ii foitle any jott at odds., then the Infant that is horn to night
J thank,
my God
for
my humilitie.
Other
delivers
fiufFof this fort
may be read throughout the whole Tragedic, wherelicence in departing
in the Poetus'd not
much
him
a deep diflembler,
from the truth of Hiltory, which not of his'affedions oneiy, but of Reli-
gion.
In praying therefore, and in the outward work of Devotion, this King we But herein the fee hath not at all exceeded the word of Kings before him. worfl: of Kings, profefiing Chrillianifm, have by farr exceeded hiefi. They,
for ought we know, ftill pray'd their own, or at leafl borrowed from fit Authors. But this King, not content with that which, although in a thing holy,
no holy theft, to attribute to his own making other mens whole Prayers, as it were unhallowM and unchriftn'd the very duty of Prayer it felf, by borrowing to aChiiftian ufe Prayers ofFerd to a Heathen God. Who would have imagin'd fo little feare ia him of the true all-feeing Deitie, fo li'rj- reverence of the Holy Ghoftjwhofe office is to diftat and prefei t our Chriftian Prayers, fo little care of truth in his lafl: words, or honour to himfelf, or to his Friends, or fenfe of his afflidions, or of that fad hour which was upon him, as immediatly before his death to pop into the hand of rhac
is
hath
grave Bifliop who attended him, as a fpecial Relique of his Saintly exercile?, a Prayer ftol'n word for word from the mouth of a Heathen Woman pra\ ing to a Heathen God ; and that in no ferious Book, but in the vain amatorious Poem of Sir Philip Sidneys Arcadia ; a Book in that kind full of worth and witt,
among religious thoughts and duties not worthy to be nam'd , nor to be read at any time without good caution, much lefs in time of trouble and affliftion to be a Chriftians Prayer- Book? It hardly can be thought upon without fom laughter, that he who had aifted over us fo ftately and fo tragically, Ihould leave the World at lafl with fuch a ridiculous exit, as to bequeath among bis
but
deifying friends that ftood about him fuch a piece of mockery to be publifht by as muft needs cover both his and their heads with Ihame and confufion. And fureit was the hand of God that let them fall, and be taken in fuch a foolilh
them,
Trapp, ashathexposM them toall derillon, if for nothing els, to throw contempt and difgrace in the fight of all Men upon this his idoliz'd Book, and the whole rofarie of his Prayers ; thereby teftifying how little he accepted thera from thofe who thought no better of the living God than of a Buzzard Idol, that would be ferv'd and wor/hipt vfith the polluted traih of Romances and Ar,
cadias.
(451)
cadias^ without difccrning the affront fo irreligioufly to his face.
and
fo boldly offer'd
him
Thus much be
Prayer us'd
in his
faid in general to his Prayers,
Captivity
and in fpecial to that Arcadian anough to undeceive lis what efteem we are to kt
upon the
reft-.
And
and
to
thus farr in the whole

all
cannot but be clear to

necefTities
the late
Chapter we have feen and confider'd, and it men, how and for what ends, what concernments King was no way induc'd, but every way conftrain'd
:
Parliament yet here in his firft Prayer he trembles not to avouch as in the ears of God, That he did tt with an nfright intention to his Glory^ and his peoples Good : of which dreadful Atteftation how fincerely meant, God, to whom it was avow'd, can only judg ; and he hath judgM already, and hath writt'n his impartial Sentence in Charafters legible to all Chrid'ndoni and befides hath taught us that there be fome whom he hath giv'n over to delufion, whofe very Mind and Confcience is defil'd, of whom Saint Paul to Titm makes
call
this lafl
mention.
II.
ZJfon the Earle of Strafford s
VeatK
is a penitent ConfefTion of the King, and the llrangbe well For he repents weijih'd, that ever was Auricular. ell^, heer of giving his Confenr, though moft unwillingly, to the moft fcafonable and folemn piece of Juftice that had bin done of many years in the Land : And thus was the welfare, the But his fole Confcience thought the contrary. a the demand of three populous Nations within unanimous and little, fafety,
^HiSnext Chapter
if it
on the fingularity of one Man's opinionated Confcience if fo tame and fpiritlefs, and had not unexpededly found the grace to underftand, that if his Confcience were (b narrow and peculiar to it felf, it was not fit his Authority Ihould be fo ample and univerfal over For certainly a private Confcience forts not with a publick Calling, others but declares that Perfon rather meant by nature for a private Fortune. And this alfo we may take for truth, that he whofe Confcience thinks it fin to put to death a capital OfFendor, will as oft think it meritorious to kill a righBut let us hear what the fin was that lay fo fore upon him ; and teous Perfon. as his Prayer giv*n to Dr. Juxton^ teltifies to the very day of his death, it was his figning the Bill of Straffords execution A Man whom all men look'd upon as one of the boldeft and moft impetuous Inflrumentsthat the King had to advance any violent or illegal Defign. He had ruPd Ireland and fom parts of Enghad indeavour'd to fubvert fundamental Laws, to land^ in an arbitrary manner fubvett Parlaments, and to incenfe the King againft them he had alfo endeavour'd to make Hollility between England and Scotland He had counfel'd the King to call over thatlrilTi Army of Papilts, which be had cunningly rais'd, to reduce England, as appear'd by good Teftimony then prefent at the Confultaticn For which, and many other Crimes alleg'd and prov'd againft hira in 28 Articles, he was condemn'd of High Treafon by the Parlament. The Commons by far the greater number caft him the Lords after they had bin fatisfi'd in a full Difcourfe by the King's SoUicitor, and the Opinions of many in deliver'd their Judges Houfe, agreed likewife to the Sentence of Treafon. The People univerfally cri'd out for Juftice. None were his Friends but Courtiers and Clergymen, the worft at that time, and moft corrupted fort of Men ; and Court-Ladies, not the beft of Women i who when they grow to that infolcnce as to appear adive in State-Affairs, are the certain fign of a diflblute, Laft of all the King, or rather degenerat, and pufillanimous Common-wealth. firft, for thefe were but his Apes, was not fatisfi'd in Confcience to condemn him of High Treafon and declar'd to both Houfes, That no fears or refpeils Eiwhatfoever ftjould makl ^'"^ "^'f that Refolntion founded upon his Confcience. ther then his Refolution was indeed not founded his or his Confcience, upon ra m a Confcience
to have attended
ftill
i,
men had always been
452
Confcience receav'd better information, or els both his Confcience and this his ftrong Refolution ftrook fail, notwithflianding ihefc glorious word;, -to his for within a few days after, when the Judges at a privieCounftronger fear and four of his elected Bilhops had pick'd the t'ôni out of his fel, Confcience, he was at length perfwadi.d to figne the Bill for Sr,affi'rd's Exe'.ution. And yet perhaps that it wrung his Confcience to cond nin iiie Earl of High Treafon is not unlikely ; not becaufe he thought him guiflefs of highefl Treafon, had half thofe Crimes bin committed againft bis ow pri.at Intereft or Perfon, as appeared plainly by his charge againft tiie fix Mui.btrsi hut becaufe he knew himfelf a Principal in what the Eari was b.it hi A( ccflory, aud thought nothing
i
i
Treafon
againfl: the
Common-weakh,
lût
againlL hia felfonly.

I
he really fcrupfd to fentcnce ihu tor reafon which he thought not v'd rhe did he feem relo treafonable, why by Ju'igi.s. and the Bifliops ? and if by them refoiv'd, how comes the frrupic be ag in ? it was not then as he now
i
Had
pretends, The import umties of fame ^ ana ihe fear of muny, width made him fign, but the fatisfaftion giv'n him by thofe Judges an'-t ghoiily P'athers of his own Which of him Ihall we btlicve ? for he feems not one, but douchoofing. ble ; either here we rauft not beleeve him prdfelfiug that his Satisfailion was butfeemingly receav'd and out of fear, or eh we may as well beieeve that the fcrup!e was no real Ictuple, as we can bekeve him heer againft himfelf before, that the fatisfaiftion then receiv'd was no real fatisfaftion of fuch a variable and fleeting Confcience wh.K hold can be tak'n ? But that indeed it was a facil Confcience, and could di Hem ble fatisfaftion when it pleased, his own infuing Anions declared being f on after foUi^d to have the chief Hand in a moft detefted Confpiracy aga/nil the Parlament and Kingdom, as by Letters and Examinations of Percy ^ Gnrifi^, and other Confpirators came to light j that his intention was to lefcue the Earl of Strafford, by feizing on the Tower of London-, tobrirg up the Englifh Army out of the North, joyn'd with eight thoufand Irilh Papifts rais'd by Strafford, and a French Army to be landed at For which purpofe the Port/mouth againfl; the Parlament and thir Friends. both Houfes to disband thofe Irilh Papifts, refus'd King, though requefl:ed by to do it, and kept them ftill in armes to his own purpofes. No marvel then, if
:
being as deeply criminous as the Earl himfelf, it flung his Confcience toadjudg to death thofe mifdeeds whereof himfelf had been the chief Author no mar:
vel though inftead of blaming and detefting his Ambition, his evil CounfeJ, his violence and oppreffion of the People, he fall to praife his great Abilities.^ and with ScoIaftickFiourifhes beneath the decencie of a King, compares him
and fignificance beares allulion to a King, marvel though he knit Contradidlions as clofe, as words can lie together, tiot apfrovin^ in his judgment, and yet approving in his fiibquent reafon all that Strafford did, as driv'n by the neceffityof times, and the temper for this excufes all his Wifdemeanors : Laftly, no marvel that he of that people goes on building many fair and pious Condufions upon falfe and wicked Premifes, which deceave the common Reader, not well difcerning the antipathy of fuch Connexions but this is the marvel, and may be the aftonilhment of all that have a Confcience, how he durfl in the fight of God (and with the fame words of contrition whcrwith O^w^ repents the murdering oiVriah) repent his lawful compliance to that jufl: ad; of not faving him, whom he ought to have delivered up to fpeedy punifliment, though himfelf the guiltier of the If the deed were fo finful to have put to death fo two. great a Malefaftor, it woifld have tak'n much doutlefs from the heavinefs of his Sin, to have told God in his Confeflion, how he labour'd, what dark Plots he had contriv'd, into what a League cntred, and with what Confpirators againfl his Parlament and Kingdoms, to have refcu'd from the claim of Juftice fo notable and fo dear an Inllrument of Tyranny ; which would have bin a Story, no doubt, as For it was plealing in the ears of Heav'n, as all thefe equivocal Repentances. fear, and nothintjels, which made him fain before both thefcruple and the fatisfaflion of his Confcience, that u to fay, of his mind his firft fear, pretended Confcience, that he might be born with to refufe figning j his latter fear being more ui gent, made him find a Confcience both to fign, and to be faAs for Rtpcritance it came not on him till a long time after ; when tisfy'd. he few he could have fnfftrd nothing more though he had deny''d that Bill. For how
to the Sun^ which in not to a Subjed :
all
figurati e ufe
No
',
could
( 453 ) of letting that be Treafon which the ParJacould he underflandingly repent ? This was that which repented him, to lb Nation whole ment and judg'd fo ftout a Champion of his Defigns, who to have giv'n np juft punilhmcnt
him in his following civil Broiies. It was a worldly might have bin fo ufeful to a confcientious ^ or els it was a (Irange Tyranny which his not Repentance, Conlcience had got over him, to vex him like an evil Spirit for doing one acH: of Juftice, and by that means to fortify his lltfolution from ever doing fo any more. That mind muft needs be irrecoverably deprav'd, which either by chance or importunity, tailing but once of one Juft deed, fpatters at it and abTo the Scribes and Pharifecs, Wo was dcnounc'd hors the relilh ever after. for oilr Saviour, ftrainingat a Gnat and fwallowing a Camel, though a by But to a Confcience with whom one good deed Gnst were to be ftrain'd at is fo hard to pafs down ^s to endanger almoft a choaking, and bad deeds without number, though as big and bulkie as the ruin of three Kingdoms, go down If his currently without ftraining, certainly a far greater woe appertains. Confcience were come to that unnatural Dyfcrafy-, as to digeffc poyfon and to keck at wholefom food, it was not for the Parlament, or any of his Kingdoms to feed with him any longer. Which to conceal he would perfwade us that the Parlament alfo in their Confcience efcapM not fome touches of remorfe for putting Strafford to death, in forbidding it by an after-ad to be a Precedent for the future. But in a fairer conftrudlion, that ad impli'd rather a defire in them to pacific the King's mind, whom they perceav"d by this in the mean while not imagining that this after-aft means quite alienated on them to tie up Juftice for the time to come upon like ocfhould be retorted made a Precedent or not, no more then the want of were this whether cafion, fuch a Precedent, if it had bin wanting, had bin available to hinder this. But how likely is it that this after-ad argu'd in the Parlament thir leaft repenting for the death of Strafford^ when it argu'd fo little in the King himfelf, who notwithftanding this after-ad, which had his own hand and concurrence, if not his own inftigation, within the fame year accus'd of High Treafon no lefs than fix Members at once for the fame pretended Crimes which his Confcience would not yield to think trcafonable in the Earl : So that this his futtle Argument tofaft'n a repenting, and by that means a guiltijiefs of Strafford''s death upon the Parlament, concludes upon his own head ^ and fhews us plainly that either nothing in his judgment was Treafon againlt the Common-wealth, but
:
,
a tyrannical Principle or that his Confcience only againft the King's Perfon was a perverfe and prevaricating Confcience, to fcruple that the Commonwealth fhould punifti for treafonous in one eminent Offender, that which he If this himfelf fought fa vehemently to have puniflit in fix guiltlefs perfons. were that touch of Confcience which he bore with greater regrett then for any other iin committed in his life, whether it were that proditory Aid fent to Rochet and Religion abroad, or that prodigality of fliedding blood at home, to a million of his Subjedslivesnotvalu'd incomparifon of one Strafford^ we may conlider yet at laft what true fenfe and feeling could be in that Confcience, and whan fitnefs to be the Mafter-confcience of three Kingdomes. But the reafon why he labours that we Ihould take notice of fo much tendernefs and regret in his Soul for having any handinSx.VdWoxA''^ death^ is worth the marking e're we conclude : He hofd it would he fame evidence before God and Man to all fnfieritie that he was farr from bearing that va(t load and guilt of blond
, ,
layd upon him by others : bewailing the blood of one
hath the likenefs of a futtle DiiTimuhtion, commodious Inftrument, putto death moll Man, him that we might think him too tender to ftied juftly, though by unwillingly, And thus by willingly the blood of thofe thoufands, whom he counted Rebells. dipping voluntarily his fingers end, yet with (hew of great remorfe, in the blood of Strafford, whereof all Men clecr him, he thinks to fcape that Sea of innocent blood wherein his own guilt inevitably hath plung'd him all over. And we may well perceave io what eafie fatisfadions and purgations he had inur'd
his
Which
who thinks by fuch weak policies and oftentations as thefe to gain belief and abfolution from underftanding Men,
his fecret Confcience,
III.
Vfon
454
III.
ZJfon his going to the Houfe of Commons,
his unexcufable and hoftile march from the Court to the Houfc of Commons, there needs not much be faid s for he confefles ic to be an ad which mofl: men whom he calls hii Enemies cry'd ihame upConcerning on, indijferent men grew jealous of and fearfully and many of his Friends refented^ as a motion arifing rather from faffion then reafon: He himfeifin one of his Anfv\ ers to both Houfes made profeffion to be convinc'd that it was a plaine breach of thir Privilege \ yet here like a rotten building newly trimm'd over, he reprefents it fpecioufly and fraudulently, to impofe upon the fimple Reader ; and feeks by fmooih and futcle words not here only, but through his whole Book, to make fome beneficial ufe or other even of his worft mifcarriages. not the jttji motives and Thefe Men^ fith he, meaning his Friends, knexo freg.
nant grounds with which I thought my felf furnijlied-^ to wit, againft the five MemHis befl Friends indeed knew bers whom hecametodraggout of the Houfe. know his to fuch a riotous and had he himever Motives aft nor could nor, fel.'e known any jufl: grounds, he was noc ignorant how much it might have
:
tended to his jullitying, had he nam'd them in this place, and not conceal'd them. But to fuppofe them real, fuppofe them known, what was this to that violation and dilbonour put upon the whole Houfe, whofe very dore forcibly kept cp'r, ard all the pallages neer it he befett with Swords and Piftolscockt and menac d in the hands of about three hundred Swaggerers and Ruffians, who but expefted, nay audibly call'd for, the word of Onfet to begia a
flaughter.
He had difcove/d
to
Engagements Corrcfpondencics and Confplracies with the Irifh Army of Papifts, with the French to land at Portfni'Uth, and his tampring both with the Englilh and Scotch Army to come up againft the Parlament the leaft of which attempts by wbomfoever, was no lefs then manifcft Treafon againft the Common-wealth. If to demand Juftice on the five Members were his Plea,for that which they with more reafon might have demanded Juftice upon him (I ufe his own Argument;
:
as he thought imlavefull corefpondencies which they had us'd^ and imbroile his Kingdomes, and remembers not his own unlawfull
If hee had refolv'd to bear that repuls with there needed not Jo rough affifiance. paher to him at his return little thought he would words his Queen by ruwfjwhich
have done, wherefore did he provide againft it with fuch an armed and unufual Force ? But his heart fcrv'd him not to undergoe the ha'zzard that fuch a defpeBut whcrfore did he goe at all, it berat fcufile would have brought him to. hooving him to know there were two Statutes that declar'd he ought firft to have acquainted the Parlament who were the Accufers, which he refus'd to doe, though Itill profcllingto govern by Law, and ftill juftifyinghis attempts againft Law And when he faw it was not permitted him to attaint them but by a fair tryal, as was offer'd him from time to time, for want of juft matter which yet never came to light, he let the bufinefs fall of his own accord ; and an thofe Pregnancies and j all motives came to juft nothing. He had no temptation of difpleafure or revenge againjl thofe Men : None but what he thirfted to execute upon them, for the conftant oppofition which they made againft his tyrannous Proceedings, and the love and reputation which they therfore had among the people. He mift hut little ts have produced Writings under fome Mens own hands. But
:
yet he mift, though their Chambers, Trunks, and Studies werefeal'dup and Providence would not have it fo. Good Provilearcht, yet not found guilty. dence that curbs the raging of proud Monarchs, as well as of madd MultiTet he wanted not fuch probabilities (for his pregnant is come now to tudes. pro-
bable) as were fuffcient to ratfe jealou/ies in any Kings heart : And thus his pregnant motives are at laft prov'd nothing but a Tympany, or a Queen Mamies Cuihion for in any Kings heart, as Kings go now, what fliadowie conceit or groundlefs toy will not create a Jealoufie ? That he had defgn'd to ajfaiilt the Houfe of Commons^ takingGod to witnefs, he Utterly denies i yet in his Anfwer to the City, maintains that any courfs of via.
,
Itnce
( 455 ) And we may then guefs how far ic was from his lence haeJ bin veiyjiiflif able. However it difcover'd in him an excellive eageinefs to be avciig'd on (Jefign tbetn that crofs'd him ; and that to have his will, he Itood not to doe things What a becomming light it was to fee the King never fo much below liim. in Houfeof the one while Commons, by and by in thtGmldHa^ of England and Liveries the Manufadures, profccuting To greedily the track of among himfelf not the Solliciter only but the Purfivanc, and five or fix fled Subjerts And although in his Anfwers to ths the Apparitor of his own partial Caule, his manner ot profecution was illegal, firfl that Patlament, he hath confefs'd, he had once coriceiv'd he as that next ground anough to nccufe them^ fo at length th it he
: ;
them , \ ct here he fcems to rcvcrfe found as good caufe to defert any profecution uf old defcrted his takes and Accufation, that he might up all, againft promife have fomediing to excufe himfelf, infteîd of giving due reparation, which he always refus'd to give them whom he had fo diflionour'd. That I wcnt^ faith he of his going to the Houfe of Commons, attended with Infantrie of Stewes and Brofeme Gentlemen-, Gentlemen indeed, the ragged and Taverns of and ihels Dicing-Houfes: and then hs fliipwrack thefpawn it was no unwonted thing for the A'fajcfty and fafety of a King to be fo at,
pleads
tendtd^ efpecially in difcontcnted times. ed ; a becomming fafety for the King

:
iliultrious Majeftie no doubt, fo attendof England, pljc'd in the fidelity of fuch Guards and Champions happy times, when Braves and Hackfters, the onwere thought the fitteft and the ly contented Members of his Government, faithfullelt to defend his Perfon againfl; the difcontcnts of a Parlament and all good Men Were thofe thechos'n ones to preferve reverence to him., while he enter'd unajfard, and full of fufpicion?, into his great and faithful Couafel ? Let God then and the World judg whether the Caule were not in his own guilty and unwarrantable doings The Houfe of Commons upon feveral Examinations of this buifnefs dcdar'd it fufficiently prov'd that the comming of thofe Souldiers, Papillsand others with the King, was to take away fome of thir Members, and incaleofoppofitionor denyal, to have fall'n upon the Houfe inahoThis the King here denies adding a fearful Imprecation againlt ftile manner.
An
bis
let
own
the
life.
If he parpofed any violence or

perfecute
Enemie
my
Soitl,
and
the Innocent, thenSsXih opprejfion againfl he, tred and Honour life to the
my
ground^
lay
my
in the duft.
What need then more difputing ? He appeal'd to God's Tribunal, and behold God hath judg'd and done to him in the light of all men according To be a warning to all Kings hereafter how to the verdid of his own mouth
:
they ufe prefumptuoufly the words and proteftations of David, without the And the King's admirers may heer fee thir fpirit and confcience of David. a Book to miftake this for monument of his worth and wifdom, when madnefs, not like that of IVilliam the Norman his Preas indeed it is his Doomfday Booke
,
and difcovers decefibr, but the record and memorial of his Condemnation whatever hath befal'n him, to have bin hafl'nd on from Divine Juftice by the
,
rafh
tences,
and inconfiderat Appeal of his own lips. But what evafions, what prethough never fo unjuft and emptie, will he refufe in matters more unknown, and more involv'd in the milts and intricacies of State, who, rather
juftifie
then not
with fuch frivolous excufes
himfelf in a thing fo generally odious, can flatter his Integritie againfl; the manifefl: dillent of all men, whether
Enemies, Neuters, or Friends. But God and his Judgments have not bin mock'd i and good men may well perceive what a difl:ance there was ever like to be between him and his Parlament, and perhaps between him and all amendment,
who
nefs.
for
and from
one good deed, though but confented to, askes God forgivenefs j his worft deeds done, takes occafion to iafift spon his righteouf-
IV. u^ on
450
IV. ZJfon the Infokncy of the Tumultf,
and withal fo feeli'v^ly, that, to make a Royal comparifon, I helkvc Rehohoam^ the Son of Solo.; n^ coulc- not have compos'd it better. Yet Rehoheam had more caufe to invci- dgaind them ; for they had Iton'd his Tribute-gatherer, and perhaps had as little fpar'd his own Buz this King Perfon, had he not with all fpeed betak'n him to his Char ret. hath flood the worft of them in his own Houfe without danger, when his Coach and Horfes, in a panic feare, have bin to faek, which argues that the Tumults at I^^^''i' were nothing fo dangerous as thnfe at Sechem. But the matter here confiderable is not whether the King, or his Houihold Rhetorician have made a pithy d'-tl imaiioii againft Tumults, but firft whether thefe were Tumults or not i next if they were, whether the King himfelf did not caufe them. Let us examin therfore how things at that time flood. The King, as before hath bin prov'd, having both call'd this Parlament unwillingly, and as unwillingly from time to time condefcended tothir federal acts, carrying on a disjoint and privat intcrefl of his own, and not enduring to be fb crofs'd and overfwaid, efpccially in the execuiing of his chief and boldeft Inftrument, the Deputy of Ireland, firft tempts the Englifh Army, with no lefs reward than the fpoil of London^ to come up and deftroy the ParlamenL That being difcover'd by fonie of the Officers, who, tho bad enough, yetabhorrM fo foul a deed, the King hard'nd in his purpofe, turns him next to the Scotch Army, and baites his temptation with a richer reward not only to have the facking of London, but four Northern c:ounties to be made Scottilh, with Jewels of great value to be giv'n in pawn the while. But neither would the Scots, for any promife of reward, be bought to fuch an execrable and odious treachery i but with much honefty gave notice of the Kings defign both to the Parlament and City of London. The Parlament moreover had intelligence, and the people could not but difcern that there was a bitter and malignant party grown up now to fuch a boldnefs, as to give out infolent and threatning fpeeches aBefides this, the Rebellion in Ireland was novy gainft the Parlament it felf. broke out ^ and a Confpiracy in Scotland had been made, while the King was there, againft fome chief M-mbers of that Parlament great numbers here of unknown and fufpicious perfons reforted to the City. The King beingreturn'd from Scotland, prefently difmifles that Guard which the Parlament thought neceffary in the midft of fo many dangers to h.ive about them, and puts another Guard in thir place, contrary to the privilege of that high Court, and by fuch a one commanded, as made them no lefs doubtful of the Guard it felf. Which they
WE
have here,
raufl:
gainft Tumults, yet fo hand fomlycompos'd,
confefs, a neat and well-couch d invefH-ive abut exprefTing a true fear of them in the Aurhor
,
therfore upon fome ill efFefts thereof firft found, difcharge ; deeming it more fafetofit free, tho without a Guard, in op'n danger, then inclos'd with a fufpefted fafety. The people therfore, left thir worthieft and moft faithful Pa-
themfclves for the public, and whom they faw now want aid, or be deferted in the midft of thefe dangers, came in multitudes, thounarm'd, to witnefs their fidelity and readinefs in cafe of any violence ofFer'd to the Parlament. The King both envying to fee the peoples love thus devolv'd on another objeft, and doubting left it might utterly difabk him to do with Parlaments as he was wont, fent a MefTage into the City forbidding fuch reforts. The Parlament alfo both by what was difcover'd to them, and what they faw in a malignant Party (fome of which had already drawn blood in a Fray or two at the Court Gate, and ev'n at thir own Gate in WeflminJier-Hall) conceaving themfelves to be ftill in danger where they fate, fent a moft reafonable and juft Petition to the King, that a Guard might be allow'd them out of the City, whereof the Kings own C^^w^^y/^j/w, the Earl of Effex^ might have command \ it being the right of inferiour Courts to make chois of
triots,
left
who had exposM
naked, fhould
thir
own Guard. This the King refus'dtodo, and why he refus'd, the very next day made manifeft : For on that day it was that he fallied out from White, hally with thofe iiwi^^ Myrmidons ^ to block up, or give alfault to the Houfe of
Common?,
457
fortify his Court, and enterarmed Men not a kw ; who (landing at his Palace Gate, revil'd, and with drawn Swords wounded many of .the People, as they went by unarm'd, and in a peaceable manner, whereof forae dy'd. The pafTing by of a
all
Commons.
He had,
befldes
this,
begun to
tained
multitude, tho neither to St. George's Feaft, nor to a Tilting, certainly of ic felf was no Tumult ; the exprelfion of thir loyalty and ftedfaftnefs to the Parlaraenc, whofe lives and fafeties by more than flight rumors they doubted to be If it grew to be fo, the caufe was in the in danger, was no Tumult. King hirafelf and his injurious retinue, who both by hortik preparations in the Court, and by adtuil alTailing of the People, gave them juft caufe to defend themfdves.
Surely thofe unarmed and petitioning people needed not have been fo formidable to any, but to fuch whofe confciences mifgave them how ill they had deferv'd of the people j and firfl: began to injure them, becaufe they juftly fear'd it from them j and thenafcribe that to popular Tumuk, which was occa-
provoking. fo emphatical and elaborat on this Theam agajnit Tumults, and exprefs'd with fuch a vehemence his hatred of them, will redound to the commendation of his Government. lefs perhaps than he was aware
fion'd by thir
own
And
that the
King was
For befides that in good Governments they happ'n fcldomeft, and rife not without caufe, if they prove extreme and pernicious, they were never counted fo to Monarchy, but to Monarchical Tyranny i and extremes one with anoIf then the King fo extremely Hood in fear of ther are at moll antipathy. will inference the endanger him to be the other extreme. Thus Tumults, far the occafion of this difcours againft Tumults-, now to the difcourfe it {df^ voluble anough, and full of fentence, but that, for the mofl part, either fpecious rather than iblid, or to his caufe nothing pertinent. He ntver thought any tbingmore tofrefage the mifchicfs that enfued^ than thofe TuThen was hisforefight but fliort, and much millak'n. Thofe Tumults mults. were but the mild effeds of an evil and injurious reign ^ not figns of mifchiefs to come, but feeking relief for mifchiefs pall thole figns were to be read more in and his thofe free expoltulations and of rage purpos'd revenge apparent clamors of the people againft his lawlefs Government. No: anything, faith he, more God's dtfpleafiire againjl a Nation than when he fujfers the clamours of portends the Vulgar to pafs all bounds of Law and reverence to jûtority. It portends rather his difpleafure againft a tyrannous King, whofe proud Throne he intends to overturn by that contemptible Vulgar ; the fad cries and opprelhons of whom his Royaltie regarded not. As for that fupplicating people, they did no hurt ei:
ther to
Law or
Autority, but ftood for
it
rather in the Parlaraent againft
whom
would violate it. That they invaaed the Honour and Freedom of the two Houfes, is bisown ofilcious accufation, not feconded by the Parlamenr, who had they feen caufi!^^ were
they fear'd themfelves beft able to complain. And if they ^huok and menaced any, they were fuch as had more relation to the Court than to the Commonwealth j EneBut if their petitioning unarmed were an mies, not Patrons of the people. invafionof bothHoufes, what was his entrance into the Houfe of Common?,
befetiing it with armed dom of that Houfe ?
hit Court.
It
men?
In
what condition then was the honour and

to
free-
They forebore not rude deportments^ contemptuotu words and anions
himfelf and
was more wonder, having heard what treacherous
h;'ft;lity
he had delignM
againft the City and his whole Kingdom, that they forbore to handle people in thir rage have handl'd Tyrants heretofore for lefs offences.
him
as
Had not worie fears, terrors, and envies made within him that commotion, how could a multitude of his Subjeds, arrad with no other v/eapon then Petitions, have Ihak'n all his j)ints with fuch a terrible Ague ? Yet that the Parlament ihould entertain the leaft fear of bad inteniions from him or bis party, he endures not i but would perfwade us that men fare thevKfelves and oshers withtut caufe : for bethought fear would be to them a kind of Armor, and of a wife fear and fufpicion i hisdefignwas, ifpotfible, todifarmall, efpecially for that he knew would find Nnn He weapons.
Palfy.
He indeed may beft They were not a fjort j^gue^ but a fierce quotidian Fever. who moft it it, felt i for the was within fay him, and it fhook himby flicking his own defcription than t* an than worft Storm^ worfe Earthquake ^ Bel[li.izz.ars
( 458 )
goes on thcrfore with vtbcmence to repeat the mifcbiefsdone by thefe Tumults. They frfi petitioned, then froteBed-^ dif ate next, and lajilycveraw the TarUmtnt. They remcv'd ohfiruUiotis^ they furg^d the fjci-f'..', cu/l out rotten metnhers. If there were a man ot ircn, fuch as Tahi-', by our Poet Sêncer^ is feign'd to be the page of Juftice, who with his iron F]aii could do ;.ll this, and expeditioufly, without thofe deceitful forms and circutufiarccs of Law, worfethan ceremonies in Religion \ I fay God fend it done, whether by one T^te, or by a thoufand.
He
But
diticti4
they
fubdud
the
men of
confcicnce in Parlanent^ biic}(d
and ahetted
all
fc-
and
Now
fchiftnatical Trcfojah againfi Covernner.t t ccltfajikal and civil. we may perceive the root of hi^ hatred wherce it fpring<;. It
was not
the King's grace or princely goodnes, but this ircn Flail, the People, that drove theBifliops out of thir Baronies, cut of thir Cathedrals, out of the Lords Houfe, out of thir Copes and Surplices, and all thole Papiflical innovations,
us a Tiiennial Parin revenge whereot he now To bitterly inmcftdefir'd thefe are thofe fediiicus and fchifmatical Propofals then veighs againft them by him condefcended to as sfls of Grace, new cf anoihtr namei wliich declares him, touching matters of Church and State, to have been no other man inthedeepelt of his Solitude, than he was btfcie t the iiighefi: of hisSov-
threw down the High-Commiflion and Star chamber, gsve
lament, and what
we
:
ranty.
But this was not the worft of thefe Timultr, they plaid the hafly Midivives, and would not flay the ripening, hut vtent ftraight le >if}i^'g up, and forcihlycnt out
abortive Votes.
They would not flay perhaps the Sparifli demurring, and putting off fuch wholfom afts and counfels, as the politic Cabinet at Whitehall had no mind to. But all this is complain'd here as done to the Park ment, and yet we lieard not
the Parlament at that time complain of any violence from the people, but from him. Wherefore intrudes he to plead the caufe of Parlament againft the people, while the Parlament waspleadirg thir own caufe againft him, and againft him were forced to feek refuge cf the people? 'Tis plain then that thofe confluxes and reforts interrupted ret theParlam.er:t, nor by them Vv-tre thought tumultuous, but by him only and his Court Faflim. But what good man had not rather want any ihtrg he mofl defired for the public gced, than attain it by fuch unlawful and irrehgicttt means? as much as to fay, Had not rather fit ftill, and let hisCcuntry be tyiarniz'd, th;n that the people, finding no other remedy, ftiould flard uplikeMtr, and demand thir Plights and This is the artificialeft piece of finene's to perfwade Men to be Slaves, Liberties. Biu hear hew much better the that the wit of Court coi^ld have invented, What gocd.Hian had not raMoral of this Leflbn would befit the Teacher ther a boundlcfs and arbitrary power, and thofe fine Flowers of the ^'ant Crown, cah'd Prerogatives, then for them to ufe force and perpetual vexation to his faithful Subjecfls, ray to wade for tff m through Bleed ai d civil War ? So that this and the whole bundle of thofe foliovîrg fentcrccs may be apply'd better to the convincement of his own violent courfes, thon of thefe pretended Tumults.
:
to fend for thefe Tu/^til's^fon.e alive are not ignoafidc the Setting atfrightment of thisGcbiin v\ord j for the King by his be current (and 'tij believed coin cannot leave, Eriglilh, as he could Moiy, to this wording was above his known Stile and Orthography, ai d accuf r the whole
Whowere the chief Demagogues
rant.
for^ en-bold'nd
compcfure to beconftious of feme other Author) yet if the People wtre ftnt and direQedhy ihok Demagogues-, who, laving his Greek, were good Patriots, and by his own COnfefTion Men cf fome repme for Pans and Piety., it helps well to afltrc us there was both urgent caufe, and thekfs danger of
thir coming.
The Parlament alfo Complaints were made., yet no redrtfs could be obtained. another what from fate in of party, and demanded of danger they complain'd him a Guard, but it was not granted. What marvel then if it chear'd them
to fee fome ftore of thir Friends, and in the Romar, not the pettifogging fenfe, thir Clients fo neer about them ; a defence due by nature both from whom it wasoffer'd, and to whom, as due as to thir Parents-, tho the Court ftorm'd and fretted to fee fuch honour giv'n to them., who were then bcft Fathers
( 459 ) And both the Parlamentand People compIain'J, thers of the Common-wealth. and demanded Juftice for thofe afTauks, if not Murders done at his own doors of doing Juftice on them, juitifi'd by that crew of Rufflers ^ but he, inltead in his as in what and abetted them they did, pubh'c Anfwer to a Petition from Neither is it (lightly to be paG'd over, that in the veiy the City may be read. was firft drawn in this Caufl', as the beginning of all that folplice where Blood Executioner : According to th.it losv'd, there was his own Blood fhed by the fentenceof Divine Juftice," In the place where Dogs licked the Blood of Naboth, evn thine. pall Dogs lick.thy Bloody occafion to excufe that improvident and fatal error of he takes From hence
.
his ablenting
from the Parlament.
IVhenhe found
th<*t
no Declaration of the Bihis confidering, that
could takf place agatnfi thofe Tumults. fhtps

fcolifh
Was
that
worth
and felf-undoing Declaration of twelve Cypher Bilhops, who were im? The Bifhops mediately appeacht of Treafon for that audacious Declaring and deferv'd another the Rochets, peradventure were now and then puU'd by his own the to this amounted kind of pulling; but what fear of Perfon in the Houfe of into the his after next ? he Did not the Streets irruption very day in his the had more than which go nothing people, Commons, cxafpcrated Coach unguarded into the City ? Did he receive the lealt affront, much lefs violence in any of the Streets, but rather humble demeanors and fupplications ? Hence may be gather'd, that however in his own guiliinefs he might have fear'd, yet that he knew the people fo full of aw and reverence to his
}uftly
Perfon, as to dare commit himfelf fingle among thethickeft of them, at a time when he bad molt provok'd them. Befides in Scotland they had handled the Bia more robuftious manner Edtnboroiigh had bin full of Tumults, two fliops in Armies from thence had entred England agiinit him : yet after all this he was not which arfearful, but very forward to take fo long a Journey to Edmborough \.o that to the Scotch Army, Enggues firft, as did alfo his rendition afterward land he continu'd ftill, as he was indeed, aftranger, and full of diffidence-, tQ the Scots only a native King, in his confidence, iho not in his dealing towards them. It fhews us next beyond doubting, that all this his fear of Tumults was but a meer pretence and occafion tak'n of his refolved abfence from the ParlaAnd thofe inftances ment for forae other end not difficult to be guefs'd.
, ,
not to be queftion'd for not fcfiffli"g wiVfe the Sea, or an undifon the folemn jeft of his fearing Tueiplind Rabble^ are but fubfervient to carry reafon why he departed, only to the true mults if they difcover not withal to Gate at Court turn his flafliing the flaughtering in the Field \ his diforderly was nothing els but a more orderly which to an orderly invading ; bickering
wherein valour
is
diforder.
Some fufpeUed and affirm'd that he meditated a War, when he went firfi from WhiteAnd they were not the worft heads that did fo, nor did any of his former dii wea^n him fbthat, as he alledges for himfelf i or if they had, they deer bim only for the time of paffing them, not for whatever thoughts might come Former aftions of improvidence or fear, not with bim afterinto his mind. him of all after-meditations. cannotabfolve unufual, He goes on protefting his no intention to have left Whitehall., had thefe horrid Children Tumultsgiv'n hira but fair garter-, as if he himfelf, his Wife and had been in peril. But to this anough hath bin anfwer 'd. Had this Parlament, as it was 'in it t firft Eleilion, namely with the Lord and Baron Bilhops, fate full and free^ he doubts not but all had gon well. What warrant is this of his to us ? whofe not doubting was all good mens greateft
haU.
doubt. He was rtfolv'd to hear Reafon, and to confent fo far as hi tould comprehend. oft experience to comhopeful refolution : what if his reafon were found by fit to be intruftreafon a prehend nothing beyond his own advantages, was this ed with the common good of three Nations ? This the are Tumults to Parlaments. Bf, faith he, at Swim are to Gardens,
fo
mean while Parlament, had they found it fo, could beft have told us. In the who knows not that one great Hog may do as much mifchief in a Garden as many little Swine ? He was fometimes prone to thinkj that had he call'd this lafi Parlament to any other place in England, the fad confluences might have bin prevented. But change of Air changes not the mind. Was not bis firft Parlament
Nan
at
(46o)
at O.v/wr^diflblv'd after two Subfidiesgiv'n him, and nojuflice receiv'd? Was not ills laft in the fame place, where they fate with as much freedom, as much quiet from Tumults as they could defire, a Parlament, both in his account and
their own, confifting of all his Friends, that fied after him, and fufFer'd for hioij and yet by him nicknam'd, and cafhiered for z Meiril Parlament^ thatvext hk
êen with their
bafe
and mutinous motions

fee plainly, that
? as his Cabinet-letter tells US.
Where-
of Members to his own mind, no number, no paucity, no freerdom from Tumults could ever bring his arbitrary wilfulnefs, and tyrannical Defigns to brook the leaft Jliapeor limilitude, the leaft counterfet of a Parlament. Finally, inftead of praying for bis people as a good King fhould do, he prays to be deliver'd from them, as from wild Beafts, ImndationSj and rjging Seas^ thAS had overborn all Loyalty^ Modefly, Laws^ Jufiice, and Religion. God fave ths People from fuch IntercelTors.
fhifting
lifting
by the World may
no
of place, no
V. Vfon
the Bill
for
Triennial Parlaments, and

this,
for jetting
&c.
THE
Bill for Triennial. Parlaments was doubtlefs a good Bill, and the other for fetling this was at that time very expedient ; and in the Kings own words no more then what the World woi fully conftrrn'd he mighs them for to that end he affirms injuflice^ Keafon^ Honour^ andConfcience grant
-^
to have don itBut whereas he attributes the pafling of them to his own ad of Grace and of his necefllties, and Wiliingnefs, as his manner is to make Vertues giving to himfelf all the praife, heaps ingratitude upon the Parlament, a little
granted much lefs than two former Statutes yet in force by Edward that a Parlament fhould be call'd every year, or ofter, if need were : ray from a far antienter Law-Book callM the Mirror^ it is afRrm'd in a late Treatife calfd Rights of the Kingdom^ that Parlaments by our old Laws
the third
;
ow The firft Bill
will fet the clean contrary before us \ that for thofe beneficial Ads we owr what to the Parlament , but to his granting them neither praife nor thanks. we
memory
oughc
twice a year to be at London. Thefecond was fo necedary that nothing in the power of man more feem'd to be the ftay and fupport of all things from that that Aft obtain'd. He had fteep niin to which he had nigh brought them, then needlefs the to of no ill Steward his two worfe, Armies and, fay raifltig Ihip, by intended for a civil War, begger'd both himfelf and the Public; and befides'
needy Enemies for what it coft them in thir own defence againft him. To difingage him and the Kingdom great fums were to be borrow'd, which would never have bin lent, nor could ever be repaid, had the King chanced to diflblve this Parlament as heretofore. The Errors alfo of his Government had brought the Kingdom to fuch extremes, as were incapable of all recovery without the abfolute continuance of this Parlament. It had bin els in vain to go about the fetling of fo great difteropers, if he, who firft caus'd the Malady, might, when he pleas'd, rejed the Remedy. Notwithftandingali which, that he granted both thefe Ads unwillingly, and as a meer padive Inltrument, was then vifible ev'n to moft of thofe men who now
had
left us
upon the fcoreof
his
Ad he himfelf conceal'd not his unwillingnefs ^ and of thiradions, which they then proceeded in with great approbation of the whole Kingdom, he told them with a mafterly Brow, that by this AH he had obliged them above what they haddefcrv'd^ and gave a piece of Juftice to the Common- wealth three times fhort of his Predeceflbrs, as if he had bin giving fom boon, or begg'd office to a fort of his defertiefs Grooms. That he pafs'd the latter Ad againft his will, no man inreafon can hold it For if the Ftbntary before he made fo dainty, and were fo loch queftionable. la
At pafDng of
the former
will fee nothing.
teftifyinga general diflike
C
in
4<5i
three years upon the Nation, becaufe this had fo to beilow a Pailamcnt once was it likely th^t the May following he fliould bellow oppps'd his convfes, an indillbluble fitting, when they had offended Parlament on this willingly
Favourites?
Aft,
Icil
him much more by cutting fliort and impeaching of High Treafon hi> chijf It was his fear then, not his favour, which drew from him that
the Parlament, incens'd by his Confpiracies againft them, about the
fame time difcovei'd, fhould with the People have rcfented too hainoufly thofe his doings, if to the fufpicion of their danger from him he had alfo added the denial of this only means to fecure themfekes. From thefe Ads therfore in which he glories, and wherewith fo oft he upbraids rhe Parlament, he cannot juftly expert to reap ought but diflionour and both unwillingly granted, and the one granting much kfs difpraife-, as being then was before allow'd by Statute, the other being a teftimony of his violent andl.iwlefs Cuftom, not only to break Privileges, but whole Parlamentsi from which Enormity they were con firain'd to bind him firft of all his Predecedbrs ; never any before him having giv'n like caufes of diftrufl: and jcaloufie to his PeoAs for this Parlament, how far he was from being advis'd by them, as he ple. ought, let his own words exprefs. He taxes them with undoing what they found well done : and yet knows they undid nothing in the Church but Lord Bi/hops, Liturgies, Ceremonies, High Coramiflion, judgM worthy by all true Proteltants to be thrown out of the Church. They undid nothing in the State but irregular and grinding Courts, the main grievances to be remov'd ^ and it thefe were the things which in his opinion they found well done, we may again from hence be inform'd with whit unwillingncis he remov'd them i and that thofc gracious Arts wherof fo frequently he makes mention, may be englifhM more properly Arts of fear and dillimulation againft his mind and confcience. The Bill preventing diflblution of this Parlament be calls ^n unpiraiurd ^.7, out ef the extreme con^dence that his SuhjeCit would not make iS ufe of it. But was it not a greater confidence of the people to put into one Man's hand fo great a Power, tiU he abus'd it, astofummon and dilTolve Parlaments ? He would be thankt for trulting them, and ought to thank them rather for trufting him : the trufl iffuing firfl from them, not from him. And that it was a meer truft, and not his Prerogative, to cal] and difToIve Parlaments at his pleafurei and that Parlaments were not to be diUblv'd, till all Petitions were heard, all Grecvances redreft, is not only the aflertion of this Parlament, but of our antient Law-books, which avcrr it to be an unwritten Law of common Right, fo ingrav'n in the Hearts of our Anceftors, and by them fo conltantly enjoy'd and claim'd, as that it needed not enrouling. And if the Scots in thir Declaration could charge the King with breach of their Laws for breaking up that Parlament without their confent, while matters of greateft moment were depending i it were unreafonable to imagin that the
Wifdom of England fhould be fo wanting to it felf through all ages, as not to provide by fome known Law, writt'n or unwritt'n, againft the not calling, or the arbitrary difTolving of Parlaments j or that they who ordain'd thir furamoning twice a year, or as oft as need requir'd, did not tacitely enart alfo, that as neceflity of affaires call'd them, fo the fame necetTity fhould keep them undilFolv'd till that were fully fatisfi'd. Were it not for that, Parlaments, and all the fruit and benefit we rcceave by having them, would turn foon to meer abufion. It appears then that if this Bill of not diffolving were an unparalleled Art, it was a known and common Right which our Anceftors under other Kings enjoy'd as firmly as if it had bin grav'n in Marble i and that the infringement of this King firft brought it into a writt'n Art : Who now boafts that as a great favour done us, which his ow n lefs fidelity then was in former Kings, conftrain'd us only of an old undoubted Right, to make a new writt'n Art. But what needed writt'n Arts, when as antiently it was efteem'd part of his CrownOath not to difTolve Parlaments till all Grievances were conlider'd ? whereupon the old Modi of Parlament, calls it flat Perjury, if he diffolve them before, as I find cited in a Book mention'd at the beginning of this Chapter, to which and other Law-trartats 1 refer the more Lav-yerlie mooting of this point, which is neither my element, nor my proper work heer fince the Bock which I have
;
( 4^2 )
to anfwer pretends to reafon not to autoritles and qnotations : and I hold reafon to be the belt Arbitrator, and the Law of Law itfelf. 'Tis true, that good SubjeSij thinks it not jaft that the King's condition ^lould be theirs. But then the King muft not be at fuch a diftance from
xvorfe by bettering
the people in judging what is better and what worfe-, which might have bin agreed, had he known (for his own words condemn him) *i well with moderation to nfe., oixcith earnefinefs to difne his
own advantages.
Common-wealth,
in his thought. Some, faith
continnal Parlament he thought would keep the Common-wealth in tune. Judg, what proofs he gave that this boafted profeflion was ever
\it.,
gave out that

all
I repented
;
ens gave
it
out beyond
fuppofirion
me of that fet ling Ail. His own alifor doubtkfs it repented him to have
eftablifh'd that
by Law, which he went about fo foon after to abrogate by the

tended to
not
Sword.
He calls thofe Ads which he confelTes thirgood, Princely then friendly Contributions : As if to do his duty were of courtelie, and thediP-, fo nigh loft in his elteera was the his liberality charge of histruft a parcel of
more
,
them back again upon demand flood birthright of our Liberties, that to give Contribution. at the mercy of his He doubts not but the affeilions of his People will compenfate his fufferings fur th^fe : And imputes his fufFerings to a contrary Caufe. Not his ads of
confidence
hit diflrufi was that which brought him to thofe fufFerings, from the time that he forfook his Parlament ^ and trulted them neVe the fooner for what he tells of thirpietie and religion jlrilJnefs, but rather hated them as Puritans, whom he always fought to extirpate. He would have it beleev'd, that to bind his hands by thefe ASls argu'd a very and extreme fatuiiie of mind in him, if he had meant a (liort forefight of things., War. If we fliould conclude fo, that were not the only Argument : neither did it argue that he meant Peace ; knowing that what he granted for the preand fent out of.fear, he might as foon repeal by force, watching his time fruit of thofe Ads, if his own defigns vvherin he put his the them deprive trull; tookefFed. Yet he complains, 7hat the Tumults threatn'd to abufe all AEls of Grace and turn them into vantonnefs. I would they had turnM his wantonncfs into the grace of
confidence but
:,
rot abulTng Scripture. Was this becoming fuch a Saint as they would make him, to adulterate thofe facred words-from the grace of God to the afts of his own grace ? Herod was eat'n up of Worms for fufFering others to compare his voice to the voice of God but the Borrower of this Phrafe gives much more caufe of jealoufie, that he lik'n'd his own ads of grace to the ads of God's
;,
Grace.
fcarce comes off with perfet fenfe. / was not then in a I was not in a capacity, there/ intended not. therefore ma\e Wâr.^ capacity Enemies have not / could fore greater advantage then by fo unprincely ingiv'n my to have fcatterd them Arms, whom hut lately 1 had fettl'd by Parla-
From profanenefs he
to
conftancy
ment.
by to do that thing wherplace could there be for his inconftancy to he was in no capacity ? Otherwife his inconftancy was not fo unwonted, or fo nice but that it would have eafily found pretences to fcatter thofe in
What
revenge whom he fettl'd in fear. True, but if It had bin acourfefull of (in as well as ef hazard and diflwnour. like other of from adions not him withheld Confiderations nature, how thofe can we believe they were of ftrength fufficient to withhold him from this ? And that they withheld him not, the event foon taught us. His letting fame men go up to the Pinacle of the Temple^ was a temptation to them to him down hadlong. In this Simily we have himfelf compar'd to Chrlfl, the cafi Parlament to the Z>m/, and his giving them that Ad of fetling, to his letting
them go up
then a
But
it
A tottring and giddy rather to the Pinacle of the Temple. in his of Solitudes : ufe made This was Scripture fetling. goodly was no Pinacle of the Temple, it was a Pinacle of Nebuchadnez.zar''s
whence he and Monarchy
fell
Ad
headlong together. Kingdoms of the WorU are not worth hax.ard the Soul and hath himfelf left nothing which of fin by ways gaining onhazarded to keep three. He concludes with fentences that rightly fcand,
Palace from
He would
have others fee that All
the
makg
make not
was no fin
a
fin
fo
much
of ha Will
of fettling for hitn as agalnft him, and confelTes th^t the bin for it hach wc believe and clearly prov'd him, eafily ,
_
^^
of hisunwillingnefs.
I
With his Oiifons meddle not, may be noted, tiiat at his Prayers
fiiccefs,
î of <* '^"^K '^"^ dangeroM Scorm^ Yet his Prayer-Book Port from rvhence he Jet out.
hopes
flatter'd
This yet for he appeals to a high Audit. he had before him the fad prefage of his ill which never admitted his return to the
^,
no fooner
fliut,
but other
him
and
thir flattering
was
his
deftrudion.
VI. ZJfon
his
Retirement from
eftminfter.
I was about to have found fault wtth, Simily wherwith he begins then for a Statift but meeting more fomwhat poetical garb with m;iny ftrainsof like drefs in other of his ElFaies, and him hearreader of Poets, then of Politicians, I begun to ing reported a more diligent The think that the whole Book might perhaps be intended a piece of Poetrie. there wanted and the fidion fmooth cleanly only Rime, and words are
TH
/
as
in a
p.ood,
is
-,
that they fay
beftowM upon
till
I
it lately.
But to the Argument.
traft not
I reI was drivn away hj/jliame more than fear. hecr I mult confefs it lies too op'n. of the fidion, yet thought In his Mellages and Declarations, nay in the whole Chapter next but one behis Children, and his fore this, he affirms that The danger wherein his Wife^ caufe that main drove him from the own Perfan were by thofe Tumults, was affirms he here that it was Piame as God witnefs White-Hall, and appeals to
/4vV
<ir
White-Hall
what
as well as any, tells his newAnd Dighy, his the That Majefties going thence, was to five lifted Guard, frmcipal caufe of From whence we may difcern what falfe and them from being trod in the dtrt. frivolous excufes are avow'd for truth, either in thofe Declarations,* or in this Our Forefathers were of that courage and feverity of zeal penitential Book. to Juftice and their native Liberty, againft the proud contempt and mifruleof thir Kings, that when Richard the Second departed but from a Committee of Lords who fate preparing matter for the Parlament, not yet aOenibl'd, to the removal of his evil Counfellors, they firft vanquilh'd and put to flight Robert de and then coming up to London with a huge Army, Vers his chief Favourite the King then withdrawn for fear, but no furder off" then the foTcr, to
more then feitr.
who knew his mind
requir'd come to Wiflmtnlier.
Which he
refuting, they told
him
flatly
that unlefs he
came
was accounted then for Kings they would choofe another. So high a Crime it toabfcnt thcmfelves, not from a Parlament, which none ever durft, but from did but tend towards a Parlaany meeting of his Peers and Counfellors which a fuffêr'd that hjve Much lefs would they ment. King for fuch trivial and variof another while fr jfiame to fee fear one while for ous pretences, Tumults, and the whole his leave Station, {hould Kingdom bleeding to death of Regal them, thofe wounds which his own unskilful and pervers Governincnt had infliifb^. Shame then it was that drove him from the Parlament, but the fliame of what ? was it the (hame of his manifold errors and mifdeeds, and to fee how weakly he had plai'd the King ? No-, But to fee the barbarom rudenefs of thofe have ftarced here another, and believe Tumults to d.Mand any thing. the Parlament. The word and Itrangeft of thetruefc, caufe of his deferting
We
that Jny-thin^ v\hich the people then demanded, was but the unlording of Biof Church-Difcipline fliops, and exp>''ing them the Houfe, and the reducing with other Proteftanc Churches ; this was the Barbarifr. of to a
conformity
and that he might avoid the granting of thole honeft and for this pious demands, as well demanded by the Parlament as the People, he left the City ; very caufe more then for fear, by his own confeffion here, and in a moft tempeltuous feafon forfook the Helm and Steerage of the Comthofe Tumults:
mon-wealth.
This was that terrible ylny.thing from which
his Confidence
and
his Reafion chofe to run rather then not deny. of evil Counfellors, and other grievances in
be.impartun'd the removing was to \\\m an Church and

State,
intolerable
To
(
iMolerabU
If the
4^4
Peopies dtmanding were fo burd'nfome to him, offrejfistt. what was his denial and delay of Juftice to them ? But as the demands of his People were to him a burd'n and oppTefTion, fo was the advice of his parlament efleen-i'd a bondage Whofe agreeirg Fotes^ as he
;
or Rtflfon conclufive to bis Jftdgmtnt. affirms, were not by any Lttw hira in his great Affairs , but if to advife it ordains a Parlament
For the Law,

it
ordain alio that the lingle judgment of a King fhall out-ballance all the wifdom of his ParFor lament, it ordains that which fruftrats the end of its own ordaining. where the King's judgment may diffent to the deltrudlion, as it may happ'n, both of himfelf and the Kingdom, there Advice, and no furder, is a moflinfufcafes of fo high conficient and fruftraneous means to be provided by Lawîn cernment. It being therforc moft unlike a Law, to ordain a remedy foflender andunlawlike, to be the utmoft means of all publick fafety or prevention, as Advice is, which may at any time be rejeded by the fole judgment of one man, the King, and fo unlike the Law of England^ which Lawyers fay is the we may conclude that the King's negative voice was quinteficnce of Reafon never any Law, but an abfurd and reafonlefs Cuftom, begott'n and grown up either from the flattery of bafeft times, or the ufurpation of immoderate Thus much to the Law of it, by a better evidence then Rowks and Princes. Reafon. Records, But is it pofTible he Ihould pretend alfo to Reafon, that the judgment of one Man, not as a wife or good Man, but as a King, and oft times a wilful, proud, and wicked King, fliould outweigh the prudence and all the vertue of an elected Parlament ? What an abufive thing it were then to fummon Parlaments, that by the major part of voices greatell matters may be there debated and refolv'd, when as one voice after that fhall dafh aU thir Refolutions ?
,
attempts to give a reafon why it fhould, Bccaufe the whole Parlament reBut mark how little he advances ^ for if the Parprefents not him in any k.if>^lament reprefent the whole Kingdom, as is fure anough they do, then doth the King reprcfnt only himfelf-, and if a King without his Kingdom be in a civil fenlV nothing, then without or againft the Reprefentati\ e of his whole
He
Kingdom, he himfelf reprefents nothing, and by confequence his judgment and and though we (hould allow him to be his negative is as good as nothing or not equal comparable to the whole Kingdom, and fo neifomething, yet ther to them that reprefent it.
;
be no furder bound to agree with the Votes of both to agree with the will of God-, with his juji then he them Rights as a Honfes, fees his freedom his and the As the of to Peofle. general good of agreeing or King.,
Yet here he maintains. To
rot agreeing, limited with due bounds, no man reprehends it i this is the CLueftion here, or the Miracle rather, why his only not agreeing fhould lay a negative bar and inhibition upon that which is agreed to by a whole Parlament, though never fo conducing to the publick good or fafety. To know the will of God better then his whole Kingdom, whence fhould he have it? Certainly Court-breeding and his perpetual converfation witli Flatterers was To judg of his own Rights could not belong to him, who but a bad School. had no right by Law in any Court to judg of fo much as Felony or Treafon, and his Rights howbeing held a party in both thefe cafes, much more in this ever fhould give place to the general good, for which end all his Rights were Laflly to fuppofe a clearer infight and difcerning of the general giv'n him. good, allotted to his own lingular judgment, then to the Parlament and all the People, and from that felf-opinion of difcerning to deny them that good which they, being all Freemen, feck earneftly and call for, is an arrogance and iniquithey undoubtedly having moft ty beyond imagination rude and unreafonable autoritie to judg of the public good, who for that purpofe are chos'n out and And if it may be in him to fee ohthe mafent by the People to advife him. them not in the had it not bin more his modeftie to have doubted of fart jor right.,
, ,
thir feeing
him more
oft'n in the
wrong
another reafon of his denials, Becaufe of fame mens hydropic -, fatiablenefs^ and thirfi of askings the more they drank, whom no fountain of Rtgal bountie was able to overcome. A comparifon more properly beftow'd on thofe thac came to guzzle in his Wine-cellar, then on a fr^cborn People that came to claim in Parlament thir Rights and Liberties, which a King ought therefore to
paffes to
He
grant.
( 4^5 )
grint, becaufe of right demanded ^ not to deny them for fear hi^ bounty flioulJ be exhniifl, which in thcfe demands (to continue tiie Time Mct-phorJ was not
fo n7uc!) 3S broach 'd ; it being his duty, not his bounty to grant thele things. Putting olF the Courtier, he now puts on thePhilofopher, and fententiouliy
That re,ifo engk to be its'dtc men, force and terror to Beafrs \ difpiites to this efled, that he deferves to be a SLive who cafttvates the ratioihtl fuver^nty of bii Siid, and that he woidd not forfeit that freedom which cannot hi) IFtli to comf Ill/ion
liberty
of
be denied
him as a Kin^^ becm/fe
it
belonii^s
to
him as a Alan andaChriiiian^

his
tho:!(rh
to preferi/e his
Kingdom
filth
a vaffalage,
m not
bnt rather dye enjoying the Etr.fire of

to
Soid^ then live
Which words of
ufe bit reîfan themfelves, as far as
and confcience to like or d/flike as a King. they are fenfe, good and philofophicai,
yet in the mouth of him who toengrois this common liberty to himfelf, would tred down all other men into the condition of Slaves and Beafts, they quite lofe their commendation. He confefles a rational foverantie of Soul, and free-
dom of Will in every man, and yet with an implicit repugnancy would have his reafon the foveran of that fovcranty, and would captivate and make ufelefs that natural freedom of will in all other men but himfelf. But them that yeeld
obedience he fo well rewards, as to pronounce them worthy to be Slaves. have lolt all to be hisSubieifts,may (loop and take up the reward. What that freedom is, which cannot be denied him King^ becaufe it belongs to him oi aManand aChriftian^ 1 undeiftand not. If it be his Negative Voice, it coneludes all men who have not fuch a Negative ashisagainfl a whole Parlament, to and what was he himfelf then all this while, be neither Men nor Chrillians that we denied it him a? a King ? Will he fay that he injoy'd within himfelf the lefs freedom for that? Might not he, both as a Man and as a Chriftian,have raignd within himfelf in full fovranty of foul, no man repining, but that his outward and imperious Will ifiufl: invade the civil Liberties of a Nation ? Did we therfore not permit him to ufe his reafon or his confcience, not permitting him to bereave us the ufe of ours?. And might not behave enjoy'd both as a King, governing us as Free-men by what Laws we our felves would be govern'd ? Ic was not the inward ufe of his reafon and his confcience that would content him, but to ufe them both as a Law over all his Subjeds, in whatever he declar''d as a. King to like or difltke. Which ufe of reafon, moft reafonlefs and unconfcionable, is the utmoll that any Tyrant ever pretended over his ValFals. In all wife Nations the Legiflative Power, and the judicial execution of that Power, have bin moft commonly diltind, and in feveral hands ^ but yet the former fupreme, the other fubordinat. If then the King be only fet up to execute the Law, which is indeed the higheft of his Office, he ought no more to make or forbid the making of any Law agreed upon in Parlament, then other inferior Judges, who are his Deputies. Neither can he more rejeft a Law ofFerd him the he can new then make a Law which they rejeft. And yet Commons, by the more to credit and uphold his caufe, he would feem to have Philofophy on his fide, ftraining her wife didlates to unphilofophical purpofes. But when
this
him
They who
Ma
Kingscomefo low,
as to
'tis
fawn upon Philofophy, which before they neither vaa
fign that fails not, they are then put to their laft And- Philofophy as well requites them, by not fuffering her gold'n fayings either to become their lips, or to be usM as masks and colours of injuSo that what they prefume to borrow from her fage rious and violent deedsand vertuius Rules, like the Riddle of SpiwA- not unckrftood, breaks the neck of thir own caafe.
lu'd nor underftood,
Trump.
He eannot thinl^the Majejiy of the Crown of Eng: ortmaiionOath in a blind and brutijh formality^ to confent to whatever its What Tyrant could prefume to Sitbje&s tn Parlament (ball require fay more, when he meant to kick down all Law, Government, and bond of Oath ? But why he fo defires to abfolve himfelf the Oath of his Coronation would be worth the knowing. It cannot but be yielded that the Oath which binds him to performance of his Truft, ought in reafon to contain the fum of
But now again to Politicks
to be
land
bound by any
what
his chief Truft and OSce is. But if it neither do enjoin nor mention to him, as a part of his duty, the making or the marring of any Law, or fcrap of Law, but requires only his affent to thofe Laws which the People have already chos'n, or Ihall choofe (for fo both the Latin of that Oath, and the old Englilh, and all reafon admits, that the People fhould not lofe under anew King O o whac
466 )
what freedom they had before) then that Negative Voice fo contended for, to deny thepalhng of any Law which the Commons choofe, is both againft the Oath of his Coronation, and his Kingly Office. And if the King may deny to pafswliatthe Pailament hath chos'n to be a Law, then doth the King make which not only the general Maxims himfelf fupcriour to his whole Kingdom of Policy gainfay, but ev'n our own Handing Laws, as hath bin cited to him in Remonllrances heertofore, that the Kmg hath two Superiors, the Law, and his Court of Parlament. ^y\t this he counts to be a blind and brutifh formality, whether it be Law, orOath, or his Duty, and thinks toturn it off with wliolefom words and phrafes, which he then firll learnt of the honefl: People, when they were fo oft'n compell'd to ufe them againft thofe more truly blind and brutifh formalities thruft upon us by his own command. As for his inftance, in cak He and the Houfe of Peers attempted to enjoynt the for he and the Peers reprefenc but Hoiife of Commons, ic bears no eqnalitie thcmfclves, the Commons arethe whole Kingdom. Thus he concludes his Oath to be fully difcharg^d in governing by Laws already And lb made, as being not bound to pafs any new, if his Reafon bids him deny. may infinite mifchiefs grow, and a whole Nation be ruin'd, while outgeneral good and fafety Ihall depend upon the privat and overweening Reafon of one obftinatMan, who againlt all the Kingdom, if he lift, will interpret both the Law, and his Oath of Coronation by the tenor of his own Will. Which he himfelf confeiies to be an arbitrary power, yet doubts not in his Argument to imply, as if he thonght it more fit the Parlament Ihould be fubjed to his
i
Will, then he to their Advice, a man neither by nature nor by nurture wife. is it poftible that he in whom fuch Principles as thefe were fo deep rooted, conld ever, tho reftor'd again, have raign'd otherwifethen tyrannically ? He objects. That Force was but aflavijl) Ahthodto difpel his Error. But how oft'a ihall it be anfwer'd him, that no force was us'd to difpel the error out of his head,but to drive it from off'our necks ? for his error was imperious, and would command all other men to renounce their own reafon and underftanding, till they perifh'd under the injuntftion of his all-ruling error. Healleges theuprightnefs of his intentions to excufe his pofFible failings; a Yea contrary to his own better prinPofition falsboth in Law and Divinity ciples, who affirms in the twelfth Chapter, that The goodnefs of a mans intention wilt n t excufe the fcandal and contagion of hii His not knowing, through example. the corruption of Flattery and Court-principles, what heought to have known, will not excufe his not doing what he ought to have don v no more than the fmall skill of him who undertakes to be a Pilot will excufe him to be mifled by any wandring Star miftak'n for the Pole. But let his intentions be never fo upright, what is that to us ? What anfwer for the reafon and the National Rights which God hath giv'n us, if having Parlaments, and Laws, and the power of making more to avoid mifchief, we fufFer one mans blind intentions to lead us all with our eyes op'n to manifeft deftrudîon ? And if Arguments prevail not with fuch a one, Force is well us'd ; not to car-
How
on the weaknefs of oar Connfels^ or to convince his Error, as he furmifes, but ry to acquit and refcue our own Reafon, our own Confciences from the force and prohibition laid by his ufurping error upon our Liberties and Underftandings-
Never thing pleas'' d him more, then when his judgment concur^ d with theirs. That was to the applaufeof his own judgment, and would as well have pleas'd any
felf-conceited
man.
many things hi chofe rather to deny himfelf then them. That is to fay in trifles. Fore/ his own Interejls and perfonal Rights he conceaves himfelf Mafler. To part with, if he pleafe, not to conteft for, againft the Kingdom which is And greater then he, whofe Rights are all fubordinat to the Kingdoms good
Tea
in
:
gain
Crown, can be left then for a Parlament, but to JTt like Images, while he ftill thus either with incomparable arrogance afTumes to himfelf the bell ability of judging for other men what is Truth, Juftice, Goodnefs, what his own or the Churches right, or with unfufferable Tyranny
his confent againft his
in what concerns Truth, Ju[itce^ the right of
Church, or his
no
man JhaU
mind.
What
reftrains
all
men from
erroneous, thinks not
the enjoyment of any good, which his judgment, though fit to grant them notwichftanding that the Law and his
,
(
his
4^7
Coronsl Oath requires
his
undeniable aiTcnt^to what
Laws the Pailament
a-
grec upon.
Many would be a!) on 3 They who govern ill had a which have to our Saviours Crown of to, thofe Kingdoms they right Thorns no riglit at all. Thorns they may find anow of their own gathering, and their own twifting for Thorns and Snares, fdhh Solomon, are in the way
with
oiif
,
He had rather
wear a Crown of Thorns with our Saviour. Saviour, whom our Saviour will not know.
but to wear them, as our Saviour wore them, isnotgiv'n to them that fuifer by thir own demerit^'. Nor is a Crown of Gold his due, who cannot firlt wear a Crown of Lead j not only for the weight of that great Office, but for the compliance which it ought to have with them who are to counfel him,
of thefroward
which heer he terms

this
in fcorn
An
imbafed flexihlencfs
his
dilates of any F.idions,
meaning
Parlament
And while between them two. choife Alfembly, of whom the Land thought wifcft, he imputes, rather then to Iiimlelf, want of reafon^ mgltlt of the Vnblic-, interefl of Parties^ and farticutaritte but with what modefty or likelihood of truth, it will of pivate will andp/jfion
.,
to the variota and oft contrary for the queftion hath bin all to his Parlament, though a numerous and
,
be wearifon to repeat fo oft'n. For if the He concludes with a fentence fair in feeming, but fallacious. confciencebe ill edifi'd, the refolution may more befit a foolilh then a Chriftian King, to prefer a felf-will'd confcience before a Kingdoms good , efpecially in the
Law and his Regal Office by Oath bids him grant to his Parlament and whole Kingdom rightfully demanding. For we may obferve him throughout the difcours to allert his Negative power againft the whole Kingdom j now under the fpecious Pica of his confcience and his reafon, but heretofore in a lowder note i Without tts^ or agatnji our confent^ the fôtes of either or of both Hohdenial of that which
fes together-,
tn;tft
not, cannot,, jliall not
Declar,
May ^.
\6^2.
alfo his Prayer.
With
thefe
and the like deceavable Doclrines he levens
VIL Vpn
the Queens departure.
To
leafl:
this Argument we ffiall foon have faid ; for what concerns it us to hear a Husband divulge his Hoffiould privacies, extolling to others the vertues of his Wife ? an infirmity not feldom incident to thofe who have
caufe.
But how good

:
fhe
was a Wife, was to himfelf, and be

not much difputed.
it left
to his
own
fancy
how
ba/i a SubjecH; is
And being
be made no wonder, iho fhe left a Proteftant her Mother left a Popifh.
Kingdom
fuch, it need with as little iionour as
of any Proteflant SubjeBs that have tak'n up Arms a can be to Proteltants no difhonour ^ when it fliall Proteftant., King againft on them, and to the intereft of Papifts moi^ be heard that he firft levied He might have giv'n yet the precedence of making then of Proteltants.
That
this is the rfl example
thir
War
War
to theSubjeds of his own Nation, who had twice oppos'd him in the And how np'n Field, long ere the Englifh found it necefiary to do the like. groundlefs, how diffcmbled is that fear, left (he, who for fomany years had bin a-
upon him
verfe from the Religion of her Husband,and every year more and more,before thefe dilturbances broke out, fhould for them be now the more alienated from that
flie was inclin'd ? But if the fear of her Delinquency, the which Proteltants demanded on her, was any caufe of her aJuftice lienating the more, to have gain'd her by indireift means had been no advantage It had bin to Religion,much lefsthen was the detriment to loofe her furder off. happy if his own aftions had not giv'n caufe of more fcandal to the Proteftancs, then what they did againft her could juftly fcandalize any Papift. Them who accus'd her, well anough known to be the Parlament, he cenfures for Men yet to feek^ thir Religion, whether Doctrine, Difcipline, or good manners i the reft tie fooths with the name of true Englifh Proteltants, a meer fcifmatical
to which
we
never heard
and that
name, yet he
fo great
an enemy of Scifm.
o 2
He
He
and
alcribes
rttderiefs
^ and barbarity^ rvorfethen Indian^ to the Englifh Parlament

in (trains that
468
)
5
all
vertue to his
Wife,
come
lalmofl;
to So. r.ecting
How
fie
men, undervaluing and afpeiting the great Counctl of his Kingdom, in comparifon of one Woman. Examples are not far to ftek how great mifchief and diflionour liath befall'n to Nations under the Government of effeminate and uxorious Magifl:rate, who being themfelves govern'd and overfwaid at heme under a feminine Ufurpation, cannot but be far fhortof fpirit and autority without dores to govern a whole Nari n. Htr tarrying here he (ould not think _/*/ among them who were fljaking hands with and taxes them of a duty rather then yillegeance^ to lay fafter hold on Religion a crime, it being juft to obey God rarher then Man, and impoflible to ferve two Mafters. I would they had quite fhak'n off what they flood Ihaking hands with ; the fault was in thir courage, not in thir caufe. In his Prayer heprsics that the dfloy.lty of his Protefiant SnhjeBs may not he a hindrance to her love of the true R eh ton and never prays, that the didblurenefs of his Court, the fcandals of hi'- Clergy, the unfoundnefs of his own Judgment,
to* govern
,
,
the lukevvarmnefs of his Life, his L tter of compliance to the Pope, his permitting Agents at Rome^ and the Pope's A^no here, may not be found in the fight of God far greater hindrances to her cohverfion. But this had bin a futtle Prayer indeed, and well pray'd, though as duly as a Pater-nofter, if ic could have ( harm'd us to lit ftill and have Religion and our Liberties one by one fnatch'd from us for fear left riling to defend our felves, we HiGuld fright the Queen, a ftiffPapilt, from turning Proteftant. As if the
way
to
make
his Qiieen a Protejtant,
had bin to make
his Subjects
more then
half-way Papifts. He prays next that his conftancy may he an antidote againft the poyfon of ether mens example. His conltancy in what ? Not in Religion, for it isop'nly known
RJigion wrought more upon him, then his Religion upon her-, and op'n favouring of Papilts, and his hatred of them call d Puritans, made mofl men fi fpe(?t Ihe had quite perverted him. But what is it that the blindnefs of hypocrify dares not do ? It dares pray, and thinks to hide that from the eyes of God, which it cannot hide from the op'n view of man.
that htr
his
VIU.
ZJfon his reûlfe at Hull,
and the fate
of the Hothams.
HV
of great ftrength and opportunitie both to Sea and was at that time the Magazin of all thofe Arms which the King had bought with mony moft illegally extorted from his Subjects of England^ to ufe in a caufelefs and moft unjull Civil War againff his Subj;ds of Scotland. The King in high difcontent and anger had left the Parlament, and was gone toward the North., the Queen into Holland., where fhe pawn'd and fet to fail the Crown- Jewels (a crime heretofore counted treafonable in Kings) and to what intent thefe funis were His going northward in io high rais'd, the Parlament was not ignorant. a chafe, they doubted was to polFefs himfelf of that ftrength, which the ftoreHaviioufe and fituation of H// might add fuddenly to his malignant Party. ing firft therefore in many Petitions earneftly pray'd him to difpofe and lettie, with confenC of both Houfes, the military Power in trufty hands, and he as oft refufing, they were neceflitated by the turbulence and danger of thofe
LL,
2i
Town
Land-AfFairs,
times to put the Kingdom by thir own autority into a pofture of defence i and very timely fent Sir John Hotham, a Member of theHoufe, and Knight of that County, to take t/iill into his cuftody, and fome of the Train'd-bands to his Neither had the King before that time omitted to attempt the fame, afliltance firft by Colonel Legg^ one of thofe who were imploy'd to bring the Army up And againft the Parlanunt, then by the Earl of NewcaltU under a difguife. Letters of the Lord Digby were intercepted, wherein was wilht that the King would declare himlelf, and retire to fome fafe place other information came from abroad, that Hidl vvas the place deflgn'd for fome new enterprife. But
:
,
(4^9
But
tiiefe
Attempts not fucceeding, and that Town being now in cuflody of the Parlament, he lends a Medage to them, that he had firmly refolv'd to go in PeiTon into Ireland^ to chaftife thole wicked Rebels (for thefe and worfe words he then gave themj and that toward this work he inte.:ded forthwith
toraife b/ his Commillions, in the Counties ncsr IVeficbefter^ a Guard for his own Perfon confifting of 2000 foot, and 200 horfe, that Ihould be arm*d from his Magazine at Hull. On the other lidc, the Parlament, forfeeingthe abuuc the lame time fend him a Petition, that they might have King's drift, leave for necell'ary caufes to remove the Magazin of Hull to the Tower of Lendon ; to which the King returns his denial; and foon after going to ////, attended with about 400 horfe, requires the Governour to deliver him up the
whereof the Governour beibught humbly to be excus'd, till he could who had entrufted him wherat the King much inccns'd, proclaims him Traitor before the Town Walls, and gives immediate Yet he himfelf order to flop all Palfages between him and the Parlament.
Town
fend notice to the Parlament
as upon a Traitor, ufing a ftrange difpatchcs poll after pod to demand jullice him whom he then waylaid and debarred from iniquity to require Juftice upon
hh appearance.
The Parlnment no
fooner underftood what had pafs'd, but
they declare that Sir JohnHotham had done no more then was his duty, and was therfore no Traitor. This rel ition being molt true, proves that which is affirm'd here to be moft
falfe
whom he accounts his greatefl Enemier^ had more and 9\vn what Sir John Hotham had done, then the King had confidence to let him anfwer in his own behalf. To Ipeak of his patience, and in that folemn manner, he might better have
,
feing the Parlament,
confidence to abet
he, it .ijfeiied >ne more with forrow for others thfn xv'uh nor the affront trouble me fo much as their dtd Tiiis is Jin, anger for tnyfelf-^ : as and beleev'd and there is fome ufe of 1 doubt nor, read, everything, fo is thereof thi-Bôk, were it but to Ihew us, what a miferable^ credulous,
forborn
God
kiiows^ faith
deluded thing ihit creature i-, which is call'd the vulgar i who notwithlbmdDid not ing what they might know, will b;leeve fuch vain-glories as thefe. that choleric and vengeful adl of proclaiming him Traitor before due procefs of Law, having bin convinc'd fo late before of his illegality with the five Members, declare his anger to be incens'd ? doth not his own relation confefs as much ? and his fccond Mefl'age left him fuming three days after, and in plain words tciViliQshis imp.4tience of delay till Hothamhz feverely punifh'd, for that which he there terms an infupportable affront.
Surely if his forrow for Sir 7ofc //or fcW^ fin were greater then his anger for the affront, it was an exceeding great forrow indeed, and wondrous charitable.
vehemently to have Sir John Hotham punifiit, and not at it had a ftrange operation to be call'd a forrow for his fin. He who would perfwade us of his forrow for the fins of other men, as they are fins, not as they are fin'd againft himfelf, mull give us firft fome teltimony of a forrow for his own fins, and next for fuch fins of other men as canot be fuppos'd a direct injury to himfelf. But fuch compunflion in the King no man hath yet obferv'd i and till then, his forrow for Sir John Hotham'' s fin will be call'd no other then the refentment of his repulfe and his labour to have the linner only punifh'd, will be call'd by aright name,
But
if it ftirr'd
him
fo
all
that
we
hear to have him repent,
his
revenge.
hand of that cloud which cafi all foon after into darknefs and difurder^ For alFembling the Inhabitants of Tork.flr.re^ and other hand. and horfe Counties, foot, firft under colour of a new Guard to his Perfon, foon after, being fuppli'd with Ammunition from Holland^ bought with the Crownwhich Town was not Jewels, he begins an op'n War by laying Seige to Hull his own, but the and the Arms there, public Arms, bought with Kingdom's the publick Mony, or not his own. Yet had they bin his own by as good right as the privatHoufe and Arms of any man are his own ; to ufe either of them in a way not privat, but fufpitious to the Common-wealth, no Law permits. But the King had no proprietie at all cither in Hull or in the Magazin fo that the following Maxims which he cites cf bold anddijloyal Undertakers may belong more juflly to whom he leaft meant them. After this he again relapfes into the praife of his patience at Hull, and by his overtalking of it, feems to doubt eithe
And
was
his
own
ther
(
titer bis
470 )
To me the confcience, or the hardnefs of other mens belief. more he praifes it in himfelf, the more he feems ro fufpedthat in very deed it was not in him, and that the lookers on fo likewife thought.
own
Thi> much of what he fufier'd by Hoiham, and with what patience > now of what H'th.im fullciM, as he judges, foroppofing him He cokU not ht^t cbferve how Cod not long after fleaded and avengd his caufe. Moll men are too apt, and commonly the worft of men, fo to interpret and expound the judgments of
:
all other events of providence or chance, as mikes moft to the juftiown caufe, though never fo evil ^ and attribute all to the particuof thir fying Thus when Saul heard that David was in lar favour of God towards them. But Kcilah, Cod, faith he, hath delivered him up into my hands, for he ts fiut in.
God, and
how
far that
King was deceav'd
in his
thought that
God was
favouring to his
eafily befeen.
caufe, that ftory unfolds, and how little reafon this King death o( Hotham to God's avengêment of hisrepulfeat Hull^
:
had to impute the
may
For while Hotham continu'd faithful to his truft, no man more fafe, more fucBut from the time he firfl: fought to make cefsful, more in reputation then he his peace with the King, and to betray into his hands that Town, into which before he had deny'd him entrance, nothing profper'd with him. Certainly had God purposed him fuch an end for his oppofition to the King, he would not have deferred to punifh him till then, when of an Enemy he was chang'd to be the King's Friend, nor have made his repentance and amendment the occafion of liis ruin. How much more liiiely is it, (ince he fell into the aft of difloyalty to his charge, that the judgment of God concurr'd with the punifhment of man, and jullly cut him oft" for revolting to the King } To give the World an example, that glorious deeds done to ambitious ends, find reward In the anfwerable, not to thir outward feeming, but to thir inward ambition. mean while what thanks he had from the King for revolting to his caufe, and what good opinion for dying in his fervice, they who have ventut'd like him,
may here take notice. proceeds to declare, not only in general wherfore God's Judgment was upon Hotham, but undertakes by fanfies, and allufions to give a criticifm upon That his head was divided from hts Body^ becaufe his heart was every particular
or intend,
He
two heads cut off in one family for affronting the head of the eldefi fon being infeêd with the fm of the Father, againji the Father of his Countrie. Thefe petty glofles and conceits on the high and fedivided from the Kttig
,
the
Common-wealth
cret
Judgments of God,
befides the boldnefs
of unwarrantable commenting,
Ihaliow, and folike the quibbl'sof a Court-Sermon, that we may fafely reck'n them either fetcht from fuch a pattern, or that the hand of iomehouQiold Preift foifted them in, left the World Ihould forget how much
are lb
weak and
he was the Difciple of thofe Cymbal Doctors.
But that Argument by which
the Author would commend them to us, difcreditsthem the more : For if they be fo cbviouf to every fancy, the more likely to be erroneous, and to milconceive the mind of thofe high fecrecies, whereof they prefume to determin. For God judges not by human fancy. But however God judg'd Hotham, yet he had the King's pity : but mark the reafon how prepofterous , fo far he had his pity, as he thought he atfirjl aiieJ more agalnfi the light of his confcience then many other men in the fame caufe.
Que-
ftionlefsthey who aftagainft confcience, whether at the Bar of human, or divine Jultice, are pitied leaft of all. Thefe are the common grounds and verdifts
of Nature, whereof when he who hath the judging of a whole Nation, is found defiitute under fuch a Governour, that Nation mud needs be miferable. By the way lue jerks at fome mens reforming to models of Religion^ and that they
thinks all
isgoldof
Pietie that doth but glifler
with a fhew of Zeal.
We
know
his
meaning, and apprehend how little hope there could be of him from fuch language as this: But are fure that the pietie of his prelatick Model glifter'd more upon the Polls and Pillars which thir zeal and fervencie gilded over, then * in the true works of fpiritual edification. He ts fry that Hotham /<?/f the juflice of others, and fell not rather into the hands But to clear that, he fliould have Ihewn us what mercy he had of his tnercy. ever us'd to fuch as fell into his hands before, rather then what mercy he intended to fuch as never could come to ask it. Whatever mercy one man might have expected, 'tis too well known th whole Nation found none though they be,
fought
(471 ) but had bin fwallow'd up in blood and ruin, fo and humbly, fought to fet his private will above the Parlament. had not his ftrength fail'd him. Tec a debt, which he ought pay to thofc that crave it i ftnce we fay not clemency he counts to God for his Mercy hut Prayers and Praifcs. By this reafon we ought any thing as freely to pay all things to all men ^ for of all that we receive from God, what do wc pay for, more then prayers and praifes ? we look'd for the difcharge of his Office, the payment of his Duty to the Kingdom, and are paid Cpurt-paiment with empty fentences that have the found of gravity, but the lignificancc of nothing pertinent. Yet again after his mercy pad and granted, he returns back to givefentence upon Hotham > and whom he tells us he would fo fain have fav'd alive, him he It never leaves killing with a repeated Condemnation, though dead long fince. was ill tlrat fomc body flood not necr to whifper him, that a reiterating Judg He pities htm^ he rejoices ?Jot, he pities him again but is worfe then a tormentor. Hill is fure to brand him at the tail of his pity with fome ignominious mark, And with a kind of cenforious pity aggraeither of ambition or dilloyaltie.
it
oft'n,
-^
vates rather then lefs'ns or conceals the fault : To pity thus is to triumph. He aHumes to foreknow, that after times will dtfpute., whtther Hotham were
What knew he of after times, who more infancus <r Hull, or at Tower-hill. and without he lit^ while end, the fate of that unhappy Father cenfunng judging and his Son at lower-hill^ knew not that the like fate attended him before his own Palice-Gate i and as little knew whether after times do not referve a greater infamy upon his own Lite and Raign. He fays but over again in his Prayer, what his Sermon hath preacht How acwhich forbids ceptably to thofe in Heav'n we leave to be decided by that precept it lies Sure as heavie as he it can vain Repetitions. lay upon the head of anough
,
poor Hotham. Needs he will

takes
it
faft'n
upon God
a peece
of revenge
as
done for
his fake
and
had
clefiuftes
for a favour, before he know it was intended him : which in his clofet Ecbin excufable, but in a writt'n and publifli'd Prayer too prefumptuous. hath a right name for fuch kind of Sacrifices.
thus, Let not thy Jnfiice prevent the ebjeUs
this ? Shall To Ihall Mercy. a of Man ? All God and ferve to the Mercies of the Juflke glorifie give place, other Men who know what they ask, defire of God that thir doings may tend to his glory i but in this prayer God is requir'd that his Juftice would forbear to If prevent, and as good have faid to intrench upon the glory a Man's Mercy. God forbear his Juftice, it muft be fure to the magnifying of his own Mercy : But here a mortal man takes the boldnefs to ask that glory out of his hand. It
cftr.y
Going on he prays
and
opportunities
folly, or to blafphemy, or to both
we impute
may be doubted now by them who

more unfortunate
underftand Religion, whether the King were
in this his Prayer, or
Hotham
in thofe his fulTerings.
IX. Vjon
the
lifling
and
raifing
Armies, &c.
IT
ter
were an endlefs work to walk fide by fide with the verbofity of this Chapnot bin fpok'n, convenient Anfwer fhall be i only to what already hath
,
all demonftration of the Peoples He begins again with Tumults giv'n. Love and Loyalty to the Parlament was Tumult; thir petitioning,Tumult j thir defenfive Armies were but lifted Tumults and will take no notice that thofe about him, thofe in a time of Peace lifted into his own Houfe, were the beginners of all thcfe Tumults ; abufing and alTaulting not only fuch as came peaceably to the Parlament at London.^ but thofe that came petitioning to the King himfelf at Torki Neither did they abftain from doing violence and outrage to the Meflengers fenc from Parlament i he himfelf either countenancing or conniving at them. He fuppofes that His recefs gAve tuconfdence that he might be conquered. Other men fuppofe both that and all things els, who knew him neither by nature warlike,nor experienc'd,nor fortunate ^ fo far was any Man that difcern'd aughE from efteeming him unconquerable j yet fuch arereadieft to imbroil others.
,
Shi
( 472 )
What praife is that ? The Stomach of a Child is But he had a Soul invlnclhU. ofdmes invincible to all corredion. The unteachabie man hath a foul to all reafun and good advice invincible, and he who is iatraftable, he whom nothing can perfvvade, may boail himfelf invincible; when as in fome things to be overcome is more honeft and laudable then to conquer. He labours to have it thought that hit fearing God more than Mmi was the ground of hi^fuFicringsj but he fhould have known that a good principle not rightly underftood may prove as hurtful as a bad, and his fear of God may be as faulty to fear God more than the Parlament, who neHe as a blind zeal.
he (hould alfo have fear'd God more then he ver urg d him to do otherwife did his Courtiers, and the Bifhops who drew him, as they pleased, to things inThus boafted Saul to have ferform'd the Comconfiftent with the fear of God. mandmern of God^ and flood in it a^ziGî Samuel; but it was found at length tlwthe had fear'd the People more then God, in favingthofe fat Oxen for the
,
pretended
Not much unlike, if deftruaion. worlhip of God which were appointed for to for fear who of was fad that difpleafe his Court and not much wors his, diffolutefl: of the People, upheld in the Church of the wich mungrel Clergy, God, while his power lafted, thole Beaftsof AmaUc^ the Prelats, againfl the in this more unadvice of his Parlament and the example of al! Reformation excufable then Said, that Saul was at length convinc'd, he to the hour of death fix'd in his fals perfwafion, and footlis himfelf in the flattering peace of an erroneous and obdurat conlcience y fingingto his foul vain Pfalms of exultation, as if the Parlament had allaifd his reafon with the force of Arms, and not he on the contrary their reafon with his Arms, which hath been pro v'd already,
,
be more l^reafter. them with his AEls of Grace proud^ and unfelf-knowing words in the mouth of any King who affedts not to be a God, and fuch as ought to be as odious in the ears of a free Nation. For if they were unjuft arts, why did he of his grace, but of his duty and grant them as of grace ? [f jnft, it was not his Oath to grant them. ji glorious King be would be, though ly his fffferings : But that can never be He fains a hard choii put upon him are his own doings. to him whofe
and
/hall
He
twits
futferings
either to kill his Snbje^s^ or he kilPd.
Yet never was King
lefs in
danger of an/
violence trom his Subjeds, till he unlheath'd his Sword againlt them , -nay long after that time, when he had fpilt the blood of thoufand?, they had ftill his Per-
Ton in a foolifh veneration.
He complains, That
civil
War
mufihe the fruits of

Peace^ Plenty^ and
his
feventeeen years raignall
ing with fetch a meafure of Jujiice^ ther admir'd or envtd. For the Juftice
Religion, as
Nations
ei-
we
had,
let the
Councel Table,
Scar-
not forgetting the unprincechamber, High CommiOion fpeak the praife of it \ of the Parlaments, the difplacing abolilhing lyufage, and, as far as might be, and of of honeft Judges, the fale Exadion, not found out to Offices, Bribery Who can bf punilh'd, but to be fhar'd in with impunity for the time to come. number the Extortions, the OpprelTions, the public Robberies and Rapines committed on the Subjed both by Sea and Land under various pretences ? Thir one while as Forreft-Land, another white a polleffions alfo tak'n from them, Crown- Land nor were thir Goods exempted, no not the Bullion in the Mint % Piracy was become a projed own'd and authorized againfl the Subject. For the peace we had, what peace was that which drew out the Englilh to a needlefs and dilhonourable Voyage againfl the Spaniard at Cales ? Or that which lent our (hipping to aj treacherous and Antichriftian War againfl the poor Proteflants of Kochel our fuppliants ? What peace was that which fell to rob the French by Sea," to the imbarring of all our Merchants in that Kingdom ? which doubtful whether more brought forth that unbleft expedition to the Ifle of Rhee^ calamitous in the fuccefs or in the defign, betraying all the flower of our military Youth and beft Commanders to a Ihameful furprifal and execution. This was the peace we had, and the peace we gave, whether to friends or to foes abroad. And if at home any peace were intended us, what meant thofe billeted Souldiers in all parts of the Kingdom, and the defign of German Horfe to fubdue us in our peaceful Houfes ? r j For our Religion, where was there a more ignorant, profane, and vitious learned in nothing but the antiquitie of thir Pride, thir Covetoufnefs
, ^
'
Clergy,
aod
( 4?3 ) whole unliiicere and levenous Dodrine, corrupting the people, firft taught them loolnefs, then bondage ^ loofning them from all found knowledg and flricflnefs of life, the more to fit them for the bondage of Tyranny and Superftitior. So that what was left us for other Nations not to pity rather than admire or envy all thole fevcnteen years, no wife man could fee. For wealth and plenty in a Land where Juftice raigns not, is no argument of a a reernefs rather to ruin or commotion. flonrifliing State, but of Thefe were not fame mifcarriages only of a Government, which might efcape^ but a univerfal difttmper, and reducement of Law to arbitrary Power not through the evil councels of fame men^ but through the conftant cours and pradice of all that were in higheft favour : whofe worft aftions he frequently avow'd and tcok upon himfelf, and whofe Perfons when he could no longer proted, he elteem'd and favour'd to the end i but never otherwife then by conItraint, yielded any of them to due Punifhment j thereby manifefting that what they did was by his own Autority and Approbation. Yet heer he asks Whofe innocent Blood he hath [hed^ what Widows or Orphans tears can witnefs againft htm ? After the fufpeded poyfoning of his Father, not inquir'd into, but fmother'd up, and him proteded and advanc'd to the very half of his Kingdom, who was accused in Parlament to be the Author of the fad, after fo many Years of cruel War on his People in three Kingdoms. Whence the Author of Truths manifefi^ a Scotchman^ not unacquainted with affairs, pofitively affirms, That thtre hath more Chriflian Blood been pied i>y theCamfnijfwn, approbation^ and connivance of King Charles and his Father James in the latter end of thir raign, then in the Ten Roman PerfeCMtions. Not to fpeak of thofe many Whippings, Pillories, and other corporal inflidions wherewith his raign alfo before this War was not unbloodie; fome have dy'd in Prifon under cruel rcftraint, others in Banin"iment, whofe lives v/ere fhortn'd through the rigour of that Perfecution wherewith fo many years he infefted the true Church. And thofe fix Members all men judg'd to have efcap'd no lefs then capital danger ^ whom he fo greedily purfuing into the Houfe of Commons, had not there the forbearance to conceal how much it troubPd him, That the Birds were flown. If fcm Vultur in the Mountains could have op'nd his Beak and intelligibly fpoke, what fitter words could he have utter'd at the lofsof his ? The Prey Tyrant iVtcojthough not yet defervingthat name,fet his hand fo unto the execution of a condemn'd Perfon,as to wifh He had not kôwn Letwillingly and Superflition
?
-,
ters. Certainly for a King himfelf to charge his Subjeds with High Treafon,and fo vehemently toprofecutethem inhisowncaufe,astodothe Office of a Searcher, argu'd in him no great averfation from fhedding blood, were it but to fatisfie his
felf
anger ^ and that revenge was no unpleafing morfel to him, whereof he himBut we inllft rather thought not much to be fo diligently his own Caterer.
as a difficulty which he had It was to find out. faith he, long ftudied not., my withdrawing from Whitehall , for no account in reafon coaldire giv'n [of thofe Tumults., where an orderly Guard WiU But if it be a moft certain truth that the Parlament could never yet granted.
upon what was adual then what was probable. He now falls toexamin thecaufes of this War,
obtain of him any Guard fit to be confided in, then by his own confeffion fome account of thofe pretended Tumults may in reafon be givn , and both concern-
Parlament f Whom did he not to his utmoll power? Endeavouring to have refcu'd Strafford from their Juftice, tho with thedeftrudion of them and the City to that end exprefiy commanding the admittance of new Soldiers into the Tower, rais'd hy Suckling and other Confpirators, under pretence for the Portugall 5 not to repeat his other Plot of bringing up the two Armies. But what can be difputed with fuch a King, in whofe mouth and opinion the Parlament it felf was never but a Faîon., and thir Juftice no Juftice, but The dilates and overfwaying Infolence of Tumults and Rabbles ? and under that excufe avouches himfelf openly the general Patron of moft notorious Delinquents, and approves thir flight out of the Land, whofe crimes were fuch, as that the jufteft and the faireft trial would have fooneft condemn'd them to death. But did not Catiline plead in like manner againft the Roman Senat, and the injaftice of thir trial, and the juftice of his flight from ôme? Cf/dcalfo, then hatching Tyranny, injeded the fame fcrupulous dethe Jufiice of protei againfl
-,
ing them and the Whom did he
Guards anough hath bin
faid alreadie.
Ppp
murs
474 )
full
tAndCethf^M^ two of
and free Senat decreed on Lcntaltii which were renew'd and urg'd for Styaford. .He voutfafes totjie reformaticn, by both Kingdoms intended, no better name then himvatton and ruin bath in Church and State. And what we would have learnt fo gladly of him in other pafTages before, to know wherein, he The expelling Bifhops out of the Houfe of Peers, tells us now of his own accord. to the State the ruin this was removing them root and branchy this was ruin to the Church. How happy could this Nation be in fuch a Governour who counted that thir ruin, which they thought thir deliverance ; the ruin both of Church and State, which was the recovery and the favingof them both ? To the pafllng of thofe Bills againft Bifhops, how is it likely that the Houfe of Peers gave fo hardly thir confent, which they gavefoeafily before to the
murs to (top the
fentence of death in
Catilines accomplices,
-^
attaching them of HighTreafon, 12 lament could not aft without them ? thought fo undoubted in that Houfe, teftation, being meant and intended
at once, only for protefting that the ParSurely if thir rights and privileges were
as
is
in the
heer maintain'd then was that Proname of thir whole fpiritual Order,
,
noTreafon; and
fo that Houfe
it
felf will
becom
liable to a
juft conftruftion
either of injuftice in
for fo confenting, or of ufurpation, reprefenting none but themfelves, to expedt that their voting or not voting fhould obftruift the not for fiverefulfes of the Lords, no not for fifty, weretodeCommons :
them
Who
from, what in the name of the whole Kingdom they demanded, fo long as And for the Bill againft root and branch, thofe Lords were none of our Lords. tho it pafs'd not in both Houfes till many of the Lords and fome few of the Commons, either intic'd away by the King, or overaw'd by the fence of thir own Malignancy, not prevailing, deferted theParlament, and made a fair riddante of themfelves i that was no warrant for them who remain'd faithful, being far the greater number, to lay afidethat Bill of root and branch, till the return of thir fugitives j a Bill fo neceflary and fo much defir'd by themfelves as
hft
by the People. This was the partiality, this degrading of the Bifhops, a thing fo wholfom in the State, and fo Orthodoxal inthe Church both ancient and reformed, which the King rather then affent to, will either hazard both his own and the Kingdoms ruin, or profirate our confciences in a by our juft defence againft his force of arms blind obedience to hi/mfelf, and thofe men^ whofe fnperftition^ zeatoM or unzealous, would inforce upon us an Antichriftian tyranny in the Church, neither Primitivey /Ipoftoltcal., nor more anciently univerfal^ then fom other manifeft corruptions. But he was bound., befides his judgment., by a moft ftriil and undifpenfable Oath to If he mean the Oath of his Copreferve that Order and the rights of the Church. ronation, and that the letter of that Oath admit not to be interpreted either by equity, reformation, or better knowledg, then was the King bound by that Oath to grant the Clergie all thofe Cuftoms, Franchifes, and Canonical Priviand fo might one day, under leges granted to them by Edward the ConfefFor that his and have confcience, Oath, pretenceof brought us all again to Popery. But had he fo well remembred as he ought, the words to which he fwore, he might have found himfelf no otherwife oblig'd there, then according to the Laws For if thofe following words, EftabUfu'd of God, and true profeffion uf the Gifpel. in th:i Kingdom, be fet there to limit and lay prefcription on the Laws of God and truth of the Gofpel by manseftablifhment, nothing can be more abfurd or more injurious to Religion. So that however the German Emperors or other Kings have levied all thofe Wars on thir Proteftant Subjefts under the colour of a blind and literal obfervance to an Oath, yet this King had leaft pretence of all. Nor is it to be imagin'd, if what fhall be eftablifh'd come in queftion, but that the Parlament fhould overfway the King, and not he the Parlament. And by all Law and Reafon that which the Parlament will not, is no more eftablifh'd in this King,dom, neither is the King bound by Oathto uphold it as a thing eftablifh'd. E/ad he granfd., he thinks, AmepifcopalFaElion with his confent^ and facrificd the Church-government and Revenues td the fury of their coveteufnefs, 8cc. an Army had not bin rais'd. Whereas it was the fury of his own hatred to the profefTors of true Religion which firft incited him to perfecute them with the Sword of War, when Whips, Pillories, Exiles, and Impris'nments were not thought fufTo colour which he cannot find wherewithal but that ftale pretence ficient. of Charles the fifth) and other Popifh Kings, that the Proteftants had only an
,
-.,
intent
(
intent to lay hands on. the
475
Church revenues, a thing never in tiie thoughts of thir nccelHry this Parlamcnt, liil exhauftcd by hi^ endlels War upon them, of abus'd which Prclatshjd the luxury feis'd on that for theCommonwcalch,
before to a common mifchief. he himfelf confcnted, and I-]is confent to the unlording of Bifhops (for to that have it) was frotn would tlieir fo God of feat chief the at pride,
CAMerh>y
his
firmper/wafioHof
thtr contentednefs to fujfer a frejtnt dmttihtion of their rights.
reading this not dikern the pure mockery of a Royal conlent, to delude us only for the prefent^ meaning, it fetms, when time fliould ferve to revoke all ? By this reckning his contents and his denials come all co one : and we may hence perceave the wifdom and the integrity of thofe Voces pafs which voted his ConcelTions at the lie of IVtght for grounds of a lading Peace. This he alleges, thi, controverlJe about Bifhops, tohcthetrue ftate oi i\yax.d.\WzFor he held Epifcopîcy both vtry Sacred rence between him and the Parlament. andD^vim. With this judgment, and for this caufe he withdrew from the Parthe fame lamcnt, and conf-llcs that Ibme men knew he was like to bring again him. A (air and unexpe(rted juftification troni judgment which he earned with his own mouth artbrded to the Parlamcnt, who notwiihftanding what they knew of hisobftinnmind, omitted not to ufe all thofe means, and thacpatie:ice to
Can any man,
have gain'd him.

for Delinquents, he allows them to be but the necejfary conpquenccs of his of a demthd/awing and defending. A pietty ihift to mince the name the neccllary conwhat i- a Traitor, but a into necellary confequent linquent his Rebellion > l-rom this fequence of his Treafon ? what a Rebel, but of to fetch in ddmqitents^ as if a in Parlament the conceit he would infer pretext only all the no fnch but there h d indeed bin caufe, delinquency in London Tumult?. Which is the overworn theme, and fluffing of all his difcourfes.
As
and
their
This he thrice repeats to be the true ftate and reafon of all that War and Dethe Treaties and Propofinons offerd him, Land i and that of he was refolv'd never to grant the abohfljing of Epifcopal, or the eftablifiiment cf of the Scots and Covnanters I would demand now Preshyierian Government. (for fo call them as mifobfervers of the Cov'nant) how they will reconcile the prefcrvation of Religion and their Liberties^ and the bringing of delinquents to and fafety of this vow'd refolutioil condign piiKtjhmcnt., wkhlhc fêedom^ honour., a of thir Zeal all efteems the proltituted Cov'nant no better then here, that a heat for reformation^ filling them with prejudice, and oband fliew
vaflation in the
noife
of
pietie,
jiruUing
thers
all
equality
who knows
whom
With thefe principles and clearnefs of judgment in them. but that at length he might have come to take the Cov'nant, as othey brotherly admit have don before him ? and then all, no doubt,
had gon well, and ended in a happy peace. His prayer is mod of it borrow'd out of David \ but what if it be anfwerd There him as the Jews, who trulted la Mofes, were anfwer'd by our 5.wior is one that accufeth yon, ev'n Dî^jV, whom you mifapply. He tells God that hU Enemies are many., but tells the people, when it fcrve^; hi5
,
both Houfes. turn, they are but a faction of fame few., prevailing over the major part of God knows he had ns pajfion, defign or preparation to imbroyle his Kingdom in a ctvtl War. True i for he thought his Kingdom to be Ijfachar., a (irong Afs that would hzveeoiich'd down between two burd'ns, the one of prelatical fuperftitioil, the o-
ther of civil tyrannie : but whatpaflion and defign, what clofe and op'n preparation he had made to fubdue us to both thefe by terror and preventive tbrce,
all
the Nation knows. The confidence of fame men had almofl pcrfwaded him to fufpell his own innocence. As the words of Saint Paid had almoft perfwaded îgnppa to be a Chriftian. But Almoft in the work of repentance is as good as Not at all. have not livd God., faith he, will find out bloody and deceitful men., many of whom cut half thir days. Itbehov'd him to have been more cautious how he tempted God^ or that finding out of blood and deceit, till his own years had bin furder fpent, he had en joy 'd longer the fruits of his own violent Counfels. But inftead of warinefshe adds another temptation, charging God to know that the chief to defiroy hit Perfon.,or to force his Judgment. defign of this War was either And thus his prayer from the evil practice of unjuft acculing men to God, arifes to the hideous rafhnefs of accufing God before men, to know that for truth, whiclT" He P pp 2 aUÎlen know to be moft fals.
( 476 ) the God voould He prays That It is forgive People, for they know not what they da. an eafie matter to fay over what our Saviour faid but hovy he Jov'd the PeoHe who fo oft ple, other Arguments then affefted Sayings muft demonftrate. hath prefum'd raflily to appeal to the knowledg and teftiroony of God in things fo evidently untrue, may be doubted what belief or efteem he had of his forgive,
nefs, either to himfelf, or thofe for
whom he
would fo
fain that
men
fliould
hear
he pray'd.
X.
ZJpn- their feiîng the Magaîm^ Forts, &c.

Ô put the matter
fooneft out of controverfy who was the firft beginner of this Civil War, fince the beginning of all War may be difcern'd not only by the firft ad of Hoftilitie, but by theCounfels and Preparations foregoing, it (hall evidently appear that the King was ftill formoft in all thefe. No King had ever at his firft coming to the Crown more love and acclamation from a people never any people found worfe requital of thir loyalty and
',
good
and miftruft that thir Liberties and Rights were the impairing and dirainidiing of his Regal Power, the true next by his hatred to all thofe who were efteem'd reliOriginal of Tyranny This was gious i doubting that thir Principles too much alTerted Libertie. quickly feen by the vehemence, and the caufes alleg'd of his perfecuting, the other by his frequent and opprobrious difiblution of Parlaments ^ after he had demanded more money of them, and they to obtain thir rights had granted him then would have bought theTwrôut of A4orea, and fet free all the Greeks. But when he fought to extort from us, by way of Tribute, that which had bin offer'd him conditionally in Parlament, as by a free People, and that thofe Extortions were now confum'd and wafted by the luxurie of his Court he began then (for ftill the more he did wrong, the more he fear'dj before any Tumult or Infurredlion of the People, to take counfel how he might toThen was the defign of German Horfe, and tally fubdue them to his own will. Souldiers billeted in all parts j the Pulpits refounded with no other Doftrine then that which gave all Propertie to the King, and PalTive Obedience to the After which innumerable formes and Ihapes of new Exadions and Subjedt. Exafters overfpread the Land: Nor was it anough to be irapoverilh'd, unlefs we weredifarm'd. Our Train'd-Bands, which arethe truftieft and raoft proper ftrength of a free Nation, had thir Arms in divers Counties tak'n from them other Ammunition by defign was ingrofs'd and kept in the Tower, not to be bought without a Licence, and at a high rate. Thus far, and many other ways were his Counfels and Preparations beforehand with us, either to a Civil War, if it fhould happ'n, or to fubdue us without a War, which is all one, until the railing of his two Armies againft the Scots, and the latter of thera rais'd to the moft perfidious breaking of a folemn Pacifiaffeftion
:
Firft by his extraordinary fear
cation.
mous
this Parlament, whomhefawfo refolute and unanito releeve the Common-wealth, and that the Earl of Strafford vf^'i condemn'd to die, other of his evil Gounfellors impeach'd and iraprifon'd, to fhew there waned not evil Counfel within himfelf fufEcient to begin a
After the beginning of
War
though no way by them provok'd, he fends an Agent with Letters to the' King o{ Dtnmark^rzqnmng aid againft the Parlament, endeavours to bring up both Armies, firft the Englifh, with whom 8000 Irifli Pathen the Scots at Newpifts rais'd by Strafford^ and a French Army were to join caftle, whom he thought to have encouragM by telling them what mony and horfe he was to have from DenmarkI mention not the Irijh Confpiracie till due place. Thefe and many other were his Counfels toward a Civil War. His Preparations, after thofe two Armies were difmifs'd, could not fuddenly be too Neverthelefs there were 8000 IrijI) Papifts which he refus'd to op'n disband, though intreated by both Houfes, firft for reafons beft known to himfelf, next under pretence of lending them to the Spaniards and fo kept them undisband. ed
upon
his Subjefts,
-,
( 477 )
cd till very near the month wherein that Rebellion broke forth. He was alfo railing Forces in London^ prctendedly to ferve the Portugal, but with intent to Into which diverfe Cannoneers were by him fcnt feize the Tower. the Court
,
was fortifi'd with Ammunition and Souldiers new lifted, follow'd the King from London, and appear'd at Kingfton fomc hundreds of horfe in a warlike manner, with VVagepns of Ammunition after them i the Queen in HAUnd was buying more the Inhabitants of Tvrt^fnre and other Counties were call'd to Arms, and aiflual Forces rais'd, v;hile the Parlament were yet petitioning in
,
peaceAs to the Aft of Hoftilitie, though not much material in whom firfl it began after fuch Counfels and Preparations difcover'd, and fo far advanced by the King, yet in that aft alfo he will be found to have had precedency, if not at
aflault of his armed Court upon the naked People, and his atHoufe of Commons, yet certainly at Hull, firft by his clofe the upon tempt Thus whether Councels, PrepaPpaftices on that Town, next by his Seige.
London by the
To which may be added as a clofe, that in the beginner of thefe Civil Wars of IVight he charg'd it upon himfelf at the publick Treaty, and acquitted the Parlament. But as for the fecuring of Hull and the publick ftores therin, and in other
.
rations, or Afts of Hoftilitie be conlldered, it appears with evidence anough, though much more might be faid, that the King is truly charg'd to be the firll
Ille
was nofurpriftl of his Strength , the cuftody whereof by Autority of Parlament was committed into hands "moft fit and moft refponfible for fuch a It were a folly beyond ridiculous, to count our fclves a free Nation, if truft. the King, not in Parlament, but in his own Perfon, and againft them, might apWhat propriate to himfelf the ftrength of a whole Nation as his proper goods. the Laws of the Land are, a Parlament ftiould know beft, having both the life and death of Laws in thir lawgiving Power And the Law o{ England is, at beft, but the rcafon of Parlament. The Parlament therefore, taking into thir hands that wherof moft properly they ought to have the keeping, committed no furplaces,
it
:
prevented him, that argu'd not at all either his innocency or mthir timely forefight to ufe prevention. but freparednefs, But what needed that ? They knew his chiefed Arms left him were thofe only which the antient Chrijiians were wont to ufe againfl thir Perfecuters^ Prayers and
prifal.
If they
reverence of God, relpeft and Ihameof men, whither were thefe hypocrifies were utter'd ? Was the Kingdom then at all that coft of Blood to remove from him none but Prayers and Tears ? What
Tears.
O facred
ye
fled
when
were thofe thoufands of blafpheraing Cavaliers about him, whofe mouths let the volley were thofe the Prayers ? and thofe Caroufes fly Oaths and Curfes by drunk to the confufion of all things good or holy, did thofe minifter the Tears ? Were they Prayers and Tears that were lifted at Tork, mufter'd on Heworth Moore, and laid Seige to Hull for the guard of his Perfon ? Were Prayers and Tears at fo high a rate in Holland, that nothing could purchafe them but the Crown- Jewels ? yet they in Holland (luch word was fent us) fold them for Guns, Garabins, Mortar-peeces, Cannons, and other deadly Inftruments of War, which when they came to Torky were all no doubt by the merit of fome great Saint fuddenly transform'd into Prayers and Tears and being divided into Regiments and Brigades, were the only Arras that raifchiev'd us in all thofe
,
Battels and Incounters.
Arms, whatever we muft call them, and yet fuch fought for the Common-wealth have by the help of better Prayers vanquifh'd and brought to nothing. He bewails his want of the Militia, notjfi much in reference to his own proteUion at
Thefe were
as they
his chief
Arms
who
ill
the peoples, whofe many and fore opprejfions greeve him. for feventeen years together he had proteftcd them,
Never conlidering how
of the people are
ftill
his
own handy work,
Arrow
fo fore into the Kingdom's fides, out the incifion of more fleih. He tells us that what he wants in the hands of Power he has in the win^s of Faith and Prayer. But they who made no reckning of thofe Wings while they had
and that thefe miferies them like a forked having as not to be drawn out and cur'd withfmitt'if
that power in thir hands, may eafily oiiftake the of Prefumption> and fo fall headlong.
Wings of
Faith for the
Wings
Wc
let them judg that have trsvell'd meet next with a to Mecca That the Parlament h^vc hung the M.tjeliie of Kingfiilf in an airy imagination of Regahty., between the Privileges ff both Houfes^ tike the I cn.h of Mahomet, He knew not that he was prophecy in^ the death and burial of a Turkilh Tyran-
We
47 ) compnnron, how ^pt

(
ny, that fpurn'd down thofe Laws which gave it life and being, fo long as ic endur'd to be a regulated Monarchy. He counts it an injury not to have th( fole power in himfelf to help or hurt any and that the Militia whiih he holds to be his undoubted Right ^ fliould be difpos^d as
: And yet conftlle^ ihat if he had it in his aftual difpofit wh&iu he calls hi^ good SubjeUs from thvfe mens viadefend he would thofe fing, lence and fraud, who would p rfr^de the World that none but Wolves are fit to be thi Shtpherd and his Flock^ Surely if we may guefs trufled with the cufindy of vhom he mean^ here, by knowing whom hs hath ever mod oppos'd in this Controverfie, we may then allure o'nr f^lvs that by violence and fraud he means ihat which the PniLiment h ah done in feclint^ the Militia, and thofe the w.hich draws a clear conWolve-, into whole hands it was by rhem intrulted if the had left him fole power .hot Parlament f-ffion from In own mouth, of the Militia^ he would have us'd ic to the deitrudlion of them and thir
the Parlament thinks
Friends.
which he claims as a Right no lefs unhath bin oft anongh told him, that he hath no more autority o.cr iht sword th^n uv r the Law over the Law he hath none, either to eftablifh or toabiogite, to interptec, oi to execute, but only by his Courts and in his Couris, whereof the Parlament is higheft no more therefore hath he power of tht Milttta which is the Sword, either to ufe or to difpofe, but with confent of Parlament ^ givv him bit that, and as good give him all For if ilie power of tl>e Sword were any where fepaour Laws and Liberties. rate and undepending from the po.ver of Law. which is originally feated in the highelt Court, then were tha; power '^f tue Sword higher then the power of Law, and being at one man's dilpofal, might wh.nhe pleas'd controul the Law, and enflaveus. Siuh p.wer asthi>did the King in op'n terms challenge to have over us, and brought thonfands to help uim win it-, fo much more good at fighting then at nn''erllandiagi as to perfwade ihemfelves that they foughc
As
for fole
power of
ths Milttia
it
doubted then the Crown,
then for the Subj ds Liberti-. He is contented, b caule he knows no other remedy, to refign this power his fucctjfors So diligent and careful he is that we for his own time ^ but not for ihould be flaves, if not to him, yet to his Pofterity, and fain would leave us But the Parlament have done well the Legacy of another War about it. to remove that queflion : whom, as his manner is to dignify with fonie good n; me or other, he calls now a many-headed Hydra of Government^ full of not more eyes then mouths. Yet furcly not more mouths, faîofudijirailions, and as the dillblute rabble of all his Courtiers had, both Hees and or not fo wide Shees, if thcr were any Males among them. He would prove that to govern by Parlament hath a Msnflrofuii rather then Ttrfellion ^ and grounds his Argument upon two or three eminent Abfurdities : Firft by placing Councel in the Senfes, next by turning the Senfes out of the head, and in lieu therof placing Power fupreme above fenfe and rtalbn ; which be now the greater Monftrofities ? Furder to difpute what kind of Government is beft, would be a long Theme ; it fufficeth that his reafons here for Monarchy are found weak and inconfiderabie. He bodes much horror and badinflttence after his ecciips. He fpeaks his wilhes ; but they who by weighing prudently things part, forefee things to come, the
beft Divination,
may hope rather all good fuccefs and happinefs, by removing thatdarknefs which the miftie cloud of his Prerogative made between us and a and not be, though he peaceful Reformation, which is our true Sun-light, would be tak'n for t)ur Sun it felf. And wherefore fhoiild we not hops to be govern'd more happily without a King, when as all our miferie and trouble hath bin either by a King, or by our neceflary vindication and defence againft him. He would be thought inforc'*d to Perjurie by having granted the Militia, by which his Oath bound him to protedl the people, if he can be peijjr'dia granting that,why doth he refufe for no other cauie the abolilhing of Epifcopacy ? But
479
fwear him to proteft Delinquents againfl all the but to Jufticc, protefi: people in that order, and by thofe hands which the Parlamcnt fhould advife him to, and the proteded confide in ^ and not under the fhew of proteftionto hold a violent and incommunicable Sword over us as readie to be let fall upon our own necks, as upon our Enemies ^ nor to make our own Hands and Weapons fight againft our own Liberties. By his parting with the MiUtia he takes to himfelf much praifc of his aJThrartce tn God's froteiliony and to the Parlament imputes the fear of not daring to But whcrlore adventure the injiifiice of their aUiotis Hfon any other way of fafety. to till alfurance the Militia of God's this was wrung not came him, proteftion out of his hand ? it (hoiild feem by his holding it fo fafl:, that his own Adions and Intentions had no lefs of injuftice in them, then what he charges upon and the Devil himfelf. ButJobu^''d others, whomhc terms Chaldeanj^ -Sabeans, no fuch Attlitia againft thofe Enemies, nor fuch a Magazin as was at Hull, which this King fo contended for, and made War upon us, that he might have
But never was any Oath
fo blind as to
againft us. his all from him., that concludes, yet can they not obftruH although they tak^ te Heavn. where was no handfome obftrudlions It occafion, by faining way he fliould have fliut the door, and they are not, to tell us whither he was going Private Prayers in publick, ask pray'd in fecret, not here in the High Street.
wherwithal to make
War
He
fomething of
whom
they ask not, and that Ihall be thir reward.
XL Vpn
the Nineteen ProôJitionSy &c.
OF
not how
Anfwer
the nineteen Propofitions he names none in particular, neither fhall the : But he infifts upon the old Plea of bu Confcience^ Honour and
Reafon ^ ufing the plaufibility of large and indefinite words, to defend himfelf at fuch a diftance as may hinder the eye of common Judgment from all He would buy the peace of his diftin(n: view and examination of his reafoning. with his the at Yet fliews Confc'ttnce and Honour. any rate, five only parting People
it
can happ'a that the Peace of a People,
if
otherwife to be bought
at any rate, (hould be inconfiftent or at variance with the Confcience and Honour ot a King. Till then we may receave it for a better fentence, that no-
Honour of a King, then Civil War. from topreferve Subjeds And which of the Propofitions were obtrudedon him with the point ef the Sword^ till he firft with the point of the Sword thruft from him both the Propofitions and the Propoundeis ? Pe never reck'ns thofe violent and mercilefs Obtrullons, which for almoll twenty years he had bin forcing upon tender Confciences by ail forts of Perfecution, till through the multitude of them that were to From which fufFer, it could be no more call'd a Perfecution, but a plain War. when firft the Scots, then the Engiilh were conftrain'd to defend themftilves, this thir juft defence is that which he calls here, Thir making War upon his
thing (hould be
his
more agreeable
to the Confcience and

efpecially
in peace,
Soul.
him in things are rtquird of him., and nething offered of defires he the which had What could fatiate requital of thofe favours granted. Millions this Man, who being King of two almoft and Matter of England, yearly, was ftill in want i and thofe adts of Juftice which he was to do in duty, counts done as favours, and fuch favours as were not done without the avaritious hope of other rewards befides Honour, and the conftant Revenue
that fo
He grudges
many
fupreme
of his phce?
And fpake This Honour, he faith, they did him to put him on the giving part. not truer then he intended, it being meerly for honours fake that they did fo that it beiong'd to him of right : For what can he give to a Parlament, wfco
,
he hath from the People, and for the Peoples good ? Yet now he conditional Rights ro conteft, and be preferred before thePeoand yet unlelsitbe in order to thir good, he hath no rights at all i plesgood raigning by the Laws of the Land, not by his own j which Laws are in the
receaves
all
brings his
own
hands
4^0
hands of Parlament to change or abrogate as they fhall fee befl; for the Com-i men- wealth ev'n to the taking away of Kingdiip it fclf, when it grows too For every Common- wealth is in general defin'd, mafterful and burd'nfome. a Societie fnfficient of it felf in all things conducible to well being and commodious life. Any of which requilit things if it cannot have without the gift or favour of a lingle Perfon, or without leave of his private reafon or his confcience, it cannot be thought fufficient of it felf, and by confequence no Commonweahh, nor free v but a multitude of Vaflals in the pofleflion and domain of one If the King have power to abfolute Lord, and wholly obnoxious to his will.
-,
give or deny any thing to his Parlament, he rauft do it either as a Perfon feveral neither of which will be allow'd him : not to be from them, or as one greater confider'd feverally from them ; for as the King of England can do no wrong, fo neither can he do right but in his Courts and by his Courts ; and what is legally done in them, fliall be deem'd the King's AlTent, though he as a feveral Per,
fo that indeed without his Courts, or judg or endeavour the contrary he obtrude upon us any publick miPis no If therfore he againfi: them, King. chief, or withhold from us any general good, which is wrong in the highefl degree, he muft do it as a Tyrant, not as a King of England, by the known Maxims of our Law. Neither can he, as one greater, give aught to the Parlament which is not in thir own power, but he muft be greater alfo then the Kingdom which they rcprefent : fo that to honour him with the giving part was a meer ci.ility, and may be well term'd the courtefieof England, not the King's due. But the incommunicable Jewel of his C onfctence hzvii)! not glVC, but referve to It feems that his Confcience was none of the Crown-Jewels ; for thofe hitnfelf.
fon
fliall
-,
in Holland^ not incommunicable to buy Arras againft Subjeds. Being therefore but a private Jewel, he could not have done a greater pleafure But he, contrary to what is to the Kingdom then by referving it to himfelf. here profefs'd, would have his Confcience not an incommunicable, but a uniThus what he feems to verfal Confcience, the whole Kingdom's Confcience. fear left we fliould ravi/h from him, is our chief complaint that he obtruded upon us; we never forcM him to part with his Confcience, but it was he that would have forc'd us to part with ours. Some things he taxes thera to have offer'd him, which while he had the mafiery of his Reafon^ he would never confer.t to. Very likely but had his reafon mafter'd him as it ought, and not bin mafter'd long ago by his fenfe and humour (as the breeding of moft Kings hath bin ever fenfual and moft humour'd) perhaps he would have made no difficulty. Mean while at what a fine pafs is the Kingdom, that muft depend in greatcft Exigencies upon the fantafie of a King's Reafon, be he wife or fool, who arrogantly ftiall anfwer all the Wifdomof the Land,
',
we know were
that what they offer feerhs to him unreafonable We prefers his love of Truth before his love of the People. His love of Truth would have led him to the fearch of Truth, and have taught him not to lean
.*
fo
much upon his own underftanding. He met at firfb with Dodlrines of unaccountable Prerogative > in themhcrefted, becaule they pleas'd him ^ they therfore pleas'd him becaufe they gave him all : and this he calls his love of Truth, and prefers it before love of his peoples peace. Some things they propos'd which would have wounded the inward peace of his
The more our evil hap, that three Kingdoms fliould be thus peone Confcience i who chiefly fcrupl'd to grant us that which the Parlament advis'd him to, as the chief means of our publick welfare and Reformation. Thefe fcruples to many perhaps feem pretended, to others, upon as good grounds, may feem real j and that it was the juft judgment of God, that he who was fo cruel and fo remorcelefs to other mens Confciences, fhould have a Confcience within him as cruel to himfelf i conftraining him. asheconftrain'd others, and infnaring him fuch ways and counfels as were certain to be his deConfcience. fter'd with
ftniiflion.
Other things though he coitld apfrove, yet in honour and policy he thought fit to deny^ he fiiohld feem to dare By this means he will be fure, what with deny nothing. Reafon, Confcience, Honour, Policy, or Puntilio?, to be found never unfurnifhtof a denial : Whether it were his envy not to be ovei bounteous;, or that the fubmiilnefs of our asking ftirr'd up in him a certain pleafure of denying.
left
Good
Princes have thought
it
thir chief happinefs to be
always granting-,
if
good
( 4Si )
good things, for the things fake if things indifferent for the peoples, fake, while this man fits calculating varjetieof excufes how he may grant Icafl, as
,
whole ftrength and royaltie were plac'd in a meer negative. one Propofition efpecially he laments him much, that they would bind him to ageneral and implicit corfcnt for whatsver they difir'd. Which though I find not among the nineteen, yet undoubtedly the 0.nh of his Coronation binds him tonolefs-, neither is heat all by his Office to incerpofeagainfta Parlamcncin the bat to take that for jult and good legally making or not making of any Law which is there decreed, and to fee itexecuted accordingly. Nor was he let over us to vie wifdom with hisParlament, but to be guided by them any of whom him in the gift of wifdom, as he them in place and digfojfiblyway as far excel But much neerer is it to impofFibilitie that any King alone fhould be wifer nitre. then all his Councel^ fure anough it was not he, though no King ever before him fo much contended to have it thought fo. And if the Parlament fo thought not, but defirM him to follow their advice and deliberation la things of public concernment, he accounts it the fame propofition, as if Sî/npfon had bin mov'd t0 the putting out his eyes^ that the Philiftitss And thus oat of an might abufe him. unwife or pretended fear left others (hould make a fcorn of him for yielding to his Parlament, he regards not to givecaufe of worfe fufpition that he made a fcorn of his regal Oath. But to exclude him from allpowerof denial feems an arrogance j in the Parlament what in him then to deny againffc the Parlament ? None at all by he means what he argues For, by petitioning^ they conftfs their inferiorities, and that obliges them to refi., ifnotfatisji'd, yet quieted with fuch an Anfwer as the will and reafm of their Superior thinhs fit to give. Firft petitioning, in better Englifh, is no more then requefting or requiring ^ and men require not favours only, but their due, and that not only from Superiors, but from Equals, and Inferiors alfo. The nobleft Romans, when they fiood for that which was a kind of regal honour, the Confulfhip, were wont in a fubmilfive manner to go about, and beg that highett dignity of themeanefl: Plebeians, naming them man by man ; which in And th: Parlament oi England -^ztheir tongue was call'd Prftfio confnLi!w. tition'd the King, not becaufe all of them were inferior to him, but becaufe he wasfuperior toany one of them, which they did of civil cuftom, and for fafhions fake more then of duty ; for by plain Law cited before the Parlament is
if his
Of
his Superior.
But what Law in any trial or difpute enjoyns a Free-rtlan t6 reft quieted, though not fatislied with the will and reafon of his fuperior? It were a mad Law that would fubjeft reafon to fuperioritie of place. And if our higheft confultations and purpos'd Laws muft be terminated by the Kings will, then is the will of one man our Law, and no futtletie of difpute can redeem the Parlament and Nation from being Slaves neither can any Tyrant require more then thac
:
though not fatisfying, (liouid yet be refted in, anddetermin all things. may conclude therefore that when the Parlament petition'd the King, it was but nieerly form, let it be as fooli^ and abfurd as he pleafes. It cannot certainly be foabfurd as what he requires, that the Parlament Ihould confine thir own and all the Kingdoms reafon to the will of one man, becaufe it was his hap to fucceed his Father. For neither God nor the Laws have fubjefted us to his will, nor fet his reafon to be our Sovran above Law (which muft needs be, if he can ftrangle it in thebirth) but fa hisperfon over us in the fovran execution of fuch Laws as the Parlament eftabiiHi. The Parlament therefore without anyufurpation hath had italwaies in thir power to limit and
his will or reafon,
We
confine the exorbitancie of Kings, whether they or thir confcience.

is
call it thir will,
thir
reafon,
But this above all was never expeded, nor is to be endur'd, that a King, who bound by Law and Oath to follow the advice of his Parlamenr, fliould be permitted to except againftthem zs young Statefmen., and proudly to fufpend his
following thir advice, umtl his [even years experience had fljewn him how well they could govern themfelves. Doubtlefs the Law never fuppos'd fo great an arrogance could be in one man ^ that he whofe feventeen years uneXperience had
almoft ruinM
another feven years Schoolmafter, to tutor thofe Realm to be his Counfelors and Teachers. And with what modefty can he pretend to be a Statefman his Fahimfelf, who with
all,
fhould
fit
who were
fent by the whole
Q,q q
Shers
( 4S2 )
thers Kingcraft and his own did never that of his own accord which was not diredly oppofit to his profeJTed Interefl: both at home and abroad ; difcontenting and alienating his Subjects at home, weakning and deferting hisConlcderats abroad, and with them the common caufe of Religion? So that the whole
coui Te of his raign, by an example of his own furnifliing, hath refembled Phaeten more than Phabm^ and forc'd the Parlament to drive like Jehu ; which Omen
own mouth God hath not diverted. he on the other fide might have remembred that the Parlament fit in that body, not a: hisSubjellj^ but as his Superiors, call'd, not by him, but by not only twice every year, but as oft as great affairs require, to be the Lav/ his Counfellors and DiUators^ tho he ftomac it nor to be dilTolv'd at his pleafure, but when all greevances be firft remov''d, all Petitions heard and anfwer'd. This is not only Reafon, but the known Law of the Land. When be heard that Proôfit tons would be fent htmj he fate conjecturing what they would propound and becaufe they propounded what he expefted not, betakes Bnt what did he cxped? heexthat to be a warrant for his denying them. pedled that the Parlament would reinforce fame old Lam. But if thofeLaws were not a fufficient remedy to all greevances, nay were found to be greevances themfelves, when did we lofe that other part of our freedom to eftablifh new ? He thought fame injuries don by htm/elf and others i the Commonwealth were to he refair'^d. But how could that be, while he the chief offender took upon him to be fole Judgboth of the injury and the reparation ? He ft aid till the advantage Whenof his Crown conftderd mioht induce him to tond'fcend to the Peoples good. as the Crown it felf with all thofe advantages were therfore giv'n him, thaC the peoples good fhould be firft confider'd i not bargain'd for, and bought by He look'd inches with the bribe of more offertures and advantages to his Crown. for moderate deftres of due Reformation ; as if any fuch defires could be immodeHe lookM for fuch a Reformation both in Church and State, as might frerate. roots of every greevance and abufe in both Itill growing (which he the ferve calls the foundation and effentials) and would have only the excrefcencies of Evil pruii'd away for the prefent, as was plotted before, that they might grow fait artough between Triennial Parlaments to hinder them by work anough belides from, ever ftriking at the root. He alleges. They fhould have had regard to the Laws in force ^ to the wifdom and pietie of former Parlaments^ to the ancient and
tak'n from his
And
-,
As if they who come with full autority nniverfalprailife of Chrifiian Churches. to redrefs public greevances, which oftimes are Laws themfelves, were to have
thir
dom
hands bound by Laws in force, or the fuppofition of more pietie and wifin thir Anceftors, or the praftice of Churches heretofore, whofe Fathers,
notwithftanding all thefe pretences, made as vaft alterations to free themfelves from antient Popery. For all antiquity that adds or varies from the Scripture is no more warranted to our fafe imitation, then what was don the Age before at Trent. Nor was there need to have defpair'd of what could be eftablilh'd in lieu of what was to be annulPd, having before his eyes the Government of fo many Churches beyond the Seas j whofe pregnant and folid reafons wrought fo with the Parlament, as to defire a uniformity rather with all other Proteltants, then to be a Schifm divided from them under a conclave of thirty Bifliops, and a
crew of
fame preferment. he blames thofe Propoficions for not containing what they ought, what did they mention, but to vindicate and rejiore the Rights of Parlament invaded by Cabin Councils, the Courts of Juftice obfiruiledy and the Government of Church innovated and corrupted ? All thefe things he might eafily have obferv'd in them, which he affirms he could not find but found thofe demanding
irreligious Priefts that gap'd for the
And whereas
lament who were lookt upon before as faUioM in the State-, and fcifmatical iri the Church ^ and demanding not only Tolerations for themfelves in thir vanity^ noveland ty, confufion, but alfo an extirpation of that Government whofe Rights they had a' mind to invade. Was this man ever likely tobeadvis'd, who with fuch a prejudice and difefteem fets himfelf againll his chos'n and appointed Counfeler* likely ever to admit of Reformation, who cenfures all the Government of other Proteftant Churches as bad as any Papift could have cenfur'd them? And what King had ever his wholeKingdom in fiich contempt, fo rowron;' and difJjonour the free elections of his people, as to judg them whom the Natio;! thought worthieftto fit with him in Parlament, few els but fuch as were p;yiv<^/e by
in Par
-,
the
(48?
the
Laws yet knowing that time was, when to be a Proteftant, to be a Cliriftian was by Law as punifliable as to be a Traitor, and that out Saviour himfelf coming to reform his Church> was accus'd of an intent to invade C^fars right, the one being got by force, the as good a right as the prelat Bifhops ever had and both force other by fpiritual ufurpation, by upheld. He admires and falls into an extafle that the Parlament fhould fend him fnch a But expcd from him in an extahorrid ProfofuioK^ as the removal of Epifcopacy. lle no other reafonsof his admiration then the dream and tautology of what he hath fo oft repeated. Law, Antiqujtie, Anceftors, Profperity, and the like, which will betherfore not worth a fecond anfwcr, but may pafs with his own the common fewer of other Popifh arguments. comparifon, into
i
the two Houfes fud out their Liverie from the wardjhip of Tumults^ he It concern'd them firft to fac out thir Lihave believ'd them. fooner could And had he alverie from the unjuft Ward(hipof his encroaching Prerogative. fo redeem'd his overdated minority from a Pupilage under Bifhops, he would much lefs have miftrufted his Parlament and never would have fet fo bafe a character upon them> as to count them no better then the Vailals of certain namelefs men, whom he charges to be fuch as hnnt after FaSiion with their Hounds the Tumults. And yet the Bifhops could have told him, that Nimrod^ the firft after hunted faftion, is reputed by antient Tradition the firft that founded that it appears that to hunt after Faftion is more properly the , whence Monarchy and thofe Hounds, which he calls the Vulgar, have bin oft'n holGsme, Rings the reft low'd to from Court, of whom the mungrel fort have bin entic'd have not loft their fcent, but underftood aright that the Parlament had that fan toaB which he had fail'd in j that truft todtfcharge., which he had brok'n that and honour to preferve, which was far beyond his, the eftate and honour of efiate the Commonwealth, which he had imbezl'd. Yet fo far doth felf-opinion or fals principles delude and tranfport him, as to think the concurrence of his reafon to the Votes of Parlament, not only political, but natural, and as necejfaryto the begettingi or bringing forth of any one compleat is to all natures froduEHons, So neceffary aflof Duklic wifdem as the Sans influence
, ;, ,
Had
but a Female, and without his procreative Reait feems, to a King is natural, to a Parlament not natural, but by conjunftion with the King yet he profelTes to hold his Kingly right by Law i and if no Law could be made but by the great Councel of a Nation, which we now term a Parlament, then certainly it was a Parthat the Parlament, fon can produce no
it
feems,
is
Law: Wifdom,
firft created Kings and not only made Laws before a King was in He ought Laws but thofe whereby he holds his Crown. efpecially being, then to have fo thought of a Parlament, if he count it not Male, as of his Mother, which to civil being created both him and the Royaltie he wore. And if it hath bin antiently interpreted the prefaging fign of a future Tyrant, but
lament that
to dream of copulation with his Mother, what can it be lefs thenadual Tyranny to affirm waking, that the Parlament, which is his Mother, can neither conceive or bring forth any autoritative Ait without hismafculine coition? Nay that his Reafon is as celeftial and life-giving to the Parlament, as the Sun's influence is to the Earth : What other notions but thefe, or fuch like, could fwell up Caligula to think himfelf a God ? But to be rid of thefe mortifying Propofitions, he leaves tyrannical evafion
unaflaid
jor part
; >
that they are not the joint and free defires of both Houfes, or the maThe next, that the chois of many Metnbers was carried on by Faîon.
firft
former of thefe is already difcover'd to be an old device put firft in pradice by Charles the fifth, fince Reformation : wten the Proteftants of Germary for thir own defence join'd thcmfelves in League, in his Declarations and Re-
Who
monftrances laid the fault only upon forae few (for it wasdangerous to take notice of too many Enemies 3 and accufed them that under colour of Religion they had a purpofeto invade his and the Churches right j by which policy he deceav'd many of the German Cities, and kept them divided from that League, until they faw themfelves brought into a fnare. That other Cavil againft the peoples chois puts us in
and how to tamper with Eledtions
more potent, or more likely

plain moft.
mind rather what the Court was wont to do, neither was there at that time any Faftion to do fuch a bufinefs then they themfelves who com:
Q.q q 2
But
4S4
t're he let them down. So let his but after what does chewing, nothing Kingdom The Jtraitnef/ of his Confcience will he make of the Kingdom but a great Baby not give him leave to fwallow donn fuch Camels of facriUge and injudict as others do. This is the Pharifee up and down, / am not as other men are. But what Camels of injuftice he could devour, all his three Realms were witnefs, which was And he that will the caufe that they almofl: perilh'd for want of Parlamencs.
But him but

,
he tnufi chew fitch Aforfds^ as fropofitiofis^

if
the
(hall tafte
'
be unjuft to man, will be facrilegious to God , and to bereave a Chriltian Confcience of libertie for no other reafon then the narrownefs of his own Confcience, is the moft unjuft meafure to man, and the worft facrilege to God. That other, which he calls Sacrilege, of taking from the Clergy that fuperfluous Wealth, which antiquitie as old a^ Confianttncy from the credit of a divine Villon, counted poyfon in the Churchy hath bin ever moll oppos'd bymenwhofe He concludes, as his righteoufnefs in other matters hach bin leaft obferv'd. manner is, with high commendation of hhown unbtaft'dreiiitude.^ and believs nothing to be in them that dilTcnt from him, but Faftion, Innovation, and particular Defigns.
Of thefe Repetitions 1 find no end, no not in his Prayer ^ which being founded upon deceitful Principl's, and a fond hope that God will blefs him in thofe his Errors, which he calls fc^wf/?, finds a fit anfwer of As for the truth and finSt. James., Ye askând receave not., becai'fe ye askâmifs. ceritie which he praies may be always tound in thofe his Declarations to the
people, the contrariety of his own atlions will bear eternal witnefs, how careful or folicitous he was, what he promis'd or what he utter'd there.
little
XII.
Vpn
the Rebellion in Ireland.
TH
,
E Rebellion and horrid MalTacre of Englifh Proteftants in Ireland, to the number of 1 54000 by their own computation, although fo fadden and [a violent, as at firft to amaze all men that were not accef-
fory yet from whom, and from what counfels it firft fprung, neither was, nor could be poftibly fo fecret, as the Contrivers therof, blinded with vain hope, or the defpair that other Plots would fucceed, fuppo 'd For it cannot be imaginable that the Irilh, guided by fo many futtle and Italian heads of the Romilh Party, (hould fo far have loft the ufe of reafon, and indeed of common fenfe, as not fupported with other ftrength then thir own, to begin a War fo defpc:
rate and irreconcilable againft both

tions,
EngUndand
from
whom
they could expeft aid,
own
It moft neceflary Concernments. or fome great aftiftance promis'd them from ngland, was that wheron they And as it is not difficult to difcern from what inducing Caufe chietly trufted. to have this Infurredion firft arofe, fo neither was it hard at apply'd fomc ^r(i effedtual Remedy, though not prevention. But the aflurance which they had in private, that no remedy fhould be apply'd, was, it feems, one of the chief reafons that drew on thir undertaking. Seeine then the main incitement and autority for this Rebellion muft be needs deriv'd from England, it will be next inquir'd who was the prime Author. The King here denounces a Malediftion temporal and eternal, not fimply to the Author, but to t^zmalitioui.Author of this bloodftied ; and by that limitation may exempt, not himfelf only, but perhaps the Irifti Rebels themfelves, who never will confefs to God or Man that any blood was flied by them malitioufly ; but either in the Catholick Caufe, or common Liberty, or fome other fpecious Plea, which the Confcience from' grounds both good and evil ufually fuggefts to it felf, thereby thinking to elude the direft force of that imputation which lies upon them. Yet he acknowledges it fell out as a mofl unhappy advantage of fome mens malice : but indeed of moft mens juft fufpicion, by finding in it no fuch again^ him wide departure or difagreement from the fcope of his former Counfels and ProAnd that he himfelf was the Author of that Rebellion, he denies ceedings. both
All other MaScotlandat once. bulled to the utmoft of thir remains then that either fomc autoritie,
were
( 485 ) both here and elfewhere, with many Imprecations, but no folid evidence : What on the other iide againfl: his denial hath bin affirm'd in three Kingdoms, being here briefly fet in view, the Reader may fo judg as he finds caufe. This is molt certain, that the King was ever friendly to the Irifli Papids, and in his third year, againft the plain advice of Parlament, like a kind of Pope, fold them many Indulgencits for mony^ and upon all occalions advancing the underhand by Priefls, who were made his APopilh Partyj and negotiating the Irifli Papilts in a War againft the Scotch Proteftants. To ingag'd gents, that end he furnilh'd them, and had them train'd in Arms, and kept them up the only Army in his three Kingdoms, till the very burft of that Rebellion. The Summer before that difmal Oi!7o^.r, a Committy of moll adive Papifts, all fince in the head of that Rebellion, were in great favour at White-Hall), and admitted to many private Confultations with the King and Queen. And to. make it evident that no mean matters were the fubjcdt of thofe Conferences, at their requeft he gave away his peculiar right to more then five Iri/h Counties, for the payment of an inconllderable Rent. They departed not home till within two months before the Rebellion ^ and were either from the firfl: breakBut what ing out, or foon after, found to be the chief Rebels themfelves.
ftiould
move the King, befides his own inclination to Popery, and the prevaQueen over him, to hold fuch frequent and clofe meetings with a of Irifh Papifts in his own Houfe, while the Parlament of Committy England
lence of his
fate unadvis'd with,
anough.
The
is dcdar'd by a Scotch Author, and of it fclf is clear Parlament at the beginning of that Summer, having put Srr^/-
ford to death, imprifon'd others his chief Favourites, and driv'n the reft to fly ; the King, who had in vain tempted both the Scotch and the Englifh Army to come up againft the Parlament and City, finding no compliance anfwerable to his hope from the Protcftant Armies, betakes himftlf laft to the Irifti, who had
in readinefs
an
fame Religion.
fervice for the
Army of eight thoufand Papifts, and a Committy here of the And with them who thought the time now come to do eminent
Church of Rjme againft a Puritan Parlament, he concludes that both Armies in England Ihould be disbanded, the Irilh fhould appear fo foon as in Arms, mafter all the Proteftants, and help the King againft his Parlament. And we need not doubt that thofe five Counties were giv'n to the Irilh for other reafon then the four Northern Counties had bin a little before offer'd to the Scots. The King in Jngufi takes a journey into 5cot/j/;<;/-, and overtaking the Scotch Army then on thir way home, attempts the fecond time to pervert them, No fooner come into Scotland, but he laies a Plot, fo faith but without fuccefs. the Scotch Author, to remove out of the way fuch of the Nobility there, as were moft likely to withftand, or not to furder his defigns. This being difcover'd, he fends from his fide one Dillon'a Papift Lord, foon after a chief Rebel, with Letters into Ireland and difpatches a Commifljon under the Great Sea! of ScotUndat that time in his own cuftody,commanding that they fliould forthwith, as had bin formerly agreed, caufe all the Irifh to rife in Arms. Who no fooner had rcceiv'dfuch command, but obey'd , and began in MafTacre, for they knew LO other way to make fure the Proteftants, which was commanded them exand the way, it feems, left to thir difcretion. He who hath a mind prefly to read the Commiffion it felf, and found reafon added why it was not likely to be forg'd, befides the atteftation of fo many Irifh themfelves, may have recourfe to a Book, Iniltl'd, The iVlyfterieof Iniquity. After the Rebellion brok'n out, which in words only he detefted, but underhand favour'd and promoted by all the offices of friendfhip, correfpondence, and what poflible aid he could afford them, the particulars whereof are too many to be inferted here, I fuppofe no underftanding man could longer doubt who was Author or InSiigator of that Rebellion. If there be who yet doubt, I refer them efpecially to that Declaration of July 1(543. concerning this matter. Againft which Teftimonies, Likelyhoods, Evidences, and apparent A(nions of his own, being fo abundant, the bare denyal of one man, though with imprecation, cannot in any reafon countervail. As for the Commiffion granted them, he thinks to evade that by retorting, thst fome in Englajid fight againfi him, and jet fretend his aiitority. But though a Parlament by the known Laws may affirm juftly to have the King's Autority infeparable from that Court, though divided from his Perfon, it is not credible
,
,
thac
486 )
teader'd his Perfon above his Autoritie, and that the Irilh Rebels who fo at fo well receav'd were by him Oxford^ would be fo far from all humanitie, as to flander him with a particular Commiffion, fign'd and fcnt them by his own
much
hand.
And of his good afFedion to the Rebels, this Chapter it felf is not without He holds them lefs in fault then the Scots, as from whom they might witnefs. thir imitation ; making no difference between men that rofe alledg to have fetcht no Proteftant Doftrin everdilallow'd, recelfarily to defend themfelves, which
againft
them who threat'nd War, and thofe who began

the Maflacre of fo
a voluntary
Rebellion with
many
thoufands
who
and cauOefs never meant them
harm.
He falls next to flaflies, and a multitude of words, in all which is contain'd no more, then what might be the Plea of any guiltieft Offender He was not
:
the Author, becaufe he hath the greateft Jhare of lofs and dijltononr by what is com~ is there that offends God, or his Neighbour, on whom the mitted. greatefb fhare of lofs and difhonour lights not in the end ? But in the ad of doing or if they do, have evil, men ufe not to confider the event of thir evil doing then no power to curb the fway of thir own wickednefs : fo that the greatelt Ihare of lofs and diflionour to happ'n upon themfelves, is no argument that This other is as weak, that a King's Interefi above that they were not guilty. of any other man, lies chiefly in the common Welfare of his SubjeEls therfore no King will do aught againft the common welfare. For by this evafion any Tyrant might as well purge hlmfelf from the guilt of railing Troubles or Commotions among the people, becaufe undoubtedly his chief Intereft lies in thir fit-
Who
ting
I
ftill.
now that ev'n this Chapter, if nothing els, might fufHce to dilcover his good affeftion to the Rebels ; which in this that follows too notoricufly appears imputing this Infurredtion tothe frefojierom Rigor, trnduttreafonable Severitie, the covetous z.eal and uncharitable Fury of feme men (thefe feme men by his continual paraphrafe are meant the Parlament ;) and lallly, to the fear of titter extirpation. If the whole Irifliry of Rebels had fee'd fome Advocate to fpeak partially and fophifiically in thir defence, he could have hardly dazPd better : Yet neverthelefs would have prov'd himfelf no other then a plaufifale Deceiver. And perhaps thofe fained Terrors and Jealoufies were either by the King himfelf, or the Popifh Priefts which were fent by him, put into the head of that inquifitive People, on fet purpofe to engage them. For who had power to ofprefs them, or to relieve them being oppreft, but the King
faid but
,
immediat Deputy ? This rather (hould have made them rife againft Who threat'nd or ever thought King then againft the Parlament. themfelves had till of thir extirpation, they begun it to the Englifh ? As for and uncharitable covetofu Zeal., Fury ; they had more reafoa frepofteroui Rigour., to i'ufpeft thofe Evils firft from his own commands, whom they faw ufing daily
or
his
the
the truth of his Religion then by enduring no other ViOgreater argument to prove but hii own Prelatical ; and to force it upon others, made Epifcopal, Ceremonial,
and Common-Prayer-Book Wars. But the Papifts underftood him better then by the outfide i and knew that thofe Wars were thir Wars. Although if the
Common-wealth
(hould be afraid to fupprefs op'n Idolatry, left the Papifts thereupon (hould grow defperate, this were to let them grow and become our Perfecuters, while we negle(n:ed what we might have done Evangelically, to be thir Reformers : Or to do, as his Father James did, who inftead of taking heart
and putting confidence in God by fuch a deliverance as from the Powder Plot, though it went not off, yet with the meer conceit of it, as fome obferve, was hit into fuch a heElic trembling between Proteftant and Papift all his life after, as that he never durft from that time do otherwife then equivocate or collogue with the Pope and his adherents. He would be thought to commiferate the fad effefts of that Rebellion, and to
lament that the tears and blood fpilt there did not quench the fparks of our civil diCcord here. But who began thefe diflentions ? and what can be more op'nly known then thofe retardings and delaies which by himfelf were continually devisM, to hinder and put back the relief of thofe diftreffed Proteftants, whom he feems here to coropalTionate ? The particulars are too well known to be recited, and too many.
But
C
But he efferd to go
furtnifes
Ah
why
hirrfelf in ferfon upon that txf edition ^ bethinks they would not fufFer him. But
and reck'ns Up maiiy mentions not that by
his underdealing to debauch Armies here at homes and by hisfecret Intercours with the chief Rebels, longe're that time.every where known, he had brought the Parlament into fo juft a diffidence of him, as that they durft not leave the
publick Arms to his difpofal, much lefs an Army to bis conduft. He concludes, That next the fin of thofe who began that Rebellion^ thirs mufi needs he who hindered the fupprejfing^ or diverted the aids. But judgment rafllly giv^n He finds fault with thofe who threat'nd aH ofttimes involves the Judg himfelf. It extremity to the Rebels, and pleads much that mercy fbould be fhown them. feems he found himfelf not fo much concern'd as thofe who had lolt Fathers, whom in juftice to retaliate, Brothers, Wives and Childrenby thircruekie
-,
not as he fappofcs Hnevangelicaly fo long as Magiftracy and War is not laid down under the Gofpel. If this his Sermon of affeded mercy were not too Pharifaical, how could he permit himfelf to caufe the llaughter of fo manv^
is
thoiifands here in England for mere Prerogatives, the Toys and Gewgaws of his Crown, for Copes and Surplices, the Trinkets of his Priefts, and not perceave his own zeal, while he taxes others to be moft prepoftcrous and unevan-
Neither is there the fame caufe to deftroy a whole City for the raviflinot done out of Vlllany, and recompence offer'd by Marriage nor the fame cafe for thofe Difciples to fummon fire from Heav'n upon the whole City where they were deny'd lodging ; and for a Nation by juft War and execution to flay whole Families of them who fo barbaroufly had ilain whole Did no: all Jfrael do as much againft the Benjamits for one Families before. committed by a few, and defended by the whole Tribe ? and did they Rape not the fame to Jabejli-Gtlead for not alTifting them in that revenge ? I fpeak not this, that fuch raeafure fhouid be meted rigoroufly to all the Irifh, or as remem-' brin that the Parlament ever fo decreed, but to fhew that this his Homily hath more of craft and affedtation in it, then of found Doftrine. But it v/as happy that his going into Ireland was not confented to for either he had certainly turn'd his intendd Forces againft the Parlament it felf, or not goa at all ^ or had he gon, what work he would have made there, his own
gelical ?
ing of a
Sifter,
;,
-,
following words declareHe would have ftintfit fome., no queflion ; for fome perhaps who were of leafl ufe, muft of ncceffity have bin facrific'd to his reputation, and the convenience Others he would have difamPd, that ii to fay in his own time : of his aff.,!/:. but all vf ihtm he would have froteiied from the fury of thofe that would have drowned Thefe expreffions are too them, if hey had refused to fnim down the popular flream.
t
and too W^l underftood for any man to doubt his meaning. By the fury he means no other then the Juftice of Parlament, to whom yet he had efthofej committed the whole bufinefi. Thofe who would have refus'd to fwim down the popular ftream, our conftant key tells us to be Papifts, Prelates, and thir Fsdion : thefe by his own confeffion here, he would have procefted againft his Puritan Parlament And by this who fees not that he and the Irifh Rebels had but one aim,
oft'n met,
:
one and the fame drift,and would have forthwith join'd in one body againft us ? He goes on ftill in hi> tcndernefs of the Irilh Rebels, fearing left'e;;/- z.eal This fhouid be more greedy to kill the Bear for his skin then for any harm he hath done. either juftifies the Rebels to have done no harm at all, or infers his opinion chat the Parlament is more bloody and rapacious in theiprofecution of thir Juftice, then thofe Rebels were in the execution of thir barbarous Crueltie. Let men doubt now and difpute to whom the King was a Friend moft, to his Englilh Parlament, or to his Irifh Rebels. With whom, that we may yet fee forder how mudi he was thir Friend, after that the Parlament had brought them every where either to Famin, or a low condition, he to give them all the refpitand advantages they could delire, without advice of Parlament, to whom he himfelf had committed the managing of that War, makes a CelTation in pretence to relieve the Proteftants, overborn
,
there with numbers., but as the event prov'd, to fupport the Papifts, by diverting Snd drawing over the Englilh there,to his own fervice here againft the Par-
Army
lament. For that the Proteftants were then on the winning hand, it muft needs be plain i who notwithftanding the mifs of thofe Forces, which at thir landing Iicrc mafter'd without difEcnlty great part of Walts and Chejhiru yet made
(4S8)
But the plot of this Irifli Truce is in good a Ihift to keep their own And if the Propart difcover'd in that Declaration of September ôth^ 1643. teftants were but handfuh there, as he calls them, why did he ftop and waylay both by Land and Sea, to his utmoft power, thofe Provifions and Supplies
in Ireland.
which were
England
fals
?
fent
for a while flood
by the Parlament ? How were fo many handfuls call'd over, as him in no fmall Head, and againft our main Forces here in
all
Since therefore
and frivolous, ed and pernicious.

ing
his puniftiments
it
the reafons that can be giv'n of this CefTation appear fo may be juftly fear'd that thcdefign itfelf was moft wick-
What
to Jok't trials,
ftand to make prolix Apologies. Then furely thofe long Pamphlets fee out for Declarations and Remonftrances in his name, were none of his ; and how they fhould be his indeed, being fo repugnant to the whole courfe of his
He cannot
remains then ? He appeals to God, and is call-, lik'nbefore he law them to have Job^s ending.
Aflions, augments the difficulty. But he ufurps a common faying. That it is Kingly to domll and hear ill. That may be fometimes true : but far more frequently to do ill and hear well \ fo great is the multitude of Flatterers, and them that deifie the name of King. Yet not content with thefe neighbours, we have him ftill a perpetual Preacher
of
his
own
?
vertues, and of that tfpecialiy,

it
which who knows not to be Patience
perforce
He
believes
doms., are alfo guilty
will at lafl appear that they who ^rft began to embroil his other Kingwe beleeve fo too ; for of the blood of Ireland.
And
now
by publifh'd Articles, and Commiffion to bring them over againft England^ firft only ten thoufand by the Earl o( Glamorgan^next all of them, if poflible, under Ormonde which was the lafl of all his Tranfaftions done as a publick Perfon. And no wonder ^ for he lookt upon the blood fpilt, whether of Subjects or of Rebels, with an indifferent eye, asexhaufted cut of his own veins , without diftinguilhing, as he ought, which was good brood and which corrupt ^ the not letting out wherof endangers the whole body. And what the Doiftrin is, ye may perceave alfo by the Prayer, which after a
is
the Ceilation
become
a Peace
fhort ejaculation for the poor Protefiams^ prays at large for the Irifli Rebels, that not give them over, or thir Childrett, to the covetoufnefs., cruelty^ fierce andcnrfed anger of the Parlament.
God would
He
with a deliberat and folemn Curfe upon himfelf and his Fathers far God hath alreadie brought to pafs, is to the end that Houfe. men by fo eminent an example fliould learn to tremble at his judgments, and not play with Imprecations.
finiHies
Which how
XIII.
Vpn the
calling
in
of the Scots, and their
coming,
mull needs feem ftrange to Men who accuftora themfelves to ponder and contemplate things in .thir firft original and inflitution, that Kings, who as all other Officers of the Publick, were at firft chos'n and inftalPd onl/ confent and fufFrage of the People, to govern them as Freemen by Laws by of thir own framing, and to be, in confideration of that dignity and riches beftow'd upon them, the entrufted Servants of the Common-wealth, fhould notwithftanding grow up to that dilhoneft encroachment, as to efteem themfelves Mailers both of that great Truft which they ferve, and of the People that betrufted them counting what they ought to do, both in difcharge of thir publick duty, and for the great reward of Honour and Revenue which they receave, as done all of meer grace and favour j as if thir power over us were by This nature, and from themfelves, or that God had fold us into thir handsor wilful miflake fo of the had tak'n whole root ia matter, deep ignorance the imagination of this King, that whether to the Englifli or to the Scot, meaJioning whataftsof his Regal Office, though God knows how unwillingly he
IT
had
(489)
had pafvd, he
hccfpecial
f.trty.
calls
them,
as in ocher
to
places,
Ads
obligations-,
favours,
gratifie
aBive
fpirits,
of grace and bounty-, (b and the defires of ihut
not only founding Pride and Lordly Ufurpation, but Injuftice, For to the Iri/h he fo far condefcended, as firft to and Corruption. Paniality then to covenant So far to in tolerac op'nly the tolerating of Popery privat, the Scots, as to remove Bifhops, ellablidi Presbytery, and the MtUtia in their own hands i preferring^ as fame thought^ the defires of Scotland before his own InBut being once on this fide Twî;/, his reafon, his confcience, ter eji and Honour. and his honour became fo ftraitn'd with a kind of falfe Virginiiy, that to the one nor other of the fame demands could be granted, where-r Englifti neither as if our airand climat ona fudd.nhad chaiig'd were with iheScots gratiii'd the property and the nature botti of Confcience, Honour, and Reafon, or that />he found none lb fit asEngliOi to be the fubjedsof his arbitrary power. of was his Lawhis Scotland the head, zsjHdnh^ ftrength Utidwa$a%pbraim, as owtr Edo/nj he meanttocaft his Shoo, and yet fo giver > but over g/^^; many fober En;;lifh men not fufficiently awake to confider this, like men inchanted wiih th:C;Vca'^ cup of fervitude, will not be held back fro.n running thir own heads into the Yoke of Bondage. The fum of his difcours is againft fetUngof Religion by violent means wliich
Words
-,
were the Scots delign upon England^ they are belt able to clear thcmBut this of all may feem fir.ingeft, that the King, who, while it was felves. permitted him, never did thing more eagerly then to moleft and perfecute the he who had made a War, and loft all rather confcienccs of molt religions men
whether
it
,
then not nphold a Hierarchie of perfecucing Bifhops, fiiould have the confidence heer to profefs hinifclf fo much an Enemy of thofe that force the conFor was it not he, Vi^ho upon the Englilh obtruded new Ceremonies, fcience. a new Liturgie, and with his Sword went about to engrave a Scots the upon i?^r/c on thir backs? Did he not forbid and hinder all efteftual fearch bloody of Truth i nay, like a befieging Enemy, ftop all her pafiage's both by word and writing? Yet heer can talk of /^> and equal difputations Where notwithltanding, if all fubmit not to his judgment, as not being rationally conviUed., they But mull fubmit (and he conceals it not) to h\spenaUie.^ us coMnitd, obfl mate. or learned Churchmen the convicfted his the thofe were if himfelf and what he obflinat part long ago, (hould Reformation fufiêr them to fit lording over ths Church in thir fat Bilhopricks and Pluralities, like the great Whore that fitteth
till they would voutfafe to be difputed out ? Or (hould we Thofe Clergimen were fate plotting and perftcuting while they fitdifputing, x\ottobe drivn into the fold like Sheep, as hii Simily runs, but to be driv'n out of the Fold like Wolves or Theeves, where they fate fleecing thofe Flocks which
upon many Waters,
i"
they never fed.

to be the only Injliturion of Jifm Presbytery^ though frovd the to -without hn confent which is contrary not Sword be were Chrifl, ft up by both to the Dodrin, and the known praftice of all Proteftant Churchc--, if his Sword threat'n thofe who of thir own accord imbrace it.
,
He
beleeves that
And although Chrift and his Apoltles being to civil affairs but privat men, contended not with Magiftrats, yet when Mafjiltrats thcmfelves, and efpecialiy
havegreateft right to difpofeof the civil Sword, coin to know it willingly Religion, they ought in confcience to defend rH thofe who receave is it therfi)rc Neither whatfoever. of or Tyrant any King againft the violence there is a Blood is , for or watred with That true, Chriftian Chrift ianity planted and deto turn the Sword men difference between Presbyterians., by large forcing of inroad a furious thofe who are fofrom fiilliops.arm'd bloody fending willingly with the Militia of a King thir Pupil. And if covetoufiefs andanbiticn be an arthat it argues mare firongly againlt Ehath not much
Parlaments,
who
gument
Presbytery
of
Chrift.,
pifcopacyi which from the time of her firft mounting to an order above the And thofe Presbyters, had no other Parents then Covetoufnefs and Ambition. andmu,:hut he Selis, Schifms, andHereftes^ which ftrength fpeaks of, if they get their ways by no and to need other then hers, fa up himfelf, patttrn Epifcopacy the tike method of violence. Nor is there any thing that hath more marks of Schifni and Sedarifm then Englifh Epifcopacy whether we look at ApoRolick times,
,
or at reformed Churches
for the univerfal way of Church-government before, as foon lead us into grofs error, as thir univerfally corrupted Du;ftrin.
;
may And
Rrr
Govirn-
490
Government, by reafon of ambition, was
liklieft to be corrupted much the fooner of the two. However nothing can be to us catholic or univerfal in Religion, but what the Scripture teaches , whatfoever without Scripture pleads to be univerfal in the Church, in being univerfal is but the more Scifmatical. Much
f articular Lxws and Conflitutioris impart to the Church of England any of power confiftory or tribunal above other Churches, to be the fole Judg cf what is Secft or Scifm, as with much rigour, and without Scripture they took upon them. Yet thefe the King refolves heer to defend and maintain to his laft, more pretending, after all thofe conferences offer'd, or had whh him, net to
lefs
can
fee
and religiom motives then Seuldiers in thir Knapfacl^s with one thus carry refolv'd it was bat folly to Hand difputing. He imagins his own judicious z.eal to be moft concern' d in his tuition of the Church. So thought Saul when he prefura'd to offer Sacrifice, for which he loft his Kingdom ; fo thought Vzziah when he went into the Temple, but was thruft out with a Leprolie for his opion'd zeal, which he thought judicious. It is not the part of a King, becaufe he ought to defend the Church, therfore to fet hlmfelf iupreme head over the Church, or to meddle with Eccleflal Government, or to defend the Church otherwife then the Church would be defended , for fuch defence is bondage nor to defend abufes, and ftop all Reformation under the name of Nerv moulds fancPd and fijhjotrdto frivat deftgns. The holy things of Church are in the power of other keys then were deliver'd to his keeping. Chriliian libertic, purchased with the death of our Redeemer, and eftablifh'd by the fending of his free Spirit to inhabit in us, is not now to depend iipon the doubtful confent of any earthly Monarch 5 nor to be again fetter'd with a prefumptuous negative voice, tyrannical to the Parlament, but much which was compell'd to implore the more tyrannical to the Church of God aid of Parlament, to remove his force and heavy hands from off" our confciences, who therfore complains now of that moft juft defenfive force, becaufe only it remov'd his violence and perfecuiion. If this be a violation to his confcience, that it was hindred by the Parlament from violating the more tender confciences of fo many thoufand good Chriftians, let the ufurping confcience of al! Tyrational
, :
.
rants be ever fo violated-
wonders, Fox wonder, how we could fo much d;firufi God's ajfiiance^ as the Proteftantaid of our Brethren in Scotland; why then did he, if his truft were in God and the juftice of his Caufe, not fcruple to follicit and invite earneftly the affiftance both of Papifts and of Iri(h Rebels? If the Scots were by us at length fent home, they were not call'd in to ftay heer always; neither was it for the peoples eafe to feed fo many Legions longer then thir help
He
to
call in
was needful. The Government of thir Kirk we defpis'd mty but thir impofing of that Government upon us; not Presbytery bat Arch- Presbytery, Clafical^ Provincial, and to it felf a Lordly Power and Superintendency BiocefanPrQsbytevy^ claiming both over Flocks and Paftors, over Perfons and Congregations no way thir own. But thefe debates in his judgment would have bin ended better by the befi Divines A moft improbable way, and fuch as in tn a full and free Synod.
Chriji^ndom
never yet was us'd, at leaft with good fuccefs, by any Proteftant Kingdom or Scate llnce the Reformation Every true Church having wherewithal from HeaChrift implor'd to be complete and perfed withof and the ven, affifting Spirit in it felf. And the whole Nation is not eafily to be thought (o raw, and fo after all this light, as to need the helpand direction of other perpetually a novice what they write in public of thir opinion, in a matter fo then more Nations,
:
Church-Government. with the want of Xoy</f>,and Religion with the breach of Jllegeance, as if God and he were one Mafter, whofe commands were fo He would perfwade the Scots that oft'n contrary to the commands of God. to the Crown. But true policy will teach thir in thir chief Jnterejl fidelity
familiar as
In fine, he accufes Pietie
confifis
them to find a fafer intereft ruins of one ejeded Family.
in the
common
in the friendfhip of England, then
XlV.
( 491
XIV. ZJpn
the Covnant.
this theme his difcourfe is long, his matter little but repetition, andtherfore foonanfwerd. Firft after an abullve and ftrangeapprehenfion of Cov'nants, as if Men fAmn>d thir fonts to them with whom they covenant, he digrefies to plead for Bifliops ^ firll from the antiquitie of thir the firfl flantatien of Chrijiiantty in this'lland, next from a unipoffijfien heerj fmce the yipoftles tin this U[}Centurie. But what avails the moll verfalprefcription fince Primitive Antiquity againfl the plain fenfe of Scripture ? which if the laft CenAnd yet it hath turie have bell follow'd, it ought in our efteera to be the firft. bin oft'n prov'd by Learned Men from the Writings and Epiftles of moft antient Chriftians, that Epifcopacy crept not up into an order above the Presbyters,
UPON
till
to
years after that the Apoftles were deceas'd. with the Covenant y not on\y {or fame pajfaês in it referring unfitisfi'd limit ations^ but for bindhimfelf as he fuppofes, wtthverydubioM and d^tngerous
many
Hcnextis
ing m;n by Oath Mid Covenant to the Reformation of Church- Difcipline. Firft thofe limitations were not more dangerous to him then he to our Libercie and Religion i nt, that which was there vow'd to caft out of the Church an An-
God had not planted, but ambition and corrupand fofterd to the Churches great damage and oppfelFion, was no point of cofrevry7fto beargu'd without end, but a thing of deer moral necejfity to bQôTihmth don. Neither was th^ Covenant ftperfuous^ and hs before But was the both though former engagements religions legal bound of all Churches heertofore All Ifrael, though Reformation. practice intending bound anough before by the Law of Mofes to all necejfary duties ; yet with y^fa And thir King enter'd into a new Cov'nant at the beginning of a Reformation
tichrilli.in
Hierarchy which
in,
tion had brought
the Jtrvs after Captivity, without confent demanded of that King who was thir Matter, took folemnOath to walk in the Commandments of God. All Proteftant Churches have don the like, nocwithftanding former engagements to thir fevcial Duties. And although his aim were to fow variance between the Protcjlatiori and the Covnanty to reconcile them is not difficult. The Proteftation was but one ftep, extending only to the Dortrin of the Church of Engthe Cov'nant went furder, as land, as it wasdiftinft from Church-Difcipline it pleas'J God to difpenfe his and by degrees, light comprehended Church-Go)
vernment
and Wife
Former with
concilement.
tr.en
latter fteps in the progrefs of well-doing need not reNeverthelefs he breaks through to his condufion, That all honeji ever thought themfelves bound by former ties of Religion fupciently
-^
leaving Jfa, Ei.ra, and the whole Church of God in fundry Ages to fliifc for And although after* honejiie and wifdom from fom other then his teftimonie. contrads abfolve not till the former be made void, yet he firft having don that,
our duty returns back, which to him was n^xthzx moral nor
onal.
eternal^
but conditi-
Willing toperfwade himfelf that many good men took the Cov'nant, either unwarily or out of fear, he feems to have beftowM fom thoughts how thefe good men following his advice may keep the Cov'nant and not keep it. The firft evafion is, prefuming that the chief end of covnanting in fuch mens intentions wat But the Cov'nant will more topreferve Religion in purity, and the Kingdoms peace. that and the inform them of truly purity Religion Kingdoms peace was not then binds them not to a to and but be therfore reftor'd; inftatetobepreferv'd, prefervation of what was, but to a Reformation of what was evil, what was traditional and t/^rj^frow*. whether ow//)i or Church or State. To antiquity^ in do this clalhes with no former Oath lawfully fworn either to God or the King, and rightly underftood. In general he brands all fuch confederations the com* by League and Cov^nanty as mon rode i!s''d in all faîous Perturbations of State andCburch. This kind of language reflefts with the fame ignominy upon all the Proteftant Reformations that have bin fince Luther; and fo indeed doth his whole Book, replenilh'd throughout with hardly other words or arguments, then Papifts, and efpeciilly
Popilh Kings, have, us'd heertofore againft thir Proteftant Subjefisj
whom
hs
r r
would
( 492 ) would pcrfwade to be (very m.m his own Pope^ and to ahfelve himfelf of thofe ties, by the fiiggeflion of fals or equivocal interpretations too oft repeated to be now
/
anfwer'd.
Parlament, he faith, made thir Covenant like Manna^ agreeable to every mans This is another of his glolles upon the Cov'nant ; he is content to let it ho. Manna, but his drift is that men fliould loath it, or at leafl: expound it by wherein left any one of the Simpler fort thir own >e//fe, and latitude of fenfe fhould failtobehiscrafcs-mafter, he furnillies him with two or thrci, laxative, he terms xhzm general danfts, which may ferve fomwhat to releeve theic: :g?inft the Covnant tak'n : intimating, as \i what were lawful and according r: the word of
Talat.
-,
The
From fuch God, were no otherwife fo, then as every man fanci'd to himfelf. learned explications and refojutions as thefe upon the Cov'nant, whar marvel if no Rovalift or Malignant refule to take it, as having learnt from thefe Princely inftrudlions his many 5';/w'/, cautions, and refcrvations, how to be aCoynanter
snd Anticovnaiiter, how
ac
once to be a Scot, and an
Irifh
Rebel.
returns again to difallow of that Reformation which the Cov'nam vows, as the a few Divines. But matters of this moment, as they being partial advice of were not to be decided there by thofe Divines, fo neither are they to be determin'd heer by Effaysand curtal Aphorifms, but by folid proofs of Scripture.
He
The reft of hisdifcourfe he fpend>;, highly accLifin=!, the Parlament, that ih main Reformation by them intended, was to rob the Churchy and mu* applauding himfelf both lox hts forwardnejs lo all due Reformation, and his averfnefs from all fuch kind of Sacrilege. All which,' with his gbrious title of the Churchfs to make Defender, we leave him good b^j Pharaoh" s Divinity, if he plesfe, for As for the parity and poverty of Adito Jofcph^s Pietie it will be a task unfutable. to fo beof whichhetakes titfters., fadroM/fij//fcf, the Scripture reck'ns them for under which two two fpeciil Legacies left by our Saviour to his Difcip'.es Primitive Nurles, for fuch they were indeed, the Church of God more truly flouriQitthen ever after, llnce the time that Imparitie' and Church-revenue rufliingin, corrupted and beleper'd all theClergie with a wôrfeinfedion ihtnGehazi''s fome one of whofe Tribe, rather then a King, I fhould take to be comAlthough the Praier it piler of that unfaUed and Simonical Praier annex'd For never iuch holy things as he means were ielf ftrongly prays againft them.
i
:,
giv n to moxx Swine, nor the Churches bread more to Do^^, then when bitious, irreligious and dumb Prelats.
it
fed
am-
XV.
J^'H
'">0
Vfon
jealoufies
the
many
Jealoufies,
8ic.
and fcandals, the beft way had bin by clear Afticould be tlear'd, by evident reafons ;' but meer Adlions ons, or till J are vi'ell Had h'n honour and reputation wc too v.'orcls -if. acqu.-iinted with. bin dearer <o kwuhen the lull of raigning, how could the Parlament of either Nation have laid fo oft'n at his dore the breach of Wt)rds, Promifes, hQ.>,
wipe off
Oaths, and Execrations, as they do -avowedly in many of thir Petitions and And who can believe that whole AddrelFes to him ? thither 1 remit the Reader. Parlaments, elefted by the People from all parts of the Land, fhould rfieec in one mind and refolution not to advife him, but to confpire againft him in a wors powder plot then Catesbies, to blow up, as he terms it, the peoples ajft!}ion towards the Engins of foul ^fperftons : Waterworks him, and batter down their Loyalty by rather then Engins to batter with, yet thofe afperlions were rai 'd from the Whereof to purge Ir.mfelf, he ufes no- other foulnefs of his own afftions;
argument then a general and fo oft'n iterat(;d commendatipn of himfelf j nnd thinks that Court holy-water hath thevirtueof expiation, atleaft with the liliy To whom hefarniHarly imputes fin where n'oHe is, to feem liberal of people. his /o>'^'yf''/f where none is ask'd or needed. \Vhat ways he hath tak'n toward the profperitie of his people, which he wou'd feem fo earneftlytodefire, if we do but once call to mind, it will beanough to teach u**, looking on the fmooth infinuations hcer, that Tyrants are not more
' .
flatterd
(
fiattcrd
49j
by thir Slaves, then forc'd to flatter others they fear. For the peoples tranqutllitie he would wiDir/gly he the Jona ; but left he fhoiild be tak'ii at his word, pretends to fort-iee within ken two imaginarie w/Wj never
heard cf in theCompafs, which threaten, if he be call overboard, but that Controverfy divine lot hath ended. the Storm
;,
whom
to
incnafe
not rule-, then that hn be ruin d', and yet above thcfe people jJiould bin ruining the people about the niceties of his hath He is tucnry years ruling. accural to put a dtjfercr.ce bttvocen the plague of malice^ and the ague of miftakef^ But liad he as well known how the ttih of iiovcltie^ and the leprofie of diflayaliie. to dillinguilli between the venerable gray hairs of antient Religion, and the eld fcuilf of SupcrlUtion, between the wholfom heat of well governing, and
He hadrather
the feverous rsgeof tyrannizing, his judgment in Scate-phyfic had bin of

autoritie.
[\luc!i
more
he prophel7e% that the credit of thofe men nho have cafi black, fcandals on bUlledbythe fame furnace of popular obloquy^ wherein they name and honour \ believe not that a Romilh tocajihis gilded Portrature fought Oracle could then to tell us truly better do, aBabylouiili goid'n Image gives who heated that Furnace of obloquy, or whodeferves to be thrown in, NchuIt gave him great caufe to fufpeS his own Inchadnc:izar or the three Kiiitidoms he was But thi_s qualm oppos'd by fu many who p- cfejt fngular pietie. nocence^ that
hi/n fhisll lye long be quite
.
wa^ foonôver, and hi concluded rather to fufpedt thdr Religion then his own innocence, affirming that ma^y wvh him were both learned and retigioits above ih ordinary fize. But if his great Seal without the Parlament were not fufficient to cieate Lords, his P.aole mull needs be far more unable to create learned and and who /hall authorize his unlearned judgment to point thtm religious men out? Heguelles that many well-minded men were by popular Preachers urg'd to oppofp him. But the oppolltion undoubtedly proceeded and continues from heads tar
,
wifer, and fpirits of a nobler ftrain^ thofe Priell-led /i/ero^t^w^ with thir blind guides are in the Ditch already j travelling, as they thought, to J, but moor'cl in the lie of IVight. He thanks God for hif coniancy to ths Protcjiant Religion both abroad andi/tt home.
Abroad,
boa If.
His
his Letter to
the Pope
at
home,
it
fpeak his conftancy in Religion

itfing
what
Innovations in the Church will was, without furder credit to this vain
his
his Religion
the ajfijiance of Papifls, as the caufe might be, could not hurt but in the fetling of Proteftantifm thir aid was both unfeemly and
fme
-,
fuipicious, and
inferred that the greateft part of Protectants were againltlum and his obtruded fettlement. But this is Itrange indeed, that he Ihould appear now teaching the Parlament. what no man, till this was resd, thought ever he h:id learnt, that difference of
perjirafionin rcligiotti Subfi}ion. If he thought fo
may fall out where there is the famemfsof Allegeance and, from the beginning^wherfore was there fuch corppul-t lion Ua'd to the Puritans of England, and the whole Realm of Scoilatid.'ôut conforming to a Liturgie ? Wherfore no Bilhop no Kitiji? Wherfore Epifco-,
matters
in
more agreeable to I\?Ionarchie, if difterent perfwalôns in Religion m;i,y, one Duty and All^geance ? Thu^.499'?^'^'-'?^^^^P^î^>^'*-^^'^W^^* agree ;. ,....,,,:: life or fall a^ the King pleafes. t;oi;; ';; ^j.^ OUit, of Not to tax him for want Elegance- as a Cqurticr iawf^ting Oglioip^ the Spanifh word, it might be well afRrm'd that there was a greater /1/f^/^ and in a religious difproportioning of Religions to mix Papifts with Proteflants all Proteflants, were thofe who all diverfifi'd then to entertain cr.ufc, yet Seds,
pacie
,_
one Religion, though many Opinions. Neither was it any fliame to Proteflants., that he a declared Papifl, if his own Letter to the Pope, not yet renounc'd, bely him not, found fo fevy Proteflants of his Religion, as enforc'd him to call in bath the counfel and the aid of Papifts to help ellablifti Protellancy, who were led on, not by the fenfe of thir alleêance, but
by the hope of
firft
his
Apoftacy to Rome., from difputing to warring,
his
owe voluntary and
appeal.
Hishcarkning to evil Counfelors, charg'd upon him fo ofi'n by the Parlamcnr, he puts off as a device of thofe men who were jo eager to give htm better counfel. That thofe men were the Parlament, and that he thought to have us'd the counfei
(
fel
494
King, is already known. What their civility laid upon evil Counfellors, he himfelf raoft commonly own'd , but the event of tliofe evil Counfels, the Enormities^ the Confufions, the Afiferits^ he transfers from the guilt of his own civil broils to the jifl; refiftance made by Parlament ;
of none but thofe,
as a
and imputes what mifcarriages of his they could not yet remove for hisoppofing, as if they were fome new raifdemeinors of their bringing in, and not the inwhich with a difeafe as bad, veterate difâfes of his own bad Government and may all thofe who would be gohe falls again to magnifie and commend \&vn dby his Retractions and Coticejfions, rather then by Laws of Parlament, admire his {df-Encon:inms^ and be flatter'd with that Creir of patience to which he cunningly exhorted them, that his Monarchial fogt might have the fetting it
,
upon
thir heads.
faithfully difcharg'd in the aflerting of our withdraw the people from him to thir defigns.
Thattruft which the Parlament

Liberties, he
calls another artifice to
ment, and to ingratiate themfelves ? To be more juft, religious, wile, or magnanimous then the common fort, ftirs up in a Tyrant both fear and envy ^ and ftraight he cries out Popul iricie, which in his account is little lefs then TreaThe fum is, they thought to regulate and limit his Negative voice, and fon. ihare with him in the Milttia, both or either of which he could not pofFibly" hold without confent of the people, and not be abfolutely a Tyrant. He profedes to defire no other liberty then what he envies not his Subjeiis according to Law , yet fought with might and main againft his Subjects to have a fole power
piece of Juftice could they have demanded for the People, which the jealoufieof a King might not have mifcall'd a defign to difparage his Govern-
What
over them in his hand, both againft and beyond Law. As for the Philofophical Libertie which in vain he talks of, we may conclude him very ill trained up in
thofe free notions, who to civil Libertie was fo injurious. He calls the Confcience God's foveragntie^ why then doth he conteft with God about that fupreme title ? why did he lay refiraintj and force enlargements upon our Confciences in things for which we were to anfwer God only and the Church ? God bids us be fttbje^ for Confcience fak^^ that is as to a Magiftrate,
and
in' the
Lawsi
not ufurping over fpiritual things
as Lucifer
beyond
his
fphrre.
Finally having laid the fault of thefe Commotions, not ,upon his own milgovernment, but upon the ambition of others, the neceffttyof fome mens fortune^ and thirfi after noveltie ^ he bodes himklf much honour and reputation, that like the Sun Jhall rife and recover it felf to fuch a fplendour, as Owls, Batts, and fuch fatal
Poets indeed ufe to vapor much after this manBut to bad Kings, who without caufe exped future glory from thir adions, it happ'ns as to bad Poets, who fit and ftarve themfelves with a delufive hope to win Immortality by thir bad lines. For though men ought not to fpeak
Birds
(hall he unable to bear.
ner.
tvilof Dignities which are juft, yet nothing hinders us to fpeak evil, as oft as it is the truth, of thofe who in thir Dignities do evil thus did our Saviour himfel/, John the Baptift, and Stev'n the Martyr. And thofe black vails of his jvin mif->
deeds he might be fure would ever keep his face from Jhining, till he could refute evil /peaking ""^^ ^'^^ his ''""'ft which grace he feems here to pray for ; and is fo doubtlefs as it fo it ev'n was was heard. But his Prayer Prayer pray'd,
ambitious of Prerogative, that it dares ask away the Prerogative of Chrift bimfdf, To bfcome the head Jhne of the Cortttr.
XVI. Wpw
495
XVI.
ZJfon the Ordinance againft the Common-
payer-Boo}^
fonings and conjciflures : Nevei thelefs what weight they have, let If it be no news to have all Innovations rifljer^ din with the name of ReU3 confider. is lefs news to have all reformation ccnfur'd and oppos'd under formation, fure it of innovation the name by thofe who being exalted in high place above thir never fo ill or fo nnwifely fettl'd. So merit, fear all change though of things can <fef dotage of thofe that dwell upon Antiquitie alloK prefent titnes hardly
-,
WHAT
ftolical Praftice
to think of Liturgies, both the fenfe of Scripture, and Apowould have taught him better, then his human rea-
or wifdom. any pare of godlinefs The removing of Liturgie he traduces to be done only as a thing pUufble to the whofe rejedion of it he lik'ns, with fmall reverence, to the crucifying Peofle of our Saviour , next that it was done to pkafe thofe men who gloried in thir tx,
felv's
For whom it will be belt to anfwer, as the Minifters. temporary vetn^ meaning born man blind, They are of age ^ let them fpak^for themwas anfwer'd for the not how they came blind, buc whether it were Liturgie that held them
,
tongue-ti'd. For the matter contained in that Book, wc need no better wicnefs then Kin; Edrvardthc iixth, who to the Cornifh Rebe^ confelles it was no other then the old Mafs-Book done into Englilh, all but fome few words that were expung'd.
And by
this
argument which King Edward
fo
promptly had to
iifc
againft that
be aflui'd it was the carnal fear of thofe Divines irreligious the Liturgie no furder off from the old Maf?, left modell'd that and Politicians alteration an too they Oiould incenfe the People, and be delticute of great by the fame fhifts to fly to which they had taught the young King.
For the manner of upng fet forms, there is no doubt hut th.it wholefome matter, and good deilres rightly conccav'd in the heart, wholefome woids will follow of
Rabble, we may
Neither can any true Chriltian find a reafon why Liturgie fhould be at all admitted, a Prefcription not imposed or practised by thofe lirft Founders of the Church, who alone had that autority : Without whofe preceptor example, how conftantly the Prieft puts on his Gown and Surplice, fo conftantthemfelves.
This is evident, that ly doth his Prayer put on a fervile yoak of Liturgie. no have from thir words affedions ; while who fet forms of Prayer^ ufe they others are to fsek affeiJlions fit and proportionable to a certain dofe of pre-
which as tl.ey are not rigoroufly forbid to any man's pripar'd words vate infirmity, fo to imprilbn and confine by force, into a Pinfold of fet words, thofe two nioft unimprifonable things, our Prayers, and that Divine Spirit of utterance that moves them, is a tyranny that would have longer hands then thofe Giants who threat'nd bondage to Heav'n. What we
,
fame form of words is not fo much the queftion, as whether It is true that we pray to the fame God, be forc'd, as he forced it. Liturgie may niuft we therefore always ufe the fame words ? Let us then ufe but one word, becaufe we pray to one God. IVeprofefs the fame truths, but the Liturgie comprehends not all truths : we read the fame Scriptures ; but never read that all
may
do in the
thofe facred exprelTions, all benefit and ufe of Scripture, as to publick Prayer, Ihould be deny'd us, except what was barrcPd up in a Common- prayer- Book
with many mixtures of thir own, and which is worfc, without fait. Butfuppofe them favoury words and unmixM, fuppofe them Manna it felf, yet if they fliall be hoarded up and enjoin'd us, while God every morning rains down rew expredions into cur hearts ; inftead of being fit to ufe, they will be found IVe have the fame duties like refer v'd Manna, rather to breed Worms and flinl^. upon Hi, and feel the fame wants ; yet not always the fame, not at all times alike \ Wherof God but with varietie of Circumftances, which ask varietie of words hath given us plenty not to ufe fo copioufly upon all other occafions, and fo niggardly to him alone in our devotions. As if Chriftians were now in a worfe famin of words fit for Prayer, then was of food at the Seigc of Jerufa:
,
lerrii
49^
}rm, when perhaps the Priefis being to remove the fhew-bread, as was accaftom'd, were compell'd every Sabbath day,for want of other Loves,to bring, again If the Lard's Prayer had bin the warrant or the pattern ef fit LiturItill the fame.
gies^ as is here afhi
m'd,
why was
neither that Prayer, nor any other fetform ever
after us'd, or fo much as mention'd by the Apoltles, much lefs commended to was thir care wanting in a thing fo ufeful to the Church? fofull cur ufe ? of danger and contention to be left undon bv them toother mens of
Why
penning,
whofe autority we could not be
fo certain ?
Why was this forgott'n by them,who
declare that they havereveal'd to us the whole Counfclof God ^ who as he left our atfedions ro be guided by his fanftifying Spirit, fo did he likewife our words to be put into us without our premedication ; not only thofe cautious words to
we
be us'd before Gentiles and Tyrants, but much more thofe fihal words, of which have fo frequent ufe in obr accefs with freedom of fpeech to the Throne of
Grace.
as if
him and
to lay allde fcr other outward diftates of men, were to injure whois the Spirit and the giver of our abilitic to pray ^ hisminiltration were incomplete, and rhai: to whom he gave affections, he
Whiok
his perfet Gift,
did not.alfo afford utterance to make his Gift of Prayer a perfet Gift. And although the Gift were only natural, yet voluntary Prayers are lefi fub: For in thofe, at leall for jcil to formal and fnpeificul tempers then fet forms words and matter, he who prays muft confu!t firft with his heart-, which in likelihood mayltiruphis afflcflions ; in thefc hiving both words and matter ready made to his lips, whith is anough to make up the outward adl of Praver, his affê(ftions grow lazy, and come not upealily at the call of words not thir own ^ the Prayer alfo having lefs intercourfe and (Impathy with a heart wheria it was not conceav'd, faves it felf the labour of fo long a journy downward,
on the fpecious wings of formalitie, if it fail not back of a prayer which was expefted. prefents God with a inftead again headlong,
and
fet
flying
up
in haffe
and empty words. we are not but ojiemation and formalttie may taint the belt duties therforeto leave duties for no duties, and to turn Prayer into a kind of lurry. Cannot unpremeditated babling be rebuk'd, and reltrain'd in whom we find they are, but the Spirit of God muft be forbidd'n in all men ? But it is the cuftcm of bad men and Hypocrites to take advantage at the leaft abule of good things, that under that covert they may remove the goodnefs of thofe things, rather then the abufe. And how unknowingly, how weakly is the uling of fet forms attributed here to conftancy^ as if it were conftancie in the Cuckoo to be always in the fime liturgie. Much lefs can it be lawful that an EngUfht Mafs-Book, compos'd, for oughe we know, by men ndihzv learned, nor godly ^ jhould JHfile oitt^ or at any time deprive us the exercile of that heavenly Gift, which God by fpecial promife Wherpours out dailie upon his Church, that is to fay, the fpirit of Prayer. of to help thofe many infinnities, which he reck'ns up, Rudemfs^ Impertinencie^ Vlatnefs^ and the like, we have a remedy of God's finding out, which is not Though we know not what to pray as we Liturgie, buf his own free Spirit. he with unutterable by any words, much lefs by a ftinted ought, yet fighs for us according to the mind and in makes interceflion Liturgie dwelling us, will of God both in private, and in the performance of all Ecclefiallical Duties. For it is his promife alfo, that where two or three gather d together in his name ihal! agree to ask him any thing, it Ihall be granted ^ for he Is there in the midft of them. If then antient Churches to remedy the infirmities of Prayer, or rather the infeftions of Arian and Pelagian Herelies, neglecfting that ordain'd and prorais'd help of the Spirit, betook them almoft four hundred years after Chrilt -to Liturgie thir own invention, we are not to imitate them nor to diitruft IGod in the removal of that Truant help to our Devotion, which by him never was appointed. And what is faid of Liturgie is faid alfo of Diredory, if it beimpos'd although to forbid the Service-Book there be much more reafon, as being of it felf fuperftitiou?, off'enfive, and indeed, though Englifht, yet ftill the Mafs-Book: and publick places ought to be provided of fuch as need not the help of Liturgies or Direftories continually, but are fupported with miniflerial Gifts anfwerable to thir calling. Laftly, that the Common-prayer-Book was rejefted becaufe h prîy'd fj oft for .what larêand laborious Prayers were fo, him^ he had no reafon to objeft
ftale
of
No doubt
made
497
never heard, 'tis doubtful they were never heard in Heav'n. might now have expefted thac his own following Prayer fhould add much credit to fet P'orms ^ but on the contrary we find the fame as in mofi: before, which he lays here upon extemporal. imperfedlions in it, God to be diredted whether Liturgies be lawful, but preof Ncr doth he ask would psrfwade him that they be fo i praying that manner a in fumes, and What could be pray'd worfe exthe Church and he may never want them.
made
for
him
in the Pulpits, if
lie
We
tempore
XV
11.
Of
the differences in
pint of Church-
Government.
Goverrraent of Church by Bifhops hath bin fo fully prov'd from the Scriptures to be vicious and ufurp'd, that whether ot of Piety or it is not much material For Pietie grounded upon Policy maincain'd, then it did no can more error, juftihe King Charles^ Queen Aâry in the fight of God or Man. This however muft not be let pafs without a ferious Obferva;
THE
tion
;
fo difpos'd the Author in this Chapter as to confefs and more of Myftei ie and combination between Tyranny and fals Religion^ Here we may fee the then from any other hand would have bin credible. very dark roots of them both turnM up, and how they twine and interweave one another in the Earth, though above ground (hooting up in two We may have learnt both from facred Story, and times fevei'd Branches. of Reformation, that the Kings of this World have booh ever hated, and Whether it be for that thir Doinftinftively fear'd the Church of God. drin feems much to favour two things to them fo dreadful, Liberty and
God having
difcover
tient Prophefies have foretold, folve all thir great Power and
Equality, or becaufe they are the Children of that Kingdom, which, as anfliall in the end break to pieces and dif-
Dominion.
And
thofe Kings and Potentates
who have
ftrove moft to rid themfelves of this fear, by cutting off" or fuptrue Church, have drawn upon themfelves the occafion of thir the prcfllng own ruin, while they thought with moll policy to prevent it. Thus Pharaoh when once he began to fear and wax jealous of the Ifraelites, left they Ihould
multiply and fight againft him, and that his fear ftirr'd him up to afflid and keep them under, as the only remedy of what he feard, foon found that the evil which before flcpr, came fuddenly upon him, by the prepofterous way he took to prevent it. Pafilng by examples between, and not ftiutting wilfully our eyesjwe may fee the like ftory brought to pafs in our own Land. This King more then any before him, except perhaps his Father, from his firft entrance to the
in his mind a ftrange fear and fufpicion of Men moft reliand which in his own language he here acknowledges, thir Doftrin, gious, it the exorbitancie of Minifters tongues, and doubting lejl fedttiotu terming
Crown, harbouring
they, as
he not chriftianly exprcfles it, fljould with the Keys of Heav'n let out Peace and Loyahie from the peoples hearts: though they never preacht Or attempted aught that might juftly raife in him fuch thoughts, he could not reft or think himfelf fecure, fo long as they remain'd in any of his three Kingdoms unrooted out. B'Jt outwardly profeffing the fame Religion with them, he could not prefently ufe violence as PWôfe did, and that courfe had with others be* fore but ill fucceeded. He choofes therfore a more myftical way, a newer Method of Antichriftian Fraud, to the Church more dangerous and like to 54/<c^theSon of Zippor, againft a Nation of Prophets thinks it beft to hire other efteemed Prophets, and to undermine and wear out the true Church by a fals Ecclefiaftical Policy. To this drift he found the Government of Bilhops moft an Order in the Church, as by men firft corrupted, fo mutually ferviceable; He by conwho them receave it, both in judgment and manners. corrupting he on and and whom moft pliant to ferring Rifhopricks great Livings thought his will, againft the known Canons and univerfal pratHiice of the antient Church,
;
Sff
wherbr
( 498 ) ekftions were the peoples right, fought, as he confefTes, to have the Church-men. They on the Other fide finding themgreatefi influence upon a neither founded by Scripture, nor allow d by Reforfelves in high Dignity, nor mation, fupported by any fpirltual Gift or Grace of thir own, knew itthir
wherby
tliofe
bell cours to
and wrought his fancy by dehave dependance only upon him and Whenas that to unkingly perfwafion of Bipjcp^ degenerate King. grees on the contrary all Prelates in thir own iuttle fenfe are of another mind , according to that of Pita the fourth, remember'd in the Hiftory of Tre-a^ that Bifhops then grow to be mod vigorous and potent, when Prince? happ'n to be
:
moll weak and impotent. Thus when both Interefts of Tyrariie and Epifcopacie were incorporate into each other, the King whofe p^'ucipal fafety and eftabliniment conlillcd in the righteous execution of hi? c'./il power, and not in Bilhops and thir wicked Counfels, fatally driv'n on, fet himleif to the removal of thofemen whofe Dodr in and defire of Church-Difcipline he fo fear'd would be the undoing of his Monarchie. And becaofeno temporal Law could touch the innocence of thir lives, he begins with the perfecution of thir Confciences, laying fcandais before them ^ and makes that the argument to intlift In this War againflthe his unjuft penalties both on their Bodies and Eftates. as other whom God heretofore Monarchs Church if he hath fped fo, haughty look we like to the hard'nd to hath up with praifes and enterprize, ought of whom our to Author to the deliverance, Vidlory and Power, thankfgiving Dominion for Honour and ever. belongs Majeflie, In the mean while from his own words we may perceave eafily that the fpecial motives which he had to endear and deprave his judgment to the favouring and utmofl defending of Epifcopacy, are fuch as here wereprefent them and how unwillingly, and with what mental refervation he condefcended againft hislnThe reatereft to remove it out of the Peers houfe, hath bin fhown already. fhall fo be he affirms much his fo which far anwrought fons, upon judgment,
:
fwer'd as they be urg'd.

Scripture
'
he pretends, but produces none, and next the conflant pra^lice of all till Churches, of late years tntnult., fadion^ pride^ and covetcufnefsy inChrifiian Could any Papift have vented new models itnder the Title of C hrift'' s Government.
fpoke more fcandalouHy againft
all
Reformation
Well may the Parlament and
beft aftedled People now be troubi'd at his calumnies and reproaches, fince he binds them in the fame bundle with all other the reformed Churches; who alio
may now furder

Caufe.
own bitter experience, what a cordial and wellof him had abroad, and how true to the ProteftanC meaning helper they
fee,
befides thir
for Hifiories to prove Bifhops, the Bible, if we mean not to run into ErWhich informs rors, Vanities, and Uncertainties, muft be our only Hiftory. us that the Apoftles were not properly Bifhops ^ next, that Bifhops were not
As
of Apoftles, in the fundion of Apoftlefliip : And that if they were if Bifhops, they could not be Apoftles, they could not be precifely Bilhops and immediate from God ; that Apoftles i this being univerfal, extraordinary, and and continual an ordinarie, fixt, particular charge infpedion over a being And although an ignorance and deviation of the antient Churches certain Flock. afterward, may with as much reafon and charitie be fuppos'd asfadden-in point of Prelaty, as in other manifeft corruptions, yet that no example fir.ce the firfl age for I )Oo years can be produced of any fetled Church.^ xvherin were many Miniflcrs and Congregations., which had not fame Bifhops above them the Eccleliaftical Story,
fucceflbrs
,
-.^
to which he appeals for want of Scripture, proves clearly to be a falfe and overconfident aflertion. Sozomenns^ who wrote above twelve hundred years ago, in his feventh Book relates from his own knowledg, that in the Churches of Cyprtu and Arabia (places neer to Jerii[alem^ and with the firft frequented by
Apoftles) they had Bilhops in every Village ; and what could thofe be more and that Epifcopal then Presbyters ? The like he tells of other Nations Churches in thofe dales did not condemn them. I add that many vVcfiern Churches, eminent for thir Faith and good Works, and fettl'd above four hun-,
dred years ago in France., in Piemom and Bohemia., have both taught and praftis'd the fame Doitrine, and not admitted of Epifcopacy among them. And if we may believe what the Papifts themfelves have writt'n of thefc Churches which they call iValdenfes., I find it in a Book writt'n alraoft four hundred years
'
lince.
(
forth in
499
the Bohemian Hiftory, that thofe Churches in Picmont fince, and fet and Government, fince the time iXvdtConJi amine Doftrin have held the fame Owith his mifchievous donations poyfon'd 5y/w/?/- and the whole Church. thers affirm they have fo continu'd [here fince the Apoftles : and Thcodonu Eelof them, confedeth that thofc Herefies, as he names vederenfs in his rdation them, were from the firll times of Chriftianity ia that place. For the rclt I refer me to that famous tcftimony of "Jerom^ who upon that very place which he cites here, the EpilUe toTutu^ declares op'nly that Bilhop and Presbyter were one and the fame thing, till by the inlfigaiion of Satan pirtidities grew up in
the Church, and that Bifhops rather by cultom then any ordainment of Chrift, were exalted above Presbyters whofe interpretation wc truft (hall be receav'd before this intricate ftufl' tattl'd heer of Timothy andTjtm^ and I know not
:
beyond Court Element, and as far beneath true edifiThefeare his f^r grounds both from Scriftnre-camnt and Ecclefiajtical cation. how undivineiike writt'n, and how like a worldly Gofpcller thit unexamples derftands nothing of thefe matters, pofterity no doubt .will be able to judg, and will but little regard what he caWs' yipofiolical, who in his Letter to the Pope
whom
thir Succefibrs, far
Apodolical the Roman Religion. let him think to plead, that therfore it was not policy of State, or obflinabecaufe the injuries and lodes which he cy in bim which upheld Epifcopacy, mere to him fuftain'd by fo cloing were ctnfiderahk t\\.m Epifcopacy itfJf^ for had to have all i\\\%m\g\\tFharach fay in his excufe of detaining the //r^jcZ/r^/, that his own and his Kingdoms fafety, fo much endanger'd by his denial, was to But him more deer then all their building labours could be worth to t^^^/r. whom God hard'ns them alfo he blinds. He indenvotirs to make good Epifcopacy not only in Religion, but from the naBut of fadliture of all civil Government:, nhsre Parity breeds confufion and faliion. his where own no other then h:thmore to take on ai.dconfufion, teflimony, of his Monarchial own Government ? Of under the then ever bred bin imparity
calls
Nor
which to make
man
is
at this time longer difpute, and from civil conftitutions and huconceits to debate and qucftion the convenience of Divine Ordinations, neither wifdom nor fobriecy : and to confound Ahfaic Prieflhood with Evan-
gelic Presbytery
little
to purpofe
againfl exprefs Inflitutign, is it that we Ihotild fcand
is
as far
from warrantable.
As
polling the reformed Churches,
whether they
fî:/iz.ff
the far greater part,

off Epifcopacy.,
fie
in number thnfe of his three Kingdoms^ of whom fo lately what they have long delir'd to do, have now quite thrown
Neither may we count it the Language or Religion of a Proteftant fo to vilithe belt reformed Churches (for none of thein but Lutherans retain Bilhops) as to fear more the ftandaltz.in^ of Papiffs, becaufe more numerous, then of our It will not be worth the while to fay Proteltant Brethren, becaufe a handful. no or had Heretics have what Scifmatics Bilhops i yet left he (hould be tak'n for he who a Reader, prompted him, if he were a Dodor, might have
great
the foremention'd place in Soz.omemis ^ which affirms that befides ihs Cyprians and Arabians who were counted Orthodoxal, tht Novatians z\ô^ and Vfontanijls in Phrypa had no other Bilhops then fuch as were in every Village : ' and what Presbyter hath a narrower Diocefs As for the Aerians we know of no Heretical opinion juftly father'd upon them, but that they held Bifhops and feenis to hold Presbyters to b the fame. Which he in this place not obicurely of gthe Church whom with Churches, the reformed aHerelie in all why /-jnddefir'd conformity, he can find no reafon with all hiscWify, but the coming in of the Scots Army ; Such a high elteem he had of the Englilh. He tempts the Clergie to return back agnin to Bilhops, from the fear of tenuity aunder the favour 0/ Princes iindconternpt, and the aflbrance of better thriving thir with own themfelves arm gainlt which temptations if the Clergie cannot as he terms them. fpiritual armour, they are indeed sspoor aCarkjfs Of ffcular Honours and great Revenues added to the dignity of Prelats, fince the fubjeil of that queftion isnow removd, we need not fpend time : But this will nt ver be unfeafonable to bear in mind out of Chryfojiom, that when
rememberd
'
peril;'
[)S
Minillers came tohave L-inds, Houfes, Farms, Coaches, Horfes, and the like Lumber, then Religion brought forth riches in the Church, and the Daughter
devour'd the Mother.

s
rr
<^
B..1C
( 500 )
the goodly chois he made d Epifcopacy may be judg by judgment felves with the confideration of thofe our amufe not much need wc of Bilhops, until he evils which, by his foretelling, WiWneceffanly follovthdr \iM\ngdovin of or certain Diocefs refidence, appointed place prove that the Apoftles, having no ordain d, or Churches they were properly Bijhop over thofe Presbyters whom they labours were both joint and promifcuous : Or that planted- whereinoUimesthir the ufe and end of eito Bijhofs, the Apoftolic power mult neceffarily defcend hath flounlht under EChurch how the And fo different. ther fundion being errors tellilie, and the let the multitude of thir ancient and grofs
Bat
if his
in
pifcopacy,
words of fome learnedeft and moft zealous

,
Biftiops
among them ^
Naz.ianz.en
bin i Bafil terming them the Slaves in a devout pafhon wilhing Prelaty had never that after he was of Slaves Saint Martin the Enemies of Saints, and confelFing him which in he had bemadeaBifhop, he found much of that grace decay
it was, and how far it bound him,alreac'onceminghis Coronation Oath, what take for. certain, that he was never fworn we This may dy hath bin fpok'n. but to our conditions as a free peoand reafon, confcience to his own particular as our felves (hould choofe. This Laws fuch us to him which requir'd give ple be baffled with the pretence of a not would and him to, could Scots the bring bin fetlM there. Coronation Oath, after that Epifcopacy had for many years to feeks he heer to put offwith evaWhich concelTion of his to them, and not us, he no omit fhifts, to And alleges that the Presbyfions that are ridiculous. modes of Government. their like to no encouragement terian manners gave him likelihood neerer to Amendmoft in are men thofe If that werefo, yet certainly then that of Epifcopacy, under ment, who feek a Itriaer Church-Difcipline If eftimation were to be made manners. their learnt them of moft the which it in the Wilof God's Law by their manners, who leaving e^^Jy^ receav'd but as rejedion and this, nothing dernefs, it could reap from fuch an inference difefteem. ^ .,.,. ,/r c r fate Liturgie, For the Prayer wherewith he clofes, it had bin good fome in fome which he fo commends, had rather bin in his way it would perhaps was firft invented, which for end the fay Liturgie they meafure have perform'd and have hinder'd him both heer, ar.d at other times, from turning his notorious
, ,
.
errors into his Prayers.
XVIII.
the
Vpn
the
Uxbridg
Treaty,
&c.
IF
at a retiring from beftial force of Treaties he loo\^d Kpon in general, For men may in is firft heer his to human reafon, part deceav'd. Aphorifm If fom fighting were not manlike, then treat like Beafts as well as fight.
way
either fortitude were novertue, or no fortitude in fighting : And as Politicians ofttimes through dilatory purpofes and emulations handle the matter, there
hath bin no where found more beftialitie then in treating ^ which hath no more commendation in it, then from fighting to come to undermining, from violence to craft, and when they can no longer do as Lions, to do as Foxes. The fincereft end of treating after War once prodaira'd, is either tc part with more, or to demand lefs than was at firft fought for, rather then to hazard more lives, or worfc mifchiefs. What the Parlament in that point were
firft after the begun, they petition'd him at willing to have don, when For after he had tak'n God to is unknown. a voutfafe to Treaty, Colebroo\ witnefs of his continual readinefs to treat, or to offer Treaties to the avoiding of bloodfhed, taking the advantage of a Mift, the fitteft weather for deceic and treachery, he follows at the heels thofe MelTengers of Peace whh a train and with a bloody furprife falls on our fecure Forces which of covert
War
War
And the thoughts and expeftation of a Treaty. lay quartering at Brentford in a natural of and wlio them make a trade in Enemy, fuch War, againft although Arms were while have the of Law bin in martial excus'd, an onfet might rigor to acfo feem'd a who heartily not agreement fufpendcd, yet by King,
yet by
cept
either defre or difpofiiion ccpt of treating^ and profefles have greater confidence in his Reafon then in h:s Sword, and as * and enfueit, fuch bloody and deceitful Chnj}ian to /eel{Ptace advantages would have bin forborn one day atlealt, if not much longer ^ in whom there had not bin a thirll rather then a deteftation of civil War and Blood. In the midft of a fccond Treaty not long after, fought by the Parlanlent, and alter much ado obtain'd with him siOxford, what futtle and unpeaceable had inchace, his own Letters difcover'd What attempsof treadeligns he then cherous hoftility fuccefsful and unfucci-fsful he made again ft iVi/?^^, Scjrborow^ and other places, the Proceedings of that Treaty will foon put us in mind 5 and how he was fo tar from granting more of reafon after fo much of blood,
to it, profefles tt
:
( 50' ) heer, He never wanted
that he deny'd then to grant what before he had offerd ^ making no other ufc of Treaties pretending Peace, then to gain advantages that might enable him What marvel then if he thought it no diminution of himfelf^ to continue War. as oft as he faw his time, to he importunate for Treaties^ when he fought them
only, asby theupfliotappeard, to get offortunities? But he infers, as if the Parlament would have compell'd
hi^
him to fart with fomhonour could he have, or call his, joyn'd, thingof aKtng. not only with the offence or difturbance, but with the bondage and deftrudlion of three Nations ? wherof though he be carelefs and improvident, yet the Parlament, by our Laws and Freedom, oug,ht to judg, and ufe prevention \ our Laws els were but Cobweb Laws. And what were all his mofl: rightful honours, but the peoples gift, and the inveftment of that Lullre, M^jefty, and Honour, which for the publick good, and nootherwife, redounds from a whole Nation into one perfon ? So far is any honour from being his to a common mifchief and calamity. Yet ftill he talks on equal terms with the grand Reprefentative of that people, for whofe fake he was a King, as if the general welfare and hii fubfervienc Rights were of equal moment or conlideration. His aim indeed hath ever bin to magnifie and exalt his borrow'd Rights and Prerogatives above But when a King fets the Parlament and Kingdom of whom he holds them. himfelf to bandy againlt the highefl: Court and refidence of his Regal Autority, he then, in the tingle perfon of a Man, fights againft his own Majefty and Kingfhip, and then indeed fets the firft hind to his own depofing. he Treaty at Uxbridg, he faith, gave the fairefl hopes of a happy compefure i faireft indeed, if his inltruftions to bribe our Coramiffioners with the promife of Security, Rewards, and Places, were fair What other hopes it gave no man There being but three main heads whereon to be treated ; Ireland^ can tell. Epifcopacy, and the Militia ; the firft was anticipated and foreftall'd by a Peace
honoi*
What
at any
rate to be hsll'nd with the Irifh Rebels, ere the Treaty could begin, that hemiiiht pretend his word and honour p ft againft the fpeciom and popnlar arguments (he calls them no better) which the Parlament would urge upon him for the continuance of that juft \Var. Epifcopacy he bids the Queen be confi-
dent he will never quit ^ which informs us by what Patronage icftood: And the Sword he refolves to clutch as faft, as if God with his own hand had put it into his. This was x\\z moderation which he brought ; this was as far as Reafon, Honour^ Confcience, and the Queen, who was his Regent in 2^\x\\tk, would give him leave. Laftly for compofure, inftead of happy, how miferable it was more likely to have bin, wife men could then judg^ when the Englilh, during Treaty, were call'd Rebels, the Irifli, good and catholic Subjedls ; and the Parlament before hand, though for fafhions call'd a Parlament, yet by a Jefuitical but privatly in the Council Books flight not acknowledg'd though call'd fo
,
inroH'd no Parlament that if accommodation had fucceeded, upon what terras foevtr, fuch a dcviliih fraud was prepar'd, that the King in his own efteem had bin abiolv'd from all performance, as having treated with Rebels, and no Par:
lament
and they on the other fide inftead of an expefted happines, bad bin brought under the Hatchet. Then no doubt War had ended, that Maflacre and Tyranny might begin. Thefe Jealoxfies, however rais''d, let all men fee whether And they bediminifh'd or allayd, by the Letters of his own Cabinet op'nd. of this the thebreiach laid and their is all Parlament Commilli-. yet Treaty upon oners, with odious Names of Pertinacy, hatred of Peace, faition, andCovetoufnefs, nay his own Brat Superjlition is laid to their charge ; notwithftanding his hccr profefs'd refolution to continue both the Order, Maintenance, and ^n.hi^rity of Prelats, as a Truth of God. And
,
502 )
'
)s of that Treaty, his app to God's decifion \ heleevmg to be very exc'ufable at that Tribunal. But if evcr man gloried in an itnfextble fltfnefs^ he lamc not behind any : and that grand
And who
were mod
to blame in the unfnccefsfulnefs
Adaxtm^ always to put lomthinginto his Treaties, wliich might give colour lo refufe all that was in other things granted, and to make them jigmfie nothing, was his own principal M^xim and particular inftruftions tu his CommilTionerl. Yet all, by his own vcrdit, mull be conilerd Reafon in the King, and depraved temper in the Parlamenr. That the highefl Tide of fuccefs, with thefe principles and defigns, fet him not But that his loweft Ebb could not be lower then above a Treaty^ no great wonder. a Fight ^ was a preiuraptionthat ruin'd him
prefag'd the future unjuccefsjulnefs of Treaties by the unvoillingnefs of fern and could not fee what was prefent, that thir unwiliingnefs had fe to can good proceed from the continual experience of his own obftinacy and
He
men
to treat ^
breach of word. His Prayer xhzr^^Qrtoi forgivenefs to xJaQgrnhyoi that Treaties breakings he had good reafon to fay heartily over, as including no man in that guilt fooner then
himfelf.
for that Proteftation following in his Praier, How oft have I emreated for Peace, but when J [peak thcrof they make them ready to War ; unlefs he thought liimfelf flill in that perfidious milt between ColebrookjLriA Hound/low, and
As
thought
him from the eye of Heav'n as well as of Man, after fuch a bloody recompence giv'n to our firlt offers of Peace, how could this in the fight of Heav'n without horrours of confciencebeutter'd ?
that mift could hide
XrX.
is
Vfori the variom events of the War.
no new or unwonted thing for bad men to claim as much part m God beft fervants, to ufurpnnd imitate thir words, and appropriate to themfelves thofe properties which belong only to the good and righteous. This not only in Scripture is familiarly to be found, but heer alfo in this Chapter of y^pocrypha. He tells us much, why V pleas''dGod to fend him ViiHiory or Lofs (although what in fo doing was the intent of God, he might be much mi-
IT
as his
ftak'n as to his
own particular) but we are yet to learn what real good ufe he made thereof in his praftice. Thofe numbers which he grew to from fmaS beginnings, were not fuch as out of
love came to proteft him, for none approv'd his adtionsas a King,except Courtiers and Prelats, but were fuch as fled to be protected by him from the fear of that Reformation which the pravity of thir lives would not bear. Such a Snowball he might eafily gather by rowling through thofe cold and dark provinces of ignorance and leudnefs, whereon a fudden he became fo numerous. He imputes that to God's freffSioK, which, to them who perfift in a bad caufe, is either his long-fiiffeiing, or his hard'ning; and that to wholefom chaflifement, which were the gradual beginnings of a fevere pi^riifhment. For if neither Gcd nor nature put civil power in the hands of any whomfoever, but to a lawful end, and commands our obedience to the autority of Law only, not to the tyrannical and if the Laws of our Land have plac'd the Sword in no fofce of any perfon mans fingle hand, fo much astounflieath againfta foren enemie, much lefs upon the native people, but have plac'd it in that cledive body of the Parlament, to whom the making, repealing, judging, and interpreting of Law it felf was alfo committed, as was fitteft, fo long as we intended to be a free Nation, and not the Slaves of one mans will, then was the King himfelf difobedient and rebellious to that Law by which he raign'd ; and by autority of Parlament toraifearms againft hira in defence of Law and Libertie, we do aot only think, but beleeve and know was juflifiable both by the Word of God, the Laws of the Land, and ali lawful Oaths ; and they who fided with
,
him fought
againft
all
thefe.
The
50? )
The fume Allegations which he ufesfor himfelf and his Party, may as well fit for let tlieParlament be call'd a Faction when the any Tyrant in the World mull b;.^ midc or chnngM cither civil or religino Law and that King pleafes, ons, bccaufeno hzviWiWconitm^M fid(s^ then niuft bemadeor chang'd no Law Which tyat all but what a Tyrant, be he Proteftant or Papift, thinks fit. rannous AHertion forc'd upon us by the Sword, he who fights againfi;, and dies other fins overwtigh not, dies a Martyr undoubtedly both of fighting, if his and I hold it not as the opinion, but as the Common-wealth and of the Faith the full belief and perfwafion of far h'jlier and wifer Men then Parafrkk^Preachers. Who, without their dinner- Dodrin, know that neither A'j^, L^rp, Civil and thir power O-vhs, or Religion^ was ever eflablijJi^d without the Parlament
:
neither is any thing to be thought ejlathe fame to abrogate as to ellablifh Where the Parlament fits, to be abolilht. Houfe declares bliîd, which that
is
:
there infeparably fits the King, there the Lavvs, there our Oaths, and whatfoever can be civil in Religion. They who fought for the Parlament, in the truell who fenfe fought forallthefc; fought for the King divided from his Parlament, a King againft all thefe j and for things that were of the fhadow for fought It were a thing monftroufly abfurd and contranot, as if they were eftabltjht.
Parlament a Legiflative Power, and then to upbraid theni for tranfgreiring old Eflablifhments. But the King and his Party having loll: in this Quarrel thir Heav'n upon to make great reck'ning of Eternal Life^ and at an eafy rate in Earth,
diiTtory to give the
begin
forma Pauperis canonize one another into Heav'n
he them in his Book, they > but as was faid before, Stage-work will not do it, much kCs the juftnefs of thir Caufe, wherein molt frequently they dy'd a brutijli fiercenefs, with Oaths and other damning words in thir mouths ; as if fuch had bin all the Oaths they fought for : which undoubtedly fent them In the mean while they to whom full fail on another Voyage then to Heav'n. never Gcd gave viftory, brought to the King at Oxfor^ the ftateof thir Con. he that fliould prefume without confeflion, more then a Pope prefciencesj fumes, to tell abroad what confliQs and accufations men, whom he never fpoke never read of any Englilh King but one with, have in their own thoughts. that was a ConfefTor, and his name was Edward yet fure it pafs'd his skill to know thoughts, as this King takes upon him. But they who will not flick to llander mens inward Confciences, which they can neither fee nor know, much
him
in the Portrature before his
Book
We
lefs will
care to (lander outward Adions, which they pretend to fee, though

d,
with fenfes never fo vitiated. To judg of his condition conquer
and the manner of dying on that
fide,
by
the /otfr if that chofe it, would be his fmall advantage : it being mod: notorious, that they who were hotteft in his Caufe, the moft of them were men oft-
ner drunk, then by thir good will fober, and very
many of them
fo
fought and
fo dy'd. And that the Confcience of any man fhould grow fnfficious, or he novo convicted by any Pretentions in the Parlament, which are now prov'd /<*//, and unintended, there can be
blilh his
no
juft caufe.
For neither did they ever pretend to
efta-
Throne without our Liberty and Religion, nor Religion without the Word of God, nor to judg of Lavvs by thir being efiabli(l}t., but to ellablifh them by thir being good and necclTary. .He tells the World he ofn pray'd that all on his fide might be as faithful to God and thir own Souls., as to him. But Kings above all other men have in thir hands not to pray only, but to do. To make that Prayer effeftual, he fhould
have governed as well as pray 'd. To pray and not to govern is for a Monk and not a King. Till then he might be well aflur'd they were more faithful to thir lull and rapine then to him. In the wonted predication of his own vertues he goes on to tell us, that to his People. conquer he never defir^d., hut only to reftore the Laws and Liberties of It had bin happy then he had known at laft, that by force to reftore Laws abrogated by the Legiflative Parlament, is to conquer abfohitely both them and Law it felf And for our Liberties, none ever opprefsM them more, both in Peace and War-, firib like a mailer by his arbitrary power, next as an Ene-
my
by holtile invafion. An4.
5^4
And if his bell friends feai'd him, and he him/elf in the temptation of an abfolute Conqueft^ it was not only pious but friendly in the Parlament, both to fear him and refill him ; fince their not yielding, was the only means to keep
him out of that
ffw/r-sf/ow
wherin he doubted
this
his
own
(trength.
He
tl'd
takes himfeif to be guilty in
War
Thus all along he fignifies he counts to be his only guilrinefv an aft So well hs knew that to conby tinue a Parlament, was to raife a War againft himfeif-, what were his Aiftions then and his Government the while ? For never was it heard in all our Story, that Parlamentsmade War on thir Kings, but on thir Tyrants ; whole modefiy and gratitude was more wanting to the Parlament, then theirs to any of fuch
ef fame men
Kings.
of nothing eh,hut of confirming the fower the Parlament, whom to have fet-
hs yielded was his fear ; what he denyd was his obftinacy. Had he have fav'd him had he fear \ granted /*/}, his obmight perchance yielded more, deliverd us. fooner the had Ilinacy perhaps To review the occafions of this iVar^ will be to them never too late, who would be but to n>ip only a happy warn'd by his example from the like evils conci.ifion^ of his fault Tis true, on onr fide the will' never expiate the unhappy beginnings. bat on thir iide, befides thofe, fins of our lives not feldom fought againfl us Caufe. of thir fin the grand How can it be otherwife, when he defires here mofl unreafonably, and indeed
What
though not furder^ yet as far as leaves no of may precedency ? He who dejires from men as much obedience and fubjedtion, as we may all pay to God, defires not lelsthen to be a God ; a Sacrilege far worsthen meddling with the Bifliops Lands, as he ellctms it. His Prayer is a good Prayer and a glorious-, but glorying is not good, if it know not that a little leven levens the whole lump, it Ihould have purg'd out the leven of untruth i# telling God that the blood of his Suhje^ls by htm jhed was Yet this is remarkable i God hath here fo orin his juji and neccjfary defence. der'd his Prayer, that as his own lips acquitted the Parlament, not long before his death, of all the blood fpilt in this War, fo now his Prayer unwittingly draws For God imputes not to any man the blood he fpills in a jufl it upon himfeif caufe i and no man ever beg^'d his fff wff*^ of that which he in his jullice So that now whether purpofely, or unawares, he hath concould not impute Man the blood- guiltinefs of all this War to lie upon his and fefs'd both to God
fKrilegioufly, that
all
IIS
we
fliould
befubjeU
to
to him.,
be fiibjcH: to God.,
whom
this exprellion
own
head.
XX.
'
Vfon
the Reformation
of the times.
8
M.
'^HIS Chapter cannot pundually beanfwer'd without more repetitions then now can be excufable Which perhaps have already bin more hu:
mour'd then was needful. As it prefents us with nothing new, fo with his exceptions againft Reformation pitifully old and tatter'd with continual uhng not only in his Book, but in the words and writings of every Papift and On the Scene he thrufts out firft an Antimafque of two bugPopifli King. Noveltie 2inA Perturbation-, that the illlooks and noife of thofe two bears, may as long as poffible drive off all endeavours of a Reformation. Thus fought Pope Adrtan., by reprefenting the like vain terrors, to divert and diHipate the
-,
And if wc crezeal of thofe reforming Princes of the age before in Germany. dit Latimer s Sermons, our Papifts here in England pleaded the fame dangers and inconveniencies againft that which was reform'd by Edward the fixth.
had bin available, Chriftianity it felf had never bin reChrift foretold us, would not be admitted without the cenThefe therefore are not to fure of Noveltie and many great Commotions.
if thofe fears
Wheras
ceav'd.
Which
deter
us.
He
( 505 ) <* be to Reformation good vpork,., and confefles what the indulgence of grants times and corruption of manners might have defrayed. So did the fore-mention'd Pope, and our Granlire Papillsir. this Realm. Yet all of them agree in one fong with this here, that they are furry to fee fo little regard had to Laws ejiabUJht^ and the Religion fettTd. all order and government in the Church, Schifms^ Popular compliance^ dtjfolutton of
He
Opimons^ Vndectncies-, ( onfnfions^ ftcrilegieus Invafions^ contempt of the Clergie and ihir Liturgie, diminution of Princes ; zW thefo complaints are to be read iu the Mefiages and Speeches ahnoll of every Legat from the Pope to thofe States and which began Reformation. From whence he either learnt the fame preNeither was there tences, or had them naturally in him from the fame fpiritever fo fincere a Reformation that hath efcap'd thefe clamours. He offer'd a Synod or Convocation rightly chofen. So offer'd all thofe Popidi
Cities a cours the mofi: unfatisfadtory, as matters have bin long Kings heretofore earned, and found by expeiience in the Church liable to the greatefl: fraud and packing ^ no folution, orredrefs of evil, but an increafe rather detefted And let it be protherefore by Nar.innzen-, and fome other of the Fathers.
,
duc'd, what good hath bin
done by Synods from the
firft
times of Refor-
mation.
what Enormities the Vulgar may commit in the rudenefs of need but only inllance how he bemoans the fulling down of CroJfeS and other fupcrllitious Mi numents, as the efied; of a popular and deceitful Refortn^ttton. How little this favours of a Proteftant, is too eafily perceav'd. What he charges in defcft of Piity, Charity^ and Aiorality, hath bin alfd not as if they the Accucharg'd by Papilh upon the b.-fl: reformed Churches fers were not tenfold more to be accus'd, but out of thir Malignity to all endeavour of amendment; as we know who accus'd to God the fincerity of Job 5 an accufuion of all ethers the moft eafie, when as there lives not any morto jnftifie
thir zeal,
Not
we
tal
man fo excellent, infirmities of belt men,
who
in thefe things is
not always deficient.
But the
of re-
and the fcandals of mixt Hypocrites
in all times
forming, whofe bold intrufion covets to be ever feen in things moll facred as they are molt fpecious, can lay no jufl: blemilh upon the integritie of others, much lefs upon the purpofe of Reformation it felf. Neither can the evil doings of fome be the excufe of our delaying or deferting that duty to the Church, which for no refped of times or carnal policies can be at any time unfeafonable.
with great (hew of piety what kind of Persons publick.Reformeri to *Tis ftrange that in above twenty be, and what they ought to do. ought ftill worsand wors the Church under him, he could neither be years, growing as he bids others be, nor do as he pretends here fo well to know > nay, which is worfl of all, after the greatefl: part of his Reign fpent in neither knowing nor
tells
He
doing aught toward a Reformation either in Church or State, fliould fpend the rclidue in hindring thofe by a feven years War, whom it concern'd with his confentor without it to do thir parts in that great performance. 'Tis true that thz method of reforming may well fubfifl: v/hhout perturbation of the State j but that it falls out otherwife for the moll part, is the plain Text of And if by his own rule he had allovv'd us to fear God frji^ and the Scripture. King in due order, our Allegiance might have Hill follow'd our Religion in a fit fubordination. But if Chrifi^s Kingdom be tak'n for the true Difcipline of the Church, and by his Kingdom be meant the violence he us'd againfl it, and to uphold an Antichriflian Hierarchic, then fure anough it is, that Chrift's Kingdom could not be fet up without fulling down his And they were bcH Chriftians who were leall fubjedt to him. Chnfi's Government^ out of queltion meaning it Prelatical, he thought would confirm his : and this was that which overthrew it. He profelTes to own his Kingdom from Chrijf, and to defire to rule for his glory^ and tht Churches good. The Pope and the King of Spain profefs every where as much ; and both hispradiceandall his reafonings.all his enmitie againfl the true Church we fee hath bin the fame with thirs,fince the time that in his Letter to the Pope he afiur'd them both of his full compliance. But evil beginnings never bring forth good conclufwns : they are his own words, and he ratifi'd them by his own To the Pope he ingag'd himfelf to hazard life and eftate for the Roending. man Religion, whether in complement he did it, or in earnelt j and God, who
t S
ftood
( 5o6 )
flood neerer then he for complementing minded, writ down thofe words that He prays againft his Hy. according to his refolution, fo it fliould come to pafs. him moll a to and Pharifaical Wajlungs^ Prayer pertinent, but choaks it focrifu into him old Errors and Deluwhich his deeper pray ftraight with other words
,
lions.
XXI. Vpn
his Letters
taJ^n
and
divulged.
of Nafehy^ being of greateft imKing's Letters taken at the Battel Faith there was in all his Promifes fee what the to let people portance and folemn Proteftations, were tranfmitted to publick view by fpecial Order of Parlament. They difcover'd his good afFeftion to the Papifts ftrid and Irifh Rebels, the intelligence he held, the pernicious and dinionourawith he made ble Peace them, not follicited but rather fotliciting, which by all
TH
invocations that were holy he had in publick abjur'd. They reveal'd his endeavours to bring in forren Forces, Irilh, French, Dutch, Lorrainers, and our old Invaders the Danes upon us, befides his futtleties and myfterious arts in him govern'd by a WomanAll which, treating : to fum up all, they Ihew'd
though fufpeded vehemently before, and from good grounds beleev'd, yet by him and his adherents peremptorily deny'd, were by the op'ning of that Cabinet vifible to all men under his own hand. The Parlament therfore, to clear themftlves of afperfing him without caufe, and th-it the people might no longer be abus'd and cajol'd, as they call it, by Fallities and Court-impudence, in matters of fo high concernment, to let them know on what terms thir duty flood, and the Kingdom's peace, conceav'd it This mofl expedient and necelTary that thofe Leters fhould be made publick. the King affirms was by them done without honour andctvilitie : words, which if of a Courtier moll commonly they do they contain not in them,as in the language then and realitie Complement, Ceremony, Court-faunrot, more of fubftance furder then the ear into any wife man's ing and dilTembling, enter not I fuppofe between the Parlament and a King thir then were not Matters confideration. enemie in that Hate of trifling, as to obferve thofe fuperficial Vanities. But if honour and civilitie mean, as they did of old, difcretion, honelly, prudence, and plain truth, it will be then maintained againfl any Sedl of thofe Cabalifts, that the Parlament in doing what they did with thofe Letters, could fufFer The reafons are alreadie in thir honour and civilitie no diminution.
heard.
with none more familiar then with Kings to tranfgrefs the bounds of all honour and civility, there fhould not want examples good llore, if The Dutchefs in point of Letters this one Ihall fuffice. brevity would permit had to of her Heir and of Enrgundie Duk^ Charles^ promis'd Subjefts that Ihe intended no otherwife to govern, then by advice of the three Eflatesi but to Lewii the French King had writt'n Letters, that fhe had refolv'd to commit The wholly the managing of her affairs to four Perfons, whom fhe nam'd. three Eltates not doubting the fincerity of her Princely word, fend EmbafTadors The to LevoUy who then befeig'd Arms belonging to the Dukes of Burgundy. fet them at divifion among themfelves, King taking hold of this occafion to which when they ofFer'd to produce with thir Inqueftion'd thir Credence the privat Letter of thir Dutchefs, but gives fhewsthem not he only flrudlions, it them to carry home, wherwith to affront her; which they did, fhe denying
And
that
it is
it floutly,
till
they fpreading
it
before her face in a full AlTembly, convifted her
Which although Commines the Hiflorian much blamfs, as a of an open lie. deed too harfh and dilhonourable in them who were Subjeds, and not at War with thir Princefs, yet to his Mafler Lwm, who firfl divulg'd thofe Letters, to the op'n fhaming of that young Governefs, he imputes no incivilitie or dilhonour at all, although betraying a certain confidence repos'd by that Letter in his Royal Secrecic.
With
( 507 )
then may Letters not intercepted only, but won In battle from an nemie, be made public to the belt advantages of them that win them, to the difcovery of fuch important truth or falfhood. Was it not more dirtionourable in himfelf to fain fufpicions and jealoufies, which we firll found among thofe Letters, touching the chaftitie of his Mother, thereby to gain alhrtance from the King of Denmark^ as in vindication of his Sifter ? The Damfel of Bhrgundie at fight of her own Letter was fopn blank, and more ingenuous then to ftand outfacing ; but this man whom nothing will
convince, thinks by talking world without end to
With much more reafon
make good his integrity They whocan pick dealing, contradided by his own Hand and Seal. nothing out of them but phrafes, (hall be counted Bees : they that difcern furder both there and heer, that conflancyto his Wife is fet in place before Laws and Reand
fair
no better then Spiders. the people to a perfwafion, that if he he miferable^ they cannot be happy. What fhould hinder them ? Were they all born Twins of Hippocratet with him and his fortune, one birth one burial ? It were a Nation miferable indeed, not worth the name of a Nation, but a race of Idiots, whofe happinefs
ligion, are in his naturalities
He would work
and welfare depended upon one Man.
The happinefs of a Nation conhfts in true Religion, Piety, Jufticc, Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude, and the contempt of A\arice and Ambition. They in whomfoever thefe vertues dwell eminently, need not Kings to make them happy, but are the Archiceds of thit*
i and whether to themfelvesor others are not lefs then Kings. him which of thefe vertues were to be found, that might extend to t.he making happy, or the well-governing of fo much as his own houlhold, which was the moft licentious and ill-govern'd in the whole Land ? But the op'ning of his Letters was defignM by the Parlament to make aURe. Are the lives of fo many good and faithful men that dy'd conciliation defperate. for the freedom of thir Country, to be fo flighted, as to be forgott'n in a ftupid reconcilement without Juftice don them ? What hs fears not by War and Slaughter, ftiould we fear to make defperate by op'ning his Letters ? Which faft he would parallel with C^<i?/ revealing of his Father's nakednefs When heac that time could be no way efleem'd the Father of his Countrie, but the Deftroyer j nor had he ever before merited that former title.
own
But
happinefs
in
fJe thank^
the doer>.
God
Is
he cannot only bear thii with patience^
but with charity forgive
not this meet mockery, to thank God for what he can do, but will rot ? For is it patience to impute Barbarifm and Inhumanity to the op'ning of aa Enemies Letter, or i it Charity to clothe them with curfes in his Prayer, whom
he hath forgiv'nin hisDifcours? In which Prayer to (hew how readily hecaa returr; good for evil to the Parlament, and that if they take away his Coat, he can let them have his Cloak alfo i for the difraantling of his Letters he wi/hes be covePd with the Cloak of Confufion. Which I fuppofe they do refigrt they may with much willingnefs, both Livery, Badg, and Cognizance, to them who chofe rather to be his Servants and ValTals, then to ftand againft him for the Liberty of thir Country.
Ttt
XXII.
U^m
( 5o8 )
XXII.
ZJpon his going to the Scots,
Kings coming in, whether to the Scots or Englifh, deferv'd no : For neceffity was his Connfellor ; and that he hated them both aSom fay his purpofe was to his like, expredions every where manifeft. was till how it to cQms have LondoKy ItriSly hearing prodaim'd that no man But that had bin a frivolous excufe : ihould conceal him, he diverted his courfe. and befides, he himfelf rehearfing the confultations had before he took his journey, fhews us cleerly that he was determin'd to adventure ufon thir Loyalty who fir(i began hn troubles. And that the Scots had notice of it before, hath bin long fince brought to light. What prudence there could be in it, no man can
THE
thanks
Malice there might be by raifing new jealoufies to divide Friends. For of the Englilh, it was no fmall difhononr that he put upon than rather when them, yield himfelf to the Parlament of England^ he yielded toa hireling Army of Scots in England^ paid for their ferviceheer, not in Scotch
imagin
befides his diffidence
coyn, but in Englilh Silver nay who from the firft beginning of thefe troubles, what with brotherly afliftance, and what with monthly pay, have defended thir own Liberty and Confciences at our charge. However it was a hazardous and ra(h journey taken to refuhe riddles in mens Loyalty^ who had more reafon to mii
ftruft the riddle
of fuch
whofe Loyalty was Whut to tempt it.

^N\^lc\i\\t {î\z%
a difguifed yeelding ^ and to put himfelf in thir hands a Riddle to him, was not the cours to be refolv'd of it, but Providence dentd to Force, he thought it might grant to
:
Prudence
Fraud, But Providence was not cozen'd with difguifes, nei-
ther outward nor inward. To have known his greatefi danger inhisfafftfcd fafetj, and his greatefifafehis fuppofed danger, was to him a fatal riddle never yet refolv'd wherein ty in
,
rather to have imploy'd his main

tion.
skill
had been much more to
his preferva-
Had he known when the Game was loft, it might have fav'd much conttft ; but way to give over fairly was not to flip out of op'n War into a new difguife. He lays down his Arms, but not his Wiles; nor all his Arms ; for in obftinacy And what were they but "he comes no lefs arm'd then ever. Cap a pe. wiles, continually to move for Treaties, and yet to perfift the fame man, and to fertile his mindbtiort hand, ftill purpofing to grant no more then what feem'd
the
good to that violent and lawlefs Triumvirate within him, under the falfifi'd names of his Reafon, Honour, and Confcience, the old circulating dance of his (liifts and evafions ? The words of a King, as they are full of power, in theautority and ftrength of
Law,
no more power
without the ftrength of that Nazarites lock, they have them then the words of another Man. He adores Reafon as Bomitian did Minerva, and calls her the Divinefi power, thereby to intimate as if at reafoning, as at his own weapon, no man were fo able as himfelf. Might we be fo happy as to know where thefe monuments of his Reafon may be feen j for in his aftions and his writing they apas could be expeded from the meaneft parts, bred up in the midfl: pear as thinly of fo many ways extraordinary to know fomthing. He who reads his talk, would think he had left Oxford not without mature deliberation Yet his Prayer confelfes that he knew not what to do. Thus is verifiM that Pfalm ; he poureth contempt upon Frinces, and caufeth thtm to wander in the IVildernefs where there is no
fo like Sampfon
in
:
wayt Pfal 107.
XXIII.
Upon
C 509 )
XXIII. Vpon
the
the Scots
delivering the
King
to
Englijh.
the Scots \n England i\\o\M fell thir King., as he himfelf here afand for a price fo much Jjovethat^ Which the covetoufnefs of Judas was contented with to fell our Saviour^ is fo foul an infamy and diflionourcaft upon them, as befits none to vindicate but themfelves. And it were but friendly Counfel to wilh them beware the Son, who comes among them The reft of this Chapter he fawith a firm belief that they fold his Father. crifices to the echo of his Confcience, out-babling Creeds andAve's, glorying in his refolute obftinacy, and as it were triumphing how evident it now that not evil CennfeUors, but he hiftifelf hath been the Author of all our Troubles. Herein only we (hall difagree to the Worlds end, while he who fought fo manifeftly to have annihilated all oar Laws and Liberties, hath the confidence to per"Hvadeus that he hath fought and fuffer^ddW this while in thir defence. But he who neither by his own Letters and CommilHons under Hand and Seal, norby his own anions held as in a Mirror before his face, will be convinced to fee his faults, can much lefsbe won upon by any force of words, neither he, nor any that take after him ; who in that refpeft are no more to be difputed
THAT
firms,
with then they who deny principles. queftion then, but the Parlament did For how unalterable wifely in thir decree at laft, to make no more Addrefies. that would have bin our how averfe will from the Parhis was, Lord, uttterly
No
lament and Reformation during his confinement, we may behold in this Capter. But to be ever anfwering fruitlefs Repetitions, I fhould become liable to anfwer He borrows Davids Pfalm, as he charges the Ajfembly of for the fame my felf. Vivines in his twentieth Difcourfe, To have fet forth oldCatechifmt and Confefficnt of Faith new drefi. Had he borrow'd Davids heart, it had bin much the For fuch kind of borrowing as this, if it be not better'd by the holier theft. borrower, among good Authors is accounted Plagiarie. However, this was more tolerable then Pamela't Praiet ftol'n out of Sir Philip.
XXIV.
vpon
the denying
him the attendance
of his Chaplains,
come heer among matters of fo great concernment to take fuch room up in the Difcourfes of a Prince, if it be not wonder'd, is to be fmil'd at. Certainly by me fo mean an Argument fliall not be writt'n i but I fhall huddle him, as he does Prayers. The Scripture owns no fuch order, no fuch fundionin the Churchy and the Church not owning them, they are left, for met with i ought I know, to fuch a furder examining as the Sons olSceva the Jew ? are what but we we Deacons and know, Chaplains know, Bifhops or Presbyters In State perhaps they may be lifted among the upper ferving-men of fome great houfhold, and be admitted to fom fuch place, as may ftile them the Sewers, or the Yeomen Ufhers of Devotion, where the Mailer is too refiie, or too rich to Wherfore (hould the Parlament fay his own Prayers, or to blefs his own Table. then take fuch implements of the Court Cupbord into thir confideration ? They knew them to have been the main corrupters at the Rings elbow ; they knew the King to have bin always thir moft attentive Scholar and Imitator, and of a Child to have fuckt from them and thir Clofefwork all his impotent PrinWhile therfore they had any hope left ciples of Tyrannie and Superllition.
he Ihould
CHAPLAIN
is
a thing fo diminutive and inconfiderable, that
how
of
thefe fowers of Malignant Tares they kept afunder from as thsy him, and fcnt to him fuch of theMinillers and other zealous Petfons
his reclaiming,
thought
(510)
and to convert him. What could Relithought were bell able to inftrud him, the to faving of a Soul ? But when they found gion her felf have don more was grown the raofb evil Counfeler of all, himfelf he to him paft Cure, and that as his not him many as were fitting, and fom of them Chaplains, they deny'd attended him, or els were at his call to the very laft. Yet heer he makes more Lamentation for the want of his Chaplains, then fuperftitious /l<ficah did to the Te have tak''n tiway my Godt Damtes^ who had tak'n away his hou/hold Prieft which I made, and the Prieft y andxphttt have I more ? And perhaps the whole Story of Micah might fquare not unfitly to this Argument Now kpow I, faith he, that Micah had as great the Lord will do me good^ ft""g 1 have a Levite to my Prieft. a care that his Prieft fhould be Mofaical, as the King had that his fhould be ^Houfliold and privat Oriin errour touchfng thir Priefts. foftolical, yet both for neither did public Prayer apperfons were not to be officiated by Prielts tain only to thir office. Kings heertofore, David^ Salomon^ and Jehofophat^
:
not touch the Priefthood, yet might pray i n public, yea in the TemWhat aild this King then, ftood and heard. ple, while the Priefts themfelves the Priefts Ore tenut f Yet it is without Mattins his own chew that he could not who can heer at he not could like home, publilh a whole Prayer-book of pray his own, and fignifies in foroe part of this Chapter almoft as good a mind to There was doubtlefs therbe a Prieft himfelf, as Alicab had to let his Son be. fore fome other matter in it which made him fo defirous to have his Chaplains about him, who were not only th^' cpntrivers, but very oft the inftruments alfo
who might
''
of
his defigns.
Minifters which were fent him iio marvel he indur'd not , for they preacht eafie abfolution, nay repentance to him : the others gave him eafie confefljon,
(}rength:n'd
hit hands., andhard'nd hit heart, hy applauding him in his wilful ways. them he was an Ahab^ to thefe a Conftamine ^ it rauft follow then that they to him were as unwelcome as Eliabvias to Ahah, thefe as deer and plealing as ulmaziah the Prieft of Bethel was to Jeroboam. Thefe had learnt well the leffon that would pleafe Prophefe not againft Bethel for it the Kings Chafpel, and had taught the King to fay of thofe Iîintfters which the the Kings Court Parlament had fent, Amos hath confpir'd againft me, the Laud is not able tt bear all
The
To
his words.
Returning to oUr
firft
Parallel, this
King lookt upon
his Prelats, as
Orphans
under the facrilegiotu eyes of many rafaciow Reformers : and there was as greaC fear of Sacrilege between Micah and his Mother, till with thir holy treafure, about the lofs whereof there was fuch a curling, they made a grav'n and a
To let go his critici2ii,g about molt'n Image, and got a Prieft of thir ownthe found of Prayers., imperiotu., rude., or pajftenat modes of his own deviling, we are in danger to fall again upon the flats and (hallows of Lirurgie, Which if I Ihould repeat again, would turn my anfwers into Refponfories, and beget another Liturgie, having too much of one already. This only I fhall add, that if the heart, as he alleges, cannot fafely join with another mans extemporal fufficiency., becaufe we know not fo exaftly what the\ mean to fay, then thofe public Prayers made in the Temple by thofe forenamed Kings,
and by the Apoftles in the Congregation, and by the ancient Chriftian> for above three hundred years before Liturgies came in, were with the people made ih vain. After he hath acknowledg'd that Kings heertofore pray'd without Chaplains,
ev'n publicly
in
the
Temple
it felf,
and that every frivat

reliflit
Beleever
i^
invejiedwitb
a royal
whofenamehe fo confidently takes into his mouth, and he frames to himfelf impertinent and vain reafons why he (hould rather pray by the officiating mouth of a Clofet-Cbaplain. Thir Prayers^ faith he, art
enitghtn^d., from affeîuns lef$ dtfiraêd. might be fomthing faid as to thir prayers for him, but what av?ils it to thir praying with him ? If his own mind be incunthredwith fecular affairs, what helps it his particular prayer, tho the mind of his Chaplain be not wandring, either after new preferment, or his dinner? The fervencieof one man in prayer cannot fupererogate for the coldnefs of another j
Priefthood-., yet like the good word of God^
one that
not what he tafted of the he^vnty gift^
more
Admit
prevalent., they flow from minds this true, which is not, this
more
neither can few fpvirual defeds in that duty be made out in the acceptance of another mans abilities. Let him endeavour to have more light in himlelf, and not to walk by another mans Lamp, but to get Oyle into his own. Lee
God by
hioj
5"
as in a Chriftian warfare, that fecular incumbrance which either diflracts or overloads him ^ his load els will never be the lefs heavie, beThusthefe pious flourilhes and colours examin'd caufe another mans is light.
him
caft
from him,
eye, but look well
throughly, are like the Apples of ^fphaltis^ appearing goodly to the fudden upon them, or at Icaft but touch them, and they turn into
In his Prayer he remembers what voices of joy and gladnefs there were in his between the Singing-men and the OrChappel, God^s Honfsy in his opinion, the vanity, fuperftition, and this vizs unity of fptric in the bond of peace
Cinders.
gans
-^
Wherin fo and mifdevotion of which place, was a fcandal far and neer in thofe Songs which were not underftood : and were fung, pray'd things many and yet he who makes a difficulty how the people can join thir hearts to exheard and underftood, makes no queftion temporal Prayers, though diflindly
:
how
I
they Ihould join thir hearts in unitie tofongs not underftood. beleeve that God is no more mov'd with a prayer elaborately pen'd, then men truly charitable, are mov'd with the pen'd fpeech of a Beggar. Finally, ye IVlinin:ers,read here what work he makes among your Gally-pots,
and not only your fweet Sippets in Widows Houfes, but your Balmt and Cordials the huge gobbets wherwith he charges you, to have devour'd houfes and all ; the houfes of your Brethren^ your King, and your God. Cry him up for a Saint in for Atheifts into Hell. down your Pulpits, while be cries you
,
XXV. Vpn
Vows
at
his
penitential Meditations
and
Holmby.
is not hard for any man who hath a Bible in his hands, to borrow good words and holy fayings in abundance but to make them his own, is a work of grace only from above. He borrows here many penitential Verfes out of David's Pfalms. So did many among thofe Ifraelites, who had revolted front the true Worfhipof God, invent to themfelves inflruments of mufick^like David, and probably Pfalms alfo like his, and yet the Profet ôtw complains heavily.againfl: them. But to prove how Ihort this is of true repentance, I will recite the penitence of others, who have repented, in words not borrow'd, but thir own, and yet by the doom of Scripture it felf are judg'd reprobates.
IT
Cain faid unto the Lord,
drivn me
And
greater Iniquity hafi day from the face of the earth, and from thy fact (hall 1 be hid. when Efau heard the words of his Father he cryd with an exceeding bitter cry,
this
.^
My
is
then I can bear
behold thou
and faid,
he fought
yet foundno place f repentance though Heb. 1 2 And Pharaoh kid to Afofes, The Lord it righteous, I and my people are wicked-^ I have fin'd againjl the Lord your God, and againjt you. And Balaam faid. Let me die the death of the righteotu, and let my lafl end be
alfo
;
Blefs me, ev'*n

it
me
O my Father
.
carefully with tears,
lik; his.
the
Saul faid to Samuel, I have find, for I have tranfgrefs''d the commandment of Lord ; yet honour me now I fray thee before the Elders of my People. jind when Ahab heard the words of Eliah, he rent his cloaths, and putfackcloth uptn his flejh, and fafied-, and in fackfltth, and went foftly. lay Jeheram alio rent his cloaths, and the people looked, and behold he had fackcloth upon yet in the very ad of his humiliation he could fay. Cod dofo, and mere hisfiejh to me, if the head alfo of Elifhah fhallftand on him this day. Thctfore faith the Lord, They have not cry''d unto me with thir hearty when they howfdupon thir beds. They return, but not to the Moji High. Hofea 7.
And
Judoi faid, I have find in that I have betray'd innocent blood. faid, Pray ye to the Lord for me that none of theft things carta me. upon All thefe took the pains both to confefs and to repent in thir own words, and many of thera in thir own tears, not in David^s. But tranfported with the vaia
And
And Simon Magtu
512
rain oftentation of imitating D^w'alV language, not his life, obferve how he brings a cur fe upon himfelf and his Father's houfe (God fo difpoling it) by his ufurp'd and ill-imitated Prayer, Let thy anger I hefeech thee be againjl me and my For if David indeed fin'd Father s houfe ; as for thefe Sheep what have they done.
numbring the people, of which fault he in earneft made that confelTion, and acquitted the whole people from the guilt of that fin then doth this, King, ufing the fame words, bear witnefs againft himfelf to be the guilty Perfon, and either in his Soul and Confcience here acquits the Parlament and the People, or elsabufes the words oi David, and diffembles grolly ev'n to the face of God which is apparent in the very next line \ wherein he accufesev'n the Church ic f.lf to God, as if fhe were the Churches Enemie, for having overcome his Tyranry by the powerful and miraculous might of God's manifeft arm : For to other flrength in the midft of our divifions and diforders, who can attribute our Vidoviei ? Thus had this miferable roan no worfe enemies to foliicit and mature his own deltriiftion, from the haftn'd fentence of divine Juftice, then the obdurate curfcs which proceeded againft himfelf out of hisown mouth. Hitherto his Meditations, now his Vows, which as the Vows of Hypocrites nfe to be, are moft commonly abfurd, and fome wicked. Jaaib vow'd that God fliould be his God, if he grantid him but what was necellary to perform
in
,
that. Vow, life and fubfiftence : but the obedience profer'd here is nothing fo He whotook fo hainoufly to be offer'd nineteen Propolitions from the cheap.
Parlament. capitulates here v*'ith God almoft in as many Articles// he will continue that light, or rather thatdarknefs, of the Gofpel, which is among his Prelate^-, fettle thir Luxuries, and make them gorgeous Bifhops ; If he will rejiore the grievances and mifchiefs of thofe obfolet and PopiOi Laws, which the Parlament without his content hath abrogated, and will futfer
Juftice to be executed according to his fenfei If he will jfffrefs the many Sihifms in Churchy tO contradift himfelf in that which he hath foretold muftand fliall come to pafs, and will remove Reforma-
tion as thegreateft Schifm of all, and Faftions in the State, by which he means in every leaf the Pajlament ; If he will reftore him to his Negative voice and the Militia, as much as to fay, to arbitrary Power, which he wrongfully avers to be the right of hii tredeeeffors-^
If he wiRturn the hearts of his people to thir old Cathedral and Parochial lervice in the Liturgie, and their PafTive Obedience to the King ; the If he mil quench the Army, and withdraw our Forces from
withftanding
Piracy of Rupert^ and the plotted Iri/h Invafion i // he will blefs him with the freedom of Bifliops again in the Houfe of Peers, and of fugitive Delinquents in the Houle of Commons, and deliver the honoitr of Parlament into his hands, from the moft natural and due procedion of the people,
that entrufted them with the dangerous entcrprize of being faithful, to thir Country againft the rage and malice of his tyrannous oppofition i // he Wfli keep him from that great offence of following the counfel of his Parlament, and enabling what they advife him to, which in all reafon, and by the
his Coronation he ought to do, and not to call thac which Sacrilege Neceffity through the continuance of his own Civil War hath them to Neceffity, which made Davtd eat the Shew-bread, made compelled all the take Silver which was found in God's Houfe, and cut off the Ezekfah Gold which overlaid thofe dorcs and pillars, and give it to Senaeherib \ Neceffitie,. which ofttimes made the Primitive Church to fell her facred Utenfils, ev'n to the Communion-Chalice i If he win reftore him to a capacity of glorifying him by doing that both in Church and State, which muft needs difhonour and pollute his Name i // he will bring him again with peace^ honour and fafety to his chief City^ without repenting, without fatisfying for the blood fpilt, only for a few politick Concefllons which are as good as nothing If he will put again the Sword into his kand^ topumjJi thofe that have deliver'd us, and to proteH Delinquents againft the Juftice of Parlament i Then, if it be poflible to reconcile Contradidlious, he will praife him by difpleafmghim, and ferve him by dillerving him.
-,
known Law and Oath of
and painted Windows, Miters, Rochets, AlliUglory^ in the gaudy Copes chanted Service-Book, ^jaU be dearer to him then the eftabliihing tars, and the
hisCroirw in rit^hteoufnefs, and thefpiritual power of Religion. He will pardon thofe that have offended him in particular^ but there (hall want no futtle ways to be ev'n with them upon another fcore of thir fuppos'd Offen-
whereby he may at once afFcLT: the glory of a them and dellroy pieafantly, while he fains to forgive' them as feeming juftice, to his own particular, and outwardly bewails them. Thefe are the conditions of his treating with God, to whom he bates nohe ftood upon with the Parlament : as if Commiflions of Array thing of what him alfo. But of all thefe conditions, as it is now evident in our with could deal God accepted none, but that final Petition which he fo oft, no doubt but eyes, fecret the judgment of God, importunes againfl: his own head ^ praying by mercies his That might be fo toward him., as Iffii re[oluXions of truth and feace were God, It follows then, God having cut him ofFwichout granting any toward hts people.
ces againfl: the
,
Common-wealth
of thefe mercies, that
his refolutions
were as fained,
as his
Vows
are fruflirate.
XXVI.
at
ZJfon the Armies furfrifal of the
King
Holmby.
thir falling out in the ear of a common enemy, thereby making him the Judg, or at leaft the well-pleas'd auditor of thir difagreement, is neither wife nor the King therfore, were he living, or to his Party yet remaining,
To
done with thir vanquilht King, give account to Royaiifts what was yielded up into our hands, is not to be expeded from them whom God hath made his Conquerors. And for Brethren to debate and rip up
comely.
To
no anfwer. Emulations, all men know are inciBut fome dent among military men, and are, if they exceed not, pardonable. of the former Army, eminent anough for thir own martial deeds, and prevalent in the Houfe of Commons, touch'd with envy to be fo far outdone by a new model which they contemn'd, took advantage of Presbyterian and IndepenAnd dent Names, and the virulence of fome Minifters^ to raife difturbance. had have who difcarded to then War ended, thought flightly them, the being thir due pay, and the reward of thir invinwithout done the work, faithfully But they who had the Sword yet in thir hands, difdaining to be cible valour. made the firft objeds of ingratitude and oppreffion, after all that expence of thir blood for Juftice and the common Liberty, feiz'd upon the King thir Prifoner, whom nothing but thir matchlefs deeds had brought fo low as to furrender up his Perfon though he, to ftir up new difcord, chofe rather to give up himfelf a captive to his own Country-men who lefs had won him. This ia to fome height of mifchiefj partly through the lijcelihood might have grown ftrife which was kindling between our elder and our younger Warriors, buc
as to this adion, there belongs
:
athrough the feditious tongues of fome falfe Miniflers, more zealous of the watchful or own thir and then Pluralities, Simony Scifms, againft gainft common Enemy, whofe futtle infinuations had got fo far in among them, as with But it pleas'd God not to embroil and put to all diligence to blow the coles.
chiefly
rejoicing, that his hope prefented
The growth of our confufion his whole people for the perverfnefs of a few. or the foon was did'ention either prevented, Enemy foon deceav'd of quieted his and the King efpecially difappointed of not the meaneft morfel
,
him, to ruin us by ourdivifion.
And
being
now
fo
we may the better be menting upon his own Captivity.

righ the end,
at leafure to flay a while,
and hear him com-
faith of his furprifal, that it was a motion eccetitrick and irregular.^ then ? his own allufion, from the Celeftial bodies, puts us in mind that irregular motions may be necefPary on earth fometimes as well as conftantly in Heaven. That is not always belt which is moll regular to writt'n Law. Great Wor-
He
What
by difobeying Law, ofttimes have fav'd the Common-wealth: and the Law afterward by firm Decree hath approv'd that planetary motion, that unblamable exorbitancy is them.
thies heretofore
V V?
We
5*4
He means no good
like that
of Balaam,
is
to either Independent or Presbyterian, and yet his parable, overrurd to portend them good, far befide his intenti-
Thofe twins th^t Hi'Ove enclos'clin the womb of Rebecca!?^ were the feed of the elder yibraham-^ the younger undoubtedly gain'd the heavnly Birthright though fupplanted in his Similie, (liall yet no queftion find a better portion thea Efvi found, and far above his uncircumcis'd Prelates. He cenfures, and in cenfaring feems to hope it willbe an ill Omen that they rvho
on.
,
But his hope fail'd him with his huild Jerufalem divide thir tongues and hands. example for.that there were divifions both of tongues and hands at the
-^
h\iM\x\go{ Jerufalem^ the Story would have certiti'd him ^ and yet the work profper'd : and if God will, fo may this, notwithftanding all the craft and malignant wiles of Sanballat and Tobiah, adding what fuel they can to our dilTenor the indignity of his comparifon, that lik'ns us to thofe feditious Zetions
,
lots
brought deltruiflion to the laft 7f?'y^/fw. in his hand to be reveng'd on his oppofers, he feeksto being fetiate his fanfie with the imagination of fome revenge upon them from above ^ and like one who in a drowth obferves the Skie, fits and watches when any thing will drop, that might folace him with thelikenefs of a Punifhmcnt from Heav'nupon us which he ftrait expeiinds how he pleafes. No evil can befai the Parlament or City, but he politively interprets it a judgment upon them as if the very manufcript of God's Judgments had bin delifor his fake But his reading declares it well to be a fals ver'd to his cuftody and expofition. his own bad deeds and fuccelles the teftihe ufes oft'n to which ; difpenfing copy mony of Divine Favour, and to the good deeds and fuccefles of other men. Divine Wrath and Vengeance. But to counterfet the hand of God is the boldAnd he who without warrant, but his own fantaftick furell of all Forgery him takes mife, perpetually to unfold the fecret and unfearchable Myfteupon ries of high Providence, is likely for the molt part to miltake and fiander them ; and approaches to the roadnefs of thofe reprobate thoughts, that would wreft: the Sword of Jultice out of God's own hand, and imploy it more jiiftly in his own conceit. It was a fmall thing to contend with the Parlament about the fole power of the Militia, when we fee him doing little lefs then laying hands on the weapons of God himfclf, which are his judgments, to weild and manage them by the fway and bent of his own frail Cogitations. Therefore they that by Tumults the raifing of Armies, in his doom mnfl needs be chafln'd firfl occajion'd by thir own new Tumults. Army for Firit note here his confeflion, that thofe Tumults were the firft occafion of railing Armies,and by confequence that he himfclf rais'd them firft againfl thofe fuppofed Tumults. But who occaiion'd thofe Tumults, or who made them fo, being at firft nothing more then the unarmed and peaceable concourfe of people,hath bin And that thofe pretended Tumults were chaltiz'd by thir own difcult already. Army for new Tumults, is not proved by a Game at tic- tack vfith words-. Tumults and Armies., Armies and Tumults, but feems more like the method of a JuIt
whok ifiteftine fury
now no more
then divine. If the City were chaft'nd by the Army for new Tumults, the reafon is by With what fenfe himfelf fet down evident and immediate, thir nevo Tumults. can it be referr'd then to. another far-fetch'd and imaginary caufe that happn'd
ftice irrational
fo
many years before, and in his fuppofition only as a caufe? Manliiu defended the Capitol and the Romans from thir enemies the Gauls : Adanlim for fedition afterward was by the Romans thrown headlong from the Capitol, therefore ManUu6 was punilh'd by divine Jultice for defending the Capitol, becaufe in that This is his Logick place punifh'd for fedition, and by thofe whom he defended. the of and the fame before death Sir John Hotham, Divine was i upon upon Jultice
And
here'again, fuch as were content to fee him driv'n away by unfttfpre/fed Tumults^ are now forc'd to fly to an Army. Was this a judgment ? was it not a mercy rather that they had a noble and viftorious Army fo near at hand to fly to ?
From God's Juftice he comes down to Mans Juftice. Thofe few of both Houfes who atfirfi withdrew with him from the vain pretence of Tumults, were counted Defprtors therfore thofe many mult be alfo Defertors who withdrew afterwards from real Tumults as if it were the place that made a Parlament, and not the end and caufe. Becaufe it is deny'd thofe were Tumults from which the King made fhew of being driv'n, is it therfore of neceflity impli'd, that there could be never any Tumults for the future ? If fome men fly in craft,
:,
may
( 5'5 )
fly in earneft ? But mark the difference befoon return'd in fafcty to thir places, he noE tween thir flight and his i they then a and So that till after many years, Captive to receive his punifhnienc caufe be or the or confider'd the neither whether event, thir flying, both, ju-
may
not other
men have
caufe to
him, nor condemned themfelves. But he will needs have vengeance to furfue And overtake them though to bring it in, it coll him an inconvenient and obnoxious comparifon, jis the Mice and I would our Mice and Rats had bin as orthoRAts overtook^ a German Bijhop. doxal here, and had fo purfu'd all his Bifhops out of England j then vermin had rid away vermin, which now llBtb loft the lives of too many thoufand hoftifi'd
,
nelt
men
He
and pity
to do. But forrow cannot but obferve this Vivine Jufiice yet tsith forrow and ftty. in a weak and overmafter'd Enemy> is lookt upon no otherwife then as
it
the Alhes of his revenge burnt out upon
felf j or as the
fit
damp of
a cool'd fury
fay vine Juftice upon is but another fragment of his brok'n revenge i and yet ly to the affairs of Men, the fhrewdeft and the cunningcft Obloquie that can be thrown upon thir HCdFor if he can perfwade men that the Parlament and thir caufe is purfu'd ons. with Divine Vengeance, he hath attain'd his end, to make all men forfake them,
when we
it gives.
fpelling and obferving Dievery accident and flight difturbance that may happ*n human-
But
in this
manner to
and think the worft that can be thought of them._ Nor is he only content to fuborn Divine Juftice in his cenfure of what is paft, but he afTumes the perfon of Chrift himfelf to prognofticate over us what he wilhes would come. So little is any thing or pcrlon facred from him, no not in Heav'n, which he will not ufe, and put on, if it may ferve him plaufibly to wreck his fpJecn, or eafe his mind upon the Parlament. Although if ever fatal not comforts blindnefs did both attend and funijh wilfulnefs, if ever any enjoid to thir was in none more it for negle&ingcohnfel belonging evidently brought peace^ to pafs then in himfelf: and his Prediftions againft the Parlament and thir Adherents have for the moft part bin verify 'd upon his own head, and upon his
chief Counfellors.
He concludes with high praifes of the Army. But praifes in an Enemy apt and the Army fhall not need his praifes, nor fuperfiuous, or fmell of craft Wherin as his the Parlament fare worfe for his accufing prayers that follow. to that neither can his afTuof fo no Chrift, way comparable Charity can be
,
Xance that they whom he feems to pray for, in doing what they did againft him, knew not what they did. It was but arrogance therfore, and not charity, to lay fuch ignorance to others in the fight of God, till he himfelf had bin infalaffumes. lible, like him whofe peculiar words he overweeningly
V V 2
XXVII. Upon
XXVII.
IntUl'd to
the Prince
of Wales.
the King wrote to his Son, as a Father, concerns rot usv what he wrote to him as a King oi England^ concerns not him God and the Parlatnent having now otherwife difpos'd oi England. But becaufe I fee it done with fome artifice and labour, to pofTefs the people that they might amend thir prefent condition, b^ his or by his Son's reftorement, I
WHAT
fire,
(hew point by point, that although the King had bin reinftall'd to his deor that his Son admitted, fhould obferve exadly all his Father's Precepts, yet that this would be fo far from conducing to our happinefs, either as a remedy to the prefent dtftemfers^ or a prevention of the like to come., that it would inefhall
would force vitably throw us back again into all our pall and fulfill'd miferies US to fight over again all our tedious Wars, and pnt us to another fatal ftrugIn which as our gling for Libertie and Life, more dubious then the former. fuccefs hath bin no other then our caufe foit will be evident to all pofteritie,
:, ,
that bis wj;.f/o)'/ were the meer confequence of his Y)txwQxk Judgment. Firll he argues from the experience of tbofe troithles which both he and his Son have had, to the improvement of thir piety and patience: and by the way bears witnefs in his own words, that the corrupt education of his youth, which was
but glanc'd at only in fome former paflages of this Anfwer, was a thing neither of mean confideration, nor untruly charg'd upon him or his Son: himfelfconfeffing here that Court- delights are prone either to root hp all true vertite and honour, or
to be contented only with fome leavs real fruits tending to the publicly good
and withering formalities of them^ without any
Which
prefents
him
ftill
in bis
own Words
another Rehoboam., foft'ndby afar worfe Court then Salomon s, and fo corrupted by flatteries^ which he affirms to be unfeparable, to the overturning of all peace^ and the lofs of his own Honour and Kingdoms. That he came therefore thus bred up and nurtur'd to the Throne, far worfe then Rehoboam, unlefs he be of thofe who equaliz'd his Father to King Salomon, we have here his own confeflicn.
And how voluptuoufly, how idely raigning in the hands of other men, he either tyranniz'd or trifi'd away thofe feventeen years of peace, witho^C care or thought, as if to be a King had bin nothing elfe in his apprehenfion, but to eat and drink, and have his will, and take his pleafure though there be who can relate his domgllick life to the exaitnefs of a diary, there fhall be here no mention made This yet we might have then forefeen, that he who fpent his leifure fo remifly and fo corruptly to his own pieaflng, would one day or other be worfe bufled and imploy'd to our forrow. And that he aded in good earned v^hat Rthoboam iid but threat'r, to make his little finger heavier than his Father's loins, and to whip us with his two-twifted Scorpions, both temporal and fpiritual Tyranny, all his Kingdoms have felt. What good ufe he made afterward of his adverfitie, both his impenitence and obflinacy to the end (for he was no Aianaffeh) and the fequel of thefe his meditated relbluti- , ons, abundantly exprefsv retaining, commending, teaching to his Son all thofe putrfd and pernicious documents both of State and of Religion, inftilFd by wicked Doftors, and received by him as in a Veflel nothing better feafon'd, which were the firfl occafion both of his own and all our miferies. And if he in the beft maturity of his years and underftanding made no better ufe to himfelf or others of his fo long and manifold affliflions, either looking up toGod, or looking down upon the reafon of his own affairs, there can be no probabihty that his Son, bred up, not in the foft effeminacies of Court only, but in the rugged and more boiftrous licence of undifciplin'd Camps and Garifons, for years unable to refletfl with judgment upon his own condition, and thus ill inftruded by his Father, fhould give his mind to walk by any other rules then thefe bequeaih'd him as on the death- bed of his Father, and as the choifelt of all that experience, which his molt ferious obfervation and retirement in good David mdzti by fuffering without jult caufe, or evil days, had taught him. learnt that meeknefs and that wifdom by adverfity, which made him much the But they who fufFer asOppreflbrs, Tyrants violatersof fitter man to raign. Law, and perfecuters of Reformation, without appearance of repenting, if
,
they
( 5X7 )
of that dignity and power which they had loft, are they once get hold again but whetted and inrag'd by what they fulFer'd, againit thofe whom they look
upon
as
them that caus'd
thir fulFrings.
he hath bin fubjecl to the fcefter of God's Word and Spirit, though acknowledg'd to be the heft Government, and what his difpenfation of civil power hath bin, with what Juftice^ and what loonour to the public Peace, it is but looking back upon the whole catalogue of his deeds, and that will be fufficient to re-
How
member
The Cup of Gods Phyficy as he calls it, what alteration it us. wrought a firra to in him healthfulneft from any furfet or exccfs whereof the people gehim lick, if any man would go about to prove, we have his nerally thought own tellimony following heer, that it wrought none at all.
hath the fame fix'd opinion and efteem of his old Ephefan Goddefsj Church of England, as he had ever, and charges Itriiftly his Son after hin to perfevcrein that Anti-Papal Scifm (for it is not much better) as that But if this can which w;ll be necejfa-y both for h'n Sod's and the Kingdoms peace. was the which the of firfl: of our difoundation caufe be any Kingdoms peace, be a and fenfe It is rule common let ftraftions, Jud^. principle worthy to be l<nown by Chriftims, that no Scripture, no nor fo much as any ancient Creed, binds our Faith, or our obedience to any Church whatfoever, denominated by far kfs, if it be diltinguillit by a feverai Government from a pirticular name No man was ever bid be fubjeift totheChurch that which b indeed catholic. but or to the Church without addition, as it held of Corinth, Rone, .f/i".i, rule^ of to the faithful Scripture, and the Government cftablifht in all places
Firll, he
call'd the
;
by the Apoltks , which at firft was univerfaliy the fame in all Churches and Congregations not ditFering or dillinguidit by the diverfity of Countries, TerThat Church that from the name of a diltind place ritories, or civil bounds. takes autority to fet up a dillinA Faith or Government, is a Schifm and Faiftion, It were an injury to condemn the Papiit of not a Church. abfurdiry and confor tradiftion adhering to his Catholic RomiHi Religion, if we, for the plcafure of a King and his politic confidjuations, (hall adhere to a Catholic Engliih. But fuppofe the Church of England were as it ought to be, how is it to us the
,
by being fo nam'd and ellablilht, whenas that very name and eltablilhment, by his contriving or approbation, ferv'd for nothing els but to delude US and amufe u?, while the Church of England was almoft changM into the Church of Jôme ? Which as every man knows in general to be true, fo the and Trahfadions tending to thatconclufion are at large difparticular Treaties
fafer
cover'd in a
the EngUjIi Pope. BuP when the people, difcerning to for call in order to which the Parlament Reformation, thcfeabufes, began demindedof the King to uneftablifh that Prelatical Government, which with-
Book
intiti'd
out Scripture had ufurpt over us, Uraiti 2s Pharaoh accus'd of Idlenefs the //l radices that fought leave to go and facrifice to God, he lays fadlion to thir And that we may not hope to have ever any thing reform'd in the charge. Church either by him or his Son, he forewarns him. That the Devil of Rebellion doth moli commonly turn himfelf into an Angel of Reformation ^ and fays to
make
anough
hate
it,
let
as the worft
of
evils,
and the bane of
his
Crown; nay he
little or defpicahle to him, fo as not fpeedily and efErrors and Wherby we may perceave plainly that Scifms. fupprefs fftlually our confciences were deftin'd to the fame fervitude and perfecution, if not
counfeh him to
to
nothing feem
wcrs then
who
before, whether under him, or if it fhould fo happ'n, under his Son i count an Pmteltant Churches erroneous and fcifraatical, which are not His next precept is concerning our civil Liberties, which by bis Epifcopal. fole voice and predominant will mnll be circumfcrib'd, and not permitted to extend a hands breadth furder then his interpretation of the Laws already I'd, Jet And although all human Laws are but the offspring of that frailty, that fallibility and imperfcdion which was in thir Authors, whereby many Laws in the change of ignorant and obfcure Ages, may be found both fcandalous and fulj of greevance to thir Pofterity that made them, and no Law is furder good then mutable upon juft occafion , yet if the removing of an old Law, or the making of a new would fave the Kingdom, we fhall not have it unlefs his arbitrary voice will fo far llack'n the fliff curb of his Prerogative, as to grant it us ; who are as free born to make our own Laws, as our Fathers were who made thefe we have. Where are then the Engliih Liberties which we boall to have bin left us by our
Pro-
518)
Our Libertiet con0 in the progenitors ? To that he anfwers, that enjoyment of the the benefit of thofe Laws to xvhich we our and our Intiujlry^ fruits of fdves have conFirll, for the injoyment of thofe fruits which our indullry and labours fented. have made our own upon our own, what privilege is that above what the Turks^ Jews, and Moors enjoy under the Turicifh Monarchy ? For without that
of
Juftice,
which
is
alfo in Argiers-,
among Theeves and
Pirats
no kind of Government, no Societie, juft or unjiift, combination or confpiracy could ftick together. Which he alfo acknowledges in thefe words : That if the Crown upon his head be fo heavy as to opprefs the whole
felves,
kind between themcould ftand \ no
members cannot return any thing of body, the weaknefs of inferiotir firength, honour or fafety to the head ; but that a neceffary debilitation muft follow. So that this Liberty of the Subject concerns himfelf and the fubfiitence of his own
er in the
Subjed:.
firlb
We
regal powplace, and before the confideration of any right belonging to the expeft therfore forathing more that mufl: diftingui/h free Go-
vernment from flavilh. But inftead of that,_ this King, though ever talking and protefting as fmooth as now, fufferM it in his own hearing to be preachc and pleaded without controul or check, by them whom he molt favour'd and upheld, tliattheSubjeft had no property of his own Goods, but that ail was the
Kings right. Next, for the bineft of thofe Laws to which we our felves have cenfented, we never had it under him ; for not to fpeak of Laws ill executed, when the Pariament, and ia them the People, have confented to divers Laws, and according to our ancient Rights, demanded them, he took upon him to have a Negative will, as the tranfcendent and ultimate Law above all our Laws ; and to rule us forcibly by Laws to which we our felves did notconfent, but complain'd of. Thus thefe two heads, wherein the utmoft of his allowance heer will give our Liberties leave to confift, the one of them Ihall be fo far only made good to us, as may ruin or debilitation ; and fo far fupport his own Interell and Crown from TurkifhVaflals enjoy as much liberty under A/rt/?9jff and the Grand Signior the other we neither yet have enjoy'd under him, 0t were ever like to do under the Tyranny of a Negative voice, which he claims above the unanimous confent and power of a whole Nation virtually in the Pariament. In which Negative voice to have bin call by the doom of War, and put to death by thofe whovanquiflit him in thir own defence, he reck'ns to himfelf more then a Negative M-trtyrdom. But Martyrs bear witnefs to the truth, not to themfelves. If I bear wicn^fs of my felf, faith ChHji, my witnef, is not true.
:
writes himfelf Martyr by his own infcription, is like an ill Painter, who by writing on the Ihapelefs Pitfture which he hath drawn, is fain to tell palTenwhich els no man could imagin : no more then how a gers what fhape it is
He who
Martyrdom can belong to him, who therfore

if u^grippa
dies for his Religion becaufe
it is
had turn'd Chriftian, as he was once Certainly efiablijlit. turning and had put to death Scribes and Pharifees for obferving the Law of Afofcs^ and refufingChriftianitie, they had di'd a truer Martyrdom. For thofe Laws were eftabiilht by God and Mofes, thefe by no warrantable authors of Religion, whofe Laws in all other beft reformed Churches are rejcdcd. And if to die for an eltablifhrnent of Religion be Martyrdom, then Romifh Priefts executed for that which had fo many hundred years bin eftabli/lK in this Land, are no wors Martyrs then he. Laftly, if to die for the tefiimony of his own confcience be anough to make him Martyr, what Heretic dyingfor direct Blafphemie, asfora have don conflantly, may not boafl a Martyrdom ? As for the conftitution or repeal of civil Laws, that power lying only in the Pariament, which he by the very Law of his Coronation was to grant them, not to debar them, nor to preferve a lefTer Law with the contempt and violation of a greater, it will conclude him not fo much as in a civil and metaphorical fenfe to have di'd a Martyr of our Laws, but a plain TranfgrelTor of them. And fliould the Pariament, endu'd with Legiflative power, make our Laws, and be after to difpute them piece-meal with thereafon, confcience, humour, palllon, fanfie, folly, oblliiiacy, or other ends of one man, whofe fole word and will fliatl baffle and unmake what all the wifdom of a Pariament hath been deliberatly framing, what a ridiculous and contemptible thing a Pariament would foon be, and what a bafe unworthy Nation we, who boaft our freedom, and fend them with the manifeft peril of thir lives to prefervc it, they who are not mark'd by deltiny
for
C 519 )
In this fervile condition to have kept us flill under for Slaves, may apprehend. to the laft, and foinftru<fts his Son, heer refolves hatches, he both Astothofe ofFer'd condefcentions of charitable connivence or teleration, if we
what wenflbefore, and what follow;, they moulder into nothing. For what with not foiTcr'ing, ever fo little to Jiem a de/picahle Icifm, without efFeftuil luppreflion, as he warn'd him before, and what with nooppufnton of Lavn^ Government^ or efiabltfljt Relijîon to be permitted, which is his following provifo, and wholly within his own conftrudtion, what a miftrable and fufpedcd toleBeration, under Spies and haunting Proraooters we Ihould enjoy, is apparent. fides that it is fo far beneath therionour of a Parlament and free Natioillto beg and fupplicate theGodfliip of one frail man, for the bare and llm pie toleration of what they all confent to be mofi juft, pious, and belt pleafing to God, while that which is erroneous, unjult and mifcheivousin the Church or State, fliall bv him alone againfl: them all be kept up and eltabliflit, and they ccnfur'd the while for acovetoMy ambitious^ and jacrilegtopu Failton. Another bait to allure the people, is the charge he laies upon his Son to be tender of them. Which if we Ihould beleeve in part? becaufe they are his Herd, his Cattel, the Stock upon his ground, as he accounts them, whom to waft and deftroy would undo hi nfelf, yec the inducement which he brings to move him For if Princes need no Palliations^ renders the motion it fclf fomthing fufpiLious. as he tells hi^ S, n, wherfore is it that he hiiiifelf hath fo oft'o us'd them ? Princes, of all other men, have not more change of Rayment in thir Wardrobes, then va i^ty of Shifts and Palliations in thir iblemn adings and pretences to the
coiifider
People.
To try
next
whom, more
he can infnare the prime men of thofe who have oppos'd him, truly then his meaning was, he calls tU& Patrons and Vindicators
if
f the People^ he gives ouc Indemnity, and offers /ills of oblivion. But they who with a good confcienceand upright heart did ihir civil duties in the fight of God, and in thir feverai places, to relift Tyranny and the violence of Superftition b^nd^d both agiinll them he may be fure will never feek to be forgiv'n that, which may be juftly attributed to thir immortal praife ^ nor will adent ever to the guilty blotting out of thofe actions before men, by which thir Faith allures them they chiefly Hand approv'd, and are had in remembrance before the throne of God. He exhorts his Son not tofiudy revenge. But how far he, or at leafl they about him intend to follow that exhortation, was feen lately at the Hague^ and by
,
be,
what attempts were likewife made in other places. How implacable they would it will be wifdom and our fifety to beleeve rather, and prevent, then to make trial. And it will concern the multitude, tho courted heer, to take heed how they feek to hide or colour thir own ficklenefs and inftability with a bad repentance of thir welldoing, and thir fidelity to the better caule, to which at firft fo cheerfully and confcientioufly they joyn'd themf>.lves. He returns again to extol the Church of England, and again requires his SoQ
by the
j'înt
check, or dtfaffcElton againji
autority pf a Father and a King., not to let his heart receive the leajt it. And not without caufe, for by that means having
upon theClergy, and they upon the people, after long fearch and manydtfputes, hecould not poffibly tind a more compendious and politic way to uph. Id and fettle Tyranny, then by fubduing firlt the Confciences of vulgar men with the infenlibiepoyfon of thir flavilh Doctrin for then the body and befotted mind without much reludlancy was likelieft to admit the Yoke, He (.omratâiszUoParlamemsheldtvith freedom and wtth honour. But I would ask how that can be, while he only muft be the folc free Perfon in that number ? and w.ould have the power with his unaccountable denial to diflionour them by thir ounfels, to confine thir Law-giving power, which is the Founrej cli g dation of our freedom, and to change at his pleafure the very name of a Parlament into the name of a Fadion. The contluiion thei fore muft needs be quite contrary to what he concludes 5 that nnthing can be more unhappy, more difhonourable, more unfafe for all., then when a wife, grave^ and honourable Parlament fhall have laboured, debated, ar:u'd, confulted, and as he himfelf fpeaks, contributed for the pubfole infln-pce
:
:)ll
<
lic
good <// thtr C ounfels in common, to be then fruftrated, difappointed, deny'd and repjls'd by thelinglewhirt'of a Negative, from, the mouth of one wilful
man
( 520 )
nay to be blallcd, to be ftruck as mute and motionlefs as a Parlament of or els after all thir pains and trouble to be dilfolv'd, Tapeftrie in the Hangings and call away like fo many Naughts in Arithmetick, unlefs it be to turn the
, ,
man
O of
would have us beperfwaded, this is to enafl: nothing but by the privat confent and leave of one not negative Tyrant ; this is mifchief without remedy^ -a flifling and obItruding evil that hath no vent, no outlet, no paflage through: Gr-ant him this, and the Parlament hath no more freedom, then if it face in his Noofe, which^hen ,he pleafes to draw together withfone twitch of his Negative, fliall in one neck. throttle a whole Nation, to the wilh of This with the Caligula^ and our bodies of hands over in his own and the Prelats Militia power eftates, to enthral our confciences either by fraud or force, is the fura of that happinefsand liberty we were to look for, whether in his own rellitution, or in thefe Which unavoidably would have fet us in the fame precepts giv'n to his Son. and have either compell'd us to fubftate of mifery wherein we were before mit like bond- flaves, or put us back to a fecond wandring over that horrid Wildernefs of diftradion and civil Daughter, which, not without the ftrong and miraculous hand of God alfifting us, we have meafur'd out, and furviv'd. And who knows, if we make fo flight of this incomparable deliverance which
all
,
fentthem.
thir iniignificance into a For this is not to
lamentation with the peopk
who had
f vainly
tnad
things by public confent, as he
hath beltow'd upon us, but that we Ihall like ihofe foolifh //>4f/>a, who God and Samuel to fet up a King, cry out one day becauje of our Ktng^ which we have bin mad upon, and then God, as he foretold them, will no more
God
depos'd
deliver us
There remains now but
little
Jhort view will not be amifs.
His words
more of his difcours, wherof yet to take a make femblance as if he were magna-
nimoufly exercifing bimfelf, and fo teaching his Son ro want as well as to wear a Crown j and would feem to account it not worth tailing up or enjoying upon fordid, dijhonourable, and irreligiopts terms > and yet to his very laft did nothing more induftrioufly then ftrive to take up and enjoy again his fequelterd Crown upon the moft fordid, didoyal, difhonourable, and irreligious terms, not of making peace only, but of joining and incorporating with the murdrous Irifli, formerly by himfelf declar'd againft, for wicked and deteftable Rebels, odiota to God and all good Men. And who but thofe Rebels now are the chief ftrength and confidence of his Son i while the Presbyter Scot that woes and follicits him, is negleifted and put off, as if no terms were to him him fordid, irreligious and diflionourable, but the Scotifh and Presbyterian.
Jhall never want a Kingdom.
of ftety^ verttie, and honour, and he of England, keep ye to thofe People fay. after fuch a fair deliverance as want a fhall never Nay principles, ye King. this, with fo much fortitude and valour Ihewn againft a Tyrant, that people that Ihould feek a King, claiming what this Man claims, would fiiew themfelves to be by nature Slaves and arrant Beafts, not fit for that Liberty which they cri'd out and bellow'd for, but fitter to be led back again into thir old bondage, like a fort of clamouring and fighting brutes broke loofe, that know not how to ufe or
bids his
He
Son
keep
to the true principles
And
pofTefs the liberty
which they fought for. fentence whereon he feems to venture the whole waight of all his former reafons and argumentations, that Religion to thir God, and loyalty to thir Kingcannot be farted, without the fm and infelicity of a People, is contrary to the plain teaching of Chrift, that no man can ferve two Maflers, but if he hold
The laft
If God then, and earthly to the one, he muft rejeifl and forfake the other. Kings be for the moft part not feveral only, but oppofite Mafters, it will as oft happ'n, that they who will ferve thir King muft forfake thir God, and they who will ferve God muft forfake thir King ; which then will neither be thir fin
nor thir infelicity, but thir wifdora, thir piety, and thir true happinefs, as to be deluded by thefe unfound and fuJtIe ofteniations here, would be thir mifery.
XXVIII. Intitfd
521 )
XXVIII.
might be
ItnitFd Meditations
upn
Death.
him wlio reads no furder tlien the Title of this For all other human things are difno anfwer. requii'd and will be varjourty tliought of to the World's end. But this bufiputed, In that center all neis of Death is a plain cafe, and admits no controverfy OpiNcverthelefs, lince out of thofe few mortifying hours that fhould nions meet. have bin intirefl: to themfelves, and m oft at peace from all pallion and difquiet, he can afford fparetime to inveigh bitterly againft that Juftice which was don in defence of thofe Proceedings > upon him, it will be needful to fay fomthing hath been writt'n lately. on this fo much in tho briefly, Subjedt regard It happn'd once, as we find in Efdras and Jofefhw, Authors not lefs believ'd then any under facred, to be a great and folemn debate in the Court of Varim^ what thing was to be counted ftrongeft: of all other. He that could refolve this in reward of his excelling wifdom, Ihould be clad in Purple, drink in Gold, fleep on a Bed of Gold, and lit next to Varini. None but they doubtlefs who were Who after fome refpic reputed wife, had the Queftion propounded to them all of his Lords and gravelb in full to conlider, Adembly giv'n them by the King
well thouglit by
it
IT
laft Eflay, that
then the King, for that he himfelf had feen a prov'd Women to be ftronger And others Concubin take his Crov/n from off his head to fet it upon her own Yet he belides him have lately feen the like Feat done, and not in jcft. prov'd on, and it was fo yeilded by the King himfelf, and all his Sages, that neither Wine, nor Women, nor the King, but Truth, of all other things was the For me, though neither ask'd, nor in a Nation that gives fuch reftrongeft. wards to wifdom, I fliall pronounce my fencence fomwhat different from Zorobdel-^ and [hall defend, that either Truth and Juftice are all one, for Truth is but Jultice in our knowlcdg, and Juftice is but Truth in our pradtifei and he indeed fo explains himfilf in faying that with Truth is no accepting of Perfons, which is the property of Juftice: or els, if there be any odds, that Juftice, though not ftronger then Truth, yet by heroifice is to put forth and exhibit more ftrength in the affairs of mankind. For Truth is properly no more then Contemplation j and her utmoft efficiency is but teaching but Juflice in her very eflence is all ftrength and activity ; and hath a Sword put into her hand, to She it is moft truly, who ufe againft all violence and oppreffion on the earth. She neaccepts no Pei fon, and exempts none from the fevei ity of her ftroke. ver fuffcrs injury to prevail, but when falftiood firft prevails over Truth ; and that alfo is a kind of Juftice done on them who are fo deluded. Though wicked Kings and Tyrants counterfet her Sword, as fome did that Buckler^ fabfd to fall from Heav'n into the Capitol, yet (lie communicates her power to none For it were exbut fuch as like her felf are juft, or at leaft will do juftice. tream partialitie and injnftice, theflat denial and overthrow of her felf, to put her own authentick Sword into the hand of an unjuft and wicked Man, or fo far to accept and exalt one mortal Perfon above his equals, that he alone ftiall have the puniftiing of all other men tranfgrefiing, and not receive like puniftiment from men, when he himfelf ftiall be found the higheft Tf anfgrcfTor. We may conclude therfore, that Juftice, above all other things, is afid ought to be the ftrongeft She is the Strength, the Kingdom, the Power, and Truth her felf would fubfcribe to this, though V^nim Majeftie of all Ages. and all the Monarchs of the World ftiould deny. And if by fentencc thus writt'n, it were my happinefs to fet free the minds of Englifh men from longing to return poorly under that Captivity of Kings, from which the ftrength and fupream Sword of Juftice hath deliver'd them, ftiall have done a work n t much inferior to that of Zorobabel who by wCll praifing and extolling the force of Truth, in that contemplative ftrength conqiler'd Dariut and fieed his Country and the people of God from the Captivity of Which I Babylon, Iball yet no: defpairtodo, if thcv in this Land whofe minds are vet Captive^
: : : 1
,
The firft held that Wine Counfellors, rcturn'd feverally what they thought. was ftrongeft^ another that the King was ftrongeft. hwi Zorobabel?x\nccoi the Captive Jews, and Heir to the Crown of Judah^ being one of them,-
*'
( 522 )
be but as ingenuous to acknowledg the ftrength and fupremacie of Juftice, as or let them but as that Heathen King was to confefs the ftrength of Truth Truth foon that will and lie did, grant that, refigns all her outperceave they
:
: Juftice therfore muft needs be ftrongeft, both in her ftrength to Juftice But if a King may do among men whatfoin the ftrength of Truth. ever is his will and pleafure, and notwiihftanding be unacccuntnble to men, then contrary to this magnifi'd wifdom of Zorobabel, neither Truth nor Juftice, which.that Perfian Monarch himis ftrongeft of all other things but the
ward
own and
King
felf in the midft of pride and glory durft not aflume. this Kmg hath to affirm, why the fentence of Juftice what therfore Let us fee and the weight of that Sword which (he delivers into the hands of men, fhould Firft lie to him offending, then to all others of human race. be more
all
his
Law of God or Man gives to SiibjeBs any ptxper of judicature without Which allertion Ihall be prov'd in every part to be raoft unor againfi him. The firft exprefs Law of God giv'n to mankind, was that to Noah, as a true. Law in general to all the fons ot men. And by that moft antient and uniman jhall his blood be fied ; we verfal fieddeth mans bloody by
pleads that o
find here
partial
men
If a King theitore do this, to a King, and that by done. This in the Law of Mofes, which came next, be Ihall fame the alfo, feveral times is repeated, and in one place remarkably, Numb. s$. Te Jhall take no fattsfaBisn for the Itfe of a murderer, but he jhall furely be put to death : the Land cannot be cleanfed of the bUrjd that is (lied therein, but by the blood of
Law, Whofoever no exception.
which concern'd all Ifrael, not one were to be tak'n, then cerfatisfadion no man alone, to fee perform'd fet up any, was to obfhould when the no they King, Nay exception. tainly ferve the whole Law, and not only to fee ic don, but to doit ; that his heart his Brethren^ to dream of vain and reafonlefs Preromight not be lifted iif above the Law it felf muft needs be founded in unor wherby Exemptions, gatives
him
that flied
it-
This
is
lb fpok'u as that
-,
and
if
righteoufnefs.
And were
that true,
which
is
moft
falfe,
that
all
Kings are
the Lords
Anointed, it were yet abfurd to think that the Anointment of God fhould be and give them privilege who punilh others, as it were a charm againft Law The fin themfelves to high Prieft was the Lord's Anointed as well unpunilhably,
any King, and with the fame conf^crated oil yet Salomon had put to death If God himjibiather., had it not bin for other refpedts then that anointment. felf fay to Kings, Vouch not mine anointed, meaning his chosn people, as is evident in that Pfalm, yet no man will ar,i,ue thence, that he protefts them from then certainly, though D^w^/ as a private Man, and Civil Laws if they offend to lift his hand againft the Lord's Anointed, much lefs in his own caufe, fear'd or difarm Juftice from having legal power againft this the can forbid Law, other No fupream Magiftrate, in what kind of Government foever, any King. laies claim to any fuch enormous Privilege ; wherfore then fhould any King who is but one kind of Magiftrate, and fet over the People for no otlier end then they ? Next in order of time to the Laws of A//, arethofe of Chrift, who declares profeffedly his Judicature to be fpiritual, abftraft from civil managements, and therfore leaves all Nations to thir own particular Laws, and way of Government. Yet becaufe the Church hath a kind of jurifdidion within her own bounds, and that alfo, though in procefs of time much corrupted and
as
:
,
much approv'd by this King, it plainly turn'd into a corporal Judicature, yet will be firm anough and valid againft him, if Subjefts, by the Laws of Church alio, hsinvefiedwith a power of judicature both without and againft thir King,
though pretending, and by them atknowledg'd next and immedmtely under Theodofius the Emperor having made a Chrift fupream Head and Governour. 7 for of the fedition, but too cruelly, was excommunihejfalonians flaughter and Excommunion is cated to his face by Saint jimbrofe, who was his fubje(^ Rut this, the utraoft of Ecclefiaftical Judicature, a fpiritual putting to death. will Read then the and it will was an appear, Story, ye fay, only example. both that ^mbrofe avouch'dit for the Law of God, and Theodofus confeft it of his own accord to be fo and that the Law of God was not to be made void in him.,
, ,
From hence, not to be tedious, I fliall pafs for any reverence to hts Imperial Power. Brittain into our own Land of > and fhow that Subjeds here have exercis'd the
utmoft
( utmoft of fpiiitual Judicature, and more then fpiritual againft tliir Kings, his Predecedours. ymtiger for committing incelt with his Daughter, was time iiis Subject, curs'd and condemn'd in a Bri by Saint German^ at that the year 4+8^ and thereupon foon after was depos'd. tiQi Counul about for breach of Oath, and the murder of Cynetm^ Wales in a Mauricus King was excommunicated and curft, with all his Offspring, by Oudoctw Bi/hop of Landajf in full Synod, about the year 560 ; and not reltor'd till he had Morcînt another King in Wales having llain Frioc his Unkle, was repented. fain to come in Perfon,and receave judgment from the fame Bilhop and his Clerhis penitence acquitted him, for no other caufethen left the gie-, who upon Thefe Examples be dellitute of a Succeflbr in the Royal Line. Kingdom fhould Church and the long e're they had Epifcopal are of Primitive, Britifii, What power with the Church of Rome. or Communion Commerce any afterward of depcfing Kings, and fo confequently of putting them to death, was aiTum'd and pradis'd by the Canon Law, 1 omit as a thing generally known. Certainly if whole Councils of the Romifli Church haveinthe midftof thirdimnefsdifcern'd fomuch of truth, as to decree atConftance, and at Ba/il^ and many of them to avouch at Trent alfo, that a Council is above the Pope, and may judg him, though by them not deny'd to be the Vicar of Chrift, we in our clearer light may be afham'd not to difcern furder, that a Parlamenc is
,
520
a King, and may judg him, whofe reafons and equity and right above God as his immediate Vicegerent, we know how of hold to only, pretenfions
by
all
far fetch'd they are, and infufEcient. As for the Laws of man, it would ask a
volume to repeat
Country judg'd and whence efcaping, he was judg'd Council of Areoâgm in Athens. again, though a ftranger, before the great And this raemora^^'e aft of Judicature, was the firft that brought the Juflice of
jigamemnon.,
In Greece., in this point againft Antiquity. and by fuccelTion King of J^rgos., was in that
all
him from
that might be Orefies the Son of

all
condemn'd to death
for killing his
Mother
that grave Senate into fame and high eftimation over all Greece for many ages And in the fame City Tyrants were to undergo legal fentence by the after.
Laws of
Solon.
efteem'd a
The Kings of Sparta, though defcended lineally from Hercules God among them, were oft'n judg'd, and fometimes put to death by
the moft jull and renowned Laws of Lycurgw ; who, though a. King, thought it mofl: unequal to bind his Subjeds by any Law, to which he bound not himIn Rome the Laws made by VJerim Publicola., and what the Senate defelf. creed againft Nero., that he fliould be judg'd and punilh'd according to the Laws of thir Ancellors, and what in like manner was decreed againft other Civil Law warrants like power Emperors, is vulgarly known. And that the of Judicature to Subjefts againft Tyrants, is writt'n clearly by the beft and fa-
monfeft Civilians. For if it was decreed by Theodofins., and ftands yet firm in the Code of Jufiinian, that the Law is above the Emperor, then certainly the Emperor being under Law, the Law may judg him, and if judg him, may what panifhhim proving tyrannous how els is the Law above him, or to p^rin all Ages hath don and thereafter bin dedudions pofe ? Thefe are neceilary and Kingdoms, oftner then to be here recited.
:
,
But what need we any furder fearch after the Laws of other Lands for that which is fo fully and fo plainly fet down lawful in our own ? Where antient Books teQ Hs, i?r<J, Fleta., and others, that the King is under Law, and inferiour to his Court of Parlament j that although his place to do Jufiice be higheft, yet thait he ftands as liable to receave Juftice^ as themeaneftof his Kingdom. Nay >4/;^<r^themoft worthy King, and by fome accounted firft abfolute Monrfchof as is cited out of an antient Law-book call'd the the Saxons here, fo ordain a
,
Jl^rrOTi inKightsoftloe Kingdom^ p. 31. whereitiscomplain'd on, asthefovran whereas he ought be fuhabmfe fff 4By that the King îould he deerrCd above the Law., jfS titby his Oath. Of which Oath anticntly it was the laft caufe, that the
King îdd ht as liable, and obedient tofufer right, deed it were but fond and fenflefs, that the King
And inas others of his feofte. to be accountable fliould every
petty Suit in lefler Courts, as we all know he was, and not be fubjeft to thr Judicature of Parlament in the main matters of our common fafety or deftruftion ^ that he fliould be anfwerable in the ordinary cours of Law for any wrong done to a private Perfon, and not anfwerable in Court of Parlament for deftroying the whole i
Xxx
( 524 ) whole Kingdom. By all this, and much more that|migbt[be added as in an arwe fee it man ife ft that al! Laws both gument cvercopious rather then barren, of God and Man are made without exemption of any perfonwhomfoever and that jf Kings prefume to overtop the Law by which they raign for the publick good, they are by Law to be reduc'd into order-, and that can no way For be more juftly, then by thofe who exalted them to that high place. and when thir own are underftand better who fliould Laws, they tranfgreft, then they who are govern'd by them, and whofe confent fiilt made them ? And who can have more right to take knowledg of things done within a free Nation then they within themfelves ? Thofe objcded Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy we fwore, not to his Perand his Autority was by the Peofon, but as it wasinvefted with his Autority under Law, and under Oath alfo and in Law, ple firft giv'n him conditionally, the Oaths then were interand not otherwife: for the Kingdom's good, he fwore fidelity to his truft^ and fell together ftood mutual and changed, y not as a deluding Ceremony, but as a real condition of their admitting him for
;,
King
and the Conqueror himfelf fwore it ofter then at his Crowning : i fwore Homage and Fealty to his Perfon in that trufl:. There was no reathey fon why the Kingdom (hould be furder bound by Oaths to him, then he by his Coronation Oath to us, which he hath every way brok'n and having brok'n, the antient Crown Oath of -(4//rf^ above -mention'd, conceals not hisPcaîtyAs for the Covenant, if that be meant, certainly no difcreec Perfon :an imain any ftrider fenfe then thofe Oaths formerly. The gin it (hould bind us to him a(fts of Hoftility which we receiv'd from him, were no fuch dear obligements that we fhould owe him more fealty and defence for being our Enemy, then we could before when we took him only for a King. They were accus'd by him and his Party to pretend Liberty and Reformation, but to have no other end then to make themfelves great, and to deftroy the King's Perfon and Autority. For which reafon they added that third Article, tellifying to the World, that as they were refolv'd to endeavour firft a Reformation in the Church, to extirthe Rights of Parlament, and the Liberties of the pate Prelacy, to preferve fo far as it might confift with the prefer, ation and fo intended, they Kingdom, defence of thefe, to preferve the King's Perfon and Autority \ but rot nrherAs far as this come? to, they covnant and fwear in tlie fixth Article to wife. Perfons and Autority of one another, and all thofe preferve and defend the fo that this Covnant gives no unlimitabie exempthat enter into that League but tion to the King's Perfon, gives to all as much defence and prefervation as much as to thir own Perfons, and no morei that is to as him and to to him, to t'hofe main ends for which we live and are fubordination and in order fay, Bur if the a Nation of Men join'd in fociety either chriftian,or at leaft humane. Covnant were made abfolute, to preferve and defend any one whomfoever, without refpeft had, either to the true Religion, or thofe other fuperiour it cannot then be doubted, but things to be defended .and preferv'd however, a rather moft thbt the Covnant was foolifh, hafty, and unlawful Vow, then a deliberate and wellweigh'd Covnant-, fwearing us into labyrinths and repugnances, noway to be folv'd orreconcil'd, and tliereforeno way to be kept: as
.
offending againft the Law of ood, to vow the abfolute prefervation, defence, and maintaining of one Man, though i'i his fins and offences never fo great and hainous againft God or In., Neighbour ^ and to except a Perfon from Juftice, whereas his Law exccp,^ none. Secondly, it offends againft the Law of this
firft
Nation, wherein, as iiath bin prov'd. Kings in receiving juftice, and underLaftly, it contragoing due trial, are not differenc'd from the meaneft f.'jbjecl:. which vows in it the fourth Artithe Covnant dicts and crffends againft felf, all and thofe that (hall be found trial to cle condign punidrment bring to op'n his wherof the own Letters and of Crimes fuch by King Delinquencies, guilty and other undeniable Teftimonies not brought tu light till afterward, was found and convidtcd to be the chief ador in what they thought him at the time of taking that Covnant, to be overrufd only by evil Counfellers ; and thofe, or
whomfoever they
dign
they vow'd to try, either by ev'n then thir own fu^ream Judicatories^ for fo they call'd them, or by others to that ijfeU. them to have So that brought the King to conhaving fower from would have broke the but it hath not broke Punifhment the, Covnant,
ftiould difcover to be principal,
Covnant
( 525 ) Covnant to have fav'd hitn from thofe Judicatories, which both Nations declar'd in ih^t Covnant to be fapreme agaiatt any pcrfon whatfoever. And if the Covnant fwore otherwife to preferve him then in the prefervation of true Religion and our Liberties, againft which he fought, if not in Arms, yet in Refolution to his dying day, and now after death ftill fights againft in this his Book, the Covnant was better brolc'n, then he fav'd. And God hath tellifi'd by all popitious and evident ligns, wherby in thefe latter times he is wont to tellilie what pleafes him, that fuch a folemn and for many ages unexanipl'd aift of due punilhmcnt, was no mockery of Juftice, but a moft grateful and wcllNeither was it to cover thir perjury as he accufcs, but to Sacrifice. pleafing uncover his perjury to the Oath of his Coronation. The reft of his difcourfe quite forgets the Title and turns his Medications upon death into obloquie and bitter vehemence againft his Judges and jlccufen
,
as alfo in the
imitating therein, not our Saviour, but his Grandmother Mary Qpeen of Scots, moft of his other fcruples, exxeptions and. evalions ; and from
whom
ii
he feems to have learnt, as it were by heart, or els by kind, that which thought by his admirers to be the moft vertuous, moft manly, moftchnftian, and moft martyr-like both of his words and fpeeches here, and of hisanfwers and behaviour at his Trial. Itis afadfate^ he faith, to have ins Enemies both Accufers, Parties, and Judges. Sad indeed, but no fufficient Plea to acquit him from being fo jadg'd. For what Malefaiftor might not fomtimes plead the like ? If his own ccimes have made all men his Enemies, who els can judg him ? They of the Powder-plot againft his Father might as well have pleaded the fame. Nay at the Refurredtion it may as well be pleaded, that the Saints who then (hall judg the Word, are both Enemies., Judges., Parties., and Accufers.
So much he thinks to abound in his own defence, that he undertakes sn unmeafurable task to befpeak the fingnlar care and proteHion of God over all Kings., as hetng the greateji Patrons of Lam^ Jufiice., Order^ and Religion on earth. But what Patrons they be, God in the Scripture oft anough hath expreft and the earth it felf hath too long groan'd under the burd'n of thir injtiftice, diforder, and irreligioD. Therforc to bind thir Kings in chains., and thir Nobles with links not to build Babel, .which was of Iron, is an honour belonging to his Saints the and the Nimrod^swoxk^ firftKing, beginning of his Kingdom was Babel, but to deftroy it, efpecially that fpiritual Babel: and firft to overcome thofe European Kings, which receive thir power, not from God, but from the beaft ; and are counted no better then his ten horns. Thefe ftall hate the great IVhore^ and yetP'allgive thir Kingdoms to the Beafl that carries her they Jhall commit Fornication xvtth her., and yet flâll burn her with fire , and yet jfi all lament the fall of Babylon, where they fornicated with her. Thus (hall they be to and fro, doubtful and ambiguous in all thir doings, un',
-,
til
whofe power firft rais'd them, with him the by pcrifh King of Kings againft whom they have rebell'd i and the Fowls fti all eat thir Flefli. This is thir doom writt'n, and the which we have much utmoft that v;e find concerning them in thefe latter days more caufe to beleeve, ' then his unwarranted Revelation here, prophefying what fhall follow after his death, with the fpirit of Enmity, not of Saint John. He would fain bring us out of conceit with the good fuccefs which God hath meafure not our caufe by our fuccefs, but our fuccefs by our voutfat'd us. Yet certainly in a good Caufe fuccefs is a good confirmation ; for caufe. God hath promis'd it to good men almoft in every leaf of Scripture. If it argue not for us, we are fure it argues not againft us i but as much or more for us, then ill fuccefs argues for them i for to the wicked God hath denounc'd ill fucat lalt, jotfitng thir jirmtes with the Beaft.,
fhall
they
We
cefs in
by his ruin.,
them, and lefs advantaged 'Tis true, there be a them. fort of moodie, hot-braind, and always unedify'd Confciences ^ apt to engage thir Leaders into great and dangerous affairs paft retirement, and then upon a fudden qualm and fwimmingof thir Confcience, to betray them bafely in the midft of what was chiefly undertak'n for thir fakes. Let fuch men never meet with any faithful Parlament to hazard for them-, never with any noble Spirit to conduft and lead them out, but let them live and die in fervile Condition and
tempers., as
He
that they take in handhopes much of thofe fofttr

all
he
calls
that thir Confciences do already gripe
thir
526
conhim them. Others there be thir fcrupulous queafinefs, in whofe Confciences the lofsof gain, and thofe advantages they hop'd for, bath fprung a fudd.n leak. Thefe are they that cry out the Covnant brok'n, and
if noinftrucftion will
back into neutrality, or join aftually with Incendiaries God hath eminently begun to punilh thofe, Uritia Scotland, then in Vlfter^ who haveprovok'd him wiih the moft hateful kind of mocand hath fubkerie,to break his Covnant under pretence of liriLliell keeping it with whom be alfociates. not to they fcrupl'd jefted them tp thofe Malignants, In God therefore we fhalj not fear what thir fals fraternity can do againft ns. He feeks again with cunning words to turn our fuccefs into our fin. Bu might call to mind that the Scripture fpeaks of thofe alfo, who when God flew them^ then fought him-, yet did b\K flutter him jvtth thir mouth, and ly*dtohimvitb thir An'i there was one who ia the for thir heart was not right with him. tongues This was that King Ahaz.. lime of his afflidiion trefpafs'd more againll God He glories much in the forîvnefs of his Enemies i fo did his Grandmother at her death. Wife men would fooner have beleev'd him had he not fo oft'n
to keep it better and Malignants.
flide
But
And TroBut he hopes to ereft the Trophies of his Charity over ttt. fo. Alms vvill beas^/o)^tJ as of Hyof the no doubt Tiumpetsbefore phies Charity of the fuch an more and ; Trophies pocrites afpiringCharitieasofiers efpecially in his Prayer tofhare viftory with God'> cotr.-pa{fion, which is over all his Works. Such Prayers as thefe may perhaps catch the people, as was intended but how
told us
:
they pleafe God, is to be much doubted, though pray'd in fecret, much lefi Which perhaps may gain him after death a (hort, conwrict'n to be di' ulg'd. and foon fading reward , not what he aims at, to ftir the conftanqr temptible, and folid firmneft of any wife Man, or to unfetrle the confcienccof any knowing Chriftian, if he could ever aim at a thing fo hopelefs, and above the genius of his Cleric Elocution, but to catch the worthlefs approbation of an incon-
The relt whom perhaps ignoftant, irrational, and Image-doting rabble. rance without malice, or fome error, lefs then fatal, hath for the time mifled on this fide Sorcery or Obduration, may find the grace and good guidance to
bethink themfelves and recover.
JDVE
R-
C 5^7 )
J D FE R T
W'Hercas to be
in
S E
ME NT
,
S.
page 450.
precL-diii^, tlie
i.
then Billiopof Lonkon, and as well twice printed among his Works in Folio, as in but plainly appears to have been theiecond Edition of Eikon Bafdike by Mr. Royflon confiderable variation, from the mouth of Pamela, an imaginary iioln, without any Arcadia : it is judg'd not improper, 1 ady, to a Heathen Deitv, in Sir Philip Sidney's for the rarisfa(ftion of the Curious, to add here both the laid Prayers fet parallel to that this piece of Royal Plagiarifm, or (to be more charitable) of his one
another, Chaplain's Prielkraft
Charles pen'd by K.
which
as i\xd\
Author mentions a Prayer commonly believ'd was deliver'd by himfelf to Dr. Jftxofi
may
evidently appear to
ftil'd
all
the
World.
The
Prayer of K. Charier,
Prayer intime of C activity. K Charles^ Works, pag. 93. Edit. 1687.
The Prayer of Pamela, being under Imfrifonment, to a Heathen Deity. Arcadia, pag. 248. Edit. 1674.
O
fvi,
Powerful,
O Eternal Uod, to wmm that ttmayre. mthtngis fo great

it
or fa fm:ili that
is
contemned
look^
ufon my
md
let
thine eye of Mercy, miferywith tbtne infinite Power voHchfafe to
All-feeing Light, and eternal Life of all things, to whom nothing is either fo great that it may refill, or fo fmall that it is contemned
y^ \^
limit out
hrito
fume
as
to
me,
proportion of thee fliall feem

Injr.ry,
let
Deliverance
moli contri-
venient
Let not
Lord,
umph
over me, and

;
Hand be correBed
Fantt by thy and make not my un-
my
look upon my Mifery with thine eye of Mercy, and let thine infinite Power vouchfafe to limit out fome proportion of deliverance unto me, as to thee (hall feem mofl: convenient: Let not Injury, Lord, triumph over
Enemies the Minifiers of thy Jufiice. jull But yet, my God, if in thy Wtfdom thA be the aptefi Chaftifement for my unexcufable
this ungrateful Tranfgteffions; if be fittefl for my over. high DeBondage Pride ff my (not enough tf the
;
me, and
corrc(n;ed
my Faults by thy hand be and make not mine unjull Enemy the Minifter of thy Jullice. But yet, my God, if in thy Wifdom
lee
;
this be the apteft
fires
he thus to be broken, humble') Heart unto I hy Will, and cheer, Lord, yield embrace what Sorrow thou wilt have
fully
me
I
fitffer ;
thiu only
it
much
let
me crave
Chaftifement for my unexcufable Folly; if this low Bondage be fictefl for my over-higb Defires ; if the Pride of my not-enough humble Heart be thus to be broken, Lord, I yield unto thy Will, and joy-
Lord, be aceven from proceeds cepted of, ftnce Thee) that by thy Goodnefs which is thy Beam of thy wilt felf, thou ftiffer fome
of bee
(let
my craving,
fully
embrace what forrow thou wilt
have
fuff'er i only thus much let me crave of thee (let my craving, OLord, be accepted of thee, fince even that
me
AUjefty fo
to jliine
in
my Mind,
that /,
who
it
in
my
my greatcft Ajfli'Jions acknowledg to be nobleft Title thy Creature, may

on
proceeds from thee) let me crave even by the nobleft Title which in my greateft
AfRiftion
ftiH
depend confidently the Exercife, but not the OCalamity be vtrthrow of my Fertue ; O let not their be to my DeftrHîon i prevailing Power and if it be thy Will that they more and
Thee.
Let
am
may
give
my felf,
that
more vex me with Punifliment, yet, O Lord, never let their Wickednefs have fuch a hand but that I may fttll carry a pure Mind and ftedfaft Refolution ever to ferve thee without Fear or Prefumption,
yet
heft pleafe come to
thy Creature, and by thy Good nefs, which is thy felf, that thou wilt fuffer fome Beam of thy Majefty to fhine into my Mindjthat it may ftill depend confidently on thee. Let Calamity be the Exercife, but not the overthrow of my Vertuc let their power prevail, but
,
let my prevail not to Deftrndion i Let my Paia greatnefs be their Prey be the fweetnefs of their Revenge , Let
:
with that humble confidence, which thee ; fo that at the laji J

thy eternal
may may
them
vex
(if fo it
feem good unto thee)

Punilh-
me with more and more
Kingdom, through the
Merits of thy Son out alone Saviour, Jefus Chrilt.
Amen.
f>iid
/?;?,
ment , but, O Lord, let never their Wickednefs have fuch a hand, but that I may carry a pure Mind in a pure Body.
Andpaufmg a
while
And
the
moft
gracious Lord, Mufidorm.
whatever becomes of me,
prefer ve
vertuous
In
5^S
our Author charges K. Charles ]. with a Compag. 4S5. bcforegoing, Great Seal oC Scotland, impowcring the Popijh Irifli^ as was before agreed between them, to rife in arms, and to feize not only alldefen-
INmidion under the
butlikewife the ERates and Perfocs of all the EngUjh Proteftants in Thofe Barbarians Cthe method being left to their Difcretion) thought they could not better fecure the Ef^ltjli than by cutting their throats, which they inhumanly perform'd in cold blood, to almoft the number of two hundred
iTbie Places,
[reUnd.
thoufand Souls.
Affair
Whoever would,
befides the Confcffion of the Rebels themfaid Commiffion

Ir*/^
feivcs, fee further
Reafons to believe the
we determin nothing) may
perufe the
^wo/?r<j,
Genuin Cfor in this andDr. Jew/s
Book, both publifh'd by Authority of Parliament ^ and alfo a Piece entitl'd, Ihe Myihry of Iniquity^ p-5 5, ji^' printed in 1643. likewife ^wdc's Clironicle, Pcirt 3. p. 70. wherein this Commifllon is inferred at large, as itisherefubjoin'd.
CHARLES
We
by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland* France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, d^c. To dourCatho-
our KjrJgdom of Ireland, Greeting : KjJOw ye that lique Subjects within and prefervatio/tof our Perfon^ have been the for fafeguard enforced to make our abode and reftdence in our Kji^gdom of Scotland for a long feafon^ and dtjobedient carriage of our Parliament occafioned by reafon of the objlinat not only prefumed to take have in Vs who ; upon them the England againjl
Government and
difpoftng
Predecejfors havejuflly defcended upon of the faid KJngdom, for many hundred years paft^ hut alfo have pofthe whole Strength of the faid Kjngdom, in feffed themfelves of appoints and Officers in all parts and places therein^ ing G&vernours, Commanders^ at their own wills and pleafures, without Our confent^ whereby we are deprived naked without defence. And for as much as of Our Soveraignty^ and left We are (in our felf) very fenfible that thefe florms blow aloft, and are very * ^Puriun in a- Hkeh to be carried vehemencie of the Protejlant Par tie into our Kjncr^ by the notier opy. Power and Authoritie there ^^^^ : Ireland, and endanger our Regal
of thofe Princely Rights and Prerogatives that both Vs from our Kjngs and Queens
K/iow ye
therefore that
We repoftng much
alfo
care
and
trufl
;
in your duties
all
and
and
obedience, which we have for many years pafl found
Do
hereby give unto the

fpeed
you full power and
autoritie to ajfemble
andmeet together with
a bufmefs of fo great confequence doth require^ and to advife diligence that
and confult together by fufficient and difcreet numbers at all times, days, and in your judgments hold mofl convenient and material^ places which you /ball this great work {mentioned and difor the ordering, fetling, and effelling of rected unto you in Our Letters) And to ufe all politick ways and means pof
all the Forts, jF^/e to poffefs your felves (forOurufeandfafety) of Cafiles, the within and and places of firength defence faid KJngdom (except the Plaand Eflates of our loyal and loving SubjeBs the Scots :) And ces, Perfons, and Perfons of all the Englil]! Proand to alfo feize the Goods, Eflates, arrefl to Our And in your care and fpeedy the ufe. teftants within faid KJngdom
performance of
this
Our
will
andpleafure.
and Allegiance unto w, which
We
We fljall perceiveyour wonted Duty

and reward in due time.
in
jhall accept
Witnefs Our
felf at
Edenbrough the
firft
day of October
the feven-
teenth yearofourRaign.
For
C 525 2
That the CommifTion to the Irifh Papifts is genuin take not upon us to prove) it is further confirmed by King Charles the Second's Letter to the Irifh Council, 1663, in favour of the Marquefs of Jntrim, in which be declares in exprefs terms that the
FOR (which
a clearer ground,
here
we
Marquefs
or rebeHioHs purpofe againfi the Crown, and that his the Rebels was by the InJlruUions of his mth Tranfadions Irifh Royal Father^ and for hps Service; and that his faid Father was well what the did
was tnmcent from any malice
pleas'dwith Marquefs and approvd the fame. Notwithftanding this furpnfing Letter eight Articles were undeniably prov'd againll the Marquefs ; and wc prefix them here to the Letter, for the more eafy determining which of the three is moll Innocent or Guilty, King Charles I. his Son, or the Marquefs.
after he had done
it,
That the Marquefs of Antrim was to have A hand in furprizing the Oy?/f 0/ Dublin, in the year 1641. 2. That he was of the Rebels party before the f5th 0/ September, 1643. ^hich was made appear by his hoitrly and frequent intercourfe with Moore, and many others ; being himfelf the mo(l notoriom Renny
1.
of the faid Rebels. 5. That he entred into the Roman-CatholichConfederacy before the Peace in 1645. 4. That he conflantly adhered to //^^ NuntioV Party, in oppofition to his
Supredm Council of Kilkenny. 6. That he figned that execrable Oath of Jffociation. 7. That hewas Commiffionatedy and aiied as Lieutenant General^ from
the faid Affembly at Kilkenny. 8. That he declared, by feveral Letters of his own penningy himfelf i with Owen Ro Oneaie, and a conftant Oppofer to the
Majeflies Authority. he fate from time to time in the 5. That
Conjunction ral Peaces made by the Lord Lieutenant with the
feve-
Irifli.
King Charles
the Seconds Letter.
CHARLES
"
**
R.
R' you
that
Ight trufty
well.
lri\h
and well-beloved Coufins and Counfellors, &c. We greet How far we have been from interpofing on the behalf of
"
*'
*'
*'
"
''
*'
"
"
Subjefts, who by their mifcarriages in the late Rebellion in of Ireland had made themfelves unworthy of Our Grace and were fo jealous in that particuProtection, is notorious to all men j and lar, that Ihortly after our return into this Our Kingdom, when the Marquels of Antrim came hither to prefent his duty to Us, upon the information received from thofe Perfons who then attended Us, by a Deputation from Our Kingdom of Ireland^ or from thofe who at that time owned our Authority there, thattheMarquefsof-r^nmw had fomif- behaved himfelf towards Us, and Our late Royal Father of bleffed memory, that he was in ho
any of our
Kingdom
We
Wc
leaft Countenance from Us, and that they had maniand unqueftionable Evidence of fuch his guilt. Wherupon We refufed '* to admit the faid Marquefs fo much as into Our Prefence, but on th^con" where after he had trary committed him Prifoner to Our Tower of London " cc itinued feveral Months under a ftrift the continued Inforreftraint, upon " motion of the faid Perfons, We fent him into Ireland, without interpofing * tie leaft on his behalf, but left him to undergo fuch a Try al and Punifliment, *' a:by the Juftice of that Our Kingdom f.iould be found due to his Crime, ex*' pefting ftill that fome heinous Matter would be objeded and proved againft him, rX X xl
degree worthy of the
felt
[
''
'"
''
52<5
"
" " "

"
"
*
"
"
him, to make him uncapable, and to deprive him of that Favonr and Proteftion from Us, vviiith we knew his former Adions and Services had merited. After many months aiteiidance there, and (We prefume) after fuch Examinations as were requilite, he was at ialt difmiiled without any Cenfurc, and without any tranfmilfion of Charge atainft him to Us, and with a LiWe ccnduded that it was cence to tranrport himfelf into this Kii.gd m. then time to give him fome inftance t f Our Favour, and to remember tlic many Services he had done, and the Sufferings he had undergone, tor his Affedions and Fidelity to Our Royal Fatiicr and Our Self, and that it was. time to redeem him from thofe Calamities, which vct do lie as heavy upon him rtconiffiend himto And t^creup^.n lince, as before our happy Return
:
We
"
" " fome other Cafes. To vv'hich Letter^ you Our laid Licuten&nt returned us " anfwer, That you had inforiiicd Our Coiiiii.il of that Our Letter, and that
'*
that you ihould move Uit: Go.incil there, for preparing a Bill to berranfmittcd to Us, for there-inveJfinghim the .faid Niarquefs into the PoffefTion of his Eflate in that Our Kingdom, as had been done in
you Our Lieutenant,
" Bill ought not " be prefented

'
"
''
"
'
'*
"
"
"
*'
"
*'
you were upon confideration thereof, unanimoully of Opinion, that fuch a to be trai.lmitcd to Us, the Reafon whereof would forthwith A ter which time We received the to Us from Our Council. inclo{Ld Paition from the faid Mjrqiiefs. which We referred to the confiderations and examinations of the lords of Our Privy Council, whofe Names are mentioned in that Rijnence., which is annexed to the faid Petition^ who thereupon met together, and alter having heard the Marqiiefs oiAHtrim., did not think fit to make any Report to Us, till they might fee and underftand the Reafons which induced you not to tranfmit the bill We had propofed, which Letter v!?.s not then corr.e to Our Hands After which time We have hth of Afarch^ to. ether with feveral Petitions received your Letter of the which had been prefented to you, as well from the Old Souldiers and Adventnrea,as from the Lady A/archiomfs of Jimrtm^ all which wt iikewife tranfmitted to the Lords Referees : Upon a fecond Petition prefented to Us by the Lord
Om
Marquefsjwhich
*'
is
"
"
the fame into their
here Iikewife encloted, commanding Our faid Referees to take fei ious confideration, and to hear what the Petitioner had
fiT,
(!?
to offer in his own Vindication, and to report the whole m<?tter to Us, which upon a third Petition herein Iikewife indofed, V/e required them to expedite " with what By which deliberate Proceedings of ours you fpeed they cou'd. " cannot but no that obferve, importunity, how ji'lt foever, could prevail with '' Us to bring Our Self to a Judgment in this Affair, without very ample Infor'' Our faid Referees, after feveral Meetings, and perufal of what hath mation. *' been offered to them by the faid Marquefs, have reported unto Us, That they " have feen feveral Letters^^zW nf them the hand-writing of Our Royal Father to " the fiid Marquefs, and feveral h.(iruiions concerning his treating and joining " with the in order to the King's Service, by reducing to their Obedience, //{/?>, and by drawing fome Forces from them for the Service o{ Scotland. That befides the Letters and Orders under his Msjefties Hand, they have re' ceived fuificient Evidence and Teftimony of feveral private Melfages and Diredions fent from Our Royal Fêflbfr, and from Our Royal ^flffefr, with the ' Father ; by which they privity and with the Diredions of the King Our are perfwaded that whatever Intelligence, Correfpondence or Adings, the *' faid Marquefs had with the Confederate /njf/aC^fW/c^^, was direded or al' lowed by the faid Letters, InfltuUions and DireHions and that it manifeftly *' appears to them, that the King our Father was well pleafed with what the Cl Marquefs did, after he had done it, and approved the fame. " This being the true ftate of the Marquefs his Cafe, and there being no(I thing proved upon the firft Information againft him, nor anything contained " againft him in your Letter of March i8. but that you were informed, he had " put in his Claim before the CommifFioners appointed for executing the Ad: of *' Settlement and that if his innocency be fuch as is alledged, there is no need of *' tranfmitting fuch a Bill to Us as is defired; and that if he be Nocent^ itconfifts *' not with the Duty which you owe to Us, to tranfmit fuch a Bill, as if it fliould *' pafs into a Law, muft needs draw a great Prejudice upon fo many Adventu'' rers and Souldiers, which are, as it We have alledged-, to be therein concerned. *' conlidered of the Petition of the Adventurers and Souldiers^ which v.as tranf"
*'
'
'
'
mitted
5^7
"
"
"
"
''
mitted to Us by you, the Equity of which conflfts in nothing, but that they have b.en peaceably in Poirellion for the fp^ce of fcven or eight years, of thofe Lands which were formerly the Efliate of the Marquefs of ytmrim^ and
others,
fuffer
*'
And We " LondM, near " the

''
who were all engaged in the late ir/p Rebellion and that rhey fhall very much, and be ruined, if thofc Lands (hould betaken from thenj. have likewife conlidered another Pwifii-K from feveral Citizens of
-,
Cxty
in nuir ber,
diredcd to Our
be
Self,
Ma>'']f'fp
his Eftatc
may
made
liable to the
wherein they defire, That paimcnt of his jufl: Debts,
" "
*'
who have faithfully endeavoured to fervc the Crown^ unfortunate foever, than to expofe to Juftice thofe who have been really * and malicioufly guilty. And therefore we cannot in Jultlce, but upon the " Petition of the Marquefs of Antrim^ and nfter the ferious and ftrrft Inquifi" tion into his do find hira innocent from Aftiors, declare unto you. That " the Crown and that what he did or rebellious malice purpofeagainfl: any " or with the of Compliance Iri^} Rebels, was in orby way Corrcfpondence
are imocent^ and
'
" who " how
that fo they may not be ruined in the favour of the prefent Polleflbrs, who (they fay) arc but a few Citizens and Souldiers, who have disburfed very fmall fuiTi'; thereon. are lefs Upon the whole mnttcr no man can think the of and Our Acl to Declaration, thofe by Settlement, by protect en;;aged
We
We
'
*'
*'
"
*'
der to the Service of Our Royal f<ffcfr, and warranted by his Inflruiftions, and the Truft repofed in him and that the benefit thereof accrued to the Service of the Crown, and not to the particular advantage and benefit of the
,
"
And as Marquefs. to tranfmit quire you
We
CiWHOt
ifl
julflce
deny him
this
Teftimony, fo
We re-
Our Z-e/ffr
to
Our tomfflifiloners,
i
that they
may know
:
Our Judgments in this Cafe of the Lord of ^trw, and proceed " And fo We bid you heartily fareweL
Given
accordingly. '^ C
Our Coitrt Reign, 166 J.

at
>
at White-Hallj July lo, in the 15th Tear jgf

'
Our
.^v*'.
'
By
To Our R'liht Trufty and Right enthely li'ell-belovcd Con fin and"
^
hi5 Majefty's
'
Command,
,
CQunfellor,
Tames Duke of Ormond, OurLkutcnan) General, and General Governom- ôf Our
-'
_ NR T HE
\
,
BE
"
_ N ^,ET. XiA
^
,^
':
Kingdom of Ireland
and
oj
to the
Lords of Our Council Kingdom,
that Our
Entred at the Signet-Office,

July 13.
1653.
Wbst
C 528 ]
our Author had ingenioufly render'd fufplcious (not to fay very probable) by realbnable Conlequences or Prefumptiand ons, by Arguments drawn from the Book ir felf, has been fince his Death moft clearly prov'd from feveral undeniable Matters of Fal by the late Reverend Dr. Walker of Effex, viz. That K, Charles the Firft was not the real Author of Eikon BAfiUke^ but Dr. Gauden, then Bifhop of Exeter. We therefore refer the ipquifitive Reader to the faid Dr. Walker^ Account of the true Author ofEikoff Bajilike, and to the other Papers publifh'd on this occafion ; but we cannot forbear inferring in this place the following Memorandum of the late Noble Arthur Earl of Anglefey under hii own Hand, which was found in his Library prefixt to a printed Copy of oneof thefe Books. if the Declaration of two Kings, and thofe his own Sons, deferve any regard or credit, it plainly appears how much Dr. Gaudetf impos'd upon the World, and abus'd the Memory of that unfortu-
WHAT
Now
nate Prince.
The Memorandum,
KING
fhewd them
Charles
Charles
in
the
Second and
both (in the lajl

the
Sejftons
Duke of York, did of 'Parliament 1675. ^^^^^ I

the
wherein are fome

the
Lords Honfe the written Co^y of this 'Bookj CorreHions and Alterations written ipith the late IQng
Firji's
faid Ring's compilings which I here infert for the undeceiving of others much under my own Hand. tejling fo
own hand) afjure me that this was none of the but made by Vr. Gauden Exeter : !B//7;o/j of
in this
Tomtj
by at'
Angkfcy.
The Tenure
I
C 5^9 )
THE TENURE OF
%<m&
That
all
and jllagifttates:
held Co
it
PROVING, is Lawfully and hath been
through
for any, who have the Power, to call to account Ages, Y R A N T, or wicked King, and after due ConviiSti-
on,
to depofe, and put
him
to
Death
if the
ordinary
Magistrate
And
that they,
have neglected, or deny 'd to doe it.

late
who of the Men
fo
much blame Depofing,

it
are
that did
themfelves.
within themfelves would be govern'd by reafon, and not generally giveuptheir underftandingtoa double tyrannic, of cuftome from with-
Men
and blind afFciftions within, they would difcernc better what it is to But being flaves within favour and uphold the Tyrant of a Nation. have the that much ftrivefo to wonder no they public State conformdoore^, which to the inward vitious rule, by they govern themfelves. For ably govern'd indeed none can love freedom heartilie, but good men; the reft love not freedom, but licence j which never hath more fcope or more indulgence then under Hence is it that Tyrants are not oft offended, nor ftand much in Tyrants. doubt of bad men, as being all naturally fervile but in whom vertue and true worth moft is eminent, them they feare in earneft, as by right their Matters, aall their hatred and fufpicion. Confequentlie neither doe bad gainlt them lies but readieft have al waies with the falfifi'd names of Xoybeen hate men Tyrants, to colour over their bafe compliances. And although fomeand Obedience^ alty times for Ihame, and when it comes to their owne grievances, of Purfe efpecifeeme good Patriots, and fide with the better caufe, yet when ally, they would others for the deliverance of their Countrie, endu'd with fortitude and hero-
IF
out,
ick vertue, to feare nothing but the curfe written againft thofe that doe the worke ]n. ^3. on to remove* not onely the calamities and of the Lord negligently^ would goe
i^
thraldomes of a people, but the roots and caufes whence they fpring; flreight thefe men, and fure helpers at need, as if they hated onely the miferies but not the mifchiefes, after they have juggl'd and palter'd with the World, bandied and borne arms againft: their King, devefted him, difanointed him, naycurs'd him all over in thir Pulpits, and their Pamphlets, to the ingaging of fincere and reall men, beyond what is poftible or honeft to retreat from, not onely turne
which onely could at firft move them, but lay and theftaineof difloyaltie, worfe, on thofe proceedings, which are the neceffarie confequences of their owne former anions ; nor diflik'd by themfelves, were they manag'd to the intire advantages of their owne Faftion \ not confideringthe while that he toward whom they boafted thir new fidelitie, counted them accelTory, and by thofe Statutes and Laws which they foimpotently brandifh againft others, would have doom'd them to a trayors death for what 'Tis true, that moft men are apt anough to civill they have done alreadie. Wars and Commotions as a noveltie, and for a flafti, hot and adtive j but througii floth or inconftancie, and weaknefs of fpirit, either fainting ere there owne pretences, though never fo juft, be half attained, or through an inbred fallhood and wicked nefle, betray oft times to deftruftion with themfelves, menofnobleft temper join'd with them for caufes which they in their rafh undertakings were not capable of. If God and a good Caufe give them Vidory, the profecution whereof for the moft part, inevitably draws after it the alteration of
revolters
from thofe
Principles,
Yyy
Lawes,
5P
)
,
Lawes, change of Government, downfall of Princes with tlieir Families then comes the task to thofe Worthies which are the foule of that Enterprize, to bee iwettand iabour'd out amidft the throng and noifes of vulgsr and irratiomli men. Some contefling for Privileges, Cuftomes, Formes, and that old intanglemsnt of iniqiiitie, their gibrilh Lawes, though the badge of thdr ancient flaOthers who have been tierceft againlt their Prince, under the notion of very. a Tyrant, and nomeane incendiaries of the Warre againft him, when God out of his proadence and high difpofa!! hath'deliver'd him into the hand of their Brethren, on a fuddaine and in a new garbe of Allegiance, which their doings
hav e long fince cancelled they plead for him, pity him, extoll him, protellagainft thofe that taike of bringing him to the tryall of Judice, which is the Sword of God, fuperiour to all mortall things, in whofe hand foever by appa,
But certain^ly, if we confider who and rent lignes his teftified will is to put it. what they are, on a fuddaine growne fo pitiful), wee nuy conclude, their pity can be no true andChriftian commiferation, but either levitie and fliallownclle
of minde, or elfe a carnal! admiring of that worldly pompe and greatnefs, or rather laftly, a dillcmbl'd and feditions from whence they fee him fali'n piAs for mercy, if it bee to a ty, fain'd of induftry to beget new commotions. Tyrant, under which name they themfelves have cited him fo oft in the hearing of God, of Angels, and the holy Church allembl'd, and there charg'd hitn with the fpilling of more innocent blood by farre, then ever Nero did, undoubtedly the mercy which they pretend, i^ the mercy of wicked men, and their mercies, wee read, are cruelties i hazarding the welfnre of a whole Nation, to have fav'd one whom fo oft they have tearm'd jigag^ and viUifying the blood of many Jonathans that have fav'd Ifrael\ infilling with much nicenelFeonthe unneced'arieftclaufeof their Covnant, wherein the feare of change, and the abfurd contradidion of a flittering hoftilitie had hampered them, but not fcrnpling to give away for complements, to an implacable revenge? the
,
Prov. 12.10.
heads of many thoufand Chriftians more.
Another fort there is, whocomming in the courfe of thefe affairs, to have thir fliare in great aftions above the forme of Law or Cuftome, at leaft to give thir voice and approbation, begin to fwerve and almoft fhiver at the
majefty
and grandeur of Ibm noble deed, as if they were newly enter'd into a great fini difputingprefidents, formes, and circumftances, when the Commonwealth righ perifhes for want of deeds in fubltance, don with ju.l and faithfull expediTo thefe I with better inftruftion and vertue equall to their calling ; the tion. former of which, that is to fay Inftruftion, I Ihall indeavour, as my dutie is, to beftow on them 5 and exhort them not to ftartle from the juft and pious refolution of adhering with all thir affiftance to the prefent Parlament'and Army, in the glorious way wherein Juftice and Vidlorie hath fet them \ the onely warrants through all ages, next under immediate Revelation, to exercife fupreame power in thofe proceedings which hitherto appear equall to what hath been don in any age or Nation heretofore, juftly or magnanimouflie. Nor Jet them be difcourag'd or deterr'd by any new Apoftate Scar-crowes, who under /how of giving counfell, fend out their barking Monitories and Memento's^ emptieof ou^ht elle but the fpleene of a fruftrated Fadlion. For how can that pretended counfell, bee either found or faithfull, when they that give it, fee not for madnefle and vexation of thir endsloff, that thofe Statutes and Scriptures which both fainy and fcandaloufly they wreft againft their Friends and Adbciates, would by fentence of the common adverfarie, fallfirfl and heavieft upon their owrre heads ? Neither letmildeand tender difpofitions be fooliflily foftn'd from their dutie and perfeverance with the unmafculine Rhetorick of an v puling Pried or Chaplain, fent as a friendly Letter of advice, for fafhion-fake in private, and forthwith publifli'c by the Sender himfelfe, that wee may know how much of Friend there was in it, to caftan odious envie upon them towhgmit was pretended to be fent in charitie. Nor let any man bee deluded by either the iiinorance or the notorious hypocrifie and felt- repugnance of our dancing Divines, who havethc confcienceand the boldnefle, to come with Scripture in their mouthcs, glofs'd and fitted for thir turnes with a double contradidory fenfe, transforming the facredveritie of God, to an Idol with two faces, looking at once two feveral ways , and with the fame quotations to charge others, which in the fame cafe they made ferveto juftifie themfelves. For while the hope
,
to
5?' )
and Provincial! Lords led them on, while pluralities greas'd to bee and thick them deeps, to the fhame and fcandall of Religion, more then all the Sc(fts and Herelies they exclaimeagunli:, then to fight againft the Kings perof his Lords and Commons, or to put force upon both Ibn, and no lefle a party was lawfull, was no rellfting of Superiour powers i they the Houfcs was good, be to not refifted, whocountenanc'd the good and punilh't onely were powers thir cenforious domineering is not fufFer'd to be unithat now But the evill. b? freed, Tithes and Pluralities to be no more, to and confcience verfall, truth allowance provided, and the warme experience of large though' competent them i yet now to exclude and feize on imat fo and taking they good giff^, to bring Delinquents without exemption to a faire Tribunall Members, peach't Law againft murder, is now tobenolelTe thenCoby the common Nationall He who but erewhile in the Pulpits wasacurfed rah, Dathun-, and ^biram. God and Saints, laden with all the innocent blood fpilt Tyrant, an enemie to bee fo to and in three Kingdoms fought againft, is now though nothing penifirft his from alter'd or tent principles, a lawfull Magiftrate, a Sovrane Lord, the Lords Annointed, not to bee touch'd, though by themfelves imprifon'd. As if this onely were obedience, to preferve the meere ufelelfe bulke of his perfon,
made
Clafllc
and that onely in prifon, not in the field, andtodifobey his commands, denie him his dignitie and office, every where to relift his power but where they thinke
it
onely furviving in thir
owne
is
fa'flion.
Tyrant cannot be determind in a generall difcourfe his particular charge, and the fufficient proofe ctherwife then by fuppofition
But who
it
in particular
muft determine that: which leave to Magiftrates, at leaft to the uprightcr fort of them, and of the people, though in number lelTe by many, in whom Failion leaft hath prevaild above the Law of nature and right reafon, to judge But this 1 dare owne as part of my faith, that if fuch a one as they 6nde caufe. there be, by whofe Commiffion, whole raalfacres have been committed on his faithfull Subjects, his Provinces offered to pawne or alienation, as the hire of thofe whom he had follicited to come in and deftroy whole Cities and Countries ; be hee King or Tyrant, or Emperour, the Sword of Juftice is above him i in whofe band foever is found fufficient power to avenge the efFufion, and fo great a For if all human power to execute, not accidentally deluge of innocent blood. but intcndedly,the wrath of God upon evil doers without exception, be of God;
of
1
then that power, whether ordinary, or if that faile, extraordinary fo executing But to unfold more at that intent of God, is lawfull, and not to be refifted. with all expedient brevity, I Ihall here fet large this whole Queftion, though downe, from firft beginning, the originall of Kings , how and wherefore exalted above thir Brethren v and from thence fliall prove, that turning to that
dignitie
may b*ee as lawfully depofed and punilhd, as they were at firft elcded : This I fliall doe by autorities and reafons, not learnt in corners among Schifmesand Her i fiestas our doublinî Divines are ready to calumniate, but fetch'c outofthemidftofchoiceft and moft authentic learning, and no prohibited Authors, nor many Heathen, but Mof lical, Ghriftian, Orthodoxal, and which muft needs be more convincing to our Adverfaries, Presbyterial. No man who knows ou J ht, can be fo ftupid todeny that all men naturally were born free, being the image and refemblancc of God himfelfe, and were : and by privilege above all the creatures, borne to command and not to obey that they livd fo, till from tiie root o^ J dams tranfgreflion, falling among themfelves to doe wrong and violer.ce, and forefeeing that fuch courfes muft needs tend to the deftruftion of them all, they agreed by common league to bind each
to tyranny they
other from mutual injury, and joyntly to defend themfelves againft any that gave difturbance or oppolition to fuch agreement. Hence came Cities, Towns and Common-wealth?. And becaufe no faith in all was found fufficiently bindthat might reftraineby ing, they faw it needfull to ordaine fome Autoritie,
force and punifhment what was violated againft peace and common right : This autoritie and power of ftlf-defcnce and prefervation being originally and naturally in every one of them, and unitedly in them all, for eafe, for order i and
each man fhould be his o.vnc partial judge, they communicated and derived either to one, whom for the eminence of his wifdom and integritie they chofe above the reft, or to m.orc then one whom they thought of equal deferrleaft
ing
the
firft
was
called a
King; the other Magiftrates.
Not to be
their
y y 2
Lords and
(
rily to fiich as
5?2 )
and Maiflers (though afterward thofe names in fom places were g'lv'n voluntiihad bin authors of ineftitnable good to the people) but to be thir Deputies and Commiirioners, to execute, by vertue of thir incrufted power, that jiiftice which elfe every man by the bond of Nature and of Cov'nant muft have executed for himfelfe, and for one another. And to him that fhall condder well why among free perfons, one man by civil] right fliould beare autority and jurifdidion over another, no other end or reafon can be imaginable. Thcfe for a while governd well, and with much equitie decided all things at
thlr owne arbitrement till the temptation of fuch a power left abfolute in thir hand?, perverted them at length to injuRice and partialitic. Then did they who now by tryall had found the danger and inconveniences of connnitting arbitrary power to any, invent Lawes either frani'd or confented to by all) that ftould confine and limit the autority of whom they chofe to govern them: thac foManof whofe failing they had proof, might no more rule over them, but Law and Reafon abllraited as much as might be from perfonal errors and frailties. Whenthis would not ferve, but that the Law was eitiier not executed,
:
ormifapply'd, they were conltrained from that time, the onely remedy left them, to put conditions and take Oaths from all Kings and Magiflratcs at their firft inftalment to doe impartial jnfliceby Law : who upon thofe termes and no other, receav'd Ailegeance from the people, that is to fay. Bond or Covnant to obey them in execution of thofe Lawes which they the people had themfelves made or aflented to. And this oft times with exprefs warning, that if the King or Magiltrate prov'd unfaithfull to his truft, the people would be dilingag'd. They added alio Counfelors and Parl.iments, not to be onely at his beck, but with him or without him, at fet times, or at all times, when any danger Therefore iaith Claudiit) Sefell a tlireatn'd, to have care of the public fafety. French Statefman, The Parlament wm fet at a bridle to the King ^ which I inftancc
rather, becaufe that Monarchy is granted by all to be a farre more abfolute then ours. That this and the reft of what hath hitherto been fpok'n is moft true, might be copioufly made appeare throughout all Stories Heathen and Chriftian
,
ev'n of thofe Nations where Kings and Emperours have fought meanes toabolifh all ancient memory of the peoples right by their encroachments and ufurpa-
fpare long infertions, appealing to the German, French, Italian, Arragonian, Englifli, and not leaft the Scottilh Hiftories: not forgetting this onely by the way, that William the Norman though a Conqueror, and notunfworne at his Coronation, wascompelld a fecondtiraeto take Oath ztS.Albanesy ere the people would be brought to yeild obedience. It being thus manifeft that the power of Kings and Magiftrates is nothing elfe, but what is onely derivative, transferrd and committed to them in trutt
tions.
I
But
from the People to the Common good of them all, in whom the power yet remaines fundamentally, and cannot be tak'n from them, without a violation of thir natural Birthright ^ and feeing that from hence Ariftotle^ and the beft of Political Writers have definM a King, him who governs to the good and profit of his People, and not for his owne ends it follows from necellary caules that
,
that the Titles of Sovran Lord, Natural Lord, and the like, are either arrogancies, or flatteries, not admitted by Emperors and Kin/,s of beft note, and diflikt by the Church both of Jews, Ifai.26.ii. and ancient Chriftians, as ap-
pears by TertHllian and others. Although generally the People of Jfia^ and with them the Jewsalfo, efpecially lince the time they chofe a King, againlfc the advice and counfel of God, are noted by wife Authors much inclinable to
Slavery.
Secondly, that to fay, as is ufual, the King hath as good right to his Crown as any Man to his Inheritance, is to make theSubjeft no better then the Kings Slave, his Chattel), or his Poffefnon that may be bought and fould And doubtlefs, if hereditary Title were fufficiently inquired, the belt But foundation of it would be found but either in courtefie or convenience. fuppofe itto be of right hereditarie, what can be more jull and legal, if a Subjeft for certaine crimes be to forfetby Law from himfelfe and Polterity, all his Inheritance to the King, then that a King for crimes proportionall, fhould forfet be thought all his title and inheritance to the people ? unlefs the people muft eroated all for him, he not for them, and they all in one body inferior to him
and Dignitie,
:
foigk.;
which were a kind of treafon againft the dignity of mankind to
affirm.
Thirdly,
( 5?? )
to fay Kings are accountable to none but God, is Thirdly, kfollowes, that Government. For if they may refufe to give and Law all of the overturning with them at Coronation, all Oathes are in made Covnancs all then account
and raeer mockeries ^ all Lawes which they fweare to keep, made to no if the King fcare not God, as how many of them doc not ? we purpofe; for by the tenure of liis raeer grace and mercy, as hold then our lives and eftates from a God, not a mortal Magiftrate a Pofition that none but Court-paraiites or Men befotted would maintain. And no Cliriftian Prince, not drunk wich high that deifi'd themfelves, would arMind, and prouder then thofe Pagan Cafari or derogate fo bafely from a human above condition, rogate fo unrealonably him if for as men his of fubfifting, and to ferve his Nation onely brethren, jvhole his owne brute will and pleafure no more of in them comparifon glory, valuing then fo many beails, or vermine under his feet, not to be reafon'd with, bat to found fo many thoufand men for wifbeinjurdi among whom there might be and all other refpeds but the fortune of his dora, vertue, noblenefs of mind, Yet fome would perfwade us that this abfurd opinion far above him.
vaine,
:
,
dignity,
What ever his meaning were, any wife man a Pfalme can be no certaine decifiontoa words of willfte that the patheticall How much more rarules to goe by. certaine more hath abundantly point that of a in Heathen the Tragedy Euripides then thefe King Demophoon tionally fpake not 1 rule would David, by TyT^nny at if People my put upon King interpreters I doe unJHJily^ to fujfer jnfily. Not xeere Barbarixns, hut am my f liable, if elf they unlike was the fpeech of Traiaa the worthy Emperor, to one whom he made Take this drawne (word, faith he, to ufe for General of his Prstorian Forces
yond compare then
againfl Vriah.
:
was King Davids, becaufe in the 5 Pfalm he cries out to God, y^âi[i thee only have Ifwri'd-^ as if DavidhzA imagind that to murder VrUh and adulterate his Wife had bin no iinne againfl; his Neighbour, when as that law of Mofes was to the King exprefly, Deut. 17. not to think fo highly of himfelf above his BreDavid therefore by thofe words could mean no other, then either that thren. the depth of his guiltinefs was known to God onely, or to fo few as had not the will or power to queftion him, or that the Sin againfl: God was greater be1
Thus Dton relates. And not not, to ufe againfl me. a Chriftian Emperor and one of the Traian onely, but Theodojius the younger a as rule caufd it to be enaded undenyable and fit to be acknowledgd by
me,
if
1
reigne well
if
bell,
that on the autoKings and Emperors, that a Prince is bound to the Laws ^ and Laws to the Prince of a ought fubmit. depends, rity of Law the autority i. tit. Code in the of his of remaines Edift yetunrepeald Jujiinian^ I. Which How can all then the to conflitution a facred as fucceeding Emperors. any 24. King in Europe maintaine and write hirafelfe accountable to none but God, when Emperors in their owne imperiall Statutes have writt'n and decreed themfelves accountable to Law ? And indeed where fuch account is not fear'd, he that bids a man reigne over him above Law, may bid as well a favage beafl. It follows laltly, that fince the King or Magiftrate holds his autoritic of the both originally and naturally for their good in the firft place, and not
all
people,
owne, then may the people as oft as they fhall judge it for the beft, either chcofe him or rejedl him, retaine him or depofe him though no Tyrant, meerly by the libertie and right of free born men to be govern'd as feems to them beft. This, though it cannot but ftand with plain reafon, fhall be made good alfo by thou art come into the Land which the Lord thy Scripture, Dent. 1 7. 24. When like at all the Nations abouc a Godgiveth thee, and fhall fay I rvillfet King overmee, mee. Thefe words confirme us that the right of choofing, yea of changing
his
God himfelf in the people. And thereunder another forme of Goverment, then defir'd a King, though and though thir changing difpleafd him, yet he that was himfelf thir King, and rejeded by them, would not be a hindrance to what they intended, furder then by perfwafion, but that they might doe therein as they faw good, i Sam. 8. onely he referv'd to himfelf the nomination of who fhould reign over them.
thir
owne Goverment; is by
the grant of
fore when they
Neither did that exempt the King as if hee were to God onely accountable, though by his efpeciall command anointed. Therefore David firft made a Covnant with the Elders of Jfrael., and fo was by them anointed King, 1 Chron. Ii. And Jehoiada the Prieft making Jehoafh King, made a Cov'nant between him and the people, 2 Kings u. 17. Therefore when Roboam at his commingtothe
Crowne,'
5M
Ciowne, rejefted thofe conditions which the Ifraelites brought him, heare wiian they anfwerhim, what portion have we m David-, orinherttance intheSonofJeJJe? And for the like conditions not performed, all See to thine owne Honfe David. that time //r^f/before depofedSîOTWf// ^ not for his own default, but for the But fom will fay to both thefe examples, it was evilof his Sons. niifgoverment not that the latter, 1 don. becaufe it was expreflely allowed anfwer, ly
them
in
the
Law
to fet up a King
;
if
they pleas'd
and
God
himfelf joynd
time difplcahim, in refpeft of old Samuell who had governd them uprightly. As Livy praifes the Romans who took occafion from larqnimm a wicked Prince to gaine their libertie, which to have extorted, faith hee, from. Numa or any of the good Kings before had not bin feafonable. Nor was it in the former example don unlawfully y for when Rohoam had prepar'd a huge Army to reduce the Ifraelites., he was fcrbidd'n by the Profet, I Kings 12. 24- Thus faith the Lo' d., yee jhall not goe up, nor fight againfi your he He calls them thir Brethren, not Rebels, and thren, for this thing is from me. forbidds to be proceeded againft them, owning the thing himfelfe, not by lingle providence, but by approbation, and that not onely of the ad, asintheformer example; but of the fitt feafon alfo ^ he had not otherwife forbidd to moleft them. And thofe grave and wife Counfellors whom Rehoboam firfl: advis'd with, fpake no fuch thing, as our old gray headed Flatterers now are wont, ftand upon your birth-right, fcorne to capitulate, you hold of God, and not of them; for they knew no fuch matter, iinlefs conditionally, but gave him politic counfel, as Therfore Kingdom and Magiftracy, whether fuprerae inacivil tranfadtion. or fubordinat, is calid ahuman Ordinance., i Pet. 2. 13, &c. which we are there taught is the will of God wee fhould fubmitt to, fo farr as for the punifhment of evil doers, and the encouragement of them that doe well, Suhmitt., faith he, > And thzre n no power but of God., faith Paul, Rom. 13, as much as to fay, free men.
with them in the work
though
in
fome
fort
it
was
at that
fing to
God put it into mans heart to find'out that way at firll for common peace and prefcrvation, approving the exercife thereof i els it contradids Peter, who calls It mull be alfo underftood of lawful! the fame autority an Ordinance of man. we read of and juft power, els great power in the Affaires and Kingdomes of
to the Devill for faith he toChrift, Z-iê 4. 6. allth'n to thee and the I whomfoever give glory of them, for it is deliver d to we, and power J Will., I give it : neither did hee ly, or Chrift gainfay what he affirm'd ; for in the thirteenth of the Revelation wee read how the Dragon gave to the Beaffc : which Beaft fo autoriz'd moft his power, his feat, and great autority expound to be the tyrannical Powers and Kingdomes of the Earth. Therfore Saint Paul in
the
World permitted
will
theforecited Chapter tells ror to the good but to the
us,
evill,
that fuch Magiftrates he meanes, as are not a terfuch as beare not the fword in vaine, but to pu-
nifh offenders, and to encourage the good. powers to be obeyd, and our fubmilfion to
If fuch oncly be mentiond here as them onely requird, then doubtlefs and by thofe powers that doe the contrary, are no powers ordaind of God them. or not to refift And it no laid us to obey obligation upon confequence this be well obfervd that both thefe whenever may Apoftles, they give Precept, exprefs it in termes not concrct but ahftraU, as Logicians are wont to fpeake ;
;
that is they mention the ordinance, the power, the autoritie before the perfons that execute it i and what that power is, leftwe fhould be deceavd, they deSo that if the power be not fuch, or the perfon execute not fuch fcribe exadly. power, neither the one nor the other is of God, butof the Devill, and by con-
From this expofition Chryfoflome alfo on the fame fequence to bee refifted. place dillents not; explaining that thefe words were not writt'n in behalf of a And this is vcrifyM by David, himfelf a King, and likeliell to be AuTyrant. thor of the Pfalm 94. 20. which faith. Shall the throne of iniquity have feliowflnp with thee f And it were worth the knowing, fince Kings, and that by Scripture, boaft the juftnefs of thir Title, by holding it immediately of God, yet cannot fljow the time when God ever fet on the Throne them or thir forefathers, but onely when the people chofe them ; why by the fame reafon, fince God afcribes as oft to himfelf the ceding down of Princes from the Throne, it fhould not be thought as lawful, ar.d as much from God when none are feento do it but the For if it needs muft be a fin in them to depofe, peopie, and that for juft caufes.
it
may
aslijcely
be a
fin to
have eleded.
And
contrary
if
the peoples
ad
in
eledion
(
eIe(flion
555
be pleaded by a King, as jufl title to en throne him, why may not the peoples aft ofrcjeitioii, be as well pleaded by die people as the aft of God, and the moll jiift reafon to dcpofc him ? So that we fee the title and juft right of reigning or dcpoling in reference to God, is found in Scripture to be all one ^ viiible cnely in the people, and depending meerly upon jultice and demerit. Thus farr hath bin co.nliderd brietly the
er of Kings and Magillratesi how it was and is originally the peoples, and by them confers d in truft onely to bee imployd to the common peace and benefit i with libertie therefore and right remaining in them to rcaliume it to tlicm-
the aft of God, and the molt
pow-
by King;, or M^giftrates itbeabus'd ; or to difpofe of ic by any alas they (hall judge raoft conducing to the public good. teration, may from hence with more eaie, and force of argument detcrmin what
felves, if
Wee
Tyrant is, and what the people may doe againlt him. A Tyrant whether by wrong or by right comming to the Crow ne, is he who regarding neither Law nor the common good, reigns onely for himfclf and his Faflion Thus St. Bafd among others defines hirn. And bccaufe his power is great, his will boundlefs and exorbitant, the fulfilling whereof is for the moft part accompanied with
a
:
innuraernble wrongs and opprelTions of the people, iMurders, Mallacre^, Rapes, Adulteries, Defolation, and Subverfion of Cities and whole Provinces ^ look how great a good and happinefs a jult King is, fo great a mifcheife is a Tyrant as hee the public Father of his Conntrie, fo this the common Encmie. Againfl:
,
the people lawfully may doc, as againlt a common pelt, and de1 of mankinde, fuppofe no man of deare judgement need goe furdcr Itroyer to be guided then by the very principles of nature in him. But becaufe it is tlie vulgar folly of mentodefert thirowne reafon, and (liutting thir eyes to think they fee bell with other mens, I lliail fl'-ew by fuch examples as ought to have moll waight with i;s, what hath bin don in this cafe heretofore. ThzGreeks and RomanSf as thir prime Authors witnefs, held it not onely lawfull, but a glorious and heroic Deed, rewarded publicly with Statues and Garlands, to kill an infamous Tyrant at any time without tryal ^ and but reafon, that he who trod down all Law, (hould not be voutfaf'd the benefit of Law. Infomuch that 5fw<* the Tragedian brings in /i/ifrc/w the grand fupprellbr of Tyrants thus
fpeaking,
ViEiima haud '.tUa amplior maâri Jovi ToteJ}^ magifque opma
whom what
âm Rex iniqnm

No
facrifce
to
There can he jlaine Cod more acceptable
Then an
imjitfi
and wiikfd King
name no more, left it be objefted they were Heathen , and fort of men that had the knowledge of true Religion. another come to produce cullome of Tyrant- killing was not unufual. this Firfl; Ehud^ the Jews Among
But of thefe
I
to deliver Ifrael from EglcnY^'mg o^ Moah^ who had conquer'd and ruFd over them eighteen Years, being fent to him as an But he was a Ambaflador with a prefent, flew him in his owne Houfe. forren Prince, an Enemie, and Ehud befides had fpecial warrant from God. To the firft I anfwer, it imports not whether forren or native: For no Prince fo native but profelles to hold by Law i which when he himfelfe overturnes^ breaking all the Covnants and Oaths 'that gave him title to his dignity, and were the bond and alliance between him and his people, what differs he from an Outlandilh King or from an Enemie ? For looke how much right the King of to govern us at all, fo much right hath the King of ^ /<</ to goS/)4f hath vern us tyrannically. If he, though not bound to us by any league, comming from Sfaine'm perfon to fubdue us, or todeftroy us, might lawfully by thepcopleof //rf<icither bee flaine in Fight, or put to death in Captivity, what hath a native King to ple.id, bound by fo many Covnants, Benefits and Honours to the welfare of his people ? why he through the contempt of all Laws and Parlaments, the onely tie of our obedience to him, for his ownc wills fake, and a boalted Prerogative unaccountable, after fev'n Years warring and deftroyingof his belt Subjects, ovcrcom, and yei'ded prifoner, fhould think to fcape unqueftionable,
aman whom Gnd had rayfd
( 5S6 )
ftionsble, as a thing divine, in refpeft of whom fo many thoufand Chrillians deflroy'd /hould lye unaccounted for, polluiing with thir flaughterd Carcaffes ail the Land over, and crying for vengeance agalnft the living that ftiould have
righted them
? Who knows not that there is a mutual bond of amity aud brotherhood between man and man over all the World, neither is ittheEnglifh Sea that can fever us from that duty and relation a ilraiter bond yet there is between fellow-fubjeifts, neighbours, and friends But when any of thefe do one to another fo as hoflility could do no vvorfe, what doth the Law decree lefs againfl them, then open enemies and invaders ? or if the Law bz not prefent, ortoo weake, what doth it warrant us to lefs then fingle defence or civil Warr ? and from that tirn^ forward the Law of civill defenfive Warr differs nothing from the Law of forren hoftillty. Nor is it diftance of place that makes
:
me as far as all civil and human a and if but an Englifhman forgetting all Englilhman Neighbour, Laws, human, civil and religious, offend againfl life and libertie, to him offended and to the Law in his behalf, though born in the fame Womb, he is no better then a Turk, aSarafin, a Heathen. This is Gofpel, and this was ever Law^
is
enmitie, but enmity that makes dillance. me neer or remote, of whatfoever Nation,
He
therefore that keeps peace with

to
Oflices an
equals ; how much rather then in force againfl any King whatfoever, v^hoinrefpedt of the people is confefsd inferiour and not equal todiflinguifh therfore of a Tyrant by Outlandilh, or Doraellic is a weak evaflon. To the fecond that he was an Enemie, I anfwer, what Tyrant is not? yet Eglonhy the Jews had bin acknowledgd as thir Sovran, they had fervd him eighteen years, as long almoll as we our William the Conqueror, in all which time he could not be fo unwifc a Statefman but to have tak'n of them Oaths of Fealty and Allegesnce, by which they made themfelves his proper fubjefts, as thir homage and To the third, that he had fpeciil warrant to prefent fent by fiEjw^teftifyd. kill Eglon in that manner, it cannot be granted, becaufe not tis plain exprefsd that he was rayfd by God to be a Deliverer, and went on jufl principles, fuch as were then and ever held allowable, to deale fo by a Tyrant that could no otherivife be dealt with. Neither did Samnell though a Profet, with his own hand a forren enemie no doubt ; but mark the reafon. At abftain from Jgag thy Sword hath made VDomen childlefs a caufe that by the fentence of Law it felf nullifies all relations. And as the Law is between Brother and Brother, Father and Son, Maifter and Servant, wherefore not between King or rather Tyrant and People ? And whereas Jehu had fpecial command to flay Jehoram a fuccelTive and hereditarie Tyrant, it feems not the lefs imitable for that for where a thing grounded fo much on naturall reafon hath the addition of a commafld from God, what does it but eflafalifh the lawfulnefs of fuch an aft ? Nor is it likely that God, who had fo many ways of punifhing the houfe of Ahab, would have fent a
among
-,
>
Subjeft againfl his Prince, if the faft in it felf as don to a Tyrant had bin of bad example. And if David refufd to lift his hand againfl the Lords anointed,
the matter between them was not tyranny, but private enmity, and David as a private perfon had bin his owne revenger, not fo much the peoples j but when any> Tyrant at this day can fhew to be the Lords anointed, the only mention'd
reafon why David withheld his hand, he may then, but not till then, prefume on the fame privilege. may pafs therefore hence to Chriflian Times. And firft our Saviour himhow much he favourd Tyrants, and how much intended they fhonld be felf, found or honourd among Chrillians, declares his mind not obfcurely i accounting thir abfolute autoritie no better then Gentilifme, yea though they flourifhd it over with the fplendid name of Benefaftors charging thofe that would be his Difciples to ufurp no fach dominion ; but that they who were to be of mofl
We
fhould efleem themfelves IVliniflers and Servants to the and The Princes of the Gentiles exercife Lordjhip over them public. 25. Aârk 10.42. They that feem to rule ^ faithhe, either flighting or accounting them no lawful rulers ; hutye jhall not he fo^ but the greatejl among you fiall be your Ser-. vant. And although he himfelf were the meekefl, and came on Earth to be fo, but Tell that Fox^ a yet to Tyrant we hear him not voutfafe an humble word fuch 1 wherefore did the And his Mother praife to God Virgin Mary give Luki 3in her profetic Song, that he had now by the comming of Chrifl, Cut down or Monarchs from the Throne^ if the Church, when- God maniautoritie
among them,
A'fat. 20.
Dynafla's^
proud
fefts
(
fefls his
5n
do fo, fiiould rather choofe all raiferie and vaffal* let them ftill fit on thir potent feats to be ador'd for dois not for nothing that Tyrants by a kind of natural ining mifchief. Surely it ftinift both hate and feare none more then the true Church and Saints of God, as the molt dangerous enemies and fubverters of Monarchy, though indeed of
them power and ferve to them, age
in
to
hath not this bin the perpetual cry of Courtiers, and Court-Pre\ no likelier caufe can be alleged, but that they well difcern'd the whereof lates? mind and principles of mod: devout and zealous men, and indeed the very difNo marvelthcii of Church, tending to the dilFolution of all Tyranny. cipline if fince the P'airh of Chrifl: receav'd, in purer or impurer times, to depofe a King and put him to death for Tyranny hath bin accounted fo juft and requilit, that neighbour Kings have both upheld and cak'n part with SubjecT;s in the acAnd Ludoviciu Pins, himfelf an Emperor, and Son of Ch^rUs ih^Grcztt tion. made judge, Du Haillan is my author, between MiUgaft King of the being Vultz.es and hi Subjefts who had depos'd him, gave his verdit for the Subjeds, and for him whom they hid chos'n in his room. Note here that the right of eleding whom they pleafe, is by the impartial teftimony of an Emperor in the For, fa id he, jft Prince on^ht to l>e freferr'd before an unjttfl; and the people. And Conflaniinits Leo, another Emperor end of Goverment before the prerogative.
Tyranny
in the Byz.antine
he not performing,
own
faith, Ihat the end of a King U for the general good, which but the count erfet of a King. And to prove that fome of our Moiiarchi have acknowledg'd that thir high ofhce exempted them not from
is
Laws
the Sword of St. Eîp^rii born before them by an OfGcer puuilhment, they had Earl of the Palace ev'n at the times of thir higheft pomp and foMathexv Parity the belt of our Hiftorians, that if lemnity, to mind them, faith And what reftraintthe they err 'd, the Sword had power to reftrain them. both and if to at Sword comes point, cdg any Sceftic will needs length, having
who was calld
It is alfo affirm'd from diligent fearch made in our ancient let him feel. the Peers and Barons of England had a legall right to judge that of books Law, the King: which was the caufe molt likely, for it could be no flight caufe. that
doubt,
This however may Hand immovable, they were call'd his Peers, or Equals. fo long as man hath to deale with no better then man , that if our Law judge all men to the lowelt by thir Peers, it Ihould in all equity afcend alfo, and judge And fo much 1 find both in our own and forren Story, that Dukes, the higheft. Earls, and Marquelles were at firft not hereditary, not empty and vain titles, as induces me to be but names of trull and office, and with the office cealing
.
of opinion, that every worthy man in Parlament, for the word Baron imports no more, might for the public good be thought a fit Peer and Judge of the and Circumftances, the chief imKing-, without regard had to petty Caveats, and ever ftood moft by circumftantial men. in affairs, upon high pediment Whence doubtlefs our Anceftorsywho were not ignorant with what rights either Nature or ancient onftitution had endowed them, when Oaths both at Corooation, and renew'd in Parlament would not ferve, .thought it no way illegal Infomuch that the Parlato depofe and put to death thir Tyrannous Kings. ment drew up a charge againft Richard the Second, and the Commons requefted to have judgement decreed againit him, that the Realm might not beendanAnd Peter Martyr aDivins offormoltrank, on the third of jf(^ apgcr'd. Sir Thomas Smith alfo, a Proteftant and a Statefraan, in his thir doings. proves Commonwsalth of England putting the Quefl:ion> whether it be lawful to rile againft a Tyrant ? anfwers, that the vulgar judge of it according to the event, and the learned according to the purpofe of them that do it. But far before thofedays Gildas the moft ancient of all our Hiftorians, fpeaking of thofetimes wherein the Roman Empire decaying, quitted and relinquilh'd what right they had by Conqneft to this Hand, and refign'd it all into the peoples hands, teftifies that the people thus re-invefted with thir own original right, about the year
'
44<S, bothele^-ted
tiih
them Kings, who they thought belt (the firft Chriftian BritKings that ever rai^n'd here fince the Romans) and by the fame right, when This is the they apprehended caufe, ufually depos'd and put them to death. moft fundamental and ancient tenure that any King of England can produce or pretend to ; in comparifon of which, all other titles and pleas are but of yefterday.
any objedl that Gildat condemns the Britanes for fo doing, the aalwerisasready thathe condemns them no more for fo doing, then be did before 22z
If
-,
555
before for choodng fuch, for faith he, ney anointed them Kin^t^ not of God, hut fuch as were more bloody then the re/}. Next he condemns them not at all for or to but for them death, doing it overh3(lil7, without tryal depOi;ng putting or well examining the caufe, and far eletting others worfe in thir room. Thus we have here both domeftic and moil ancient Examples that the people of Britain have depos'd and put to death thir Kings in thofe primitive Chriftian times. And to couple reafon with ex^mple, if the Church in all Ages, Primitive, Romifh, or Proteftant, held ic ever no lefs thir duty then the power of thir Keys,
though without exprefs warrantor Scripture, to bring indifferently both King and Peafant under the utmoft ngor of thir Canons and Cerifures Ecclcliaftical, ev'n to the fmiting him with a final Excommunion, if he perfllt impenitent, what hinders but that the temporal Law both may and ought, though without a fpecial Text or Prefident, extend with like indifference the civil Sword, to the cutting off, without exemption, him that capitally offends ? Seeing that Juftice and Keligion are from the fmie God, and works of Juftite ofrtimes more Yet becaufe that fome lately with the Tongues and Arguments of acceptable. have writt'n that the proceedings now in Parlament aBackiliders Malignant without Prefident from any Prottltant State or ft the are gai King, Kingdom) the Examples which follow (hall be all Pmteftanc, and chiefly Presbyterian. The Duke of Saxonie, Lantgrave of Heffen., and the In the Yeir 154^. whole Proteftant League rais'd open War againftCW/ej the Fifth thir Emperor, fcnt him a Defiance, renounc'd all Faith and Allegeance toward him, and debated long in Counfell whether they fhould give him fo much as the title of C^far. Sleidan.l. 17. Let all men judge what this vi'anted of depofing or of ir. killing, butthepower to do In the Year 1559. The Scotch Proteftants chiming promife of thir QueenRegent for liberty of Confcience, (he anfwering that promifes were not to be claim'd of Princes beyond whit was commodious for them to grant, told her to her face in the Parlamenr then at Sterlings that if ic were fo, they renounc'd thir Buchanan Hifi. I. /6. Cerobedience-, andfoon after betook them to Arms. tainly when Allegeance is renounc'd, thafvery hour the King or Queen is ineffed depos'd. In the Year 151^4. John Knox z moft famous Divine, and the Reformer of Scotland to the Presbyterian Difcipline, at a General AlTetnbly maintain'd op'nly in a difpute againft I.i!?fo the Secretary of State, that Subjeds might and
ought execute Gods Judgements upon thir King i that the Faft of J^Jbtfandothersagainft thir King, having the ground of Gods ordinary Command to put fuch and fuch offenders to death, was not extraordinary, but to be imitated of all that preferr'd the honour of God to the afFeftion of Flefh and wicked Printhat Kings, if they offend, have no privilege to be exempted from the ces
,
punilTiments of Law more than any other fubje-ft: fo that if the King be a Murderer, Adulterer, or Idolater^ he ffiouid fuffer not as a King, but as an ofAnfwerfender ; and this Polition 'he repeates again and again before them.
was the opinion of John Craig anottier learned Divine, and that Laws made by the tyranny of Princes, or the negligence of People, thir Pofterity might abrogate, and reform all things according to the original inftitution of CommonAnd Kwa: being commanded by the Nobility to write to Calvin zn^ wealths.
able
other learned men for thir judgements in that Queftion, refused ; alleging thac both himfelf was fully refolv'd in Confcience, and had heard thir Judgements> and had the fame opinion under hand-writing of many the moft godly and moft learned that he knew in Europe j that if he fhould moye the Queftion to them aAll this gain, what IhtJuld he do but Ihew his own forgetfulnefs or inconftancy. Scotland the I. oi with in EcclelTaftic is far more largely 4. Hiftory many other all the Book over, fet out with diligence by Scotchmen of this effeft to paffages as if theylabour'd beft repute among them at the beginning of thefe Troubles to inform us what we were to do, and what they intended upon the like occafion.
-,
And to let the world know that the whole Church and Proteftant State of Scotland'mthoiQ pureft times of Reformation were of the fame beleif, three years after, they met in the feild Mary thir lawful and hereditary Queen, took her
Prifoner, yeilding before Fight, kept her in Prifon, and the fame year depos'd Buchan. Htfl. I, 1 8. her.
And
four years after that, the Scots in juftification of thir depofing
Queen
Maryy
5^9
to QfiZi.n Elizabeth^ {ind in a wiiti'n Declaration alM.iry^ fent Embafladors her more lenity then (lie defcrv'd ; that thir towards us'd had leqg'd than they th:n the herctofoie had Ancellors piiniflid tliir Kings by death or banifhmcnt
,
Scots were a free Nation,
they freely chofc, and with the fame freedom un-king'd him if they fawcaufe, by right of ancient Laws and Ceremonies yet remaining, and old Cuft-.ms'yet among the, High-ianders in chooling the head of thir Clanns, or Families i all which, with many other arguments bore witnefs that Regal power was nothing elfe but a mutURll Covnant or llipuBuch. Hift, I. 20. Thefe were Scotchmen and People. between
Jation
made King whom
Kmg
but what meafuê then have they lately ofierd, to think fuch liberty lefsbefceming us (hen themfelves, prefaming to put him upon 113 for a Mailter whom thir Law fcarce allo.vs to be thir own Squall ? If new then
and Presbyterians:
weheare them in another Itraine then heretofore in the pureit times of thir Church, wemaybecontident it is the voice of l-aftion fpeaking in them, not of Truth and Reformation. In the Year sS'. the States of Holland in a general AiTembly at the Hague, to Philtp King of 5p^w and in a DeclaraabjurM all obedience and fubjedion
1
,
tion
jultifie
thir fo
doing
lor that
fo oft'n giv'n a id brokî, he had therefore they depos'd him, and dcclar'd it lawful to choofe another in his ftcad. no State or Kingdom in the World hath Thaan.l.j^. From that time rothis, let them remember not to look with an evil and prejuBut equally profperd
:
his tyran::ous Govermenf, againfh Faith loft his right to all the Bdgic Provinces j that
by
upon thir ndghbours walking by the fame rule. But what need thefe examples to Prcibyterian?, 1 mean to thofe who now of late would feem fo much to abhorr depofing, whenas they to all Chrillendom I have giv'n the lateft and the livelieft example of doing it themfelves. queflion not the lawfulnefs of railing War againlt a Tyrant in defence of Religion, or civil Liberty i for no Proteltant Church from the firll IVaUenfcs of Lyons and But this to this day, but have don it round, and maintoind it latvfull.
dicial eye
Languedoc Presbyterians, who now fo much condemn de1 doubt not to affirm, that the that depos'd the King, and cannot with all men themfelves were the pofing, off walh the guiltinefs from thir own hands. For thir lhifcing?nd relapfing have late it and thefe thir made turnd thir doings guiltinefs, they themfelves, by own warrantable actions into Rebellion. There is nothing that fo adually makes a King of England^ as rightful Poffellion and Supremacy in all Caufes both Civil and Ecclefajiical : and nothing that
fo adualiy
makes a Subjcdlof w^/^/, as thofe two Oaths of Allegeance and without equivocating^ or any mental refervation. Out of doubt obfervd Supremacy then when the King Ihall command things already conltituted in Church or of a Subject, either to do, if it be lawful, State, Obedience is the true eflence to fubmit to that Penalty which the I aw imhold the he or if thing unlawful, Therfore when tjie people, or fo long as he intends to remain a Subjedt. pofes> fhall rife againft the King and his Autority, executing the Law of them, any part in any thing eftablifh'd. Civil or Ecclefiaftical, 1 do not fay it is Rebellion, if the thing commanded though eftablifh'd be unlawful, and that they fought firfl
due means of red refs (and no man is furder bound to Law) but I fay it is an abfolute renouncing both of Supremacy and Allegeance, which in one word is an adlual and total depofing of the King, and the fetting up another fupreme AuAnd whether the Presbyterians have not don all this and tority over them.
all
much more,
frefh in the
they will not put me,
luppofe, to reck'n
up a feven years ftory
memory of all men. Have they not utterly broke the Oath of Alleof geance, rejeding the Kings Command and Autority fent themjfrom any part the Kingdom whether in things lawful or unlawful ? Have they not abjur'd the Oath of Supremacy by fetting up the Parjaraent without the King, fupreme to and though thir Vow and Covnant bound them in general al# thir Obedience to the Parlament, yet fomtimcs adhering to the leflerpartof Lords and Commons that remain'd faithful, as they term it, and cv'n of them, one while to the Commons without the Lords, another while to the Lords without the Commons ? Have they not ftill dedar'd thir meining, whatever thir Oath were, to hold them onely for fupreme whom they found at any time moft yeilding to what they petition'd ? Both thefe Oaths which were the ftraiteft bond of an Englifh it follows Subjeft in reference to the King, being thus broke and made void
i
,
Zzz
undeniably
54<^ )
in fad abfolutely depos'd, undeniably that the King from that time was by them bis to be in no and they Subjeds, notwithftanding thir thought reality longer his Crown and Dignity, ki there to in Covnant the Perfon, fine Claafe preferve more craft then fincerity, to mitigate the matter with Cafuift fome dodging by in cafe of ill fuccefs, and not tak'n I fuppofe by any honed; man, but as a Condition fubordinate to every the leaft Particle that might move concern Religion,
Liberty, or the Public Peace. Men who have depos'd the King, prove it yet more plainly that they are the are and know that King I thus argue. Relatives, and relatives have Subject between the in relation the then relation; no longer being King and Siibjedt can I infer Hence and than no other be pafl: thir defenSubjedlion Autority
To
We
Regal
one relative, takes away the Relation, of force ding, that if the Subjfeft who is he takes away alfo the other relative : but the Presbyterians who were one Relative, that is to fay Subjeds, have for this fcv'n years tak'n away the Relation , that is to fay, the Kings Autority, and thir Sub)eaion;o it i therfore the Presthe other Relative, byterians forthefe fev'n years have remov'd and extinguifht have in to more or that is to fty the King depos'd him ^ not only brief, fpeak but his of him the execution by conferring it upon others. Autority, by depriving
,
Oaths of Subjecftion brok'n, new Supremacy obey'd, new Oaths and Covnants tak'n, notwithftanding frivolous evafion?, have in plain termsunking'd the King, much more then hath thir fev'n years War, not depos'd him only, but outlaw'd him,anddefi'd him as an Alien, a Rebel to Law, an Enemy to the State, It mud needs be clear to any man notaverfe from Reafon, that Hoftility and Subin one Subjeft (land jedtion are two direft and politive Gontraries,and can no more at fame time can be in the together in refpedl; of the fame King, then one perfon in is aft of the whom therfore two remote places. Againft Subjeft Hoftility we may be confident that t6 him he is in noSubjeftion: and in whom Hoftility takes place of Subjection, for they can by no means confift together, to him the King can be not only no King, but an Enemy. So that from hence we ftsall not need difpute whether they have depos'd him, or what they have defaulted towards him as no King, but fliew manifeftly how much they have doa toward the Have they not levied all thefe Warrs againft him whether ofFenkilling him. iive or defenlive (for defence in Warr equally offends, and moft prudently beforehand^ and giv'n Commiffion to flay where they knew his Perfon could not be exempt from danger ? And if chance or flight had not fav'd him, how oft'n had they kind him, direding thir Artillery without blame or prohibition to the very place where they faw him ftand ? Have they not converted his Revenue to other ufes, and detain'd from him all means of livelyhood, fo that for them long fince he might have perifht, or iiavefl:arvM? Have they not hunted and purfu'd him round about the Kingdom with fword and fire ? Have they not formerly deny'd to treat with him, and thir now recanting Minifters preach'd againil; him, as a Reprobate incurable, an Enemy to God and his Church, markt for deftruftion, and therefore not to be treated with ? Have they not befeig'd him, and to thir power forbid him Water and Fire, fave what they fhot againft him to the hazard of his life ? Yet while they thus aflaulted and endangerd it with hoftile deeds, they fwore in words to defend it with his Crown and Dignity ; not in order, asitfeems now, to a firm and lafting Peace, or to his repentance after all this blood ; but fimply, without regard, without remorfeorany comparable value of all the miferies and calamities futFerd by the poor peoNo underple, or to fuffer hereafter through his obftinacy or impenitence. ftanding man can be ignorant that Covnants are ever made according to the prefentftateof perfons and of things ^ and have ever the more general Laws of Nature and bfReafon included in them, though not exprefs'd. if I make a voluntary Covnant as with a man to do him good, and he prove afterward a Monfter to me, I fliould conceave a difobligement. If I covnant, nottohftrt an enemy, in favor of him and forbearance, and hope of his amendment, and he, after that, (hall do me tenfold injury and mifchief to what he had don when I fo covnanted, and ftill be plotting what may tend to my deftru(5lion, I queftion not but that his after-aftions releafe me i nor know I Covnant fo facred that withholds me from demanding Howbeit, had not thir diftrult Juftice on him. in a good Caufe, and the faft and loos of our prevaricating Divines overfway'd, it had bin doubtlefs better, not to have infertcd in a Covnant unneceftary obliif then thir
gations.
^40
not works, of a fupererogating Allegeance to thir enemy gations, and words, no way advantageous to themfdves, liad the King prevail'd, as to thir coft mafull of fnare and diltraftion to our friends, ufefull onny would have felt ; but our to adverfaries, who under fuch a latitude and fhelter ly, as we now find, of ambiguous interpretation have ever lince been plotting and contriving new How much better had it bin, and more betrouble all again. opportunities to dedard op'nly and boldly whom and have to Verciie undaunted an commin^ on the like occafion Proteftwhat power the people were to hold Supreme, as nowin thefe times have men confcientious ants have don before, and that to the Prlament do, they might go on upon a more then once befou;jht in thir mouths, Covnant not and w.tharidling feeming to lure toundation, and no Allegeance ; which lame in the breath, almoft Allegeance fwear counter, of lincere men from fiding with them, had dou'btlefs bad drawn off all the minds more farr anions thir depofin^, him then thir words upholddifcern'd they not now the fubject of cavillous interpretations, flood made words which him , ing an evidence of ever in the Covnant, by judgment of the more difcerning fort, to return Ihould fpeak on, of thofe atWhat, thir feare not of thir fidelity. the hathoft'n himfelf Presbyterians of feekcharg'd tempts for which the King of elHmuion due they might without a fallacy whenas in thi things ing his life, not that the King is a name knows Who deed the outright. be fayd to have don a King, mull kill kills therefore Who of not perfon of dignity and office, who him have long Then a is they he certainly depofing by, him while King. office and his dignity, they in the his a of life the him from King, lince tak'n nor only by thir depofing and truell fence may be faid to have killd the King the which befides danger to his perfonal life, feE waging Warragainll him, of a King, but by thir fundion vital from any him in the fardelt oppolitc point
mmy
into thir abfolute and ^/f/pof/c powprifon vanquifliedand yeilded loweft the him to degradement and incapaaty of the Regal er which brought valour next uriderGod, left the flory of matchlefs whole not I name. by fay from the purpofe in hand, which is to conme carry thir ingratitude thereupon vince them that they, which I repeat again, were the men who in the trueft fenfe hira thir King farr killd the King, not onlv as is provd before, but by depreffing a of without intention Captive, below the rank ot a Subjed to the condition as the Chancellour of Scof/^w^/ in a fpeech told him plainly at to reftore
holding him
in
him,
all thir Demands, which they knew he never Ncwcaftle, unlefs he granted fully of treating with him, till thir hatred to or think Nor did they treat meant. love or duty to the King, joyn'dthem not thir ddiverd them, the Army that fo oft for Reprobates.in thir own mouths, by whofe fencenc'd men with fecretly futtle infpiring they grew mad upon a mofl: tardy and improper Treaty. Whereas it the whole bent of thir aftions had not bin againft the King himfelf,
but againft his evill Councd, as they fain'd, and publifh'd, wherefore did they not reftore him all that while to the true life of a King, his Office, Crown and and they themfelves his neereft Counfelers ? Dignity,when he was in thir power, that The truth therefore is, both they would not, and that indeed they could own certain deftrudion, having reduc'd him to fuch a final roj without their of all in hira that was regal, and from burial and death the very pafs, as was whence never King of EngUnd^zt reviv'd, but by the new re-inforceraent of his own party, which'' was a kind of refurreaion to him. Thus having quite exin him of a King, and from a total pirivation clad tinguifhtall that could be hira over like another fpecifical thing with formes and habitudes deftruftive to the former, they left in his per fon dead as to Law and all the civil right either of King or SubjeO: the life only of a Prifner, a Captive and a Malefaftor. Whom the equal and impartial hand of Juftice finding, was no more tofpare then another ordinary man , not only made obnoxious to the doome of Law by a charge more then once drawn up againft him, and his own confefTion to the
firft
Article at Newport^ but fummond and arraignd in the fight of God and his then any ^4^^^, or Antiochusy vihh people, curftand devoted to perdition worfe exhortation to curfe all thofe in the Name of Gcd that made not War againft; as /V/ros.was tobecurs'd, that went not out againft a Canaanas
him,
bitterly
and Fulminations that have bin itilhKing, almoft in all the Sermons, Prayers, falfhood and difTention, who of clov'n thole titterd this fev'n years by Tongues new difcord, acquitthim-, and againft thir own difnow, to theftirringupof
ctpline^
(
ripline,
540
:
which they boafl; to be the Throne and Scepter of Chrift, abfolvehim, uiiconfound him, though rnconverted, unrepentant, unfenfible of all thir precious Saints and Martyrs whofe blood they have fo ofc layd upon his head and now again with a new fovran anointment can wafh it all off, as if it were as vile, and no more to be reckn'd for then the blood of fo many Dogs in a time of Peftilence giiing the moft opprobrious lye to all the acled zeal that for thefe many \ears hath fill'd thir bellies, and fed them fat upon the foolifh PeoMinillers of Sedition, not cf the Gofpel, who while they faw it maniple. feftly tend to civil Warr and Bloodihcd, never ceas'd exafperating the people againlt him , and now that they fee it likely to bfeed new commotion, ceafe not to incite others againfl the people that have fiv'd them from him, as if Sedition were thir only aime whether againll him or for him. But God, as we have caufeto truft, will put other thoughts into the people, and turn them from looking after thefe firebrands, of whofe fury, and falfe prophecies, we have anough experience v and from the murmurs of new difcord vîil incline them to heark'n rather with ereded minds to the voice of our fuprcme fvlogiftracy, calling us to liberty, and the flourifhing deeds of a reform'd Commonwealth'; with this hope that as God was heretorbre ahgry with the Jews who reje(fted him and his form of Government to choofe a King, fo that he wiii blef. us, and be propitious to us who rejed a Kin;', to make him only our Leader, and fupreme Governour in the conformity as neer as may be of his own ancient Government-, if we hsve at leaft biit fo much worth in us to entertaine th? fenfe of our future wherein we have happinefs, and the courage to receave what God vouifaf-s u'^ the honour to preceed other Nations who are now labouring to be our followers. For as to this quellion in hand, what the people by\hir juil right may do in change of Government, or of Govcrnour, we fee it deerd fufficiently ^ belldes other ample Autority ev'n from the mouths of Princes themfeives. A4:d lurely they thSt /hall boafl, as we do, to be a free Nation and not have in themfeives the power to remove, or to abolifli any Governour fupreme, or fub: :
it ftlf upon urgent canfes, may plsafe thir fancy with a ridiculous and pafnted freedom, fit to ccz'n babies ^ but are indeed under tyranny and fervitude j as wanting that power, which is the root and fourfeof all liberty, todifpofe and eeconomize in the Land which God hath giv'n them, as Maifters of Family in thir own Houfe and free Inheritance. Without which natural and elFential power of a free Nation, though bearing high thir heads, .they canindueefteem be thought no better then flaves and vafFals born, in the Whofe Government, tenure and occupation of another inheriting Lord. though not illegal, or intolerable, hangs over them as a Lordly fcourge, not How much more juftly as a free Government i and therefore to be abrogated. then may they fling off Tyranny, or Tyrants? who being once depos'd can be no more then private men, as fubjeA to the reach of Jufiice and Arraignment as any other TranfgrelTors ? And certainly if men, not to fpeak of Heathen, both wife and religious, have don juftice' upon Tyrants what way they could foonelt, how much more mild and human then is it to give them fair and op'n tryall ? To teach lawlefs King?, and all that fo much adore them, that not mortal man, or his imperious Will, but Juftice is the only true Sovran and fupreme Let men ceafe therfore out of Faftion and Hypocrify to IMajefty up6n Earth. and make outcrys horrid things of things fo juft and honorable. And if the Parand lament Military Councel do what they do without prefident, if it appear it thirduty, argues the more wifdom, vertue, and magnanimity, that they
crdinate with the Government
themfeives able to be a prefident to others. Who perhaps in future ages, if they prove not too degenerate, will look up with honourand afpire toward thefe exemplary, and matchlefs deeds of thir Anceftors, as tothe higheft top of thir civil glory and emulation. Which heretofore in the purfuance of fame and forren dominion, fpent it felf vain-glorioudy abroad i but henceforth may leai n a better fortitude to dare execute higheft Juftice on them that fliall by force
know
of Arms endeavour the oppreflingand bereaving of Religion and

:
thir Liberty at
home th&t no unbridl'd Potentate or Tyrant, but to hi; forrow for the future, may prefume fuch high and irrefponfible licence over mankind, to havock and
turn upfide-down whole Kingdoms of men, as though they were no more in reAs fc)r the party calld fpeftof his perverfe Will then a Nation of Pifraires. faithful Chriftians, be and whom I beleive of to good Presbyterian, very many
though
( 543 )
I wifli them earneflly and calmly not though milled by fom of turbulent Spirit, nor to afleft rigor and fupcrioricy over fall off from thir firfl: Principles, men not under them i not to compcll unforcibic things in Religion crpecially, which if not voluntary, becomes a lin i nor to h dill the clamor and malicious drifts of men whom they thcmfelves have jndg'd to be the vvorfl: of men, the obdurate enemies of God audhisChnrrh norto dart agrdnfl the anions of thir thofe vvrefkd Laws and Scrijitnres thrown brethren, for want of other argument thir own. Ilde', which though they iuirt not by PrebtsandMaii^nantsasaitift to the condemnation of thir own doings give them tak'n otherwife, yet up by fcandal to all men, and dilcovcr in thcmfelves either extreme paffion or apoftacy. Let them not oppolc thir bell friends and iilfocius who molcfl: them not atall, thir Liberties unlefs they call it thir liberty to bind oinfringe not thelcaltof tlier mens Confcience<, but are ftiii feeking to live at peace with them and broLet them beware an old and perfet Enemy, who though he hope therly accord. by fowing D/fcord to make them his Inflrument?, yet cannot forbear a minute the op'n threatning of his deftin'd Revenge upon them when theyJiave ferv'd his Let them feare therefore, if they be wife, rather what they have purpofes. donalreaay, then what remains to do, andbe warn'd in time they put no confidence in Princes whom they have provok'd, left they be added to the Examples Stories can inform them how of thofe that miferably have tailed the event. of above a hundred years pall not much Denmark^ thefecond. King Chrijiiern driv'n out by his Subjedls, and reccav'd again upon new Oaths and Conditions, broke through them all to his mofl bloody Revenge, flaying his cheif Oppoftrs when he faw his time, both them ai'd thir children invited to a feafl for that How A^rfxi/w////f dealt with thofe of i;>-^(r/, though by mediation purpofe. of the <7i?>'wj Princes reconciPd to them by folem and public v\'ritings drawn and feal'd. How the MalFacre at /'-irfef was the effeft of that credulous Peace which the French Proteftants made with Charles the Ninth thir King and that the main viliblecaufe which to this day hath fav'd the Netherlands from utter ruin, was thir Hnal not beleiving the prefidious cruelty which as a conftant maxim of State hath bin us'd by the Spanifh Kings on thir Subjeds that have tak'n arms and after trufled them j as no latter age but can teftify, heretofore in and this very year in Naples. And to conclude with one paft ExBelgia it felf, farr more ancient, I><W after once he had tak'n arms, never ception, though after that trufled Saul, though with Tears and much relenting he twife promis'd not to hurt him. Thefe Inllances, few of many, might admonifh them, both EngUOi and Scotch, not to let thir own ends, and the driving on of a Fadion, betray them blindly into the fnare of thofe Enemies whofe Revenge looks on them as the men who firft begun, fomented, and carri'd on beyond the cure of any found or fafe accommodation, all the evil which hath fince unavoidably befall'n
to
them and
I
thir King.
have fomething alfo to the Divines, though brief to what were needfull; not to be difturbers of the civil affairs, being in hands better able and more belonging to manage thetn \ but to ftudy harder, and to attend the office of good Pallors, knowing! that he whofe Flock is leaft among them, hath a dreadful charge, not perform'd by mounting twife into the chair with a formal Preachment huddl'd up at the odd hours of a whole laZy week, but by incelTant pains and watching in Jeafon and- out of feafon^ from honfe to houfe over the Souls of whomthey have to feed. Which if they ever well confider'd, how little leafure would they find to be the mod pragmatical Sidefmen of every popular Tumult and Sedition ? And all this while are to learn what the true end and reafon is of the Gofpel which they teach ; and what a world it differs from the cenfoIt would be good alfo they rious and fupercilious lording over Confcience, which worfe then fo as the hated Covetoufnefs, liv'd might perfwade people they of is Idolatry kind and all hated Pluralities, Simony v left rambling Herefy, from Benefice to Benefice, like ravnous Wolves .feeking where they may devour Of which if fom, well and warmely feated from the beginning, the biggefl. be not guilty, 'twere good they held not converfation with fuch as are : let them be forry that being call'd to aflemble about reforming the Church, they fell to proggingand folliciting theParlament, though they had renounc'd the name of and double lin'd thcmPriefts, for a new fetling of thir Tithes and Oblations of the felves with fpiritual places polGble difcharge of thir commodity beyond
,
duty.
544
Let them aflemble in Confiftory with thir Elders and Deacons, accorddutyto the preferving of Church-dirdpline, egch ing to ancient Ecclefialtical rule, a not and inhis feveral charge, pack of Clergy-men by thcmfelves to bdly-chsjir to or promote defigns, abufe and jûll the lirapic Laiin thir prefumptuoas Sion, as the Tumult, and ftii Prelatsdid, for the maiiTtenance of thir prid*:
rhefe things if they obferve and waite with patience, no doubt and the but all things will go well without thir importunities or exclamations Characof oftentation great Printed Letters which they fend fubfcrib'd with the But if ters and little moment, would be more confiderable then now they are. Church his and fcandalize of inftead Chrift, they be theMinifters of Mammon with the filthy love of Gain, afpiring alfo to fit the clofefl: and the heavicfl: of the Confcience, and fall notorioufly into the fame Sins, wherety,
up
and
avarice,
Tyrants, upon of fo lately and fo loud they accus'd the Prelates ; as God rooted out thofe in:iand to vindicate his thir imitators mediately before, fo will he root out them own Glory and Religion, will uncover thir hypocrify, to the open world and
all
:
,
the very Afao of thir Pulpits, vifitupon thitown heads that curfe ye Meroz.^ wherewith fo frequently, not as Meroz.^ but more like Atheifls they have mock'd the vengeance of God, and the zeal of his People.
OB.
545 3
OBSERVATIONS
O
N T H
Articles of
BETWEEN f A MES Earl of O r mo n d
the Firft
Peace
for
King ^'^^r&f
on the one hand, and the Irifli Rebels and Papifts on the other hand.
fent
And
And
on a Letter
JONES
To which
the faid
r m o n d to Colonel by Governour of Dublin,

the
Scots
a Reprefentation of
Presbytery at
'Belfaji
in Ireland.
Articles, Letter, with Col. Jones's Anfwer to and Reprefenfation, &c. are prefix'd.
it,
A Proclamation.
ORMOND,
Articles of Peace are made, concluded, ac* corded and agreed upon, by and between Us, Lord Marqnefs of O R D, Lord Lieur. General, and General Governour of His Majefties Kingdom of Ireare inland^ by Virtue of the Authority wherewith on the behalf of His Moft Excellent Majelly of the one Part, and truded, for, and the General Aflembly of the Koman Catholics of the faid Kingdom, for and on the behalf of His Ma jeftiesKoj4 C<jfMc Subjeds of the fame, on the other Part ; a true Copy of which Articles of Peace is hereunto annexed. Wft the Lord Lieut, do by this Proclamation, in His Majefties Name publifh the fame, and do in His Majefties Name ftridly Charge and Command all His Majefties Subjefts, and all others inhabiting or refiding within His Majefties faid Kingdom of Ireland to take notice thereof, and to render due Obedience to the fame in all the Parts thereof. And as his Majefty hath been induced to this Peace, out of a deep fenfe of the Miferies and Calamities brought upon this his Kingdom and People, and out of a Hope conceived by His Majefty, that it may prevent the furtiie Eftijiioa of His Subjects Blood, redeem them out of all the Miferies and C -unities under which they now fiiffer, reftore them to all Quietnefs and Happinefs under His Majefties moft Gracious Government, deliver the Kint^dom in general from thofe Slaughters, Depredations, Rapines and Spoils which always accompany a War, encourage the Subjects and others with Comfort to betake
MO N
JAMES
WHEREAS
We
themfelves to Trade, Traffic, Commerce, Manufadurg and C A aaa3
al}
othif things, whieli
C 54^ ]
Wealth and Strength of the Kingdom, this of His Majefties Subjerts Kingdom a perfect Unity amongft continued Divifion too the after long amongftthem : So his Majethemfelves, all HisSubjeds of this His Kingdom (duly that allures hirafelf fty confidering :he which find in this Peace) wiU wich all Benefits and ineftimable they may great in His Majefties Name, do Duty render due Obedience thereunto- And hereby declare, That all Perfons fo rendering due Obedience to the faid Peace, Jhall be proteded, cheriflied, countenanced and fupported by His Mawhich uninterrupted, may
increafe the
beget in all
We
jefty,
and
his
of the faid
Royal Authority, according to the true Intent and Meaning Articles of Peace.
'
Given at our Cajlle of Kilkenny, Ja-
GOD SAVE THE

K
NT vj, xv T x xn
nuary 17. 1648.
Articles of Peace,
made, concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by Lord Marquefs of and between His Excellency J J RNDy Lord Lieutenant General, and General of His Maand on the behalf of His Moft jefties Kingdom of Ireland, for, Excellent Majefty, by Virtue of the Authority wherewith the And the Gefaid Lord Lieutenant is intrufted, on the one Part
MES
MO
neral AiTembly of the Roman Catholics of the faid Kingdom, for, and on the behalf of His Majefties Roman Catholic Subjefts of the fame, on the other Parr.
HIS
Majefties
Roman
Catholic SubjeEis,
,
thereunto hound hy Allegiance^
Duty and Nature^ do mpfi hnmblji and freely Ackpovuledg and Recognize their Soveraign Lord King (Z\\2ix\t% to he lawful and undoubted King of this Kingdom ef Ireland, and other His Uighnefs's Realms and Dominions : And His Majefties faid Roman Catholic SithjeSts, apprfhending with a deep fenfe the fad Condition
wherennto His Majefty
clare^ that they
is
reduced., as
a further Teftimony of their Loyalty^
do de-
and their Pojierity for e<ver^ to the iitmofi of their Power, even to the their Blood and Fortunis, will maintain and uphold His Majefiy, His Expence of Heirs and lawful Succeffors, their Rights, Prerogatives, Government and Authority^ and thereunto freely. and heartily mil render all due Obedience. Of which faithful and Loyal Recognition and Declaration fo feafonably made by the faid Roman Catholics, His Majefty is gracioufly pleased to accept, and accordingly to own them His loyal and duttfiil SubjeEls : And is further gracioufly pleas' d to extend unto them the following Graces and Securities.
concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and befor, and on the behalf of His Moft Excellent Majefty, and the faid General Alfembly, for, and on the behalf of the faid Roman Catholic Subjefts > and His Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, That it C tobe pafled in the next Parliament to be held in this /hall be enafted by and that all every the Profeflbrs of the Roman Catholic Religion withKingdom, in the faid Kingdom, (hall be free and exempt from all Muldts, Penalties, Reftraints and Inhibitions, that are or may be impos'd upon them by any Law, Statute, Ufage or Cuftom whatfoever, for, or concerning, the free exercife of And that it fhall be likewife Enadted, that the the Roman Catholic Religion faid Roman Catholics or any of them, ftiall not be queftion'd or raolefted in their Perfons, Goods or Eftates, for any Matter or Caufe whatfoever, for, concerning, or by reafon of the free Exercife of their Religion, by Virtue of any Power, Authority, Statute, Law or Ufage whatfoever And that it Ihall be further Enafted, that no Roman Catholic in this Kingdom Ihall, be compelled to exercife any Religion, Form of Devotion, or Divine Service, other then fuch as ftiall be agreeable to their Confcience ; and that they fiiall not be prejudiced or molefted in their Perfons, Goods or Eftafes for not obferving, ufing or hearing the Book of Common-Prayer, or any other Form of DevoI.
TMP RI MiSy
tween the
It is
faid
Lord Lieutenant,
A T
tion
C 547 ] tion or Divine Service by Virtue of any Colour or Statute tnade in the fcco^d or by Virtue or Colour of any other Law, Declarayear of Qpecn Elizabeth, tion of Law, Statute, Cullom, or Ufage whatfoever, made or declared, or to And that it fliall be further EnatT:ed, that the Profellbrs be made or declared of the RomM Catholic Religion, or any of them, be not bound or obli.i:',ed to take the Oath commoily call d the OhlIi of Supremacy Qxpvclltd in the Statute And that the faid of 2 EUzahetb, c. i. or in any other Statute or Statutes Oath fliall not be tendered unto them, and that the Refufal of the fa^d Oath of them, or any of them, they taking the flial! not redound to the Prejudice I A. B. Do hereby ktc viztn ve b', Oath of Allegiance ackpowledg^ fôf'fii in declare and my Confcience, before God und the World, that our Suveraign teliify u Lawfidand Ri^hiftU Ktng of thu Kealm^ and of other Lord Ktng and I will hear Faith and true Allegiance to hii Majeftus Dorni-ions and Countries His Aiajefly^ and His Hii,s and Succtfjors^ and Him and them will defend to the Httermojl of my power agair.ji all Cofifpiracies and Attemfts whatfoever vhich fl)all and do my befl endeavour to difbe made againfl His or their Crown and Dignity Hii Heirs and make known to Hs Mo]cf) andS-iccejfors, or to the Lord Deputy^
:
CHARLES
clafe
His Majtflics ( hief Governour or Oovernours for the time beings all 'Ireafon or traiterotn Confpnacies which 1 jlâll know or hear to be intended againft His them: and I dj make this Recognition and Acknowledgment^ heartily^ jejly^ or awy of
or other
Ma-
Willingly thel. r>>,
the true Fatth of a Chnjitan ; fo help me God, &c. Neverthe faid Lord Lieutenant doth not hereby intend that any thing in thefe Concelhons contain'd (hall extend, or beconftrued to extend to the granting of
and truly, upon
Churches, Church-Livings, or the exercife of Jurifdidtion, the Authority of the laid Lord Lieutenant not extending fo far yet the faid Lord Lieutenant is Roman Catholics full faid the authorize! to give Aflurance, as hereby the faid Lord Lieutenant doth give unto the faid Roman Catholics full AlTurance, that; they or any of them (hall not be molefted in the PolTeflion which they have at prefent of the Churches and Church Livings, or of the Exercife of their refpective Jurifdiilion?, as they now exercife the fame, until Inch time as His M;i jelly upon a full Conlideration of the Delires of the faid Roman Catholics in a free Parliament to be held in this Kingdom fiiall declare His further Pleafure. 11. Item^ Itisconclud d, accorded and agreed upon by and between the faid a free Parhatrient jcfty is further giacioufly pleas'd that Parties, and His of thefe Artithe hx Months after Date this within be held in fhall Kingdom cles of P E A C E, or as foon after as Thonus Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cofiologh Lord Prcfident of Connaght^ Donnogh Lord S licouni Muskirry^ FrancU Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunket Knighr, Sir Richard BarnwallE^ronQt, J'fery Brown^ DonO Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, nogh O Callaghan, Tydah or the major part of them will defnethe fame, fo that by polTibility it may be held ; and that in the mean time, and until the Articles of thefe Prefents, agreed to be pals'd in Parlament be accordingly pafs'd, the fame fliall be invio,
in lably obferv'd as to the Matters therein contain'd, as if they wereenafted Parliament ; And that in cafe a Parliament be not call'd and held in this King-
dom
within two yeai-s next after the Date of thefe Articles of Peace, then His Majcfties Lord Lieutenant, or other His Majellies chief Governour or Governoursof this Kingdom for the time being, will at the requeft of the faid Ihomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cofiologh Lord Prelident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knighr, Sir Nicholas Plunket Knighr,
Sir Richard Eamwall,
Callaghan^ Tyrlah Baronet, fefery Brown, Donnogh Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell^ Efquires, or the major part of them, call a General Allembly of the Lords and Commonsof this Kingdom, to attend the faid Lord Lieutenant or other His Majefties chief Governour or
upon Governours of
the time being, in fome convenient Place, for And it is further concludthe better fettling of the Affairs of the Kingdom. faid the and and between accorded Parties, that all Matters ed, agreed by that by thele Articles are agreed upon to be pafs'd in Parliament, fliall be tranfmitted into according to the ufual Form, to bq
this
Kingdom for
ENGLAND,
A
pafs'd in
and Parliatrient, and that the faid Ads fo agreed upon, fo to be pafs'd, Ihall receive no DisjuncftioD or Alteration here or in England-:^ a a a 2 "1 provided C
the faid
[
pr'^'ided that nothing oi Parliament, which
fliall
54S ]
be concluded by both or either of the faid Houfes may bring prejudice to any of His Majefties Proteliant or their Adherents, or to his Ma]zOiks Roman Catholic Sahjetls or their Party, Adherents, fther then fuch things as upon this Treaty are concluded to be done, or fuch rhings dS may be proper for the Committee ot Privileges of either or both Houfes, to take Cognizance of, as in fuch Cafes hcretolbre hath been accuflom'd, and other then fuch Matters as His Majefty will be gracioufly His further pleafure in, tobepafs'd in Parliament for the pje-is'd to declare Saiisfaftion of his Subjedts, and other then fuch things as fliall be propounded to either or both Houfe.v by his Majefties Lord Lieutenant or other chief Governour or G-vernours of this Kingdom for the time being, during the faid Parliament, for tae Advancement of his Majefties Service, and the Peace of the Kingdom ; which Claufe is to admit no Conftrudtion which may trench upon the Articles of peare or any of them ; and that both Houfes of Parliament may conlid, r whar [hey fliall think convenient touching the Repeal or Sufpenlion of the
Statute
commonly
call'd,
liament beholden
in that
LAND.
that no ParPoymn^s ACT, Entituled, An be certifyed into Land, until the
ACTS
ACT
ENG-
111. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the fîd Pa- ties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed, that all Adts, Ordinances and Orders nade by both or either Houfes of Parliament, to the Roman Catholic Subjedts of this blemifli, difhonour or prejudice of his Majefties Kingdom, or an^ of them fithence the 7th of ûgiifi 1641. fliall be vacated ^ and that the fime and all Exemplifications and other Adts which continue the memory of them be made void by Adt to be pafs'd in the nextParliaaitiii; to and that in the mean time the faid Adts or Oi Llinances, be held in this Kingdom or any ot them, (hall be no Prejudice to the faid Roman Catholics, or any of them. alfo concluded, and agreed upon, and his Majefty islikewife iV. Item, It
,
gracioufly pleased, that all Indidtments, Attainders,, Outlawries in this Kingdom, and all the Procefles and other Proceedings thereupon, and all Letters,
Patents, Grants, Leafes, Cuftoms, Bonds, Recognizances, and all Records, or Ails, Office or Offices, Inquifitions, and afl other things depending upon, or taken by reafon of the faid Indidtments, Attainders or Outlawries,
Ad
O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Jfffery Brown, Donnogh Fennell or Miles and Gerrald ReiUi the Heal, major part of them fliall Efquires, defire the fame, fo that by poftibility it may bedone and in the mean time that no fuch Indictments, Attainders, Outlawries, Procelles or any other ProSir Richitrd Bjrntvall Baronet,
;,
1641. in prejudice of the faid Catholics, their or Afllgns, or any of them, or the Widows Adminiftrators Heirs, Executor?, of them, or any of them, fliall be vacated and made void in fuch fort as no Memory fliall remain thereof, to the blemifli, diflionour or prejudice of the faid Catholics, their Heiis, Executors, Adminiftrators or Afljgns, or any of them, or the Widows of them, or any of them \ and that to be done when the faid Tbo:as Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cojiohgh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Detmo^h Loid Vifcount Aî^skerry, Francis Lord Baron ot ^thumy, Alexander Mac hjnncl Efquire, Sir Lucas Villon Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunket Knighr,
fithence the -jthd^y of îtguft^
ceedings thereupon, or any Letters Patents, Grants, Leafes, Cuftodiums, Bonds, Recognizances, or any Record or Adts, Oflîce or Offices, Inquilitions, or any other thing depending upon, or by reafon of the faid Indidtments, Attainders or Outlawries fliall in any fort prejudice the faid Romat Catholics, or any of them, but that they and every of them fliall be forthwith upon Perfedtion of thefe Articles, reftor'd to their refpedtive Pofleflions and Hereditaments refpedtively; provided, that no Man fliall be queftion'd by reafon hereof, forMeafne Rates or Waftes, faving wilful Waftes committed after the firft day oi Aiuy
laft paft.
V. Item, It is l.kewife concluded, accorded and agreed, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed, that as fcon as poflible may be, all Impediments which may hinder the hid Roman Catholics, to fit or vote in the next intended Parliament,
or to choofe, or to be chofen Knights and Burgefles, to fit or vote there, fliall be removed, and that before the faid Parliament. VL Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is further gracioufly plealcd, that all Debts fliall remain as they were upon the 23*/
of
C 549 ]
of OEichir.^ 1641. Notwithftanding any Difpcfltion made, or to be made, by Virtus or Crlour of any Attainder, Outlawry, Fugacy, or other Forfeiture j and ti:iat no Dilpolition or Grant made, or to be made of any fuch Debts, by Virtue of any Attainder, Outlawry, Fugacy, or otiier Forfeiture, iliall be of force-, ana this to be palled as an Ad in the next Parliament. VII. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefby is gracioudy pleafed, that for the fecuring of the Eftates or repi;ted Eftates of the Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and Freeholders, or reputed Freeholders, as well o^ Connaght^ and County of C/<jrf, or Country of Tfc;o^, as of the Counties of Limerick sud Ttfperary^ the fame to be fccured by Atl of Pailiament, ;;ccording to the Intent of the 2$th Article of the Graces granted in the foui th year of his Majcllies Reign, the Tenor whereof for fo much as toncerneth the are gracioufly pkaied, that for fame, doth enfue in thefe words, viz.. the Inhabitants of Connaght and Country of ThomonJ and County of CLre^ thjt their leveral Eftates fhall be confirmed unto ihcm and their Heirs againlh us, and our Heirs andSucceflbrs, by Acfl; to be palled in the next Parliament to be holden in belaud., to the end the fame may never hereafter be brought into any further Queftion by Us, or our Heirs and SuccelTors. In which AQ: of Parliament fo to be pafTed, you are to take care that all Tenures in Caftte, and all Rents and Services as are now due, or which ought to be anfvvered unto us out of the faid Lands and Premifes, by any Letters Patents paft thereof fince ths E RY the Eight, or found by any Office taken from the firll year of Kin?. faidfirftyear of King/:/ iVi?r the VIM. until the 21^ of J/y 16,^'^. whcre> by our late dear Father, or any his Predeceilbrs adually received any Prolic by Wardfliip, Liveries, Primer-ldfins, Meafne Rates, Oulleilemains or Fines of Alienations without Licence, be again referved unto ns, our Heirs and SuccefTors, and all the reft of the Premifes to be holden of our Caftle of AihUm by Knights Service, according to our faid late Fathers Letters, notwithftanding any Tenures in Capite found for Us by OlEce, fince the 2 \fi of July 1615. and not appearing in any fuch Letters Patents, or Offices ^ within which Rule His Majefty is likewife gracioufly pleafed. That the faid Lands in the Counties of Limerick and Tipperary be included, but to be held by fuch Rents and Tenures only, as they were in the fourth year of his Majelties Reign ; provided always, that the faid Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and Freeholders of the faid Province of Connaght, County of Clare., and Country of Tbomond.^ and Counties of Tipperary and Limerick, fliall have and enjoy the full Benefit of fuch Compofition and Agreement which fhall be made with his moft Excellent Majefty, for the Court of Wards, Tenures, Refpits and Iflues of Homage, any Claufe in this Article to the contrary notwithftanding. And as for the Lands within the Counties of Kilkenny and IVickloe, unto which his Majefty was intituled by Offices, taken or found in the time of the Earl of Strafford\ Govern-
We
H N
ment
in this
fliall
Kingdom, His Majefty
is
further gracioufly pleafed.
That
the State
be confidered in the next intended Parliament, where his Majefty will allent unto that which fliall be juft and honourable and that the like kCt of Limitation of his Majefties Titles, for the Security of the Eftates of his Subjects of this Kingdom be pafled in the faid Parliament as was Enaded in the 2 ly? year of his late Majefty King J \\hKQigxim
-.,
thereof
AMES
ENGLAND.
they may Court in or near the City of Dublin or elfewhere, as fliall be thought fit by his Majefties Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being ; and in cafe the faid Inns of Court fliall beereded before the firft day of the next Parliament, then the fame fliafl be in fuch Place as his Majefties Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnofh Lord Vifcount Aifuskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athiinry, Alexander Mac Donncl Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunkit Knight, Sk Richard Barmall Bzionct., Jefcry Brown., DonnoghOCdlaghan^ Tyr-
further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleafed, that all Incapacities impofed upon the Natives of this Kingdom or any of them, as Natives, by any Aft of Parliament, Provifos in Patents or otherwife, be taken away by to be pafled in the faidParliament > and that be enabled to ereft one or more Inns of
is
VIII, Item, It
Ad
550]
lab NeiUy Miles Reily, Cerrald Fennel Efquires, or ahv feven or more of and that fuch Students, Natives of this Kingdom, as fhall think fit fhatl them be therein, may take and receive the ufual Degrees accuftom'd in any viz.. Z A.B. Do Inns of Court, rhey taking the enfuing Oath hereby acknow,
and declare in my Confcience before God and the World^ that our ledge vrofefs^ Charles ij Lawful and Rightful King of this Realm^ and of Sovcraign Lord King and Countries ^ and I mil bear Faith and true AUeDominions other his Majeflies Heirs his and and Succtjfors^ ar.d him and them will defend to his to eiance Ahjefiy, the I'.tmofl of tr.y Power againft all ConfptracicS and Attempts whatfoever, which and do my befl endeavour be made ugainfl his or their Crown and Dignity fljall to difclofe and make known to his Afajeffy^ his Hiirs and Succejfors., or to the Lord or other bis Adajefties Chief Governour or Govsrnours for the time beings all
tfflify
,
Deputy, which 1 fiiallknow or heay to be ii^tendedagatnjl his Treafin or traiterom Confpiracics And I do make this Recognition and Acknowledgment them. Miij^fly or any of and upon the true Faith of a Chriflian fo help me God, &C.
heartily, willingly his Majelly
truly,
,
And
//cSubjciTts
Statute to the contrary notwithftanding ^ and that all in this Article be palled as Aifls of Parliament in the unto aliented matters the faid next Parliament. IX. hem. It is further concluded, accorded, and agreed upon, by and between the faid Pirties, and his Majefty i> gracioully pleafed, that Places of
may Kingdom, any Law or
further gracioufly pleafed, that his Majefties Koman Cathotredt and keep free Schools for Education of Youths in this
is
and Trull: in his Majefties Armies in this Kingdom of thefe Articles actually and by particular Inftances (hall be upon Perfection man Catholic R his conferred upon Snh]zCi^ cf this Kingdom j and that upon and the diftriburion, conferring dilpolmg of the Places of Command, Hoin his Majefties Armies in this Kingdom, for the future Ti ult and Profit nour, no Difference fhall be made between the faid Roman Catholics.^ and other his but that fuch Diftribution fhall be made with equal IndiffeM^jefbies Subjec1;s their and that all his Mato refpedive Merits and Abilities rency according of this Kingdom, as well Roman Catholics as others, may for his Subjeds jeftits Majefties Service and their own Security, arm theinfelves the befl they may, wherinthey (hall have all fitting Incouragement. And it is further concluded, accorded and a reed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefly is further gracioufly pleas'd ; That Places of Command, Honour, Profit and Truft in the Civil Government in this Kingdom, fnall be upon paffing of the Bills in thefe Articles mentioned in the next Parliament, adually and by particular Inftances conferred upon his Majefties Romnn Catholic Svh]^Cii of this Kingdom , and that in thediitribution, conferring and difpofal of the Places of Command, Honour, Profit and Truft in the Ciil Government, for the future no Difference fhall be made between the faid Ronum Catholics, and other his Mabut that fuch Diftribution fliall be made with equal Indifferenjellies Subjeds, to their refpedive Merits ând Abilities^ and that in the Diftricy, according Offices or PI Kes, which now are, or hereafter fliall be of Minifterial bution void in this Kingdom, equality fhall be us'd to the Roman Catholic Natives of and that the Command of this Kingdom, as to other his Majefties Subjeds and of other Pbces Garifon-Towns, Caftles, Forts, Importance of this Kingdom, ftiali be conferred upon His Majefties Roman Catbdic Subjeds of this Kingdom upon Perfedion of thefe Articles adually and by particular Inftances ; and that in the diftribution, conferring and difpofal of the Forts, Caftles, Garifon-Towns, and other Places of Importance in this Kingdom, no difference fhall be made between his Majefties Rom.w Catholic Subjeds of this Kingdom, and other his Majjfties Subjeds, but that fuch diftribution fhall be made with equal IndifFerency, according to their refpedive Merits and Abilities i and that until full Settlement in Parliament fifteen thoufand Foot, and two thoufand and five hundred Horfe of the Roman Catholics of this Kingdom /hall be of the Standing Army of this Kingdom: And that until filll Settlement in Parliament as afcrefaid, the faid Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, and the faid Thomoi Lord Vifc. 'Dillon of Coftolegb Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifc. Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron ot Ahunry, Alexander Adac DonnelECq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt.
Command, Honour,
Profit
Sir Nicholas Plun'icc Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Bar. J'ffery Brown,
Donnogh
Cal-
laghafi^
550
Athtimy^ ketKt. ^\r Richard Barnwall Bzxontt^ Jeffery Brown, Donnogh O CulLJoan^ Tyr. lahONeile, Mdes Reily and Gtrrald Fennell^ Efqnires, fhall diminifh or add unto the faid Number, as they fliall fee caufe from time to time.
Neile^ Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennel Efq; or any feven or more of them, the faid Thomoi Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Cufinaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcounc Muskerry^ Francis Lord Baron of Alexander Mac Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Ntchol.is Pluntaghan,
Tyrlah
Wards in this Kingdom, Tenures in Capite, Common Knightsall other Tenures within the Cognizance of that Court, and for, and and Service, in lieu of all Wardlhips, Primer-feizins, Fines, Oufterlemains, Liveries, IntruReleafes and all other Profits within the Cogfions, Alienations, Meafne Rates, nizance of the faid Court, or incident to the faid Tenures, or any of them, or Fines to accrue to his Majefty by reafon of the faid Tenures or any of them, and for and in lieu of Refpits and IHlies of Homage and Fines for the And the faid yearly Rent being fo applotted and confented unto in fame. Parliament as aforefaid, then a Bill is to be agreed on in the faid Parliament to be paded as an Adt for the fecuring of the faid yearly Rent, or annual Sum of twelve thoufand Pounds to be applotted as aforefaid, and for the Extindlion and aforefaid in this Article taking away of the faid Court, and other Matters
the Court of
i^firther agreed, that reafonable Compofitions fliall be acthe 2 3^ of OUoher i6^\. and already granted, cepted for Wardfhips hlkn lince not granted, or that fliall fall, ftiallbe paded fallen and no and that Wardfhips
X. icem. It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Alajjfty is further gracioufly pleafed, that hisMajefty will accept of the yearly Rent, or annual Sum of twelve thoufand pounds and Equality, and confented to be Sterling, to be applotttd wichlnditterency in Parliament, for and in lieu of Succellbrs Heiis and his paid to hisMajefty,
contained.
And
it
until the Succefs
cf
this Article Ihall
appear
and
if his
Majefty be fecured as
aforefaid, then all Wardfliips fallen fince the faid 25^^ of October, are to be included in the Agreement aforefaid, upon Corapofition to be made with fuch which Compofition to be made with the Grantees as have Grants as aforefaid
,
fince the
time aforefaid, is to be to the faid Lord Lieutenant.
left to indifferent Perfons,
and the Umpirage
X!. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd. That no Nobleman or Peer of this Realm, iq Parliament, Ihall be hereafter capable of
moie'Proxies then two, and that blank Proxies fhall be hereafter totally difand that if fuch Noble Men or Peers of this Realm, as have no Eallowed ftates in this Kingdom, do not within five years, to begin from the conclufion of thefe Articles, purchafe in this Kingdom as folioweth, viz. A Lord Baron 200/. annum ^ a Lord Vifcount 400 /. per annum, and an Earl <5oo /. fer annum, a fer lofe their Votes Marquefs 8co/. per annum., a Duke 1000/. per annum, fhall in Parliament until fuch time as they fhall afterwards acquire fuch Eftates refpedively; and that none be admitted in the Houfe of Commons, but fuch as
,
Ihall
XIL item. It tween the faid
be eftated and refident within this Kingdom. is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and beParties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd. That as for and concerning the Independency of the Parliament of />/<</ on the Parliament of g/4^, his Majefty will leave both Houfes of Parliament in this to make fuch Declaration therein as ihall be agreeable to the Laws
Kingdom of the Kingdom of
Ireland.
XIlI. Item, It is further concluded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefly is further gracioufly pleas'd, That the Council-
Table fliall contain it felf within its proper Bounds, in handling Matters of State and Weight fit for that Place ; amongft which the Patents of Plantation, and the Offices whereupon thofe Grants are founded to be handled, as Matters of State, and to be heard and determined by his Majefties Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Govcrnours for the time being, and the Council publickly at the Councii-Board, and not otherwife, but Titles between Party and Party grown after thefe Patents granted, are to be left to the orand that the Council-Table do not hereafter intermeddinary Courfe of Law dle with common Buiinefs, that is within the Cognizance of the ordinary Courts, nor with the altering of FoffelTions of Lands, nor make, nor ufe, pri,
vate
552
vate Orders, Hearings or References concerning any fuch matter, nor grant any : And that Parties Injundlion or Order for ftay of any Suits in any Civil Caufe had for or of reafon 'there, may comany Proceedings formerly by gnev'd mence their Suits, and profecutethe fame in any of his Majefties Courts of Juftice
or Equity for remedy of their pretended Rights, without any Reftraint or Interruption from his Majefty, or otherwife, by the Chief Governour or Governours and Council of this Kingdom ; And that the Proceedings in the reCourts fhall be purfuant, and according to his Majefties fpeiftive Precedency of Book and that they fhall contain themfelves v.ithin the Inftrudions, printed Limits prefcribed by that Book, when the Kingdom fhall be reftored to fuch' a degree of Qiiietnefs, as they be not necellarily enforced to exceed the fame.
Itemt Ic is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pieas'd, Thac as for and concerning one Statute made in this Kingdom, in the eleventh year
XIV.
for ftaying of Wool, of the Reign oi Qnzm Eltz-abeth^ Intituled, An And another Statute Flocks, Tallow and other NecelTaries within this Realm made in the faid Kingdom in the twelfth year of the Reign of the faid Qiieen,
:
ACT
Intituled,
An
ACT
and one other Statute made
in the faid Kingdomj in the \yh year of the Reign of the faid late Qiieen, Intituled, An Exemplanationof the P^d. made in a SefTion of this Parliament for the ftaying of Wool, Flocks, Tallow, and other Wares and Commodities mention'd in the faid Aft, and certain Articles added to the fame Aft, all concerning ftaple or native Commoditits of this Kingdom,
fhall
for
be repealed, if ic fhall bs fo thought fit in the Parliament (excepting Wool-fells) and that fuch indifferent Perfons as fhall be agreed on by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid ThomM Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cojlclogb Lord Prefident of Connaght^ Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mmkerry., Francis Lord Baron of Athumy^ Alexander Aiac Donnd Efq-, Sir Lucm DilUn Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt- Sir Richard Barnnall Baronet, Jeff^ry Broxvn^ Donnogh O
Wool and
Neilc, A-Iilei Reily?.nd Gerrald Fennell ECquuts, or any feCaliaghan^ TyrUh ven or more of them fhall be authorized by CommifTion under the Great Seal, to moderate and afiertain the Rates of Merchandize, to be exported or imported
,
cut of, or into this Kingdom, as they fhall think fit. XV. Iiem. It is concluded, accorded and agreed,
Parties,
by and between the
faid
gracioutly pieas'd. That all and every Perfon'and Perions within this Kingdom, pretending to have fulfered by Offices found of
and
his
Majetly
is
Lands and Hereditaments in the Province of and other Provinces of this Kingdom, in or lince the firll year of King Vlfler^ or or Forfeitures, or by Pretence and Colour Attainders his by Reign, J.jwjfi fiiid of fince the \(i thereof, year King James, or by other Afts depending on the laid Offices, Attainders and Forfeitures, may petition his Majefty in Parand if after examination it iliall appear liament for Relief and Redrefs to his Majefty, the faid Perfons, or any of them have been injured, then his Majefty will prefcribe a Courfe to repair the Perfon or Perfons fo fufFering according to Juftice and Honour. XVI. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is graciouUy pieas'd, that as to the particular Cafes of Maurice Lord Vifcount de Rupe and Ftrmoy, ylrthiir Lord Vifc.
feveral Countries, Territories,
,
Iveagh^ Sir Edward Fitz, Gerrald of Clounglijli Baronet, Charles AfacCarty Reag, Roaer Muore^ Anthony Marc^ William Fitz. Gtrrald, Anthony Linch, John Lacy, Collo Aiac B> ien Mac Mahowne^ Daniel Cafiigui^ Edmond Fitz, Gerrald of Balli'
Thnn^s Fitz Gerrald of the Fitz. of Edmond Gerrald of Ballimallo, Janes Fttz, Loghmaske, Vally, John Bsurke William Geiraldof Glinane., and Edward Sutton^ they may petition his Majefty in the next Parliament, vvhereupon his Majefty will take fuch Confideration of them as fliall be juft and fit.
martir, Lucas Keating, Theobald Roch Fitz. Mtles,
XVlf. frem, It is likewife concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioully pieas'd, That the Citizens, Freemen, Burgeffes and former Inhabitants of the City of Cork, Towns of Toughall and Downegarven fhall be forthwith upon Perfeftion of thefe Articles, reftored to their refpeftive Poffeilions and Eftates in the faid City and Towns,
refpeftively,
55? 1
extends not to the endangering of tiie faid Garefpeuîvely, where the fame In which cafe fo many of the faid CiciTcwn?. and in the laid rifpns City ze;is and Inhabitants, as fhnll not bs admicted to theprefcnt PoiTeflion of their Houf-s v;ithin the faid City and Towns, fhall be afforded a valuable annual
for the fame, until Settlement in Parliament, at which time they Ihall And it is further agreed, and his Majebe FvltorM to thofc thci: follenions. That the faid Citizens, Freemen, Burgelles and Inhais pleas'd. fty gracioully bitants of the faid City of Cork, and Towns of Toughall and Dorvnegnrven, fhall be enabled in convenient time before the next Parliament refp:fttvely, in this to be held Kingdom, to choofe and return Burgedes into the fame Parlia-
Rene
ment.
XVIII. h(m^ Ids further conduded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Partie-;, and his Mijcfty is further gracjoufly pleas'd, That an of Oblivion be paft in the next Parliament, to extend to all his MajeA of all Treafons and OflliesSubjcdsof^this Kingdom, and th:ir Adherents, fencts, capital, ciiminal and pcrfonal, and other Offences of what nature, kind or quality foever, infufh manner, as if fiich Tteafons or Oftvnccs had Th.it the faid Aft do extend to never been committed, perpetrated or done the Heirs, Children, Kindred, Executors, Admifiiftrators, Wives, Widows, Dowagers, or Aflugns of fuch of the faid Subjeds and their Adherents who dy'd on, before, or fince, the i^doi October, i6î. that the faid Aft do relate to that the faid Acl do extend to all Bodies the firil day of the next Parliament Politic and Corporate, and their refpediveSuccellors, and unto all Cities, Burroughs, Counties, Baronies, Hundreds, Towns, Villages, Thitlings, and every of them within this Kingdom, for and concerning allpnd every ot the faid Offences, or any other OiTence or Offences in them, or any of them comtnitted or done by his Majilties faid Subjcfts, or tbeir Adherents, or any of them, beProvided this Aft llial! not extend fore, in, or fines ihci^d of October, 1641. to be conft rued to pardon any Offence or Offences, for which any Perlbn or Ps.ri fons have been conviclcd or attainted on Record at any time before the 23/day o( Ociober, in the year of our Lord, 1641. That this Ad Ih^ll extend to Piracies, and all other Offences committed upon the Sea by his Alajeffies faid of Oblivion, Subjeds, or their Adherents or any of them ^ that in this Words of rekafe, acquittal and difcharge be inferted, that no Peribn or Perfons, Bodies Politic or Corpoiate, Counties, Cities, Burrou;i,hs, Bjronies, Hundreds, Towns, Villages, Thithngs, or any of them within this Kingdom, included within the faid Ad, be troubled, impeached, filed, inqiiieced or moleitcd, for, or by reafon of any Offence, Matter or thing whnfoever, ccm(liall extend to al! Rents, Goods prifed within the faid Ad: And thefaid and Chattels taken, detained or grown due to the Subjeds of the one Party from the other fince the 2îioi OUuber^ 1641 to the Date of thefe Articles of Peace; and alfo toall Cuitom-, Rents, Arrears of Rents, to Prizes, Recognizances, Bonds, Fines, Forfeitures, Penalties, and to all other Prolk?, Perquifits and Dues which were due, or did, or fhould accrew to his Mgjefty on, before, or lince the ifSof OUober, 1641. until the Perfedion of thefe Articles, and likewife to all Meafne Rates, Fines of what nature foever, Recognizances, Judgments, Executions thereupon, and Penalties whatfoever, and to all other Profits due to his Majefty fince the faid i^dof OSiober nnd before, until the Perfedion of thefe Articles, for, by reafon, or which lay wirhin the Survey or Recognizance of the Court of VVard^. ^ and alfo to allRefpits, Kliies of Homage and Fines for the fame provided this fliall not extend to difdiarge or remit any of the King's Debts or Suba'dies due before the faid 23 J of Otiober, i<^4i, which were then or before levyed, or taken by the Sheriffs, CommiffioLers, Receivers or Collcdors, and not then or before accouiited for, or fince difpofcd to the publick Ufc oi the Wid Romm Catholic Snb'jiclit butth.t luch Perfons may be brought to account for the fame after full Settlevient in Parliament, and not before, unlefs by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid themes Lord Viicouni Dillon oi Cu(iologh Lord Prefident of Cw^^k, DonFrancis Lord Vifcount Lord of Baron îlfhunry, Alexander Mac nogh Musk^yry, Domcl ECq-^ Sh' Lucas Dtllon Kt. ^'iv NicholM Plitnket Kt. S'w Richivd SArnwaU Baronet, "Jtjfery Broxvn^ Donnoglo O Callaghun^ Tyrlah ,0 Neil, Arties Keily and C7 fr?-.j!W Ffr// Efquires, or any feven or more of ihefflj as the fad Lord Lieu-
CT
Ad
Ad
CBbbb]
tenant
[
tciiaut oilier wife
554 3
fhall think Sti provided, that fuch barbarous and inhuman the faid Lord Lieutenant, as be (hall Crimes particulariz'd and agreed upon by and the faid ThoniM Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Con-
Francis Lord Baron of j^thunry^ Alexnaghc^ Vonnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, ander M.IC Donnell Efq-, Sir Lhcm Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plnnhet Kt. Sir Richard
Barnwall Baronet, J^ffery Brown, Donnogh Neil^ Miles Callaghan, Tyrlah Eenrtell Efquires, or any feven or more of them, as to the AcCerrald and Beily tors and Procurers thereof, be left to be tried and adjudged by fuch indifferent Commilfioners as fhall be agreed upon by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the
Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cofiologh Lord Prefident oiConnaght, Donof Aihtmry^ Alexander Mac Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron nogh
faid Thoma.i
Sir Richard Barnwali O Miles Reily and Neil^ Tyrlah Caliaghan^ Baronet, Jefftry Browtty Donnogh CerraldFennelL Efquires, or any feven or more of them ^ and that the Power of the faid Commilfioners fhall continue only for two years next enfuing the Date t)f their Comminion, which Commiffion is to iffue within JTx Months after the
Donnell Efq;
Sir
Lmm
Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Pluhktt Kt.
Articles ; provided aifothac the Commifiioners :o be agreed on for of the faid particular Crimes to be excepted, ihalj hear, order and determin all Cafesof Truff, where relief may or ought in equity to be afforded againft all manner of Perfons, according to the Equity and Circumffances of every fuch Cafes and his xMajefties Chief Governour oi C-ovcrnours, and other Magiftrates for the time being, in all his Majefli?'^ Courts of Juftice, and other his Majefties Officers of what Condition or Qiialicy foever, be bound and rcOblivion wichout pleading quir'd to take notice of, and purfuethe faid AA of other Officers do make or no Clerk and that or fuit to be made for the fame out or write out any manner of Writs, Procelles, Summons or other Precept, for, concerning, or by reafon of any iMatter, Caufe or Thing whacfoever releafed, forgiven, difcharged, or to be forgiven by the faid Ad, under pain of ;c /. Sterling, and that no Sheriff or other Officer, do execute any fuch Writ, Procefs, Summons or Precept \ and that no Record, Writing or Memory, do remain of any Offence or Offences, releafed or forgiven, or mentioned to be forgiven by this Acft and that all other Claufes ufually inferred in AlIs of General Pardon or Oblivion, enlarging his Majefties Grace and Mercy, not herein particularized, be inferted and comprized in the faid A(ft, when the Bill fhall be drawn up with the Exceptions already expreffed, and none other. Provided always, that the faid Ad of Ob!ion (hail not extend to any Treafon, Felony or otherOifence or OfFenccs,which fhall be committed or done from or after the Date of thefe Articles, until the firll Day of the before mentioned next Parliament, to be held in this Kingdom- Provided alfo, that any Aft or Arts, which /hall be done by Virtue, Pretence, or in Purfuance of thele Articles of Peace agreed upon, or any Ad or A(fls which fhall be done by Virtue, Colour or Pretence of the Power or Authority ufed or exercifed by and amongfl: the Confederate Roman Catholics after the Date of the faid Articles, and before the faid Publi-
Daceof thefe
trial
'>
cation, fhall not be accounted, taken, conffrued, or to be, Treafon, Felony, or other Offence to be excepted Otft of the faid AlI of Oblivion ; provided
likewile, that the faid ACl of Oblivion fliall not extend unto any Perfon or Perfons, that will not obey and fubmit unto the Peace concluded and agreed on by thefe Articles i provided further, that the faid Aft of Oblivion, or any
thing in this Article contained, fhall not hinder or interrupt the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount DiUon of Cojlohgh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount A///j^(?r>-^, Francii Lord Baron of Aihunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efqi Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholai Plunkft Kt. Sir Richard 5^rip.i// Baronet, Jef~ CalLtghan, Tyrlah O Netle, Miles Retly and Gerrald fery Brown,
Donnogh
Fennell, Efquires,
or any feven or more of them, to call to an Account, and Council and Congregation, and the refpedfive fupreara the proceed againft Councils, Commilfioners general, appointed hitherto from time to time by the Confederate Catholics to manage their Affairs, or any other Perfon or Perfons accoHiptable to an Accompt for their rcfpeftive Receipts and Disburfements, fince the beginning of their refpedtive Imploiments under the faid Con-
federate C<jrWrj, or to acquit or releafe any Arrears of Excifes, Cuftoms, or be accounted for fince the i^d of Ollober i6^\. and not difpviblic Taxes to of hitherto, to the public life, but that the Parlies therein conccrn'd pog'd
may
C
be
cali'd to
555 3
an Account for the fame as aforefaid, by the faid Thomas Lord may Vifcount Dillon of CoHologk Lord Prefident of Conna^hr, Donnogh Lord Vifc. Musktrry^ Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efquire, Sir NtcholM Vlunkft Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Sir Lucas Dillon Kc
Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Cerrald or any thing Fennell, Efquircs, or any feven or more of them, the faid therein concain'd to the contrary notwithllanding. XIX. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, that an A C T be That neither the Lord Deputy, or pafs'd in the next Parhunent, prohibiting. other Chief Governour or Governours, Lord Chancellor, Lord High Treafurer, Vice Treafurer, Chancellor, or any of the Barons of the Exchequer, Privy Council, or Judges of the lour Courts, be Farmers of his MajelUes Cuftoms within this Kingdom. XX. hem^ It is likewife concluded, accorded and agreed, and his Majefty is of Parliament pafs in this Kingdom againfl gracioufly pleas'd, that an was in England 21 Jacobi Regis, with a further fuch as enacted Monopolies, Claufe of repealing of all Grants of Monopolies in this Kingdom ; and thac Comrailhoners be agreed upon by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid T/;flw^ Lord Vifcount "ZJ.'/Aw of Cojlolegh Lord Preddtnt o{ Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Ahskcrry, Francis Lord Biiron of Aihunry^ Alexander Aâc Donnr/Efq; %i^ Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plwilêc Kz. Sir Richard Barnmall Bzr. O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile., Milts Reily and Gerrald J'ffery Brown, Donnogh FfW/ Efquircs, or any fevcn or more of them, to fet down the Rates for the Cuflom and Impofition to be laid on Aquavitx, iVme^ Oil, Yam and Tobacco. XXL Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, and his ijelty is gracioufly pleas'd, that fuch Perfons as fliall be agreed on by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vîlcount Dillon of Ccftolgh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mush^rry, Francis Lord Baron of AthunMac Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Nicholas ry^ Alexander
Jeffery Brown,
Baronet,
ACT
ACT
Plunket Knight, Sir Richard Bjrnxvall Baronet,

laghan, Tyrlah
Neile.,
or more of them, fhall the Great Seal to regulate the Court of Caftle-chamber, and fuch Caufcs as Ihail be brought into, and cenfur'd in the faid Court. XXII. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, that two Afts lately pafs'd in this Kingdom, one prohibiting the plowing with Horfes by the Tail, and the other prohibiting the burning of Oats in the Straw, be lepeal'd. XXIII. hem. It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, for as much as upon Application of Agents from this Kingdom unto his Majelty in the fourth year of his Reign, and lately upon humble Suit made unto his Mijefty, by a Committee of both Houfes of the Parliament of this Kingdom, order was given by his Majelty for redrefs of feveral Grievances, and for fo many of thofe as are not exprefs'd in the Articles, whereof both Houfes in the next enfuing Parliament fliall defire the benefit of his Majefties faid former Directions for Redrefs therein, that the fame be afforded them, yet fo, as for prevention of Inconveniences to his Majelties Service, that the Warning mcntion'd in the z^th Article of the Graces in the fourth year of his Majelties Reign be fo underftood, that the Warning being left at the Perfons Dwelling-houfes be held fufficient Warning ; and as to the iid Article of the faid Graces, the
Procefs hitherto us'd in the Court of Wards do ftill continue, as hitherto it hath done in that, and hath been us'd in other EngUjh Courts ; but the Court of Wards being compounded for, fo much of the aforefaid Anfwer as concerns Warning and Procefs fliall be omitted. XXIV. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That Maritine Caufes may be determin'd in this Kingdom, without driving of Merchants or others to appeal and feek Juftice elfewhere and if it fhall fall out that there be Caufe of an Appeal, the Party griev'd is to appeal to his Majelty in the LAND:, and that Sentence thereupon to be given by the Chancery of J
:
O CalJejfery Brown, Donnogh Aides Reilte and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven be as foon as may beauthoriz'd by CommiHion under
RE
CBbbb 2]
Delegates,
556
Delegates, to be definitive, and not to be queftion'd upon any further Appeal, except it be in the Parliament of this Kingdom, if the Parliament fhall then be of Parliament i and until the faid (itcing, otherwife not, this to be by Parliament, the Admiralty and Maritine Caufes fhall be order'd and fettl'd by the fsid Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the
ACT
faid ThoK/iM
Lord Vifcounc Dillon of CoftoLegh Lord Prefident of Comaght^ Don. Lord Vifcount nogh Muskerry, Trancu Lord Baron cf Athumy^ Ahxatider Mac
Doanil Efq^ Sir Lhcm DtllonKt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Y.t- Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jtfftry Brovan^ Donnogh Caliaghan^ Tyrlah O NeiUi AdiUs Reily and Gerrald FsnnelL Efquires, or any feven or more of them. XXV. /few. It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be-
tween the
fdid Parties, and his Maje.ly Subjedtsof this Kingdom be eas'd of all
is
gracioufly pkas'd,
That
his Majellies
Rents and increafe of Rents lately rais'd on the Commiflion or defeftive Titles in the Earl of Stre,jford'*% Government, and that in the mean time the faid Rents or of Parliament this to be by encreafe of Rents (hsli not be written for by ar/y Procefs, or the paiment thereof in any fort procured. XXVi. Iiem^ It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, that by to be pafs'd in the next Parliament, all the Arrears of Interefl-Mony, which did accrue and grow due by way of Debt, Mortgage or otherwife, and yet not fo fatisfy'd fince the 23*^ of October 1641. until the Perfedion of thefe Articles,{hall be fully forgiven and be releas'd ^ and that for and during the fpace of three years nextenfuing, no more fliall be taken for life or Intereltof MoAnd in Cafes of Equity ariling through Difney then five Pounds pe/- Centum. occafion'd the ability, by Dillempers of the Times, the Confiderations of Equibut as for Mortgages contracted between his ty to be like unto both Parties Majefties Roman Catholic Subjects and others of that Party, where Entry hath been made by the Mortgagers againfl Law, and the Condition of their Mortgages, and detain'd wrongfully by them without giving any Satisfaftion to the Mortgagees, or where any fuch Mortgagers have made Prolit of the Lands moitgag'^^d above Country Charge?, yet anfwer no Rent, or other Confidera-
ACT
ACT
tion to ihe Mortgagees, the Parties griev'd refpectively to be left for relief to a Courfe of Equity therein.
XXVIl,
M<=jelLy
is
Item^ It is further concluded, accorded ard agreed upon, and his further gracioufly pleas'd, that immediately upon Perfedion of
ihele Articles, the laid Thowas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Ccftoiogh Lord Prefident of Connaght^ Donnogh 'Lord Vifcount Aftisksrry^ Francis Lord Baron of
Donncl F.fq^ Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas PlunAihuiiry, Alexander Alac Sir Richard Barmvall B^ror.ct., Jtjfery Brown^ Donnogh j^ff Kt. CJlaghan., Tyrlah Neile-, Affiles RiHy., Gerrald Fennel Eiquire% ih-Û be authoriz'd by the
faid
Lord Lieutenant to proceed

this
,
throughout on depending mentioned fliall
in, hear, deter min and execute, in and the enfuing Particulars, and all the Matters thereupKingdom, and that fuch Authority and other the Authorities hereafter remr!in cf force without revocation, alteration or diminution,
until Acts of Parliament be p'.fs'd, according to the purport and intent of thefe Articles; and that in cafe of Death, Mifcarriagc, Difability to ferve by reafon
faid Thomiu Lord Vifcount Dillon of Ccjiologh Prefident of Conn^ght^ Donnogh Ld Vifc. Musherry^ Francis Ld Bar. bf AthunDonnell Efq; Sir Lucas Villon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plmket Kt. Sir ry, Alexander Mac Richard Earawall Baronet, Jeffery Brown^ Donnogh Neiliy Callaghan^ Tyrlah
of Sicknefs or otherwife of any the
Ld
Miles Reily ^nd Gerrald FennellE^qairzs., and his M?.jelties Lord Lientenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the rime being, fliall name and authorize another in the Place of fuch as (hall be fo dead or fhall mifcarry himfeif, or be fo difabled, and that the fame (hall bs luch Perfon as fliall be allow'd of by the {aidThomasLord Vifcount Dillon of Cojloloih, Lord Prefident of Connaght., Donnogh Lord Vifcount A<ffiskerry^ Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnell Efq; Sir Lkcos Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plmket Kt. Sir Richard Barnmall Baronet, Jeff^fy Brown, Dannogh O Callagh.in^ Tyrlah Neile., Aliles Reily and Gerrald FenneU Efquires, or any feven or more of
then then
living.
And
that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coplogh
Lord
557 3 Lord Prefident of Connaght^ Bonrogh Lord Vifcount Mmkerry, Francii LorcJ Baion of Athurrj, Alexander Mac DomicL Efq', Sir Lucas Btllvn Kt. Sir Nichoi:
las Plunktt
Kt. Sir Richard
Barnrvtill
Baronet, jtjfery Brown, Donnogh
CaUaghun^
TyrtahO NtUe, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fcnmii Eiqu'nQS, or any Icvcn or more of them, (hal! have Power to applet, raife and levy Means wirh lndifi'c;rency and Equality by way of Excife or otherwife, upon all his MajelUcs Subjeits within the faid Kingdom, their Perfons, Ellates and Goods-, towards ths Maintenance of fuch Army or Armies as fliall be thought tit to continue, and be in Pay for his Mijefties Service, the Defence of ih'- Kingdom, and other ths necellary public Charges thereof, and towards the Maintenance of the Fores, Caftle?, Ganfonsand Towns, until there fhall be a Settlement in Parliamenr of both or either party, other than fuch of tl:s faid Forts, Garifoas and Caltles, as from time to time rtiall be thought fit, by his Mjellies Chief Governour or Govcrnours of this Kingdom for the time being, by and wirh the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifc. Dillonof Ceflclogh Loid Prc;id,ncof Ow??4^k, DonPvnnogh ford Vifc. A'fuskcrry^ Francis Ld EîXOnof Aihutiry, Alexander
Mm
vel
Efq*, Sir
Lucas DiHou Kt. Sir Nicholas
Plitnket Kt.
Sir Richard Barnxcatl
net, Jeffeiy Brcwn^ CJlaghan, Tyrlah rald Fenneil Efquires, or any feven or more of them, not to be mî.ntained at the Charge of the Public, provided that his Majefties Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Goveinour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time bring,
Donnogh O
Neile^ A/tles
Baro(j(rand ReHy
firlt made acquainted with fuch Taxes, Levies and Excifes as fhall be msds, and the manner of levying thereof, and that he approve the fame ; and to the end that fuch of the Proceftanc Party as Ihall fubmit to the Peace, may in the feveral Countries where any of their Eftates lieth, h;ve Equaliiyand Indifferency in the Alfeflments and Levies that fhall concern their Ellatcs in the
be
faid feveral Counties.
concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is gracioully That in the Directions which fhall illue to any fuch County, for the applotting, fubdividing and levying of the faid Public Aifefrments, fome of the faid Proteftant Party fliall be joined v\ ich others of the Roman Catholic party to that purpofe, and forefteding that Service i and the faid Th'mM Lord Vifcount D/!?ow of C(3/?o/^& Lord Prefident of Cerjnaghr, Z)on?j/7Lord Vifcounc
It is
plcafed,
Musketry, frrtwjj Lord Baton oi Athnmy^ Alexander
Mac
Dortnel E'q.,
S'lv
Lu-
cas DillonKx. Sir Nicholoi Plnnket Kt. Sir Richa'd Barnvall Baronet, J^fery Krown^
Donnogh O Callaghan^ Tyrlah O Neile^ Miles Reily and Gerrald Femielt-Qli; or any feven or more of them, fhall have power to levy the Arrears of all t.xci* fes and other publick Taxes impofed by the Confederate Roman Catholics^ and yet unpaid, and to call Receivers and other Accomptants of all former T-ixes and all public Dues to a juft and ftrid Account, either by themfelves, or by and that the fuch as they or any feven or more of them fhall name or appoint faid Lord Lieutenant, or any other Chief Govcrnour or Governours of this Kmgdom for the time being, flial! from time to time iffue Comniilfions to fuch Perfon and Perfons as fhall be named and appointed by the faid Thonnu Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftelogh Lord Prefident of Connaght^ Donnogh Lord Vifcount Musketry^ Francis Lord Baron of Athumy^ Alexander Mac Donnel Efqj Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholtu Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall B'^ronet,
i
Jefery gromw, Donnogh

Fenneil Efquires,
Callaghan^ Tyrlah O Neile, Aides Reily and GerrÛ or any feven or more of them, for letting, fetti g, and improving the Eftates of all fuch Perfon and Perfons, as fliall adhere to a'ly Parcy oppoling his Majefties Authority, and not fubmitting to the Peace \ and that the Profits of fuch Eftates fhall be converted by the faid Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, to the Maintenance of the King's Army and other necelfary Charges, until Settlement by Parliament j and that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dilion of Cnfiolugh Lord Prefident of Connaght^ Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskeny, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry^ Alexander Mac Donnel Efqi Sir Lncas V'Jlon Kt. Sir Ntchol/ts Plunkft Kt. S\t Richard Barnwall BzronQU jefery Broxon^ Dmnogh Q Callag-
han, Tyrlah
more of them,
Aides Reily and G err aid Fennel Efquires, or any feven or have power to applot, raife and levy Means with Indiiferency and Equality, for the buying of Arms and Ammunition, and ior the entertaining of Frigats in fuch proportion as fhall bs thought fic by his Mafhall
O Ncile^
jefties
558
Chief Governours of this Kingdom for the jefties Lord Liestenant, or other time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Villon of Cojhlogh Lord Prefident of Connagk^ Donmgh Lord Vifcount jiUxander Mac Donnel Efq; Sir LuMusketry^ Francis Lord Baron of j^thumy,
cas Dtlton Kt. Sir Nicholtu Plunket Kt.
Broxvn^
Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet,
O Neile^ Miles Reily and Cerrald Fcnnell Callaghan, Tyrlah > the faid Arms and Ammunition to be of them feven or more Efquires, or any Jaid up in fuch Magazins, and under the Charge of fuch Perfons as fhall be
Donmgh
Jeffery
Thomas Lord Vifcount Dilagreed on by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the laid lon of Cojiologh Lord Prefident q{ Comaght, Donmgh Lord Vifcount Almkerry^ Francis Lord Baron of Athmry^ Alexander Mac Donnel E(q, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Ba/nvoall B<)roret, ^f/frj firoir^, Donnogh O Calhghan^ Tyrlah NetU^ Miles Keily, Gcrrald Fennell Elquires, or any feven or more of them, and to be difpofed of, and the f lid Frigats to be imploycd for his MajelliiS Service, and the public Life and Benefit of this Kingdom of Ireland; and that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of CofioUgh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount iMuskerry^ FrancU Lord Baron of Athumy^ &c. or any feven or more of them, fliall have power to applor, raife and kvy Means wi(h indifferency and Equality, by way of Excife or otherwife, in the feveral Cities, Corporate Towns, Counties and part of Counties, row within the Quarters and only upon the Eftates of the f.iid Confederate Roman Catholics^ all fuch Sum and Sums of Money as fhall appear to the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dtllon of Co(iologh Lord Prefident of Connagk^ Donnogh Francis Lord Baron of Athnmy^ &c. or any feven or Lord Vifcount
A/ji!jfrry,
the publick really due, for and in the Difcharge of Engageand incurred the faid Confederate C^srWia, ments of grown due before the Conclufion of thefe Articles and that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon
more of them, to be
Lord Prefident ofConnaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry^ FranLord Baron of Athmry, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhall be authorized to appoint Receivers, Colledors and all other Officers, for fuch Monies aj fhall be aflilled, taxed or applotted, in purfuance of the Authorities mention'd in this Article, and for the Arrears of all former Applotments^ Taxes and other public Dues yet unpaid , And that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coihlngh Lord Prefident of dnnaght^ Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francu Lord Baron of Athtmry, &c. or any feven or more of them, in cafe of RefracftoT-ies or Delinquency, 'may diftrain and imprifon, and caufe fuch DeAnd the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount linquents to be diflrained and imprifoned. DiUon of CojlologhLord Prefident of Cmnaght^ Donnogh Lord Vifcount Mmhetry^ F'amii Lord Baron of Athimry^ &c. or any feven or more of them make per{(d Books of all fuch Monies as fhall be applotted, raifed or Jevy'd, out of which Books they are to make feveral and rcfpcclive Abflrafts, to be delivered under their hands, or the hands of any feven or more of them, to the feveral and refpciflive Colledors, which fhall be appointed to levy and And that a Duplicate of the laid Books, under the hands receive the fame. of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount DtUon of Coflologh Lord Prefident of Connaght^ Baron of Athunry, &;c. or any Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry. France Lord feven or more of them, be delivered unto his Majefties Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, whereby a perfedt Account may be given and that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount DUlon of Coftdogh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount or any feven or more of them, Md.'kfrry^ Frahcis Lord Baron of Athumy, &c. and fhall have Power to call the Council Congregation, and the refpettive fuprcam Councils, and CommilTioners General, appointed liiiherto from time to time, by the faid Confederate Roman Catholics, to manage their public Affairs, and all other Perfons accountable, to an Account (or all their Receipts and Disburfements fince the beginning of their refpeftive Imploiments, under the Confederate Roman Catholics. XXVilL Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, That for the Prefervation of the Peace and Tranquillity of the Kingdom, the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord rifcountr'//o of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, DonV9gk Lord Vifcow< Mnjkerry, Francis Lord Baron oiAthimry^ &c, or any feven or
of
Cejiologh
cis
,
C 559 ^
or more of them, fhall for the prefent agrea upon fuch Perfons, wlio are to be authorized by Coramiflion under the Greit Seal, to be Coramiffioacrs of the Peace, Oyer and Terminer, yljjiz.es and CW-delivery, in, and throughout the Kingdom, to continue during pleafurc, with fuch Power as Juftices of the.
Peace, Oyer and Terminer, yllfiz.es and Gô^rfZ-dclivery in former time of Peace, have ufually had, which is not to extend unco any Crime or Offence committed before the firft oi' May laft pad, and to be qualify 'd with Power to hear and determin all Civil Caufts coming before diein, not exceeding ten Pounds ^
provided that they ihall not intermeddle with Tides of Lnnds j provided likewife, the Authority of fuch ComraiOioners (hall not extend to queflion any Perfon or Perfons, for any Shipping, Cattle or Goods, heretofore taken by cither Party from the other, or other Injuries done contrary to the Article^ of CelTation, concluded by and with the faid lleman Catholic Party in, or fince A'tay laff-, but that the fame fhall be determined by fuch indifferent Perfons^ as the Lord Lieutenant, by the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount DilUn of Cofiologh Lord Prefident of Ctmiaght, Donnogh Lord VifcGunt Miikfrry, Francis Lord Baron of Athmryy &c. or any feven or more of them fliall think fit, to the end thatfpeedy and equal Juftice may be done to all Parties grieved \ and the faid Commiflloners are to make their Eftreats as accuHomed of Peace and (liall take the enfuing Oath, viz.. You fhall fwear. That as Juftice of the Peace, Oyer and lermlner, y}Jfiz.es and GM/-delivery in
theCoyniiesof A, B. in all Articles to theCommifhon to you directed, you do equal Right to the poor, and to the rich after your Cunning and Wic and Power, and after the Laws and Cuftoms of the Realm, and in purfu:ince of thefe Articles i and you fhall not be of Counfel of any Quarrel hanging before you ; and the llTues, Fines and Amerciaments which fhall happen to be made, and all Forfeitures which lliall happen before you, you fhall caufe to be entred without any concealment or imbezling, and fend to the Court of Exchequer, or to fuch other Place as his Majefties Urd Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom Ihall appoint, until there may be accefs unto the faid Court of Exchequer : You fhall not let for Gift or other Caufe, but well and truly you fhall do your Oflke of Juftice of Peace, Oyer and Terminer., j4ffiz.es and Cc^Z-delivery in that behalf, and that you cake nothing for your Office of Juftice of the /"êe, Oyer 2,nd Terminer, yifiz,es and (7o^delivery to be done, but of the King, and Fees accuftomed ; and you
fhall
not direiH:, or caufe to be direded, any Warrant by you, to be made to the Parties, but you (hall direifl them to the Sheriffs and BaylifFs of the faid Counties refpe([lively, or other the King's Officers or Minifters, or other indifferent Perfons to do execution thereof. So help you God, c5-f. And that as well in the faid Commiflion, as in all other CommilHons and
fhall
Authorities to be iflucd in purfuance of the prefent Articles, this Claufe fhall be inferted, viz.. That all Officers, Civil and Martial, (hall be required to be aiding and affifting and obedient unto the faid Commiffioners, and other Perfons to be authorized as abovcfaid in the execution of their refpeiîve Powers. XXIX. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and hisMajefty is further gracioully pleas'd, That his Majefties Reman Catholic Subje(ns, do continue the PolTeflion of fuch of his Majefties Cities, Garifons, Towns, Forts and Caftlcs which are within their now Quarters, until Settlement by Parliament, and to be commanded, ruled and governed in chief, upon occafion of neceffity (as to the Martial and Military Afl"airs) by fuch as his Majefty, or his Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, fhall appoint, and the faid Appointment to be by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cojjologb Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athumy, &c. or any feven or more of them ; and his Majefties Chief Governour or Governours, is to iffue Commitfions accordingto fuch Perfons as fhall be fo named and appointed as aforefaid, for the ly, executing of fuch Command, Rule or Government, to continue until all the Particulars in thefe prefent Articles agreed on to pafs in Parliament, fhall be accocdingly pafTed ; only in cafe of Death or Misbehaviour, fuch other Perfon or Perfons to be appointed for the faid Command, Rule and Government, to be
5^0
be named and appointed in the place or places, ef him or them, whoihallfo die or misbehave themfclves, as the Chief Governoiir or Govemonrs for the rime being, by the Advice and Confent of the laid 7homas Lord Vifcount Dillon of CojMogh Lord grelident of Cimeight^ Donmglo Lord Vifcount Maskerry^ Francii Lord Baron of Athunry^ &c. or any fcven or more of them Ihall think a Settlement in Parliament asaforefaid. fit, and to be continued until XaX. Item^ kis further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Par-ties, and his Majelty is further gracioufly pleafed, Thac'all Cuftoms and Tenths of Prizes belonging to his M^jefty, which from the Ptrfedliou of thefe Articles Ihall fall due within this Kingdom, frail be paid unto his Majefties Receipt, or until reccurfe may be had thereunto in the ordinary legal Way, unto futh Pcrfon or Perfons, and in futh place or places, and under fuch Controuls a; the Lord Lieutenant (hall appoint to be difpofcd of, in order to the Defence and Safety of the Kingdom, and the defraying of other the necefiary public Charges thereof, for the Eafe of the Subjedis in And that all and every Pcrether their Levyes, Charges and Applotments. fon or Perfons, who are at prefent inftrultcd and imploied by the kid Romofi Catholics J in the Entries, Receipts, ColkLtions, or otherwife, concerning the laid Cuftoms and Tenths of Prizes, do continue their refpcctivc Imploiments in
the fame,
Receipts, or until lecourfe
until full Settlement in Parliament, accountable to his Majefties may be had thereunto-, as the faid Lord Lieute-
nant
appoint as aforefad, other than to fjch, and fo many of thtm, the Chief Goveinour or Governours for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomtu Lord Vifcount Dillon of Cosiologh Lord Prelident of Connjr^hr^ Donnoab Lord Vifc. Mitjk^-ny^ Francis Lord Baron of -Atloumy, &c. or any feven or more of them, ihall be thought fir to be
fhall
as to
altered
viour,
and then, and in fuch cafe, or in cafe of Death, Fraud or Misbehaor other Alteration of any ilich Perfon or Perfons, then fuch othsr Perion or Perfons to be employed therein, as fhall be thought fit by the Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid J^sw^^ Lord Vifcount /// of Coflolegh Lord Prelident of Comaght^ Dofimgh Lord Vifcount Muskerry^ Francis Lord Baron of
;
Aihunry^ &c. or any feven or more of them j and when it fliall appear that any Perfon or Perfons, who fhall be found fiithful to his iNlajefty, hath right to any of the Offices or Places about the faid Cuftoms, wbereunto he or they may not be admitted until Settlement in Parliament as aforefaid, th:it a reaforiable Compenfation (liall be afforded to fuch Perfon or Perfons for the fame. XXXL hem^ As for and concerning his Majelties Rents, payable at <//? next, and from thenceforth to grow due, until a Settlement in Parliament, it
concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and hisMajeftyis gracioufly pleas'd, That the faid Rents be not wrict-nfor, or levyed, until a lull Settlement in Parliament ; and in due time upon Application to be made to the faid Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom, by the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dtlkn of CoFrancis Jiologh Lord Prelident of Comaght, Domogh Lord Vifcount /Wi#J%>"''^, Lord Baron of yJthunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, for remittal of thofe Rents, the faid Lord Lieutenant, or any other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, fhîi intimate their DeCre;, and the Reafon thereof to his Majefty, who upon confideration of the prefenc Condition of this Kingdom will declare his gracious Pieafure therein, as fhall be juft and honourable, and fatisfadory to the reafonable Defires of his
is
Subjedls.
XXXII.
Item, It
is
concluded, accorded and agreed,

is
by and between tbe^

the Commiiriooers of
faid Parties,
gracioufly pleas'd, Majefly Oyer and Terminer and Co**'- delivery to be named as aforefaid, fhall have Power i.> hear and determin all Murders, Manflaughtcrs, Rapes, Stealths, burning of Houfes and Corn in Rick or Stack, Robberies, Burglaries, forcible Entries, Detainers of PollelFions, and other Offences committtcd or done, and to be committed and done Imce the (irll day of May laft pafl", until the firft day of the next Parliament, thefe prefent Articles, or any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithftanding i provided, that the Authority of the laid CommifTioners Ihall not extend to queftion any Perfon or Perfons, for duing or com-
and
his
That
mitting
C 5<î ]
whacfoever, before the Conclufion of this Treaty, by Virtue mitting any of Colour or any W;^rranEor Diredion from thofe in public Authority
Ad
the Confederate Roman Catholics^ nor unto any Ad which (hall be done after the of thefc Articles, by Virtue or Pretence of any Auperfcding and concluding is now by thefc Articles agreed on which provided alfo that the faid thority
;,
among
Commifhon
ment.
(hall
not continue longer than the
firft
day of the next
Parlia-
XXXIII. Z'fw, It is concluded, accorded, by and between the faid Partie?, and his Majefly is further gracioully pleas'd, That for the determining fuch differences which may arifc between his Majefties Subjeds within this Kingdom, and the prevention of Inconvenience and Difquict which through want of due Remedy in feveral Caufes may happen, there fhall be Judicatures eftai bliih'd in this Kingdom,and that the Perfons to be authorized in them, fliall have Power to do all fuch things as (hall be proper and necellary for them to do ; and the laid Lord Lieutenant, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid T/)owrf; Lord Vifcounti57/o of Ccftohgh Lord Prefidenc oi Connaght^ Damogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry^ Francis Lord Baron of Athunry^ &c. or any feven or more of them, Ihall name the faid Perfons fo to be authorized, and do all other things incident unto, and necedary lor the fettling of the faid intended
Judicatures.
XXXI V.
ral Allembly
Item^ At the Inftance, humble Suit and earnell delire of the Geneof the Confederate Roman Catholics ; it is concluded, accorded
and agreed upon, that the /?owj C2fW/c Regular Clergy of this Kingdom, behaving themfelves conformable to thefe Articles of Peace, fhall not be molelled in the Polleflions, which at prefent they have of, and in the Bodies, Sites and Prccinds of fcch Mbies znA Monafteries bclon^mg to any Roman Ca~ tholic within the laid Kingdom, until Settlement by Parliiment^ and that the
not be molelled in the enjoying fuch Penfions, as hitherto fince the Wars they enjoyed for their refpedive Lively-hoods from the Did Roman Catholics: a ad the Sites and Precinds hereby intended, are declared to be the Body of the Abby, one Garden and Orchard to each Ahhy, if any there be, and whatelfe is contained within the Vvâlls, Meers or antient Fences or Ditch, that doth fupply the Wall thereof, and no more. XXXV. hem^ It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, that as to all other demands of the faid Roman Catholics^ for or concerning all or any the matters propofed by them, not granted or alTented unto in and by the aforefaid Article?, ih^ hid Roman Catholics be referred to his
faid
Clergy
fhall
In Witnefs whereof the faid Favour and further Conceffions. Lord Lieutenant, for and on the behalf of his moft Excellent Majelty, to the one Part of thefe Articles remaining with the faid Roman Catholics^ hath put his Hand and Seal And Sir Richard Blake Kt. in the Chair of the General Affembly of the faid Roman Catholics, by Order, Command and unanimous Confent of the faid (T^fWiV^ in full Allembly, to the other Part thereof rem?ining with the faid Lord Lieutenant, hath put to his Hand and the Public Seal, hitherto us'd by the faid Roman Catholics^ the I7th of January, 1648. at\d in the 2.\tb Year of the Reign of our Soveraign Lord CHARES, by the Grace of God King of Great Britain^ France and Ireland^ 8cc.
Majefties gracious
SIR,
I
to
not thus lovg for born to invite you with thofe under your Command^ to a Suhmijjion to his Majejiies Authority in me, and a Convcuh mc, in the ways jttndion of his Service, out (f ^ny the leafi ^verfion I had toyoUj or any of them, or out of any difefleem I had to your Torvcr,
HAVE
advance or impede the fame, but out of my Fear, whiles thofe that have of late ufurped Power over the Suhje&s of England, held forth the leaji colourable Shadow of Moderation in their Intentions towards the Settlement of Church
cr State ^
and
that in fame tolerable
Way with relation
to
Religi^n^ the Intereji
[Cccc]
of
of
the
Kwg
and
Crovon, the
C 5^2 ] Freedom of ParliumCKtîhe
Lihertk.r of the
mthdrarving of that P.:rty rvhom thej have received fame, and expeJed from thofe this profejfing, from njotild have l>een but coldlj received, and any DetcrmiKaticn Jiipport,
Subje&^ any Addreffes front
propofu/g
me
the
further
thereupon deferred in hope and expe&ation of the forementwned Settlement or that you your felf roho certair.ly have not wanted a fore fight of the fad
Confufiftn norv covering the
the I
Face of England, rcoitid have declared rvith we, rd Inchequeen, and ^/;e Proteftant ^rmy in Munfter, in preven)
tion thereof yet my fear vpas^ it vrculd Live been as dijficult jck, to have carried with you the main ''Body of the Army undir jour Commufid (f:ct fo
fr
clear-figl:ted
as as yonr felf)
it
would have Lein daigcrciis

},
to
you,
and
thofe
but now that tie with you ivell enclined to hjve attempted it nithciit them which the Indc-pendtrnt Ârmy hath eufnared and M.asl{_ of Hypocrily, by
enjlaved all Ejiates
and Degrees of
^C/'/Ien is
Lid
afide,
they evidently appear to be the Snhvcrters
of
true Religion,
te&ors and Inviters not only of all ftlfe Ones, but and inhumanly laid violent^ facrilegjous ifm, 7J0W that they have barbaroufiy hands upon, and miirthered God's Anointed, and cur lying, net as heretoto make room for feme TJfurper, but in a fore fame "Fatricides have done,
their Intentions, to change, the Monarcl^y plainly manifejling of Ens^]di]d into Anarchy, unlefs their Aim be Jirfi to confiitute an ele&ive King-
now that barefaced^ and to be the Pr;j. cf Irreligion and Atke-
way
dom 5 and
C R O M W E L orfomefuch John (?/ Leiden beimi e.'ec/ed^
then
thus by the fame Force, by jvhich they have fir compajftd their E.vds^ to ejlanow that a Turkifh blifl) Tyranny ^ of the three Eflaies of King, perfcH Lords and Commons, whereof in all ^ges Parliaments have thire
confijled,
remains only afwull number, and they the Dregs and Sfiim of the Houje a wicled Remnant, It of Commons, picked and aw'd by the A ft
RMT,
no other end, than yet further if it be pi'jfible to delude the lêoplt with for the Name of a Parliament : The King hei^,g murther'd, the Lards and tfie Commons being the refi by unheard of violence at jtveral times of and Ard now thai there refome imprifiTpd. forced from the Houfes, mains no other Liberty in the SuljeB but to profefs blafpLemcus Opinions, to revile and tread under foot Alagijiracj, to mimhtr Magjftrates, and opprefs
and undo
all that are
not
lihê-
minded with them.

with you under ôur
Now
I fay, that
I can-
pot doubt but that you
and
all
command
will tale this
Opportunity to
lion,
a& and
you and
and
obey
that
declare againft fo monfrous and unparallcl'd a Têbelthey will cheerfully acl^ôwUdg, and faithfully Jerve
and
our Gracious
King
C HAKES
the
\\.
undoubted Heir of his
Fathers Crown and Vertues 5 under whofe 1(ight and Conduct we may by God's Ajjifance rejiore ProtcJiantT^ligion tv Purity, and therein fettle it,
"Farliaments to their Freedom, good Laws to their Force, and our FellowSubje&s to their Juji Liberties 5 wherein how glorious and bleffcd a thing it
will be, to be JO confderably infrumental, as you may now make your flf, I leave to you now to conjider, though I conceive there are not any Mo-
^nd
tives relating to fome particular hiterefl to be mentioned after thefefo weighty Con (iderai ions, which are fuch as the World hath not been at time
any
fur-
fiijlfd
part to dffure you that as there is nothing you can reafon ably propofe for the fafety, fatisfad ion or advantage of your felf, or of any that fhall adhere to you in what I defire, that I fball net to the utter
with, yet
L hold
it
my
moji
of my Power provide for
:,
fo there
is
nothing I would, nor JJ.idl more indu-
firioujly avoid, than thofe Neceffities that may by your reje&ing this
arifngfrom
my Duty to God and
Matr,
Offer force Injlruntent of JjjeddingEngWni'^lood, which in fuch Cafe muji on both fides happen. If this Overture find place with you, as I it may, let me J^now with earnejlly wifl)
me
to be a fad
what
i:
56? 3
rvhat pojphle [peed yon catt^ and if you pleafe by the "Nearer in what vpjyyou a Conclujion. For in that, as well as in the it pall be drawn on to defire^
Shbjiance, you jJ}all find
all
ready compliance from
nte^
that
defire
to be
cARRicK,
March
9.
Your
afFediionate Friend to ferve you, ' '
1648.
ORMOND.
DZJT3L/N.
For Colonel Michael Jones Go-
vernourof
My
LORD,
of
the ninth,
I receiv'd
to
the twelfth injiant,
and
therein have I your Lordjliip's Invitation YOVTi^Lordpps
a Conjun&ion with your
as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and with others now uni/elf (I fuppofe) ted with the Iri(h, and with the Irilh themfelves alfo. not how your Lordpip fiould be invefied with that Power As 1 under
fland
well ajftird, that it is not in the Power of any withpretended, fo am I very the out Purl/jfnent of England to give and affure pardon to thofe bloody Tê-
PEACE (fuch as
tle
I am alfo to that end pafs'd miy appear more fully. as by the well djjitrd, that the Parliament of England would never ajfent to fuch a
bels,
is
^CT
that
of your Lordfjips with
the Rebels) wherein is lit-
or no "Provifion
made
^\or can lunderjiand

fiord
to its
either for the Protejiants or the Proteftant Religion. how the Proteftant Religion pould be fettled and re-
Purity by an
maintained by thofe
flaughterd
:
J[rmy of "^Papifts, or the '^Proteftant Intcrefts Enemies by whom they hê been fpoil'd and there very
evident
it
is,
^nd very
that both the Proteftants
and Prote-
are in that your Lordpips Treaty, left as in the Jiant Religion born down and rooted out at pleafure. to be Rebels^ by them
'Power of the
the prefent and late for that Confideration by your Lordfliip ojfer'd of J fee not how it may be a fujficient <31otive to me "Proceedings in
^s
England,
like
the Parliament of England in the Service of Truji for Pretences in that with this Kingdom) to join thofe labels upon any the d were there a manifeft betraying your Lordpips Letter mention ; for therein
(or any other in
that Truji repos'd in
me
in defer ting the Service
we, injoyning with thofe

ferve.
I pall oppofe, and in oppojing
and Work^ committed to whom I am obligd to
Vîther
conceive
it
whatjoever Proceedings
ejpecially they being
my Work^ and Care to tal[e notice of any and Truji here, of STATE, foreign to my Charge
any part of
the intermed-
Mofi
certain
it is,
found hereunto apparently deftru&ive. and former Ages have approved it, that
and Parties ling of Governours and Parties in this Kingdom, with Sidings this in have been the very betraying of Kingdom to the
ENGLAND,
tv hat
Irifb,
whiles the Briti(h
the
NEMT.
It is
Place therein laid open,
Forces here had been thereupon caWd off, and and as it were given up to the common JS.
your Lordpip might have obfirvd in your former Treaty with the Rebels, that upon your Lordpips thereupon withdrawing, and fending hence into England the moft confiderable part of the Englilh ^rmy then
commanded
overpowered,
by you
thereby
was
and your garters

reduced
the remaining Britifll Party not long after by the Irifh over-run to the Gates of
DUB-
LIN, your felf alfo
to that
low Condition, as to be befiegd in this
[Cccc
2]
-very
5^4
the very City (the Metropolis and prwcipal Citadel of Kingdom) and that who till then could never Ji and before you : and what by thofe very Rebels, the
Calt hough the
end hath been of that Târty, "Ififi fi"t by your Lordjhip into England Flower and Strength of the Englilh ^rmy here, both
Officers
and Souldiers) hath been very obfervable. ^nd hovp much the Dangers are at prefent (more than informer ^ges) of hazarding ^/)e EngUfll Intereji in this Kingdom, by fending anjTârties
hence into any other
upon any Pretences whutfoever, is very apparent, as in the generality of the Rebellion, non> more than formerly ^ Jo conji"
Kingdom
deringyour Lordpips prefent Conclufions with, and Concejfions to the Rebels^ wherein they are allowed the continued Poffejfion of all the Cities, Forts and Places of Strength, whereof they flood pojfefs'd at the time of their Treaty with your LordJJjip, and that they are to have a Standing Force
7
(if
mil remember) of 1 5000 Foot and 2500 Horfe (all of their own Party, Oncers and Soaldiers) and they (with the whole IQngdom) to be regulated
bjf
major part of
Irifll
fons for their Interejls nothing is to be a&ed.
and Ends,
Therein
Trufiees, chofen by the Rebels themfelves, as Perto be by them confided in, without whom
I cannot
but
mind your
hordfl)ip
of what
hath been fometimes by your felf delivered, as your Jenje in this particular 5 that the Englifti Intereji in Ireland muji beprefervd by the Englifh, and not
by Irifll 5 and upon that ground (if I be not deceiv'd) did your Lordfl)ip with the Parliament <?/ E then LA D, from which clear capitulate
NG
Principle
I am firry
to fee
^s to
what
that by your LordjJjip
your Lordfl)ip receding. menac'd Ui here, of ''Blood and Force,
now
if
dijfenting from your Lordfjip's Ways (my Lord) much rather choofe
is
and Dejlgns,
info
tofitffer
particular Ijhall doing (for therein flull I do
for
my
becoming, and anfwerahle to
my Truji)
the contrary the ignominious
Brand of
the
than to purchaje my felf on Perfidy, by any .Allurements of what
foever Advantages offer'd me.
But very
lowed
me
confident I in this
WO R K,
am of
and
will Jiill follow
fame Divine Power which hathfiill folme ^ and in that Trufi
doubt I nothing of thus giving your Lordfliip plainly this that Particular : So 1 remain,
my
l^folution in
D'^BLi N,
March
14,
Your
Lordftiip's *^
humble Servant.
1648.
Signed,
MIC JONES.
For
the
Lord fifOKMONDthefe.
By
B Y
T H E
Lord Lieutenant General

o F
IRELAND.
ORMOND,
Memory WHET{EAS N G L AND
py
and furafmHch di his Majejiy that mvp is , Charles /y the Grace of King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, is Son and Heir of his faid late Majefty, and therefore by the Laws of the Land, of Force, and pra&is'd in all ^ges, is to inherit. We therefore in the Duty we owe unto God, our Allegiance and Loyalty to difcharge of cur Soveraign, holding it fit him fo to proclaim in and through this his Mado by this our prejent Proclamation declare and malefiies Kingdom, to the World, That Charles the II. Son and Heir of our late Sove^
ofE
foJi
our late Soveraign Lord King of haphath 'been lately by a Party of his rebellious Subje&s and inhumanly pit to death traiteroujly, ntjlkiohjly,
CW kKhES
and murthered
GO D
-^
fiifeji
raign
GOD,
of happy 31emory, is, by the Grace of the undoubted of England, Scotland, France and Irethe FAITH, &c. land, Defender of
Lard King Charles
/ie
I.
K ING
Civenai
C A RRICK
Feb. 26.
1648.
GOD
SAVE THE KING.
[ 5^<5 ]
A neceffary Refrefentatio?i
eminent
ties,
Dangers
to
of the frefent Evils, and Religion, Laws and Liberand frefent Practices
of
Party in Together with an Exhortation to Duties relating to .the Covenant, unto all within our Charge ; and to ail the Well-affeBed within this Kingdom,
hy the Presbytery at
the
arifing from the Sedtoian
the late
ENGLAND:
BELEAST^
February
i5thj
1649.
we
rerioully confider the great and
his People,
many Duties which we over whom he hath made us Overfeers, and for whom we muft give an Account-, and when we behold the laudable Exampl s of the worthy Minifters of the Province of London^ and of the CommaTionerv of the General AfTcmbly of the Church of Scotland, in their free and faithful Teflimonies againft the Infolencies of the SeElarian Party in TLngUnd. Confidering alfo the D-pendency of this Kingdom upon the Kingdom of Engl.tnd^ and remembring how againft ftrong Oppolitions we were afliltcd by the Lord the lall year in difcharge of the like Duty, and how be punifli'd the Contempt of our Warning upon the Defpifers thereof find our felves as neccflitattd. fo the more encourag'd to call in our Mite in the Treafury, left our Silence (hould involve us in the Guilt of Unfaithfulnefs, and our People in Secuiicy and neglect of Duties. In this Difcharge, of the Trult put upon us by God, we would not be looked upon as Sowers of Sedition, or Broachers of National and dividve Motions ^ our Record is in Heaven, that nothing is more hateful unto us, nor lefs intended by us, and therefore we fhall not fear the malicious and wicked Afperfions which we know Satan by his Inftruments is ready to caft, not only upon us, but on all who fincercly endeavour the Advancement of Refor-
HEN
owe unto God and
We
nfation.
have been, and now are, the infolent and prefiimptious PraSeUaries'm England^ is not unknown to the World: For, Firft, notwithftanding their fpecious Pretences for Religion and Liberties, yet their
What
of
late
CiKtôi
late
t\\Q
and prefent Actings being therewith compar'd, do clearly evidence that they love a rough Garment to deceive i fince they have with a high Hand H, in breaking the Covenant, which is fo ftrong a Foundefpis'd the dation to both, whilft theyloaden it with flighting Reproaches, calling it a bundle of particular and contrary Interefts, and a Snare to the People and likewifc labour toeftablilh by Laws an univerfal Toleration of all Religions, which is an Innovation overturning of Unity in Religion, and fo direftly repugnant to the Word of God, the two firit Articles of our folemn Covenant, which is the greatelt Wickednefs in them to violate, fince many of the chiefeft: of themfelves have, with their hands teltify'd to the molt High God, fworn
OAT
and
feal'd
it.
Moreover, their great DifafFeftion to the Settlement of Religion, and fo their future breach of Covenant, doth more fully appear by their llrong oppolitions to Presbyterial Government Cthe Hedg and Bulwark of ReligionJ whilft they exprefs their hatred to it more then to the worft of Errors, by excluding ic under the name of Compulfion ; when they embrace even Vaganifm and Jitdatfm Not to fpeak of their Afperfions upon it, and in the Arms of Toleration. the Adertors thereof as Antichriftian and Popjli^ though they have deeply fworn
C 5*^7 3 fworn to maintain the fame Government ia the firit Article of the Covenant, as it is eftabliHied in the Church of ScOtLAND^ which they now fodefpite andfaliy blafpheme.
is moic than manifeft, that they feek not the Vindication, but the Laws and Liberties, as appears by their feizing on the Perof Exiir-pation lon of the King and at their pleafures removing him from place to place, not miftake not) againll a direct Ordionly without the Confent, but (if we Their violent : of nance Parliament furprifng, imprifoning and fecluding maof Members the Honorable Houfe of Commons, dimoft the of worthy ny of declared a Parliament, (an Adion certainly withPrivilege rcclly againft
Again,
It
in any Age) and their Purpofes ot abolilhing Parliamentary Power for the future, andeltablilhingof a Reprefentative (as they call it) inftead Neither hath their Fury ftay'd here, but without all Rule or Examthereof. have proceeded to the Trial of the King, ple, being but private Men, they and Proteftation of the Kingdom ot ScotUnd, and the the Intereft againll both former public Declarations of both Kingdoms (befides the violent hafte, rewith cruel Hands have put him to Death ; jcdir g the hearing of any Defence?) an t\Ct ibhorrib'c, as no Hiitory, divine or human, hath laid a Precedent of
out Parallel
the
like.
Thefe and many other their deteftable Infolencies, may abundantly convince ScHâries and their every unbyas'd judgment, that the prefent Praftice of the the of and Liberties Laws do overturn the Abettors, Kingdoms, root diredlly cut lawful and fupream Magiftracy (the juft Privileges whereof we have fworn to maintain) and introduce a fearful Confulion and lawlcfs Anarchy.
is
We
ride
The Spirit of God by Solomon tt[\s us, Prov. 50. 21 That a Servant toriign., one of the four ihw^s for which the Earth is difcjuietcd^ and which it cannot bear wonder nothing that the Earth is difquieted for thefe things j but we won.
der greatly, Folly be fet

r
7. tnuch lefs for a Servant to have Rule over Primes.
And albeit the Lord fo permit, that fit in low place ; That Servants which and great Dignity, they and as Princes Servants walk upon the Earth, Ecclef. O. ver. 6, ufon Horfes, Yet he lame Wife Man faith, Prov. ip. 10. Delight is not feemly for aFool^
if
the Earth can bear them.
in
we confider thefe things, we cannot but declare and manifefl: our utter dillike and detellation of inch unwarrantable Praiflices, diredlly fubvert-
When
And as Watchmen in SION ing our Covenant, Religion, Laws and Liberties. warn all the Lovers of Truth and well-affedled to the Covenant, carefully to avoid Compliance with, or not bearing witnefs againft horrid Inlblences, left partaking with them in their Sins, they alio be Partakers of their Plagues.
Therefore in the Spirit of Meeknefs, we earneftly intreat, and in the Authority of Jefus Chrilt (whofe Servants we are) charge and obtefl all who refoive to adhere unto Truth and the Covenant, diligently to obferve and confcientioufly to
perform thefe following Duties.
f/Vj?,
the
That according to our folemn Covenant, every one ftudy more to Power of Godlincfsand pcrfonal Reformation of thcmfelves arid Families i
becaufe for the great Breach cf this part of the Covenant, God is highl.- offended with thefe Lands, and juflly provoked to permit Men to be the Inftruments of our Mifery and Affliiftions.
Secondly^ That every one in their Station and Calling earneftly contend for And feek to have the Faith which was once delivered to the Saints, Jude 3. their Hearts eftablifhed with Grace, that they be not unftable and^jvavering,
in
carried abc ut with every Wind of Doctrine ^ biit that they receive the nith Love, avoiding the Company of fuch as withdraw from and \ ilifie the invent damnable Erpublic Ordinances; fpeak evil of Church-Government rors, under the fpecious Pretence of a Gofpel-way and new Lights and highly extol the Perfons and Courfes of notorious Seftaries, left God give them
I
,
over to ftrong Dclulions (the Plague of thefe Times) that they Lies, and be damned.
may
believe
Thirdly,
5^8 ]
Thirdly^ That they would not be drawn by Counfel, Command or Example to fhake off the antient and fundamental Government of rhefe Kingdoms by King and Parliament, v/hich weare fo deeply ingaged to preferve by our folemn Co-
venant, as they would not be found guiltv of the great Evil of thefc Times (condemned by the Holy Ghoft) the defpifing of Dominion, and fpsaking Evil of Dignities.
That they do cordially endeavour t!ie Prefervation of the Union the well-affedted in the Kingdoms, not being fwayed by any Natioamongft nal Refpeft: Remembring that part of the Covenant ^ That we pi all not fufftr our nor indireUly, hy whatfoe vcr Combination, Ferfwafion, or Ler'
Fourthly,
ror^
felves direllly to be divided, or withdrawn
from
this blejfed
Vnlon and Conjnntlion.
Albeit there be more prefent Hazard from the Power of Se;fla lalt year) yet we are not ignorant of the evil Purpofes of Malignants, even at this time, in all the Kingdoms, and particularly in this; and for this Caufe, weexhort every one with equal \VatchfuIFinally,
And
ries (as
were from Malignants the
nefs to keep themfelves free from aflbciating with fucb, or from fwervingin and to avoid all fuch Perfons as their" Judgments to malignant Principles have been from the beginning known Oppofers of Reformation, Refufers
,
of the Covetiant, combining themfelves with Papifts and other notorious Malignants, efpecially fuch who have been chief Promoters of the late Engagefrient againft England, Calumniators of the Work of Reformation, in reputing the Miferiesof the prefent Times unto the Advancers thereof; and that their jufl: hatred to Sedlaries incline not their Minds to favour Malignants, or io think, that becaufe of the Power of Sedaries, the Caufe of God needs the more to fear the Enmity, or to Hand in need of the help of Malignants.
OBSERVA
C 545
OBSERVATIONS
UPON
The
on
Articles
ot
Peace with the
/r///j
R'ebels,
the Letter of
Ormond to Col.
Jojies^
and the
Reprefentation
it
of the Presbytery
at Belfafi.
be a
Maxim much
agreeable to wifdom, that jufl deeds are
anfwcr to injurious words, and aftions, of whatever fort, thir own plaineft Interpreters; yet fince our enemies cin find the leifure both ways to offend us, ic will be^quifite we fhould be found To let them know, in neither of thofe ways negledfull ot" our jult defence. that fincere and upright intentions can certainly with as much eale deliver themfelves into words as into deeds. Having therefore feen of late thofe Articles of Peace granted to the Papifl: Rebels of Ireland, as fpeciall graces and favours from the late King, in reward, molt likely, of thir work don, and in hh name and authority confirm'd and ratified by James Earl of Ormond-^ to_,ether with his Letter to Col. Jones^ Governour of DMn, full of contumely and difhonour, both to the Pailament And on the other fide, an infolent and feditious Reprefentation and Army from the Scotch Presbytery at Betfaft in the North of Ireland^ no lefs difhonourable to the State, and much about the fame time brought hither; there will be needfull as to the fame flanderous afperfions but one and the fame Vindication aNor can we fever them in our notice and refentmenr, though gainft them both. one partintitl'd a Presbytery^ and would be thought a Proteftant Allembly, fince thir own unexampl'd virulence hath wrapt them into the fame guilt, madethera accomplices and afliflants to the abhorred Irijlj Rebels, and with them as prefent to advance the fame intereft if we confider both thir calumnies, thir hatred, and the pretended Reafons of thir hatred to be the fame; the time alfo. and the place concurring, as that there lacks nothing but a few formall words, which may be e^fily dilfembrd, to make the perfctelt conjunftion , and between them to divide that Hand. As for thefe Articles of Peace made with thofe inhuman Rebels and Papifts of Jreland-by the late King, as one of his laft Mafter-pieces, We may be confidently perfwaded, that no true born EngUjJi-man can fo much as barely read them without indignation and difdain, that thofe bloody Rebels, and fo proclaim'd and judg'd of by the King himfelf, after the mercilefle and barbarous Maflacre of fo many thoufand En^liflj, (who had us'd thir right and title to that Country with fuch tendernefs and moderation, and might otherwife have fecurMthemfelves with eafcagainft thir Treachery) (hould be now grac'd and rewarded with fuch freedoms and enlargements, as none of thir Ancellors could ever merit by thir befl obedience, which at belt was alwaies treachrous , to be infranchizM with full liberty equall to thir Conquerours, whom the juft revenge of antient Pyracies, cruel Captivities,and the cauOefs infeflation of our Coalt, had warrantably cslfd over, and the long prefcription of many hundred years j
the
befl;
ALthough
befides
fixt
what other
titles
and feated
in that foile
are acknowledg'd by thir own /n^?; Parlaments, with as good a right as the meereft Natives.
had
Thefe therefore,by thir own foregoing demerits and provocations jullly made our vafialls, are by the firft Article of this Peace advancM to a Condition of freedom fuperior to what any Engltî Protellants durfl have demanded. For what elfe can be the meaning to difcharge them the Common Oath of Supremacy, efpecially being Papifts (for whom principally that Oath was intended) but either to refign them the more into thir own power, or to fet a mark of difhohour upon the Britilli Loyalty by trufting Ir,^) Rebels for one fingle Oath of Allegeance, as much as all his Subjeds of Brittdnt for the double fwearing both of Allegeance and Supremacy ?
,
Aaaa
The
54=5
The fccond Article puts it into the hands of an IriPj Parlament to repeale, otto fiifpend, if they think convenient, thJt ad ufually cali'd Poynings AEi^ which was the main, and yet the civillcft aiid moll moderate acknowledgment
impos'd of thir dependance en the Crown of England ; whereby no Parlament could be fiimraond there, no Bill be pad, but what was firfl: to be tranfmitted and allow''d under the great Seal oi England. The recalling of which Aft, tends openly to invefl them with a Law-giving power of thir own, enables them by degrees to throw OiT all fubjcdion to this Realm, and renders them, who by thir endlefs treafons and revolts have deferv'd to hold no Parlament at all, but to be govd"n'd by Edicts and Garifons, asabfolute and fupream in that And the 12th Article AlFembly as the People of England in thir own Land. unent Pari iliall be no more depenin the them chat Inflj grants exprefs words, dent on the Parlament of England, then the M]?) themlelves (hall declare agreeable to the
Laws of
Ireland.
twentieth Article, more ridiculous then dangerous, coming efrom fuch aferiousknotof Lords and Poliiicians, obtains that thofe fpecially Ads prohibiting to plow Sth Horfes by the Tayl, and burn Oates in the Straw, be repeal'd anough, if nothing elfe, to declare in them a difpolition not only fottilli, but indocible, and averk from all Civility and Amendment: and what hopes they give for the fnture, who rejecting the ingenuity of all other Nations to improve and wax more civil! by a civilizing Conqueft, though all thefe many years better Ihownand taught, preferrthir own abfurd and favage Cuftoms before the moll convincing evidence of reafon anddemonllration ; a Teflimony of thir true Barbarifm and obdurate wilfulnefs, to be expeded no lefs in other matters of greatefl moment. Yet fuch as thefe and thus alTedted, the ninth Article entrufts with the Militia a Truft which the King fworc by Gcd at New- A-farket., he would not comAnd well declares the mit to his Parlament of Engl.md, no not for an hour. confidence he had in Irijli Rebeh, more then in his Loyalleft Subjeds. He grants them moreover, till the performance of all thefe Articles, that 15000 Foot and 2500 Horfe, fhall remain a Handing Army of Papifts at the iieck and command pf Dillon, Afuskery and other Arch-Rebels, with power alfo of adding to that number as they fhall fee caufe. And by other Articles allows them the conftitui i
The two and
ting of Magiltrates and Judges in all Caufes, whom they think fit and till a fettlement to thir own minds, the polFeffion of all thofe Townes and Countries within thir now Quarters, being little lefs then all the Hand, befides what thir Cruelty hath difpeopl'd and lay'd waft. And la(l:ly> the whole managing both of Peace and War is committed to Papifts, and the chief Leaders of that Re:
bellion.
Now let all men judg what this wants of utter alienating and acquitting the whole Province of Ireland from all true fealty and obedience to the Commonwealth of England, Which aft of any King againft the Confent of his Parlament, though no other Crime were layd againlt him, might of it felf ftrongl/ conduce to the dif-inthrowning him of all. In France Henry the Third, demanding leave in greateft exigencies to make Sale of fome Crown-Lands only, and that to bis Subjefts, was anfwerd by the Parlament then atBloU^ that a King in no cafe, though of extreameft necelTity, might alienate the Patrimony of his Crown, whereof he is but only Vfu-fruûary^ as Civilians term it, the
And in our own propriety remaining ever to the Kingdom, not to the King. his to the Popes Crown for Nation,, King John, refigning though unwillingly then the with little more to his hazard payment of 1000 Legate, Kingdom and of fuch a Marks, Ceremony, wasdepos'd by his Barons, theunfightlinefs and Lew'a tfae French Kings Son elefted in his room. And to have carried only the Jewells, Plate, and Treafure into /r^/îW without confent of the Nobility, was one of thofe impeachments that condemn''d Richard iho. Second to lofe his
Crown.
But how petty a Crime this will feem to the alienating of a whole Kingdom, which in thefe Articles of Peace we fee as good as done by the late King, not to Friends, but to mortatl Enemies, to the accomplifhment of his own interefts and errds, wholly feparate from the Peoples good, may without aggravation be eallly concciv'd. Nay by the Covenant it felf, fince that fo caviUoufly is urg'd
againft U3>
we
are enjoyn'd in the fourth Article, with
all
faithfulnefs to
endeavour
547
vour the bringing all fucli to public Ti i:ili and condigne PunidiiTicnt, as fliall diAnd what greater dividing then by a pernivide one Kingdom from another. to cious nnd hortile Peace, difiallicge a whole Feudary Kingdom from the ancient of Dominion n^/W.'' E.vception we find thereof no pe^Ton whatfoeveri and hath ac'tnally done this, or any for him claim a Privilege a~ who the if King
i-;
bove Jullice, it again demanded by what exprefs Law, either of God or Man, and why he whofe office is to execute Law and JiiiLiceupon all others, fliould and unbounded /inarchy rcfufing to be acfit himfelf like a Demigod in lawlefs men over naturally his Equals, which God himfelf countable for that Autority
-,
without a realbn giv'n is notwont toexercifc over his Creatures ? And if God theneerer to be acquainted with mankind and his frailties, and to become our himfelf a nsan, and fubjeft to the Law, we gladly would beinPricH-, made ftru(n;ed why any mortal man for the good and welfare of his brethren being madeaKing, fhouldby a clean contrary motion make himfelf a God, exalted the readicfl: way to become utterly uiifenfible, both of his human above Law
.,
condition, and his
own
duty.
fecurely, how fmoothly, with how littl; toucher fenfe of any comas human, he hath fold away that juftice miferation, either princely or fo much himfelf and fo oft fo oft demanded, by acknovvledg'd to te due for the blood of never hurt him, never difobey'd him, that of his 200C00 then Subjedsj more
And how
airaffinatcd
and cut in pieces by thofe
/W//;
Barbarian?, to give the

tyrannicall defignsin
firft
promowill
ting, as
is
more then thought,
to his
own
EngLwd^
ap-
of his Peace; wherein without the kail regard of pear by the 1 8th Article while he thirfts to be aveng'd upon the living, to Juftice to avenge the dead, the very fatall day whereall the Murders, MaO'acres, Treafohs, Pyracies, from
If this can be broke out, he grants an Act of Oblivion. is any Faith, while there whomfoever, any Religion, puniflitin juftified, all be can no reafon there are not lefc why alleg'd Earth, things any Juftice upon And thus much be obferv'd in brief concerning thefe Articles of to Confufion. Peace made by the late King with his Irijij Rebells. The Letter of Ormond fcnt to Col. Jones Governour of Dublin, atterhpting bis fidelity, which the dilcretion and true worth of that Gentleman hath fo vvellanfwer'rfandrcpulll, and pafs'd here without mention, but that the other concent to do the errand of Trcafon, roves into a long digreflion part of it not of evill and reproachfuU language to the Parlament and Army of England. Which though not worth thir notice, as from a Crew of Rebells whofe inhumanities are long fince become the horrour and execration of all that hear them, in that Rebellion
firit
ornot
of a good endeavour, to give the world all due fatisfaftion yet in the purfuance of the prefent doings, no fit opportunity fliall be omitted. He accufed firll ihat rveare the Subverters of true Religion, the TroteBors and InviAn Accufation that no ters not only of all falfe ones-, but oflrreligion and Atheifm. ufe then our Accufer himfelf more could man living ^ and which without unjultly a ftrange befottedijefs, he could not expedt but to be retorted upon his own All men who are true Proteltants, of which number he gives out to be head.
one, know not a more immediate and killing Subverter of all true Religion then Antichrift, whom they generally believe to be the Pope and Church of Romcy he therefore who makes Peace with this grand Enemy and Perfecutor of the true Church, he who joyns with him, ftrengthens him, gives him root to grow up and
Ipread his Foyfon, removing all Oppofition againft him, granting him Schools, Abbyes, and Revenues, Garifons, FortrelFes, Towns, as in fo many of thofc Articles may be feen, he of all Proteltants may be call'd'moft juftly the Subverter
of true Religion, the Protetter and Inviter of Irreligion and Atheifm, whether And if it can be no way prov'd, that the Parlait be Ormond^ or his Maifter. ment hath countenanc'd Pope'ry or Papills, but have every where brok'n thir Temporall Power, thrown down thir public Superllitions, and confin'd them to the bare enjoyment of that which is not in our reach, thir Confciences ; if they have encourag'd all true Minifters of the Gofpel, that is to fay, afforded them favour and piôteiftion in all places where they preacht, and although they think not Money or Stipend to be the bell encouragement of a true Paflor, yet therein alfo have not bin wanting nor intend to be, they doubt not then to afErm themfelves, not fte Subverters, but the Maintainers and Defenders of true Reliwhich of it fdf and by Confcquencc is the fureft and the Ilrongeft Subgion
,
a a a 2
verfion
(548)
'Ear the Weaverdon, not only of all falfe ones, but of Iircligon ,ind Ath-dfm. are not carrall^ but who beft teftifies that as the knew, Warfare^ Apoftle pons of down of flrong holds^ and all reafofiings, and every mighty th^'mgh God to the pilling
unto the obehigh thing exalted againfi the knowledg of God^ furprifug every thanght all 2 lo. Cor. What dience of Chrifi^ and eafily revenging Minifter or difohed'tence^ Clergy-man that either underftood his high calling, or fought not to eredtafe-
cular and carnall
Tyranny over fpirituall things, would negleft this ample and fublime power confered upon him, and come a begging to the weak hand of Magiflracy for that kind of ayd which the Magiftrate hath no Commilfion to afford him, and in the way he feeks it hath bin a'wayes found helplels and Neither is it unknown, or by wircil Men unobferv'd, that the unprofitable. Church began then mod apparently to degenernre, and go to ruin, when (he borrow'd of the Civill Power more then fair encouragement a/rd proteftion ; more then which Chrilt himfelf and his Apoftlcs never required. To fay therefore that proteft and invite all falfe Religions, with irreligion alio and Awe lend not, or rather mifapply not the temporall power to help becaufe theifm, in vain, thefloth, the fpleen, the infufljciency of Church-men, out, though in the execution of fpirituall difcipline, over thofe within thir Charge, orthofe without, is an imputation that may be layd as well upon the bell regulated States and Governments through the \,Vorld. Who have bin fo prudent as never to imploy the Civill Sword further then the edg of it could reach-, that is, to Civill Offences only , proving always againft objeifts that were fpirituall a ridicuOur proteftion therefore to men in Civill Matters unoffenlive we lous weapon. cannot deny i thir Confciences we leave, as not within our Cognifance, to the proper cure of inftrudtion, praying for them. Neverthekfs, if any be found among us declar'd Atheifts, malicious Enemies of God, and of Chrifl The Parlament, I think, profeffes not to tolerate fuch, but with all befitting endea'
We
-,
vours to fupprefs them. Othervvaies to protect none that in a larger fenfe may be tax'd of Irreligion or Atheifm,may perhaps be the ready way to exclude none fooner out of protedion, then thofe themfelves that moft accufe it to be fo generall to others. Laflly, that we invite fuch as thefe, or inccurage them, is a meer flander without proof. He tells us next, that they have murder'd the King. And they d^y not to have for more bloodjuftly and undauntedly, as became the Parlament of England^ fhed and other hainous Crimes then ever King of this Land was guilty of, after op'n tryall, punifht him with death. A matter which to men whofe ferious confideration thereof hath left no certain precept, or example undebated, isfo farr from giving offence, that we implore and befeech the Divine Majefly fo to uphold and fupport thir fpirits with like Fortitude and Magnanimity, that all thir enfuing adlions may correfpond and prove worthy that impartiall and noble piece of Juftice, wherein the Hand of God appear'd fo evidently on. our fide. (hall not then need to feare what all the rout and faftion of men bafely
We
principl'd can
do
againft
us-
our proceedings, which he takes upon him to have difcovcr'd j The changing forfooth of Monarchy into Anarchy, founds fo like the fm.attering of fomeraw Polititian, and the overworne objedion of every triviall Talker, But feeing in that which follows he contains that we leave him in the number. a not himfelf, but contrary to what Gentleman fliould know of Civility, proceeds to the contemptuous naming of a Perfon, whofe valour and high merit many enemies more noble then himfelf have both honour'd and fear'd, to affect his good name and reputation, of whofe fervice the Common-wealth receaves fo ample fatisfadtion, 'tis anfwerd in his behalf, thzt Cronmell whom he with a name of fcorn, hath done in few years more eminent and remark-
The end of
couples able Deeds whereon to found Nobility in his Houfe, though it were wanting, and perpetuall Renown toPoflerity, then Omo^ and all his Aunceftors put tothe wideft Scene of thir gether can lliew from any Record of thir Irifl] Exploits,
Glory. He paffcsonhisgroundlefsconjedures, that the aim of this Parlament may be Turkilh Tya perhaps to fet up firft an eleftive Kingdom, and after that perfet fufEce to will kCc late Of we the the former Monarchy againft ranny. fuppofe then that no other needed them. there Of the latter pattern certainly acquit with late the Straffordy fo himfelf, which was King long modelling by Tyranny
and
S49
)
;
and
tint.
hrchPtcht of
Canterbioy, his chief InfiiuniciUs
whofe
defigns
God
hath dilTipated. Neither is it any new projal; of the Monarchs, and thir Courtiers in thefeday?, though Chrillians they would be thought, to endeaVVitneis that Confultation vour the introducing of a plain TurkKh Tyranny. had in the Court of Frrtcc under C6.jr/f/ the Ninth at Bloi^-, wherein Poncet^ a certain Court-projeftor, brought in fecretly by the Chancellor Eiragha, after many praifes of the Of(o;.?n Government, propofcs means and ways at large in prefence of the King, the Qîcen-Regcnt, and ^njou the Kings Brother, how with belt expedition, and leaft noyfc the Turkilh Tyranny might befetupin France. It appears therefore tha: the dcfign of brii.ging in that Tyranny, is a Monarchical! defign, and not of thofc who have dilfoliT'd Monarchy.
As for Pariaments by throe Eftates, wo know that a Parlanient lignifiesno more then the Supream and Generall CounccU of a Nation, confining of whomfoever, chos'n and aflembl'd for the public good , which was ever praftis'd, and in all forts of Government, before the word Pa>Ufr,ent, or the formality, or the pollibility of thofe three Eftates, or fuch a thing as a Titular Monarchy had eiThe Originajl of all which we could prother name or being in the World. duce to be far newer then thofe all Jges whii h he vaunts of, and by fnch firfl invented and contriv'd, whofe authority, tholt were Charles Martell., ftands not fo high in our repute, either for himfelf, or the age he li v'd in, but that with as good warrant we may recede trom whatheordain'd, as he ordain what before was nor. But whereas befides he is bold to allege that of the three Eltates there remains only a fmall number, and they the Dre^gs and Scum of the Houfe of Commons j this reproach and in the mouth of an /'/^ Man concerns not them onlv but redounds to apparent difhonour of the whole ^///Jj Nation. Doubtlefs there mull be thought a great fcarcity in England ai perfons honourable anddeferving, or elfe of Judgment, or fo much as Honefty in the People, if thofe whom they efteem worthy to fit in Parlament be no better then Scum and Dreggs But of fuch like ftuff" we meet not any where with more in the Irtjh Dialed. excrefcence then in his own la villi Peni which feeling it felf loofe without the reins of difcretion, rambles for the molb part beyond all Sobcrnefs and Civility. In which Torrent he goes on negotiating and cheapning the Loyalty of our Faithfull Governour of Dublin, as if the known and try'd Conftancy of that valiant Gentleman were to be bought with Court fumes. He lays before him that there remains mxo no other liberty in the Sitbje^ but to
to revile ar:d tread frofefs blaffhemotu opinions, underfoot Magijiracy^ to to and undo all that are not like minded with us. opprefs gtfirates^
murther
Ma-
Forgetting in the mean while himfelf to be in the head of a mixt Rabble, part Papifts, part Fugitives, and part Savages, guilty in thq higheft degree of all thefe Crimes. What more blafphcmous, not opinion,, but whole Religion, then Popery, plung'd into Idolatrous and Ceremoniall Superftition, the very death of all true Religi-
on
i figur'd to us by the Scripture it felf in the fliape of that Bealt, full of the names of Blafphemy, which we mention to him as to one that would be counted Proteftant, and had his breeding in the houfe of a Bilhop ? And who are thofe that have trod under foot Magiltracy, murder'd Magiftrates, opprefs 'd and undone all that fyded not with them, but the Irilh Rebels, in that horrible Confpiracy, for which 0/-wo^ himfelf hath either bin or feem'd to be thir
though now
thir Ringleader. it be not thir known Doilrine
about him whether and alfo Praiftife, not by fair and dueprocefs of Jufticeto punifh Kings and Magiftrates, which we difavownot, but to murder them in the bafeft and moft aflallinons manner, if thir Church-Intereft fo require. Theretwill not need more words to this Windy Railer, convifted opn'ly of all thofe Crimes which hefo confidently, and yetfaldy, charges upon others. We have now to deal, though in the fame Country, with another fort of Adverfaries, in (how far different, in fubftance much what the fame. Thefe write
let
And
Enemy,
him ask the
Jefuites
themfelves the Presbytery of Belfaft^ a place better known by the name of a late Barony, then by the Fame of thefe Mens Doflrine or Ecdefiafticall Deeds whole obfcurity till now never came to our hearing. And furely we fliould think this thir Reprefentment farr beneath confiderable, who have negleded and paft over the like unadvifednefs of thir fellows in other places moreneerus, were it not to obferve in fome particulars the Sympathy, good Intelligence, and joynt pace which they go in the North of Ireland^ with thir Copartning Rebels in the
-,
South,
South, driving on the fame Intcrefl: toloofe us that Kingdom, that they may gain it themfelves, or at leaft Hiare in the fpoil : though the other be op'n Enemies, thefe pretended Brethren. The Introduftion of their Manifeft out of doubt muft be zealous Their Duty^ they fay, to Cod and his Feeble, over whotn he hath made them Over feerSi and
,
for
thefe Men ? Is the Presbytery of of fo large extent th.it thir Voices cannot ferve to teach Duties in the Congregation which they ovcrfee, without fpreading and divul;:ing to all parts far beyond the Diocefs of Patrick or Cohmha, thir written Reprefentation, under the futtle pret-ence of feeding thir own Flock? Or do they think to overfee or undertake to give an nccompt for all to whom thir Paper fends greeting ? St- Paid to the El icrs of Ephefm thinks it fufficient to give charge, Ihat they take heed to themfelves, and to the Flock^ over which they were made Overfeers i beyond thofe Bounds he enlarges not thir Coramiffion. And furcly when we put down Bilhops, and put up Presbyters, which themofi; of them have made ufe of to enrich and exalt themfelves, and turn the firfl heel againit their Benefaftors, we did not think that one Claffick Fraternity fo obfcureand fo remote, fhould involve us, and all State-Affairsi within theCenfure and Jnrifdidion of Be Ifaft-, upon* pretence of overfeeing thir own Charge. VVe very well know that Church-Cenfures are limited to Church-Matters, and thefe within the compafs of thir own Province, or to fay more truly of thir own Congregation that Affairs of State are not for thir mediing, as we could urge ev'n from their own Invedives and Proteftations againft the Bidiop?, wherein they tell them with much fervency, that Minifters of the Gofpcl, neither by that by Funftion, nor any other which they ought accept, have the leaft Warrant to be Pragmatical in the State. And furely in vain were Bilhops for thefe and other Caufes forbid to fit and vote in the Houfe, if thefe Men out of the Houfe, and without V'ote (hall claim and be permitted more licenfeon their Prysbyterial Stools, to breed continual
Belfafty
whom
they mtifi give accompt. fmallTown in Vlfler-t
What mean
'
diflurbaniebyinterpoling in the Commonwealth. But feeing that now, fince thir heaving out the Prelats to heave in themfelves, rhey devife new ways to bring both ends together which will never meet that is to fay, their former Doftrine with their prefent Doings, as that they cannot elfe teach Ma'îftr ate s andSnband that they have befides a Right themfelves to fpeak^ as Members of jeEis their Duty., the Commonwealth. Let them know that there is a wide' difference between the general exhortation to Juftice and Obedience, which in this point is the utmoft of thir Duty, and the State-difputes wherein they are now grown fuch Bufybodies, to preach of Titles, Interells, and Alterations in Govern'menf, more then our Saviour himfelf, or any of his Apoflles ever took upon them, though the Title both of Cxfar and of Herod., and what they did in matters of State, might have then admitted Controverfy ahough. Next, for their Civil Capacities, we are fure that Pulpits and Church- Aflemblies, whether Claflical or Provincial, never were intended or allow'd by wife Magiftrates, no nor by him that fent them, to advance fuch purpofes , but that as Members of the Commonwealth they ought to mix with other Commoners, and in that temporal Body toaffume nothing above other private Perfons, or not by diitinfl Remonftrances and other wife then in a ufual and legal manner as if Tribe and were a Party by themfelves, which is the they Reprefentments, next immediate way to make the Church lift a Horn againft the State, and claim
,
an abfolute and undepending Jurifdidion, as from like advantage and occafion (to the trouble of all Chrift'ndomJ the Pope hath for many Ages done ; and not only our Bin^ps were climing after him, but our Presbyters alfo, as by iate Experiment we find. Of this Reprefentation therfore we can elleem and judge no other then of a ilanderous and ieditious Libel, fent abroad by a fort of Incendiaries, to delude and make the better way under the cunning and plaufible name of a Presbytery. A fecond Reafon of thir Reprefenting is, that they confider the defendance of conthat Kingdom upon England., which is another Ihamelefs untruth that ever they
as thir own Actions will declare, by conniving, and in thir filence parwith thofe in t^Z/fr, whofe obedience by what we have yet heard, Hands taking and with an eye of Conformity rather to the North, then to that part dubious, where they owe thir fubjetîon ; and this in all likelihood by the inducement
fid er'd
i
and
55t )
:
vvlioarefo far fiom ccniideringthirdeof tliefe Reprefenters as to prefiime at every, word to term proceedings of Par^ on England^ pendance a SeHanan fanyy and of piivare men. Ucfpiliiig domilament, the Infoknciesof ot dignities, wliici) hyptxrirically they vv'ould f.emto nion, andfpeakingevill diflwade others from and not fearing the due corredion of cliir Superiors, that
and
inftigation
mav
in
fit
feafon overtake them.
When
as the
le.ilt
confideiition of thir depen-
dance on wg/'^"^ would have iêpt them better in thir Duty. The third Reafon which they ufe, makes againd them; The remembrance how God puniQit the contempt of thir warning lall year upon the Breakers of Covnant, when^s the next year after they fujrgct the warning of thatpunifhment hanging over thir own heads for the very fame tranfgrertion, thirmanifcfl: breach of Covnant by this feditious Repreientation ;.ccompanied with the doubtful obedience of [hat Province which reprefentsir. And thus we have thir Preface I'upported vvith three Reafons; two of them notorious falfitie-, and the third .igainlt themfelvesi and two e.vamples, the But certain, if Province ef London, and the of!imt[îuners of the KirkÂffetnbly. Canonical Examples bind nor, much lefs do Apocryphal. Proceeding to avouch the trult put upon them by God, which is plainly prov'd
(
to be none of this nature.
They
;
Authors of divifive Motions
thir Record,
voould twt be looked upon as fowers of Sedition^ > they fay, ti in Heaven, and thir Truth
and Hoiiefty no Man knows where. For is not this a lliamelefsHypocrifie, and of meer Wolves in Sheeps doathing, to fow Sedition in the Ears of all Men, and to face us down in the very Ad, thatthey are Authors of no fuch matter? But let the feqiiel both of thir Paper, and the obedience of the plr.ce wherein
they are, determine. Nay while we are yet writing thefe things, and foretelling all n-en the Rebellion which was even then defign'd in the clofe purpofe of thefe unhallow'd Prieftlings at the very time when with thir Lips they difclaim'd all fowing of Sedition,
brought, and too true, that the Scottifl) Inhabitants of that Province are in London Derry thofe Forces which adtually revolted, and have not only befieg'd and the Rebels i but have in a manner Irifh were to have fought againft Ormond^
News is
dcclar'd with them, and begun op'n agaiiifl; the Parlament ^ and all this by unchriftian that and iliulionsof incitement the Synagogue at ^^//^y?, who yet dare
War
charge the Parlament,
vidence that they love a rough
that notwithj} andmg (pcciom pretences, yet thir aUings do eGarment to deceive. Deceit we not, but
The
own
the Comparifon, by what atfirll fight may feem alluded, we accept For that won Jacob x.\\t Birthright both Temporal and Eternal j hairy roughnefs aifum'd and God we trulf hath fo difpos'd the mouth of thefe Balaams, that comming toCurfe, they have Humbled into a kind of Bleffing, and compar'd our adtings
:
to
the faithful Adt of that Patriarch.
as more probably thir meaning was> that rough Garment if they mean, we Zach. 1 3 of may then behold the pittiful Itore of learning and the4. fpok'n have thought fufficient to uphold thir credit with chcfe deceivers which ology, the People, who, though the rancour that levens them have fomewhat quickn'd the common drawling of thir Pulpit elocution, yet for want of Itock anoughin ufes of thir-Malice, they are become fo Scriptnre-phrale to fervethencceflary liberall, as to part freely with thir own Budg-gowns from off thir backs,- and beftow them on the Maeiftrate as a rough Garment to deceive ; rather then not be furniPn'd with a reproach, though never fo improper, never fo obvious to be turn'd upon themfelves. F^r but with half an eye caft upon that Text, any man will foon difcern that rough Garment to be thir own Coat, thir own Livery, the very Badg and Cognifance of fuch falfe Prophets as themfelves. Who, when they underitand, or ever ferioufly mind the beginning of that 4th verfe, may be afham'd every one of his lying lîfion, and may juftly fear that foregoing de-
But
nouncement to fuch
as-
jpeak Lies in the
name of
the
Lord, verf. 3. lurking
under
the rough Garment of outward rigor and formality, whereby they cheat the fimSo that this rough Garment to deceive, we bring ye once again, Grave Sirs, ple. or with Zachary ihaW not think much to fit it to your into your own Veftry own Shoulders. To beftow ought in good earnefb on the Magillrate, we know
,
your clafllc Prieftfhipis too gripple, for ye are always begging: and for this rough Gown to deceave, we are confident ye cannot fpare it; it is your Sundays Gown, your every day Gown, your only Gown, the Gown of your Faculty
i
(
ty
i
552 )
it from ye were your divining Gown i Wearit thereSacrilege. and polTefs it your felve?, mofl grave and reverend Carmelites, that all Men both young and old, as we hope they will Ihoitly, may yet better know ye and diftinguifh ve by it ^ and give to your rough Gown, where ever they meet it, whether in Pulpit, Claflis, or Provincial Synod, the precedency, and the
to take
fore,
preeminence of deceaving. They chnrgc us next that we hive brok'n the Cov'nant, and load'n it with For the reproicning, let them anfwer that are guilty, n.ightiug Reproaches, whereof the Stare we are furecannoc be accus'd. For the breaking, let us hear
a untverfal toleration of all Rewere they fo minded, they ligions. need not labour it, but do it, h.iving power in thir hands-, and we know of nj aft as yet palt to that purpofe. But fuppofe it done, wherein is the Covnant broke? TheCovnint enjoyns us to endeavor the extirpation firfl: of
to efiahlijh by labouring^ fay they,,
wherein.
In
Law
This touches not the State
for certainly
Popery and Prelacy, then of Herefy, Schifm, and Prophanefs, and whatfoever flial! be found And this contrary to found Dodfiinand thepiwerof Godlinefs. weccafenot to do by all effeiluil and proper means: But thefe Divines might know, that to extirpate all thefe things can be no work of the Civil Sword, but of the Spiritual, which U the Word of God.
No Man
well in his wits,
endeavoring to root up
Weeds out of
his
Ground,
inftead of ullng the Spade will take a Mallet or a Beetle. Nor doth the Covnant or the us to to Men, bat the Herefies and any way engage profecute extirpate, Errors in them, which we tell thefe Divines and the rell that underfland not,
belongs chiefly to thir own Funftion, in the diligent preaching and infifting upon found Doitrin, in the confuting not the railing down Errors, encountring both in publick and private Conference, and by the power of truth, not ofperlecucion, fubduing thofe Authors of Heretical Opinions, and lalf ly in the fpiritual execution of Church difcipline wi'hin thir own Congregations. In all thefe ways we, Ihall alTift them, favour them, and as far as appertains tousjoyn with them, and moreover not tolerate the free exercife of any Religion, which fhall be found abfolutely contrary to found Dodrin or the Power of Godlinefs j for the Confcience, we muft have patience till it be within our verge. And thus doing we Ihall believe to have kept exactly all that is requirM from us by
the Covnant.
Whilfl they by thir feditious pradifes
againll: us,
then which no-
thing for the prefent can add more afliftance or advantage to thofe bloody Rebels and Papifts in the South, will be found molt pernicious Covnant-breakers themfclve% and as deep in that guilt as thofe of thir own Nation the lafl y ear ;
the warning of whofe ill fuccels, like men hardn'd for the fame Judgment, they miferably pervert to an incouragement in the fame offence, if not a far worfe : For now they have joyn'dlntereft; with the //-//fe Rebels, who have ever fought againfl the Covnant., whereas thir Country-men the year before made the Co. vnant thir Plea. But as it is a peculiar Mercy of God to his People, while they
fo it is a mark and to prefcrve them from wicked Confederations mix at to thir be driv'n to of length Caufe, and the InHypocrites punilhment tcreft of thir Covnant with God's Enemies. And whereas they affirm that the tolerating of all Religions in the manner we muft acquaint them that we are athat we tolerate them, is an innovation ble to mnke it good, if need be, both by Scripture and the Primitive Fathers, and the frequent alfertion of whole Churches and Proteftant States in thir RemonAnd what ftrances and Expoftulations againft the Popifh Tyrapny over Souls. ? But we have the to thefe Dodtors bring force of argument do contrary long oblefs now tends no and (loth of the bold ouc ferv'd to what-pafs Clergy ignorance then in the Bifhops days, to make thir bare fayings and cenfures authentic with But thanks be to God the People, though dellituteof any proof or argument.
remain
his,
they are difcern'd. Thir next impeachment
is,
that
we
oppofe the Presbyterial
Government, the Hedg

a
and
Bitltvarl^
of Religion.
Which
all
the
Land knows to be
molt impudent
falf-
hood, halving eltablilh'd it with all freedom, wherever it hath bin delTr'd. Neverthelefs as we perceave it afpiring to be a compulllve power upon all without exception in Parochial, Claflical, and Provincial Hierarchies, or to require
the
nilh
flelhly
arm of Magiftracy in the execution of a fpiritual Difcipline, topucannot be amerce and by any corporal infliflion thofe whofe Gonfciences
edifi'd
( 555 )
i'difi'd
by what autoi ity they arc compeH'i], v/e Iiold it no more to be tk He<ig and BHlwarkj)f RtUgioti^ then tlie Popilli and Prclatic.il CouitSjOr the Spanish hqinjitim. But \VC are tolJ, If'c tmbr^ce ?.ig>vn[m ,vid Ji-M.fm in the arr/u of 7 oUration.
.
moll audacious caluiimy! And yet wiiile we deleft Juduifm, we know our felves commanded by St. ?(/, Rom. ii toicrpe.;! the JfT?/, and by all means to endeavor tliir coiu ei fiou. Neither was it ever fworn in the Cavnavt to niaintaii a uuiverfal Presbytery in EngUndy as they fain y allege, but in .bcod/W againll the Common Enemy, if our aid werecall'd for bein^ kit free to reform our own Coiinuy accordmg to tlieVVordof Gcd, and the cxami'b oi bell reform. d Churches , from which
rule
we are not
yet departed.
But here, utterly forgetting to be Miiii/lcii of theGofpel, they.prerumeto op'n thir mouths wotii the Spirit of Meei'îejs, as lik-; dillemblers they pretend, but with as much de\iilifli malice, impudence and falfliood as any inlh Rebel and from a barbarous nook of Ireland brand us with the could have utter 'd of Laws and Liberties things which they feem as little to underextirpation
,
ought that belongs to good Letters or Humanity. That we fet^d on tine Per/on of the King ; vvho was furrendred into our hands an Enemy and Captive by our own fubordinate and p.iid Army of Scots in England. As if it were impolFible they Next, our imf'tfoning Kiany Member' of the Honfe. fliould deferve ic, confpiring and bandying againft the nublick good; which to the other part appearicg, and, with the power they had, not refilling, had bin No queftion but it is as good a manifeftdefertion of their Truft and Duty. and nece/Tary toexpel rott'n Members out of the Houfe, as to banifh Delinquents and the reafon holds as well in forty as in five. And if out of the Land They had no privilege they be yet more, the more dangerous is thir number. tofit there, and vote home the Author, the impenitent Autlior of all our Miferics to Freedom, Honour and Royalty, for a few fraudulent, if not deftrudiveConceflions. Which that they went about to do, how much more clear it was to all men^ fo much the more expedient, and important to the Common-wealth was their fpeedy feizure and exclulion ^ and no breach ot any juft privilege, but a breach of their knotted faction. And here they cry out, yin Juion mthtut paas
:
Hand
TAllel in
So heartily we wifll all men were onprejudic'd in all pur Aiftiany Age. ons, as thefe illiterate denouncers never parallelM fo much of any Age as would 1ht tvc abAifh Par lament ary Power., and contribute to the tithe of a Century.
,
rftahltjh
a Reprefentative injlead thereof. Now WQ have the hight of thetri thefe profound Inftruftorsin the midft of thir Reprefentation, would know the Englifti of a Reprefentative, and were perhaps of that Clanis, who heretofore were
as
much
ftagger'd at Triennial.
Thir grand Accufation is our Jufticc don on the King, which that they mayprove to be vpithout rule or example,, they venture all the credit they have in divine and human Hiftory ; and by the fame defperate boldnefs detecfl themfelvcsto be egregious Liars and Impoftors, feekingtoabufe the multitude with a fliow of Had thir knowledg that gravity and learning which never was thir Portion. bin equal to the knowlcdg of any ftupid Monk, or Abbot, they would have known atleaft, though ignorant of all things elfe, the life and aftspfhim, who But thefe blockidi Presbyters of CUndeboy know not firltinftituted thir Order that 'John Knox, who was the firft founder of Presbytery in Scotland, taught proAnd thus while they felTedly the Dodlrine of depofing, and of killing Kings. deny that any fuch rule can he found, the rule is found in thir own Country, giv'n them by thir own firll Presbyterian Inftitutor ; and they themfelves, like irregular Friers walking contrary to the rule of thir own Foundation, deferve for fo grofs an ignorance and tranfgretlion to be difciplin'd upon thir own Stools Or had thir reading in Hiftory bin any, which by this we may be confident is none at all, or thir Malice not hightn'd to a blind rage, they never would fo raflily have thrown the Dice to a palpable difcovery of thir ignorance and want of (hame. But wherefore fpend we two fuch pretious things as time and reafon upon Priefts, the moft prodigal mif-fpenders of time, and the fcarceft owners of reafon ? 'Tis fufficient we have publilh'd our defences, giv*n reafons, giv'n exBooks alfo have bin writt'n to the fame purpofe for amples of our Juftice done Men to look on that will that no Nation under Heav*n but in one age or other hath don the like. The difference only is, which rather fcems to us matter ojf glory,
:
.
,
Bbbb
that
( 554 ) Form of Law don the deed by a kind of moft have without that they for the part and we thedeliberat martial Juftlce, well-weihgM Sentence ofa legal Judicature. by But they tell us, It wm againft the intereft and protejtation of the Kingdom of
Scotland.
And
did exceeding well to joyn thofe two together
hereby inform-
Scotch Proteftation, ing ns what credit or regard need be giv'n in England to a ulher'd in by a Scotch Intereft : certainly no more then we fee is giv'n in Scotland If then our inteto an |/<y?J Declaration, declaring the Intereft of England.
reft
niove not them,
why
Ihould theirs
move
:
us
If ihey fjy,
we
are not
all
nay, were the laft yearfoinconEngland-, liderablc a part of Scof/<j<^ as were beholding to this which they now term the Sedlarian Army, to defend and refcue them at the charges of England from a ftronger party of thir own Countrymen, in whofe efteem they were no better But they add, It xv,u againfi the former VecUratU then Sedarians themfelves. ons of both Kingdoms, to feize, or proceed againft the King. Wearecertain that no fuch Declarations of both Kingdoms, as derive net thir full force from the fenfe and meaning of the Covnant, can be produc'd. And if they plead againft us the Covnant, Tofreferve and defendhii Terfon-^ ifre ask them briefly whether they take the Covnant to be abfolute or conditional ? If abfolute, then fuppofe the King to have committed all prodigious Crimes ahd Impieties againft God, or Nature, or whole Nations, he muft neverthclefs be facred from all violent touch. Which abfurd opinion, how ic can live in a-
we reply
they are not
all 5c/<*<^
ny Mans reafon, either natural or redifi'd, we much marvel: Since God de~ clarM his anger as impetuous for the favingof King Benhadjd, though furrenIf it be conditional, in dring himfelf at mercy, as for the killing of Naboth. the prefervation and defence of Religion, and the People's Liberty, then certainly to take away his life, being dangerous, and pernicious to both thefe, was no more a breach of the Covnant, then for the fame reafon at Edmburrow to behead Gordon the Marquefs Huntley. By the fame Covnant we made vow to affift and to defend all thofe that fliould enter with us into this League ; not abfoIf therefore no Man elfe lutely, but in the maintenance and purfuing thereof. ever were fo mad as to claim from hence an impunity from all Juftlce, why fhould any for the King ? Whofe Life by other Articles of the fame Covnant was forfet. Nay if common fenfe had not led us 'to fuch a clear Interpretation, the Scotch Commiffioners themfelves might boaft to have bin our firft teachers : who v(rben they drew to the malignance which brought forth that perfidious laft years irruption againft all the bands of Covnant or Chriftian Neighbourhood, making thir hollow Plea the defence of His Majefties Perfon, they were conftrainM by thir own guiltinefs to leave out that following morfel that would have choak'd them, the prefervation and defence eftrue Religion., and oht Ltherties. And queftionlefs in the prefervation of thefe, we are bound as well, both by the Govnanr, and before the Covnant, to prcferve and defend the Perfon of any private Man, and the Perfon and Authority of any inferior Magiftrate Sothat this Article, obje<fled with fuch vehemence againft us, contains not an exception of the Kings Perfon, and Autority, to do by privilege what wickednefs he lift, and be defended, as fom fancy, but an exprefs teftification of oor Loyalty ; and the plain words without wrefting will bear as much, that we had no thoughts againft his perfon, or juft power, provided they might confift with the prefervation and But to thefe how hJ7ardous his defence of true Religion and our Liberties. It may fuffice chat while be was life was, will be needlefs to repeat fo oft'n. in Cuftody, where we expeded his Repentance, his remorfe at laft, and companion of all the innocent blood flied already, and hereafter likely to be Ihed for his racer wilfalnefs, he made no other ufe of our continual forbearance, our humbleft Petitions and Obteftations at his feet, but to fit contriving and fomenting new Plots againft us, and as his own phrafe was, fl<tying his own Game upon rhe Miferies of his People: Of which we defire no other view at prefent then thefe Articles of Peace with the Rebels, and the rare Game likely to enfue from fuch a caft of his Cards. And then let Men refieft a little upon the flanders and reviles of thefe wretched Priefts, and judg what Modefty, what
:
Truth, what Confcience, what any thing fit for Minifters, or we might fay reafonable men, can harbour in them. For what they began in fhamelefnefs and conclude : in malice, they frenzy throwing out a fudden rapfody of Proverbs
quite from the purpofe
j
and with as much comlinefs
as
when 5tw/ propheci*d.

For
C
cafling oir, as he did
liis
555
Cjiriucnts, all modcRy and mccknefs vvlicrcwicli For the Language of Minillcrs ought to be cloath'd, fpeaking efpccially to thir inprcme Magiltracc, they talk at iai)dom of Servants Y.ugmng^ Scrvunts rtdmg, Either thefc men and wonder how the Earth cun bear them. themfelves to
iiiiagin
be marvclloiilly high let and exalted in the Chair of Belfajt.^ to voutfafc the Parlameiitof ^/rf^ no belter Hi le then Servant:., or elfc thir high notion, which wc rather believe, falls as low as tôurt-paralitifin ^ fuppofing allMen And then all thir pains tak'n to (ceni fo wife io to be Servants, but ihc King. to conclude them down-righc Slaves: and the fervcsbut proverbing, edg of For as T>etight U not thir own Proverb falls reverfe upon themfelves. fecmly for What they are for Fools., much lefs high Words to come from bafe Minds. Minifters, or how they crept into the fold, whether at the Window, or through the Wall, or who fet them there fo haughty in the Pontifical See of Belfajl^ we know not. But this we rather have caufe to wonder if the Earth can bear this unfufFerable infolency of upflarts ^ who from a ground, which is not thir own, dare fend fuch defiance to the fovran Magiftracy of England., by whofe autoriBy thir adtions we might rather judgj ty and in whofe right they inhabit there. them to be a generation of High-land Theevs and Red-flianks, who being neighbourly admitted, not as the Sârowj by merit of thir Warfare againft our Enemies, but by the courtefy of England to hold polfelTions in our Province, a Country better then thir own, have, with worfe Faith then thofe Heathen, prov'd ingrateftil and treacherous Guefts to thir bells Friends and Entertainers. And let them take heed, left while thir filence, as to thefe matters, might have kept them blamelefs and fecure under thofe proceedings which they fo fear'd to partake in, that thefe thir treafonous attempts and pradifes have not involv'd them in a far worfe guilt of Rebellion ^ and (notwithftanding that fair dehortatory from joyning with Malignants) in the appearance of a co-intereft and Againft whom, though by themfelves propartaking with the Irijli Rebels. nounc'd to be the Enemies of God, they go not out to battel, as they ought, but rather by thefe thir doings afTifl: and become aflbciates-
Bbbb
'^
557 )
DEFENCE
OF
T-H E
people
In
of n!an!5, A N S W E R to
of
the
Salmafmis
DEFENCE
The
KINa
PREFACE.
defending the People o^ England^ I (hould be as molt Men tliink Salof the 1 has in his Defence been King, might feem to deferve mafiM Defender verbofe and be accounted a to ; yet fince no Man filly juftly tho in the fo much to make hifflfelf thinks hafte, handling but of any obliged fome Introduiftion at as not t leaft, according as the premife ordinary Subjcft, I take the fame courfe in handling almoft if of j hisSubjed requires weight in it) I am in hopes thegreateft Subjed that ever was,(without being too tedious of attaining two things, which indeed I earneftly delire. The one, not to be at all wanting, as far as in me lies, to this moft Noble Caufe, and moft worthy The other, That 1 may appear to have ato be recorded to aU future Ages of that frivoloufnefs voided my felf, Matter, and redundancy of Words, which For I am about to difcourfe of Matters, neiI blame in my Antagonift. ther inconfiderable nor common, but how a moft Potent King, after hehadr trampled upon the Laws of the-Natjon, and given a fhock to its Religion, and begun to rule at his own Will and Pleafure, was at laft fubdu'd in the Field by how afterhis own Subjects, who had undergone a long Slavery under him wards he wascaft into Prifon, and when he gave no ground, either by Words or Actions, to hope better things of him, he was finally by the Supreme Council of the Kingdom condemned to dye, and beheaded before the very Gates of the Royal Palace. 1 ftiall likewife relate, (which will much conduce to the eafine mens minds of a great Superftition) by what Right, efpecially according to our Law, this Judgment was given, and all tljffe Matters tranfadtedi and Ihall eafily defend my Valiant and Worthy Countrymen (who have extremely well deferved of all Subjeds and Nations in the World) from the moft wicked Calumnies both of Domeftick and Foreign Railers, and efpecially from the Reproaches of this moft vain and empcy Sophifter, whofetsup for a Captain and For what King's Majefty fitting upon an Exalted Ringleader to all the reft. ever ftionefo Throne, brightly, as that ofthe People of w^/W then did, when
I
THO
fear, left, if in
AL
as copious in
Words, and empcy of Matter,
fhaking off that old Superftition, which had prevailed a long time, they gave Judgment upon the King himfelf, or rather upon an Enemy who had been> their King, caught as it were in a Net by his own Laws (who alone of all Mortals challenged to himfelf impunity by a Divine Right) aqd fcruplcd not to inflift the fame punilhment upon him, being guilty, which he would have inf]i(n:ed upon any other. But why do 1 mention thefe things as performed by the People, which almoft open their Voice themfelves, and teftify the Prefence of God
'
throughout? Who, as often as it feems good to his Infinite Wifdom, ufesto throw down proud and unruly Kings, exalting themfelves above the Condition of
>
( ^558 )
them and all their Family. By his Impuife being fet 01) woik to recover our almoll: loll Liberry, foiiovviiig him as our Guide, and adoring the imprcHes of his Divine Power inaiuftft^d upon all occalions, we wcncon in no obl'curc, but an ilhillrions PalHi^c, pointed out and'niade phiin tons by.Gud himlllf. Whidi things, if Ihonid lo much as hope by any diligence or abiiicy of niinc. Inch ab ic is, to dillonrlc of as I
of
ly to extirpate
Humane Nature, and utta
inanifefl:
cugiit to do,
.'11
and to commit iheni lu Ages may read them, it would be
to writing,
a
as that perhaps
in
very vain thing

ii
all Nations and For wh^t ftile can
be
great a
and magnificent enough, wh n man h;is p ts fuQicieiit to undertake-fo Task? Since we find by Experience, thatiiilo many Ages as aregonc over the World, there has been but hcrc'and there a man found, who hris been
aLigult
able worthily to recount the Actions of Great Heroes, and Potent States'; Can any man have fo good an opinion of his own Talents, as to think himfelf capable to
reach thefe glorious and wonderful Works of Ahrighty God, by ;iny L ingliage, by any Stile of his ? Which Enterprize, though fome of the moil 'hminent Perfons in onr Coramonwcakh have jirevailed upon mc by their Authority to underta!*e, and would have it be my bulinefs to vindicate with my Pen againlt Envy ftnd Calumny (which are proof againll Arms) thofe Glorious Petformahces of theirs (whofe opinion of me 1 take as a very great honour, that they llinuld \ntch upon me before others to be ferviceable in this kind to thofe mofl: Valiant and true it is, that from my very youth I Deliverers of my Native Conntrey have been bent extremely upon fuch fort of Studies, as inclin'd me, if not to do great things my felf, atleaftto celebrate thofe that did) yet as having no confidence in any ifuch Advantages, I have recourfe to the Divine Alfiltancei
,
and invoke the Great and Holy God, the Giver of ail good Gifts, that 1 may asfubftantially, and as truly, difcufs and refute the Sawtinefs and Lies of this Foreign Declamator, as our Noble Generals pioully and fuccefsfully by force of Arms broke the King's Pride, and his unruly Domineering, and afterwards put an end to both by inflicting a memorable Punidiment upon himfeif, and as throughly as a fingle perfon did with eafe but of lite *)nfute and confound the King himfeif, rifing as it were from the Grave, and recommending himfeif to the People in a Book- publifii'd after his death, with new Artifices and Allnrements of Words and Expreffions. Which Antagonift of mine, though he be a Foreigner, and, though hedeny ita thoufand times over, but a poor Grammarian-, yet not contented with the Salary due to him in that Capacity, choie to turn a Pragmatical Coxcomb ; and not only to intrude in State-Affairs, but into the Affairs of a Foreign State : tho he brings along with him neither Modefty, nor Underftanding, nor any other Qualification requilite in fo great an Arbitrator, but Sawcinefs, and a little Grammar only. Indeed, if he had publifh'd here, and in Englifh, the fame things that he has now wrote in Latin fuch as it is, I think no man would have thought it worth while to return an Anfwer to them, but would partly defpife them as common, and exploded over and over already, and partly abhor them as fordid and tyrannical Maxims, not to be endured even by the mofl abjed of Slaves Nay, Men that have fided with But fince he has fwol'n the King, would have had thefe thoughts of his Book. it to a confiderable bulk, and difpers'd it amongfb Foreigners, who are altogether ignorant of out%AfFairs and Conftitution ; it's fit that they who miftakethem, fhould be better informed and that he, who is fo very forward to fpeak ill of others, fhould be treated in his own kind. If it be asked, why we did not then attack him fooner, why we fuffered hitij to triumph fo long, and pride himfeif in our filence ? For others 1 am not to anfwer ; for my felf I can boldly fay. That I had neither Words nor Arguments long to fcek for the defence of fo good a Caufe, if I had enjoyed fuch a meafure of health, as would have endur'd the fatigue of writing. And being but yet weak in Body, V am forced to write by piece-meal, and break off almoft every hour, though the Subjeft be fuch as requires an unintermitted ftudy and intenfenefs of mind. But though this bodily Indifpofition may be a hindrance to me in fetting forth . the juft Praifes of my moft worthy Countreymen, who have been the Saviours of their Native Country, and whofe Exploits, worthy of Immortality, are already famous all the World over j yet I hope it will be no difficult matter for me to defend them from the Infolence of this filly little Scholar, and from that fawcy Tongue of his, at leaft. Nature and Laws would be in an ill cafe, if
:
>
Slavery
559
Slavery ihould find what to fay for it felf, and Liberty be mute : andif Tyraoi^ fbould find men to plead for them, and tbey that can mailer and vaiiquilh. TyAnd it wcreadeploiablc thing inrants, ftiould not be able to find Advocates.
deed, if the Reafon Mankind is endu'd withal, and which is the gift of Cjip4, Ibould not furnifli more Arguments for mens Piefervation, for their Ddiv;<^ ranee, and, as much as the nature of the thing will beai-, fur niaklug tliem equal to one another, than for their oppreffion, and for their utter ruijie under U;^ Domineering Power of One fingle Perfon. Let me therefore enter upon tbij Noble Caufe with a chearfolnels, gromided upon this Allhrance,, That my /\dverfary's Caufe is maintained by nothing but Fraud, Fallacy, Ignorance and Barbarity, whereas mine has Light, Truth, Râfon, the Pradlice aadtlie Learningof the beft Ages of the World, of its fide.
gut now, having faid enough for an Introdudtion, fince we have to do vvith Criticksi let us in the firft place confider the Title of this Choice Piece: ZXc, Car. trimo^ ad Car. Secitnditm. Royal Defence (or the I'îngV fenfio Regia fro You undertake a wander* Defence) for CkarUs the Firfi to Charles the Second. ful piece of work, whoever you are to plead the Father's Caufe before his own Son: a hundred to one but you carry it. Butlfummon you, Salmafiiu, who heretofore fculk'd under a wrong name, and now go by no name at qll, to appear before another Tribunal, and before other Judges, where perhaps you may not hear thofe little Applaufes, which you ule to be fo fond of in youf SchoolBut why this Royal Defence dedicated to the Kings own Son ? Wc need not put him to the torture-, he confefieswhy. At the King's charge., fays O mercenary and chargeable Advocate could you not afford to write a he. Defence for CW/w the Father, whom you pretend to have been the beft of Kings, to CW/ the Son, the mod indigent of all Kings, but itmuftfaeap the poor King's own Charge ? But though you are a Knave, you would nof
:,
make your
it is
felf ridiculous, mczliingk the King's Defence ^ for you having fold who bought it at the price of no longer yours, but the King's indeed it, a hundred Jacobuffes, a great Sum for a poor King to disburle. I know very well what I fay and 'tis well enough known who brought the Gold, and the Purfc wrought with Beads We know who faw you reach out greedy fills, under pre: :
:
tence of embracing the King's Chaplain, whobroijght the Prefent, but ipdeefl to embrace the Prefent it felf, and by accepting it to e^bauft almoft all
t^
King's Treafury.
But oow Che man comes himfelf, the Door creaks ; the Aiôr comes yppQ tbf
Stage.
In fUtnct
ftoTP,
4od with
attention wait^
Tbat ye
rriAy
Itarn mhat th'
Eunnch has
to
frate,
Tereot.
For whatever the matter's with hira, he blufters more than ordinary. horrible meffage liad lately firnck ur EarSt but our Mindt fioye, with a heinom wonnd a a mckfdCofu conctrnittg 4 Parricide committed in England in the P'ffon of
ffiracy cf Sttcrdeginti men.
King^ky Indeed that horrible MeUage mnft eithef have had a much longer Sword than that which Ttter drew, or thofe Ears muft bavebeea of a wonderful length, that it could wound at fuch a dillance ; for it could not
fo
it
any Ears but tfaofe of an AjTj. For what harm is ? are any of you hurt by it, if wc aijD>o,9gfl our felves put our own Enemies, our own Tray tors to death, be thty Commoners, Noble-men, or Kings? Do you, Salmajiiu^ let alone what does not concern you for I have a horrible Meflage to bring of you too ^ which I'm miftaken if it ftrike not a more heinoM wound into the Ears of all Grammarians and Criticks, provided they have any Learning and Delicacy in them, to wit, your crowding fo many barbarous Expreflions together ia one period in the perfon of (vir(iarchm) a Grammarian ; and that fo great a Critick as you, hired at the King's charge to write a Defence of the King his Father, fhould not only fet f fulfome a Preface before it, much like thofe lamentable Ditties that ufed to be fung at Funerals, and which can move compaffion in none but a Coxcomb i but in the ery firfl fentence fhowld prevoke your Readers to laughter with fo many BarWhere do you find any fuchZ.4barifms all at once. Perfona Regit, you cry. tittf Qr.ar.e y,Qii telUag jis foâe.taie or pl;^ qf 9,1^^9 WiH^^h^K ,#0 la^ng
much
as in the leaft offend
to you, that are Foreigners
upon
5^0 )
committed feme horrible Parri-
upon him the Perfon of a

cide in England? has more truth in
K'vtg^ has, forfooth,
though dropping carelefly from your Pen, {-or a Tyrant i> but like a it, than you are aware of. King upon a Stage, a man in a Vizor, and a(fting thepart of a Kingin a Play, he is But as for thefe O'alliafmi, that are fo frequent in your not really a King. lalh won't you for them my felf, for 1 am not ut Icifure but fliall deBook, liver you over to your fcllovz-Grammarians to be iaught to fcorn and whipt by them. What follows is much more hetnoM, that what was decreed by our Supreme Magiftrates to be done to the King, (liould be faid by you to have been Have you the impudence, you done by a wukeelCottfpiracy of Sucrtlegioiis ferfans Rogue, to talk H this rate of the Afts and Decrees of the chief Magiftrates of a Nation, that lately wasamoft Potent Kingdom, and is now a more Potent Commonvvv-'alth ? VVhofe proceedings no King ever took upon Irim by word of mouth, or othcrwife, to vilifie and fet at nought. The llluftrious States of //p//A7<f therefore, the Genuine Off-fpring of tiiofe Deliverers of their Country, have defervedly by their Edid condemned to utter dsrknefs this 'Defence of 1 yrants, fo pernicious to the Liberty of all Nations the Author of which every free State ought to forbid their Country, or to banilh out of ici and that State particularly that feeds with a Stipend fo ungrateful and fo favagean Enemy to their Commonwealth, whofe very Fundamentals, and the caufes of their becoming a free State, this Fellow endeavours to undermine as well as ours, and atone and the fame time to fubvert both j loading with Calumnies the moft Confider with your wrorthy AfFerters of Liberty there, under our Names. Vmtcd of States the llluftrious moft Netherlands, who it was that put felves, ye this Aderter of Kingly Power upon fetting Pen to Paper ? who it was, that but lately began to play êx in your Country } what Counfels were taken, what endeavours ufed, and what difturbances enfued thereupon in /:/oi7<<^.? and to what pafs things might have been brought by this time? how Slavery and anew Marter were ready prepar'd for you j and how near expiring that Liberty of yours, alTerted and vindicated by fo many years War and Toil, would have been c'rc now, if it had not taken breath again by the timely death of a certain ra(h young But our Author begins to ftrut again, and to feign wonderful Tragedies ; Whomfoever thU dreadful news reacht (to wit, the news of Salmafttu's Parricidial Barbarifms) aU of a fudden, as if they had thetr hair flood ttnendy and their tongues clove to the beenfirnck vsith lightnings roof of their mouth. Which let Natural Philofophers take notice of (for this fecret ia nature was never difcovered before) that lightning makes mens hair ftandan But who knows not that little effeminate minds are apt to be amaz'd end. at the news of any extraordinary great Adion > and that then they fhow themfelves to be, what they really were before, no better than fo many Stocks ? JSome could not refrain from tears ; fomc little Women at Court, I fuppofe, or if there be any mote effeminate than they, of whofe number Salmafitu himfelf being one, is by a new Metamorphofis become a Fountain near a-kin to his Name (Sdmacis) and with his counterfeit flood of tears prepared over night, endeavours to emafculate generous minds : I advlfe therefore> and wi(h them to have
expreflion,
I
,
Which
GENTLEMAN.
a care
-,
-Infamit ne quern malk fcftihm undts SalmMcis Enervet.Semiviry. & taUis fubite moUefcat in undis.
Ne,
ft
vir
cum
venerit^ exe<*t inde
From
Abftain, as Manhood you efteem, Salmacis pernicious Stream

If but one
moment
there you ftay.
Too dear you'l for your Bathing pay Depart nor Man nor Woman, but a Sight
Difgracing both, a loath'd Hermaphrodite.
as They that had more courage (which yet he exprefles in miferable bald Z.4i, he could not fo much as fpeakof Men of CoLpageand Magnanimity in proper
ctnld hardly contain fet en fire with indignation to that degree, that they
if
words) vtre
them-
^6i
becoming
Tliofefurioiis Heflois we vîliic notof a ruili. have been acthemfthcs. a courage cuftomed to tout fudiDîHies in the liold uitli a true fober courage mf I) that car/ coiiMin i.hemrdvcs, :i'.id are in their right Wits. Tliert
,
We
acre none that eiid'iot cnrje
the jHthovs
offo hornhU a
u'.ouths-,
i^îUiny,
their tongues clove to tlievoof
of their
and
it
you
m^-dxi
But yet, you fay, this of our
I \vilh tliey had clove there to this day ; for we know very well Fugitives only, that thctc's iioihiyg mote comnion with theui, tlian to have their mouths full of Curfes and ImptccaLiou';, which indeed all good incu abominate, but withal
defpifc.
As for others, it's haidly credible, thist v.hai they heard the news of our having inflicted a Capital Puniihmenc iipi>n the King, there fliould any be found, efpecially in a Free State, fo raturslly adapted to Slavery as either to fo much as to cen Pure what we had done. Nay, 'cis highly fpeak ill of us, or all good men applauded us, and gave Gcd thanks for foilluftrithat probable of Juftice-, and for a Caution fo very ufeful to other ous, fo exalted a piece
Princes.
In the mean time, as for thole /f^rrf, thokfiecl- hearted men^ that, you th: lumcnt able auAn'onderfid death of I on take for, and bewail fo pitifully, fay, know not who i them, I fay, together with their tinkling Advocate, the dulleft that ever appeared fince the name of a Ksfte^ w-u bom and known in the World^ we fhall e'en let whine on, till they cry their eyes out. But in the mean time, what School- boy, what little inligniticant Monk could not have made a more and in better Latin than this Royal Advocate has elegant Speech for the King, be me to make fach particular Animadverfions upon in would done ? But it folly Frenzies and his Childifhnefs throughout his Book, as I do here upon a few in which it of the beginning yet 1 would be willing enough to do (for we hear that he is fwell'd with Pride and Conceit to the utmolt degree imaginable) if the undigefted and immethodical bulk of his Book did not protcft him. He was relolved to take a courfe like the Soldier in Terence^ to favc his Bacon ; and it was very cunning in him to Huff his Book with fo much Puerility, and fo many that it might nauftate the fmarteft man in the World to death filly Whimfies, 'em all. Only I thought it might not be amifs to give a Speof notice to take
,
in the Preface ; and to let the ferious Reader have a tafte of him he might guefs by the firftdifh that's ferv'd up, how noble an Entertainment the reft are like to make-, and that he may imagine with himfelf what an infinite number of Fooleries and Impertinencies muft needs be heaped fo thick in the very Enup together in the body of the Book, when they ftand to have been (hunned. His trance into it, where of all other places they ought but to be worm-eateri, fit for and his Sermons that tittle-tattle follows, nothing
cimen of him
atfirfti that
can eafily pafs by s as for any thing in them relating to us, we doubt not in thelcaft, but that what has been written and publifhed by Authority of Parliament, will have far greater weight with all wife and fober men, than the Cawho being hired by our lumnies and Lies of one fingle impudent little Fellow their Countrey's Enemies, has fcrap'd together, and not fcrupled to
I
:
whatever little Story any one of them that employed him, publilh in Print, fee how little confcience he put into his head. And that all men may plainly or down wrong, good or bad, 1 defire no omakes of fetting any thing right
In his book, entitulcd, ^pparattu contra thcr Witnefs than i'</w<?/?' himfelf. ' There are mod weighty Reafons why the Church Primatum Papt, he fays, ' and return to the Apoftolical Inftitution of ought to lay afide Epifcopacy, ' mifchief has been introduced into the Church by : a far That greater Presbyters * which were beforeapprehended : Epifcopacv,{than the Schifmsthemfelves were, * That the Plague which Epifcopacy introduced, deprelFed the whole body of * the Church under a miferable Tyranny nay, had put a yoke even upon the * be more beneficial to the Church, would : it That necks of Kings and Princes * if the whole Hierarchy it felf, were extirpated, than if the Pope only, who ' * That it would be very much is the Head of it, were laid afide, fage i6o.
,
Fugitives,
good of the Church, if Epifcopacy were taken away, together with the the would fall of Papacy : That if Epifcopacy were once taken down, * Papacy * he can fliew very good it felf, as being founded upon it, fagei-ji. He fays, 'reafons why Epifcopacy ought to be put down in thofe Kingdoms that have * renounced the Pope's Supremacy ; but that he can fee no reafon for retaining * ; it there : That a Reformation is not entire, that is defeftive in this point * caufe no the be can reafon That no affigned, why Supreprobable alledged, * macy of the Pope being once difowned, Epifcopacy Ihould notwithftanding
for the
*
Cccc
be
(
*
5^2 )
he had wrote all this\ and a great deal more to be retained, pap ip?. is now become fo vain and lo impudent withhe thisefletT:, but four years ago, ' for not only turning the Biihops out oi Parliament the England, al, as toaccufc ' but Nay, he perforabolifhin,J Epifcopicy K ielr. Houfeof the Lords, of lame Reafons and fwadesus to receive Epifcopacy, and defends it by the very deal of earneftncfs he had confuted himfelf in a Arguments, which with great ' That Bidiops were necelHîy, and ought to have that former Book, to wit, '.rnicious Sefts and ' the been retained, to prevent fpringing up of a Thoufand p to (hi tc hands thus in nor alham'd Are Turn-coat Herefies. you Crafty and (I had almoft faid) to betray the Church-, whofe things that are Sacred, and vindicateu* with fo much tnoll folemn Inftitutions you feem to have afTerted ou might unwhen it fliould feem for your interea to change fides, y that noiie, do and fubvert all again with the moredifgrace and infamy to you.v felf? It's Houfes of Parliament, being extremely iiotorioudy known. That when both of other Reformed dellroiis to reform the Church of Englandby ihz pattern frft the mterpofed, and King Churches, had rcfolved to abolirti Epifcopacy, which proved caufe tor that them very chiedy afterwards waged War againfl: the defended of boafl and King; who, Go now fatal to him. your having
Tho
-,
and impugn the that you might the better defend him, do now openly betray Caufeof the Church, whofe Defence you your felf had formerly undertaken i and whofe feverell Cenfures ought to be inflicted upon you. As for the prefent
form of our Government,
Foreign infTgnificant Profelfor as you, with nothing but Trifles, which having laid afide your Boxes and Desks ftufft in putting into order, wil needs turn you might have fpent your time better mens in other matter?, I Ihall return you this bufie-body, and be troublefome are wifer than your felf, viz.. that them to to but not anfwer, or rather you, will admit of ^ not fuch diftradtinns our fuch as of is Form it That the prefent as were to be wifli'd, but fuch as the oblfinateDivilions that are amongfl; us,
lince fuch a
felf
What State foever is peftered with Faftions, and defends it of Arms, is very jufl: in bavins^ regard to thof.on!y that are found Force by and untainted, and in overlooking or fecluding the relt, be they of the Nobilinay, though profiting by experience, they fliould ty or the Common People But in refufe to be governed any longer either by a King or a Houfe of Lords.
will bear.
,
as you call it, and at the Chair-fnan there, you railing at that 5/>-rw<rCoc-7, for that Council is not the Supreme Council, ridiculous felf ; make your very but it is, dream Authority of Parliament, for a certain time as
appointed by and confining of forty Perfons, for the mod part Members of Parliavote him into the Chair. ment, any one of whom may be Prefident, if the reft And there is nothing more common, than for our Parliaments to appoint Committees of their own Members ) who, when fo appointed, have Power to meet where they pleafe, and hold a kind of little Parliament amongft themfelves.
you
5
only
Affairs are often referred to them, for Expedition and of the Navy, the Army, theTreafury^ infhort, all things Secrefie-, the care Whether this be called a Council, either to War or Peace. whatfoever relating the name may be new; and it is is the ancient, though or any thing elfe, thing fuch an Inftitution, as no Government can be duly adminiltered without it. As for our putting the King to death, and changing the Government, forbear with you through every >your bawling, don't fpit your Venom, till,going along rvbat Law, by what Right and JuI (how, whether you will or no, hy Ghapter, But if you infift: to know by what Right, by what Law ; done. fiice all that was Niiture have enafted, viz. that whatIby that Law, 1 tell you, which God and the Whole State, are for thatreafon of UniverfalGood the ever things are for to anfwer fuch as you. You find of old ufed So wife Men lawful and juft. obtained but had that Laws for ; us you do fault with for fo many years Repealing if fhould we or were did, Laws nor, thofe bad, whether you US nottell good heed what yoo faid i for, you bufy Puppy, what have you to do with our Laws ? I wifli our Magiftrates had repealed more than they have, both Laws and Lawyers; if they had, they would have confulted the Intereft of the It frets Ghriftian Religion, and that of the People better then they have done.
Andthemoft weighty
you.
Gentlemen at home, fcarce kîown Hobgoblins, Sons of the Earth, fcarce But you ought to have to do to their ewn Countrymen, f)Ould frefame fuch things. Worê* have taught you, would but remembred, what not only the Scriptures, -" wt.
That
"
r4/
rr
5'?
>
MHtarct & inpgncm attcuhat Dem,

Obfcura fromcns, &C.
a
falet h/ta fiimmts
The Power
Of things-, make mean of great, andgrentof The brightelt Gloiy can ecliple with Night And place the moll obfcure in dazling Light.
;
that did create, can change the Sccrtc aiean
Defcent. They had rather be called Sons of the Earth, provided it be their own Earth (their own Native Country) and ad like Men at home, then, bethe necedities of Nature in a Foing deftitute of Houfe or Land, to relieve as thou of doft, an inconfiderable Fellow and a Smoke, reign Country by felling of thy Walters for a poor the who and goodwill upon dependefl Jack-ftraw, with better to difpenfe thy labors, and return to Stipend j for whom it were not this one piece of Cunhadft if thou thy own Kindred and Country-men, at fo good a rate amongfl: Fooleries and Prelections out fome filly ning, to babble You find fault with our Magiftrates for admitting fuch a CommonForeigners. all forts of SeEis. Why (hould they not ? It belongs to the Church to fiore of caftthemoQtof the Communion of the faithfuU not to the Magiftratetobanifli them the Country, provided they do not offend againft the Civil Laws of the State. Men at firft united into CiHl Societies, that they might live fafely, and enjoy their Liberty, without being wrong'd or oppreft and that they of Ghriftianity, they unimight live Rcligioufly and according to the Doftrine and Churches have a have Societies Civil into Churches. Laws, themfeives ted each other. from And and far to differing themfeives, Difcipline peculiar this has been the occafion of fomany Wars in Chrijiendom , to wit, becaufethe
,
But take this into the bargain. Some of thofe who, you fay, be TcarcS Gentlemen, are not at all inferiour in birth to any of your party. OtherS^j whofe Anceftors were not Noble, have taken a courfe to attain to true Nobility are not inferior to men of the Nobleft by their own Indultry and Vertue, and
Therefore we Civil Magiftrate and the Church confounded their Jurifdidions. do not admit of thePopifh Seft, fo as to tolerate Papifts at all for we do not look upon that as a Religion, but rather as an Hierarchical Tyranny, under a Cloak of Religion, cloth'd with the Spoils of the Civil Power, which it has
,
own Doftrine. As for the IndepeHufurp'd to it felf contrary to our Saviour's as had fuch we never us, they that we call you dcfcribe amongft any JentSy as hold that no Claffis or Synods have a Superiority fuch are only Independotrs over any particular Church, and that therefore they ought all to be plucktup
,
of Hierarchy it felf-, by the Roots, as Branches, or rather as the very Trunk it was that the name of /from hence And own which is your opinion too. is fpent in of Preface reft The the your Vulgar. dependents prevailed amongft of all Kings and Monarchs againft us, hatred not the to ftir only up endeavouring Mithridates of old, buttoperfwade them to make a General War upon us. different caufe, endeavoured to ftir up all Princes to make War upin a though
on the Romans^ by laying to their charge almoft juft the fame things that you do to ours -viz. that the Romans aimM at nothing but the Subverfion of all Sacred or Civil, that Kingdoms, that they had no regard to any thing whether what but firft rife never they had acqnir'd from their very they enjoy'd any thing in-the world ta Enemies were and the that Robbers, greateft they by force, to a Letter in himfelf Thus Mithridates Arfaces King of expreft Monarchy. the Parthians. But how came you, whofe bufinefs it is to make filly Speeches from your Desk, to have the confidence to imagine, that by your perfwadons to take up Arms, and founding an Alarm as it were, you fhould be able fo much as to influence a King amongft Boys at play i efpecially, with fo (hrill a Voice, and unfavoury Breath, that I believe, if you were to have been the Trumpeter, not fo much as Homers Mice would have waged War againft the Frogs ? So little do we fear, you Slug you, any War or Danger from Foreign Princes us to them, juftas if you were at through your filly Rhetorick, who accufeft heads like Balls ; flay at Bowls with Crowns ^ ttnd regard we Ihat tofs Kings play, no more then if they were Fools Staves with heads on : But you in the mean Scepttrs Cccc 2 time,
:
5^4 )
Bones well-thrafli'd with a lime, you filly Logerhead, deferve to have your Foofs (tafF, for thinking to ftir up Kings and Princes to War by fuch Childifli I know full well, will Arguments. Then you cry aloud to all Nations, who, You call upon that wretched and barbarous Crew ilever heed what you fay.
of
Which one thing is fufficient Rebels too, to afTertthe King's Party. and a a Fool are both evidence how much you Knave, and how you out-do alIrifh
Impudence, and Madnels ^ who fcruplenot toiman execrable People, devoted to the Slaugher, of and Aid plorethe Loyalty whom the King himfelf always abhorr'd, or fo pretended, to have any thing to do with, byreafonof the guilt of fo much innocent Blood, which they had And that very Perfidioufnefs and Cruelty, which he endeavoured contraded. as much as he could to conceal, and to clear himfelf from any fufpition of, you the moft villanous of Mortals, as fearing neither God nor Man, voluntarily and Go on then, undertake the Kings Defence at the openly take upon your felf. You take care, and fo you the Afliftance of the Infj. Encouragement, and by about to bereave C/wro or were that (hould you imagine might well, left any due their to of the by telling us before hand, that Eloquence, praife Demofihenes 'Tis wifely faid of a Fool ; you not to lpea\ Itke an Orator. conceive yon you ought and who that conceive you ought not to do what is not in your power to do knows never fo little, ever expcds any thing like an Orator from you ?
moft
all
Mankind
in Villany,
you
Who neither ufes,

or has 'fo much
Tzetz.es^
nor
is
as Senfe in it j
able to pubiifh any thing that's Elaborate, Diftind, but like a fecond Crtfpin^ or that little Grecian
but write a great deali take no pains to write well ; nor could This Caufe (hsU write any thing well, though you took never fo much pains. be argued (fay you) in the hearings and as it were before the Tribunal of all Mankind, That's what we like fo well, that we could now wi(h we had a diicreetand ina hairCbrain'd Blunderbufs, as you, to deal telligent Adverfary, and not fuch
youdo
with.
to
/ will proclaim You conclude very Tragically, like Ajax in his Raving Heaven and Earth the Injufiice^ the FtUany^ the Perfidioufnefs and Cruelty of thefe Men^ andwtU deliver them over conviUedto all Pofierity. O Flowers that fuch a or tranfcribe good Auwitlefs, fenfelefs Bawler, one that was born but to fpoil able to write of his think himfelf own, that will reach any thing thors, (hould
;
!
Pofterity, whom together with his frivolous Scribles the very next Age will buunlefs this Defence of the King perhaps may be beholden to the ry in oblivion
",
And I would entreat give to it, for being looked into now and then. the lUuftrious States of Holland to take of! their Prohibition, and fufFer the Book to be publickly fold. For when I have deteded the Vanity, Ignorancct and Falfhood, that it is full of, the farther it fpreads, the more efFedually it let us hear how he convi^s us. will be fuppreft.
Anfwer
I
Now
5^5)
DEFENCE
O F T H E
people
of Cuglants.
CHAP.
my
felf,
I.
a vain flafiiy man, are not a Salmafms, that you being Britain Ureat s Defender, who himfelf of little proud of being the King was ftil'd the Defender of the Faith, For my part, 1 think you deferve and you have IPerfwade your Titles born alike ; for the King defended the Faith, that betwixt you, yon have fpoiled both your Caufes : which 1 Ihall make appear throughout the whole enfuing Difcourfe, and particularly You told us in the 2th Page of your Preface, Than in this very Chapter. to be embeli^Jt with any flour tjlies of Rhetorick a fogood andfojuft Caitfe ought not and Jhat the King needed no ether Defence than by a bare Narrative of his Story that bare us had in which in firfl; Narrative, proraifed you yet your Chapter, you neither tell the Story right, nor do you abftain from making ufe of all the So that, if we mult take your own skill you have in Rhetorick to fet it off. But to be neither good nor jult. Caufe we the muft believe King's judgment,
defended him
fo,
.,
by the way I would advife you not to have fo good an Opinion of your felf (for no body elfe has foof you) as to imagin that you are able to fpeak well upon any Subjeft, who can neither play the part of an Orator, nor an Hiftorian, nor exprefs your felf in a Stile that would not be ridiculous even in a Lawyer ; but like a Mountebank's Jugler, with big fwelling words in your Preface, you rais'd our expedlation, as if fome mighty matter were to enfue : in which your as to defign was not fo much to introduce a true Narrative of the King's Story, make your own empty intended florifhes go off the better. For being nom about and affrighted to give US an account of the matter ofFaU^yoHfndyour felfencomfaffed with fo many Afonfters of Novelty, that y' are at a lofs what to fay frfiy what next, and nhat lafi of all. I'll tell you what the matter is with you. In the firft place you find your felf affrighted and aftonifh'd at your own monflrous Lies, and then you find that empty head of yours not encompafs'd, but carried round with fo many trifles and fooleries, that you not only now do not, but never did know what was fit to be fpoken, and in what method. Among the many Dtfficnlties
that yen find in exfreftng the heineiifnefs of fo incredible a fitceof Impiety, thi4 one be repeated ; to wit. That: offer sit felf, you fay, which is e aft iy faid, and muft often But by your good leave, 5r, the Sim it felf never beheld a more eutragioHS aElion.
But wc are conthe Sun has beheld many things that blind Bernard never faw. And it will be a piece of Prutent you fhould mention the Sun over and over. dence in you fo to do. For though our wicked nefs does not require it, the coldnefs of the defence that you are making, does. Ihe Original of Kings, you fay,
of the Sim. May the Gods and Goddefles, Damafippta, blefs with thee an everlaftingSolftice-, that thou maylt always be warm, thou that canft not ftir a foot without the Sun-. Perhaps you would avoid the imputation of being called a DoAor Vmbratictu. But alas you are in perfect darknefs, that make no difierence betwixt a Paternal Power, and a Regal and that when you had called Kings Fathers of their Country, could fancy that with that Metaphor you had perfwaded us that whatever is applicable to a Father, is fo to a King. Alas there's a great difference betwixt them. Our Fathers begot us.
ancient, at that
! : !
uM
Our
(
Oi;r
'i66
King made not iis, but wt him. Nature has given Fathers to us all, but weourfelves appointed our own King. So that the People is not for the King, ff'e bear with a Father^ but the King for tlieni. though he he barfj andfevere 5 and To we do with a King. But we do not bear with a Fnther, if he be a Tyrant, ifa Fatherniurdei hii> Son, he himfclt niuft die for't ^ and why fhouid not a King be fubjcd to the fame Law, which certainly is a moll juft one ? Efpecially
conlidcriiigiliat a Father cannot by
on, but a KiiJgealily

^tii
any poflibility divcit hirrifelfof that Relatimaice himfelf neither King nor Father of his People. If this action ofoursbeconfidered according to its quality, as you call it, I, who
may
both an Eng!ifh-man born, and was an Eye-witnefs of the TranfaiSions of Times, tell you, who are both a Foreigner and an utter Stranger to our Affairs ; That v;e have put to death neither agood^ norajufl^ nor a merciful, nor aiievout, nor a poii!y, nor a peaceai'le King ^ as you llile him j but an Enemy, that has been fo to us almoft ten years to an end nor one that was a Father, but a Deftroyer of his Country. You confefs that fuch things have been praUis'd ^ for your felf have not the impudence to deny it but mtjby Protefiants upon a PmteAsif he deferv'd the name of a Proteftant, that in a Letter to the ji ant King. could Pope, give him the title of ^^/e/? ô/)if4:fefr; that was always more faAnd being fuch, he vourable to the Papifts than to thofe of his own rrofefTicr. is not the firfl; of his own to death that his been put by Proteftants. Family Was not his Grand- mother depofed and banifhc, and at Uft beheaded by Protellants ? And weie not her own Countrymen, that were Proteftants too, well enough pleas'd with it ? Nay, if I (hould fay they were Parties to it, I fhouid not lie. But there being fo few Proteftant Kings, it is no gre^t wonder, if it never happened thnt one of them has been put to death. But that it is lawful to dcpofe a Tyrant, and to punifti him according to his deferts ^ nay, that this is the opinion of very eminent Divines, and of fuch as have been moft inftrumenthefe
,
Reformation, do you deny it if you date. You confefs that many have to an unnatural Death come Kings SomsbytheSword^ fome poyfm''d, fome hut for a King to be arraigned in a Court of Jh~ jlr angled^ and feme in a Vimgeon
tal in the late
:
to ha'7'e Sentente of Deat,h to be pronounicl againjl put to fle.id for his Life, him^ and that Sentence executed-^ this you think a iTore lamentable Inftance than an the reft, and make it a prodigious piece of impiety. Tell me, thou fuperlaWhether it be not more juft, more agreeable to the Rules of tiv.e Fool, Humanity, and the Laws of all Humane Societies, to bring a Criminal, be his Offence what it will, before a Court of Juft ice, to give him leave to fpeak for himfelf; and, if the Law condemn him, then to put him to death as he has deferv'd, fo as he may have time to repent or to recoiled himfelf i than prefently, as foon as ever he is taken, to butcher him
dicittiire,
without more ado ? D'ye think there's a Malefaftor in the World, that if he might have his choice, v?ould not chufe to be thus dealt withal ? and if this fort of proceeding againft a private Perfon be accounted the fairer of the two, why ftiould it not be counted fo againft a Prince ? nay, why ftiould we not think that himfelf liked it better ? You would have had him killM privately, and none to have feen it, either that future Ages might have loft the advantage of fo good an Example ; or that they that did this glorious Aftion, might feem to have avoided the Light, and to have adted contrary to Law andjuftice. You aggravate the macter by telling us, that it was not done in an uproar, or brought about by any Faftion amongft Great Men, or in the heat of a Rebellion, that there was no hatred, no fear, no either of the People, or the Soldiers rafhnefs in the Cafe ; but that it was long ambition, no blind precipitate with deliberation. You did well in leaving off being done and conftilted on, SalmiCimroas zn Advocate, and turn Grammarian, who from the Accidents and CircumeacetnAdvo- ftancesof 2 thing, which in themfelves confidered fway neither one way nor in difpraife of it, before you have proved the thing it felf to be "t" other, argue cmfeSa "
:
it2.
good or bad. Seehbwopen you lie If the Adion you aredifcourfing be commendable and praife-worthy, they that did it deferve the greater no Paffions, but did what they did Honour, in that they were prepoflefled
either
of,
:
vyith
were great difficulty in the enterprife, they did well Tho for my not about it in going raftily, but upon Advice and Confideration. own part, when I call to mind with how unexpcifled an importunity and fervency of Mind, and with how unanimous a Confent, the whole Army, and a
for Vertue's fake.
If there
great
C 5^7 )
great part of the People, from almoft every County in the Kingdom, cried out with one Voice for Jultice againit the King, as being the Ible Author of all their I cannot but think that thefe Calamities things were brought about by a Divine impulfe. VVhateV'cr the m:itter was, whether weconfiderthe Magiltrates, or the Body of the People, no Men ever undertook with more Courage, and, which our Adverfaries themfclves confefs, in a more fcdate temper of Mind fo brave an Aclion, an .Aftion that might have become thoi'e famous Heroes of whom weread in former Ages ^ an Adtion, by which they enobled not only Laws, and their Execution, 'jvhkh feem for the future equally reltor'd to high and low againlt one another ; fc'Ut even Jullicc,and to have rendred it after fo lignal a Judgment, more illullrious and greater than in its own fslf. We are now come to an end of the 3d Pagcof'the firftBcok, ar.d have not the bare Narrative he promis'd
:
He complains that our Principles arc. That a King whofe Government is us yet. And by t ha Doilrine, fays he, tf bHrdcnfome and odious ^ may lawfully be depoftd they hadhxda Kwg at thouf.wd times better thnn they h^xd, they wchld not have /pared his
:
Obfcrvethe Man's fiibtle way of arguing. For I would willingly be ia^ Life. form'd what Confequence there is in tliis, unleis he allow?, that a King's Government may be burdettjome andodioM^ who is a thouland times better than our King was. So, that no'Af he has brought things to this p.ifs, to make the King that he defends, athoufaiid times worfethan fome whofe Government r.otwithllanding is molt monllrous Tyrant that eburdenjomand odwHs, thati^ itmiy be, the verreign'd. Iwifhyejo/, O ye Kings, of fo able a Defender. Now the J Narrative begins. Give an inftance. hey put him to feveral fo: ts of Torments. him removed from Prtfonto Pnfon ^ and fo they might lawfully do \ for haThey ving been a Tyrar.t, he became a. 1 open Enemy, and was taken in War. Often
Left they therafdves Ihould change. Sometimes they gave and even him to h>i Crown, hopes of Lihe^'ty, nay^ fumetime: of rejloring upon jirticles of Agree ment. It feems then the his was not done upLife, taking away on fo much premeditation, as he talked of before; and that we did not lay hold on all oppo'f tunities and means, that olTer'd themfelves, to renounce our
changing
h'u
Keepers.
him
Thofe t'nings that in the beginning of the War we demanded of him, he had alo 10ft brought us under, which things if they were denied us, we could enjoy no 'Liberty, nor live in any Safety ; thofe very things we petitioned Jjim for when he was our Prifoner, in a humble, fubmiflive way, not once, nor twice, bu'c thrice, and oftner, and were as often denied. When we had now loft all hopes of the King's complying with us, then was that noble OrKing.
when
der of Parliament made. That from that time forward, there fhould no Articles be ferit to the King fo that we left off applying our felves to him, not from the time that he began to be a Tyrant, but from the time that we found him inBut afterward fome Parliament-men fet upon a new Projeft, and curable. meeting with a convenient opportunity to put it in praftice, pafs a Vote to fend further Propofals once more to the King. Whofe Wickednefs and Folly neareft rcfrinbles that of the Roman Senate, who contrary to the Opinion of M. TuUiiis, nd all honcft Men, voted to fend Embafladors to M, Anthony j and the Event had been the fame, but that it pleafed God Almighty in his Providence to order it<Jtherwife, and toaflert our Liberty, tho he fuffer'd them to be enflav'd; For tho the King did not agree to any thing that might conduce to a firm Peace, and Settlement of things more than he had before, they go and vote themfelves Then the founder part of the Houfe finding themfelves and the ComSatisfied. imonwealth betray'd, implore the aid of that Valiant and always Faithful Army Jto the Commonwealth. Upon which occafion I can obferve only this, which
,
(yet
I am loth to utter to wit, that our Soldiers underllood themfelves better than our Senators, and that they faved the Commonwealth by their Arms, when Then he relates a great many th' other by their Votes had almoft ruined it. things in a doleful, lamentable Strain i but hedoesitfo fenQefly, that he feems rather to beg of his Readers that they would be forrowful, than to ftirupany fuch PalTion in them. It grieves him to think that the King fhould undergo a Capital Punijlfment after fuch a manner as no other King ever had done. Tho he had often told us before, that there never was a King that underwent a Capital Punifh,
-inent at
all. Do you ufe to compare ways and manners, ye Coxcomb, when you have no Things, nor Aftions to compare with one another ? fê fnfferd Dtatb^ Is 'fays he, a Robber, at a Mnrdtrtr, as a Parricide, at s Traytor, as <t Tyrant.
tbiis
( 568
tills
>
ddcncimgtbe King? Or is it not rather, giving a more fevere Sentence aHow came you fo all on a fudden to be of gainft him than tiiat that we gave?
our mind?
of
the
He compWinsi thut What Kind's Head.
ExecHtioners in nz.ars [|pcifonati Camifices] cut He told us befliall we do with this Fellow ?
in the
rlic
: \jn Perfoni difmfe of a Ki.t^ Executioner. Twere an of dilgmtc
fore,
of a Alurder committed on one Now he fays, 'twas done in Regis.]!
He tells to no "purpofe to take particular notice of every filly thing he fays. the Stories of Boxes on the Ear, and Ktch, that., he fay;;, were given King
by
Thefe and fuch
bis dead Body. pece to fee which partly are falfe, and partly impertinent, bebut are far from maScholar tray the Ignorance and Childiilinefs of our poor In good faith, his Son Charles had king any Keader ever a whit the fadder. done better to have hired fome Ballad-finger to have bewailed his Fathers Mifridiculous Orator, fortunes, than this doleful, fhall I call him, or rather moft in leaft the there's not that who is fo dry and infipid, any thing he fays. Spirit does he what 'tis hard to and next, he runs on the Narrative's Now fay done, Now he's angry, tlien he wonders he neither cares fo fordidly and irregular. what he talks, nor how i repeats the fame things ten times over, that could not And perfwade ray felf, the exbut look ill, tho he had faid them but once-
Common
Soldiers,
and
that ''twis four ShUlinS a
like Stories
deferve printing better ^ fo temporary Rimes of fome antick Jack-pudding may I of a ferious Anfwer. far am 1 from thinking ought he fays worthy pafs by war who to maike chofc ProteBor his filling the King a upon the of Religion, Church, rather than part with thofe Church-Tyrants, and H.nemies of all Rethat he fhould maintain Religion in its ligion, the Bilhops ; and how is it poflible to thofe himfelf a Slave was that impure Traditions, and Ceremonies Purity, of theirs ? And for our SeUaries, whofe Sacrilegious Meeting/.^ you fay, havi fMick^Bowance i inftancein any of their Principles, the ProfeQion of which is not openly allowM of, and countenanced in /i/o/Z-sW But in the mean, there's not a more Sacrilegious Wretch in Nature than your felf, that always took liberty to fpeak iU of all forts of People. They could not xctund the Cosnmonwealth more its than Learn, ye abjeft, home-born Slave ; Mafier. dangeroufly by taking off
,
.''
unlefs ye take
away the Mafter, ye deftroy the Commonwealth. _ That that has a Mailer, is one Man's Property. The word Mafter denotes a private, not a pubthat abharr'*J this jklion lick Relation. Theyêrftcutt moji mjuftly thofe Mtnifters Left you Ihould not know what Minifters he means, I'll tell you in a of theirs. few words what manner of Men they were i they were thofe very Men, that by
their
taking up Arms againft the King, and ftirr'd the People up to it. daily curfed, as Deborah did Meror., all fuch as with Arras, or Men, or Money. That either Parliament the furnifh would not of that their the out they were not about to fight againft taught Pulpits, People a King, but a greater Tyrant than either S4/ or vî^^ ever were-, nay, more a Nero than Nero himfelf. As foon as the Bifliops, and thofe Clergy-men, whom they daily inveighed againft, and branded with the odious Names of Pluralifts
Writings and Sermons
juflified
That
and Non-refidents, were taken out of their way, they prefently iump, fome into two, fome into three of their beft Benefices being now warm tiecpfeSves, Their Covetoufnefs briiKc they foon unworthily neglefted their Charge.
,
through all reftraintsof Modefty and Religion, and themfelves now labourunder the fame Infamy, that they had loaded their PredecelTors with ; and becatfe their Covetoufnefs is not yet fatisfied, and their Ambition has accuftomed theiOi to raife Tumults, and be Enemies to Peace, they can't reft at quiet yet, but
preach up Sedition againft the Magiftracy, as it is now eftablifh'd, as they had formerly done againft the King. They now tell the People that he wascruellj' murdered upon whom themfelves having heap'd all their Curfes, had devoted him to Deftru(n:ion, whom they had delivered up as it were to the Parliament to be difpoifd of his Royalty, and purfu'd with a Holy War, They now complaia that the Se(!:iaries are not extirpated which is a moft abfurd thing to expeft tlie to who never yet were able, do what they could, Ihould be able do, Magiftrates to extirpate Avarice and Ambition, thofe two moft pernicious Herefies, and more deftruiflive to the Church than all the reft, out of the very order and tribe of the Minifters themfelves. FortheSedts which they inveigh againft, Icoqfefs there are fuch amongft us, but they are obfcure, and make no noife in the
, ,
'
world: The Seits that they are of, arepublick and notorious, and much more
dangC'
(
.
509
they Regimen^ Thefe ' Tis well for them that you cannot in alium qui a pluribus Tyrannis teneatur. find faulc with them, without committing a barbarous Solcccifm ^ youfliameall never be able to wajit out this jlain. The Eiigliih Grammarians. you, a blot and a ftain to all Learned men, were never yet able to ftain the
of God. Simon Magus and Dio&efhes were the Ringdangerous to Uie Church from periecuting tliefe men, the they are Yetarevvcfofdr leaders of 'em. we know them to be ill-aiTeded tothe Governulenr, tho thdt peftilent enough, to work a change, we allow them but tbo and defirous and endeavouring of, much Liberty. You, that are both a Frenchman, and a Vagabond, feem difi the En^lijl}, vwre fierce andcntel than their own Maftiffs^ as your b:irkpieas'd that h^ve no regard to the laxpfulSiicceffor and Heir of the Crown ing Eloquence lias ic, the I'll make Ktn/s Toungefi Son, nor of the êen of Bohemia Takf no care of ff^hin the frame felf. of a Government it yenoanfweri youftull anfwer your a Afanarchy to any other, the new Modellers have no regard to fncce{fion: changed from de primatit Pap. The great the Application iseafys it's in your Book change Wis brought about by a fmall number of fnen in Three you fiiy, Kingdoms^ throughout om of them. If this were true, that fuiall number of men would have defcrved to have Dominion over the reft ; Valiant men over faint hearted Cowards, that prefumptnoujly tool{ upon them to change antiquum R.egni are
.'
mS
Nay
thougli
Renown and everlaftine; Glory of the g/(Jj Nation, that with fo great a Refolution, as we hardly find the like recorded in any Hiltory, having ftrugled with,
and overcome, not only their Enemies in the Field, but the fuperftitious Perfwafions of the common People, have purchased to themfelves in general aDeliverers : The Body of the people having mongft all pofterity the name of an and undertook enterprife, which in other Nations is thought to performed from a magnanimity that's peculiar to Heroes. What the Proteproceed only Primitive Chrijiiats have done, or would do upon fuch an occafion, I'll and ftants In difcourtell ye hereafcer, when we come to debate the merits of the Caufe I fliould beguilty of your fault, who outdo the mofb impertinent fing it before, You wonder how we'll be able to anfwer the Jefuits. MedTalkers in Nature own with dle matters, you Runagate, and be afham'd of your aftions, your fince the Church is afham'd of you who, though but of late you fet your felf fo fiercely and with fo much Oftentation againft the Pope's Supremacy and Epiffelf a very Creature of the Bifhops. copal Government, arc now become your
:
whom you do not name, have afferted it lawful to a Tyrant: But though you do not think fit to name them, I will, becaufe difefe
You confefs that
fome Protefiants
they are no other than and and and Bucer, Calvin^ Pareus, and many others. Luthtr^ Zuingltusy But then., you fay, they refer it to the Judgment of Learned and Wife Men., who But what far men, were thefe ? Were they wife men, PsaS he accounted a Tyrant. were they mtn of Learning ? Were they anywife remarkable, either for Veriue r Nowell allow a People thathas-felt the heavy Yoke of Slaver/, bilttyl You may to be Wife, and Learned, and Noble enough to know what is fit to be done to the Tyrant that his opprefs'd them though they neither confult with ForeignBut that this man was a Tyrant, not only the Parliaers nor Gramma-'iam. ments of Englatd and Scotland have declared by their aftions and exprefs words % butalmoft all the People of both Nations afl'ented to it, till fuch time as by the Tricks and Artifices of the Bifhops they were divided into two Fa(ftions : and what if it has pleafed God to chufe fuch men, to execute his Vengeance upon the aS he chofeto be made partakers of the benefit of grcateft Potentates on Earth, the Gofpel ? Not many ff^tfe., not many Learned, not many Powerful, not many No" lie.' Thatbythofe that are not, he might bring to nought thofe that are; and that no
you fay
than the very Jefuitf themfelves they are far worfe
i^
and
fiefh
And who are you that babble to the contrary ? might glory tn ha fight. affed the Reputation of a Learned Man ? I confefs you are pretty well vers'd in Phrafe-Books, and Lexicons, and Gloffaries ; inforauch that you feem
Dare you
But you do not make appear that you to have fpnt your time in nothing elfe. have read any good Authors with fo much Judgment as to have benefited by them. Other Copies and various Leftions and Words omitted, and corruptions of Texts and the like, thefe you are full of ^ but no foot-ftep of any folid Learn-
do ye think your felf a wife man, that ing appears in all you have writ: Or Trifles that may be ? That being altothe meaneft about and contend quarrel in and Phyfick, yet are always railing at the ProAftronomy gether ignorant
Dddd
feflbrs
( 570 )
.
tellors of
both, whom all men credit in what things belong to their own Sciences, would be ready to turle them to the Pit of Hell, that fliould offer to deof having correded or fupply'd the leaft word or prive you of the Vain-glory
ihat
letter in
any Copy you've criuciz'd upon. And yet y'are mad to hear your felf in a certain trifling Difcourfe of yours, you call Dr. cali'd a Grammarian, iu Knave Hammond plain terms, who was one of this King's Chaplains, and all the reft, for no ociier reafon but becaufe he had above valu'd he that one cali'd I don't And Grammar i.w. a queltion but you would have been as ready to you have thrown the fame reproach upon the Kuig lumfelf, if you had heard that he had approved bis Chaplain's Judgment of ye. Take notice now, how much the impudence to call I (whoambutoneof thofe many w^/<J/^ that you have Mad-men, and unlearned, and ignoble, and wickedj flight and defpife you, fhould take any notice in publick of fuch (for that the Englijh Nation in general an infinite would be a worm as you are, undervaluing of themfelves) who and in-(ide out, are but a Grammarian : turn Ihould one you topfie-tui vy, though ^'-/s^^/j/ did, whatever willuhan afooliftier had made if as you you medNay,
dle with, except when you make Sotecifms, 'n Grammar dill, Whofoever therefore he be, though from among the Dregs of that common People that you are fo keen upon (for as for thofe men of Eminenty amongft us, whofe great
all men their Nobility, and Vsrtue, and Condudt, I won't difgrace them fo much, as to compare you to them, or them to you) but whofoever, 1 fay, among the Dregs of that common People has but fuck'd in this Principle, That he was not born for his Prince, but for God and his Countrey ; he defervcs the reputation of a Learned, and an Honeft, and a Wife Man more, and is of greater ufe in the world than your felf. For fuch a one is Learned without Letters ; you have Letters, but no Learning, that underftand fo many Languages, turn over fo many Volumes, and yet are but a
Aftions evidenced to
flieep
when all
is
done.
C H A
P.
II.
the conclufion of his firft Chapter, was rcaHy fo, becaufe all men unaurg'd nimoufly agreed in it ; That very Argument, than which, as he applied it, there is nothing more felfe, I, that am now about to difcourfe of the Right of with a great deal of Truth. For, whereas he Kings, may turn upon himfelf faid to be defin'd which he makes infinite) toba be < that defines may King (if the Sitprcam Pomr f the Kingdom reJUeiy veho w onfwtrMe to Gad in wlwrn terfon v/ho is heund alonti who may do whatfoever pUafes him^ hy no Law ; I will undertake to demonftrate, not by mine, but by his own Reafons and Authorities, that there never was a Nation or People of any account (for to ranfack all the unciviliz'd parts of the World were to no purpofe-) that ever allow'd this to be
TH
E Argument that SalmafiM^ toward

as irrefragable, to wit, that it
King's Right, or put fuch exorbitant Power into his hand, as that kefitohld not be bound by any <in>, that he might do tshat he tvould, tkdt he jhoMld judg aS^ knt Nor can I perfwade my felf, that there ever was any one be judged of none. Perfon befidesS^/wo/Zwof fo flavifli a Spirit, as to aflert the outragious EnorThofe amongft us that were the mities of Tyrants to be the Rights of Kings. this fordid abhorr'd Opinion And S4/j</;i himfelf, greateft Royalifts, always as appears by fome other Writings of his before he was brib'd, was quite of another mind. Infomuch, that what he here gives our, does not look like the
tfeeir
:
Dilates of a
Commonwealth
much lefs in fo famous a eminent UniverCty there j but feems to have been penn'd by fome defpicable Slave that lay rotting in a If whatever a King has a mind to do, the Right of Prifon, or a Dungeon.
free Subjecft under a free Government, as that of Holland, and the moft
Kings
will bear
him out
in
(which was a Lellbn that the bloody Tyrant Aitoni-
nus Caracalia, tho his Step-mothcr Julia preach 'd it to him, and endeavour'd to inure him to the praftice of it, by making him commit inceft with her felf, yet could hardly fuck in) then there neither is, nor ever was that King
th2tdferv'd the name of a Tyrant.
They may
fafely violate aU the
Laws ci
God
C 5:t
)
their!
God and Man
iheir very being Kiiigs keeps
inr.oceiit.
What
Cii;Tifi
was ever any of ihem gvMty otP.they did but make ufcof their own Right upon their own Vallals. No King ran conmiic fucli liorrible Cruellies and Out' Sj tluc tiic;c'i no Pretence rages, as will not be within ;his Right of Kings.
And dare you any Complaints Of Expoilul uions wiih any of tliein. ThAtthis Right of Kino s^ as you call it, ii i^ronndtd upon the Law of N.tthat of Nature, you Bnue I3;afl ? for tions^ or rather ufm yon defer va not the name of a Man, that are fo cruel and unjnit to.vards ail thofe of your own kind i that endeavour as ranch as in you lie;, fo to bear down and viilify the whole raceof Mmkind, that were made after the lm:ige of God, astoadtrc and maintain that thofecruel and unmerctfui Taskmalteis, that through the fuperflitious whiinlies, or lioth, or treachery of fonie perfcn?, get into the Chair, are provided and.ippointedby Nature her felf, that mild and gentle Mother of us all, to be thcGovernonrs of tiiofe Nations they enllave. By which of ycurs, having rendred them more fierce and untraceable, pellilent Dojftrine you not only enable them to makehavock of, and trample under foot their mihue endeavour to arm them for that very pnrpofe with the f.av/ iliable Subjects of Nature, the Right of Kings, and the very Conltitutions of Govcrmnent, than which nothiug can be more impious or ridiculous. By my content, as a Tyrant became a School nailer, fo you of a GrammaI'M)l/i'f formerly of rian, Ihouid become a Tyrant i not that yon may have that Regal Licenfeof doing other people harm, but a fair opportunity of pcrifhing miferably your
left for
alfert,
Thar, as 7//'fr; complain'd, wh.n he id confin'd iiimfelf to the Iliand be reduced into fuch a condi'ion, as to be fenlible that you C/tprtte, you may let us lock a little more narronly into thi'^ But daily. perilli Right of Kings lhi.< xvm the fenfe of the E,][}ern, and of the IVejhrn that you talk of part of the 1 Ihall not anfwer World. you with what Arijhtle and Cicefo, (who are both as credible Authors as any we have) tell us "vtz.. That the people of v^^ eafily fubmitto llavery, but ibc Syiatis and the Jews are even born to it from the womb. 1 confcfs there are but few, and thofe men of great wifdom and couThe greatcft rage, that are either dellrous of Liberty, or capable of uiingit. the world chufe to live under Matters but of would have them yet they part fuch as are unjuH and tyrannical, neither was God ever fo As for julloncs. much an enemy to Mankind as to enjoyn a necellity of fubmitting to them j nor was there ever any people fo deftiture of all fenfe, and iunk into fuch a depth of a Law upon themfelves and their defpair, as to impofe fo cruel potterity. the words of King Solomon in hu And we are as. Firft, you produce Ecclefiafies.
felf:
!i
>
As for Solomons authority, we'll willing to appeal to the Scripture as you. confider that hereafter, when perhaps we fliall be better able to underftand it.
ushear Godhimfelf fpeik, Deitt. 17, 14. When than art come into the Land, nhkh the Lord thy Cod giveth thee, and jhalt fay^ I will fet a King over me^ Which palTage I could wifh all men Itke at the Nations that are round about me.
Firlt, let
would
ferioufly conlider
for hence
it
it when and into what they will. terms concerning the /:/fi>'fip Nation-, and it does not appear but that other Nations are, as to this refpeft, in the fame condition.
felf j Firlt, that all Nations are at liberty to they will amongft themfelves, and to change
appears by the teflimony of God himered what form of Government
ThisGod afErmsinexprefs
Another remark that this place yields us, is, That a Commonwealth is a more perfeft form of Government than a Monarchy, and more futable to the condition of Mankind, and in the opinion of God himfelf, better for his own People j
and could hardly be prevaifd withal a great while ir, and at their own after, importunate defire, to let 'em change it into a Monarchy. But to make it appear that he gave 'em their choice to be govern'd by a fingle perfon, or by more, fo they were juftly govern'd, in cafe they Ihouldintime tocome refolveupona King, he prefcribes Laws for this King of theirs to obferve, whereby lie was forbidden to multiply to himfelf Horfes and Wives, or to heap up Riches : whence he might eafily infer, that no power was put into his hands over other?, but according to Law, fince even thofe adtions of his He was commanded life, which related only to himfelf, were under a Law. therefore to tranfcribe with his own hand all the Precepts of the Law, and having writ 'em out, to obferve and keep 'era, that his mind might not be lifted up above his Brethren. 'Tis evident from hence, that as well the Prince as the d dd 2 People
forhimfelf appointed
( 572 ) To this purpofe Jofepku writes, a Law of the bound was Msfes. by People of of his own Country, who was adthe Laws an able and Interpreter proper and in the vers'd well Policy, infinitely preferable to a thoufand JewiP) mirably He has it thus in the fourth Booi\ of his Antiquities. obfcure ignorant Rabbins " *' Sv k^'77;tv, &c. An Jlriôcracy is the beft form of hîgziv.^'rioi fjd^ " Government i wherefore do not you endeavour to fettle any other, 'tis e" nough for you that God prefides over ye. But if you will have a King, let " him guide himfelf by the Law of God, rather rhan by his own wifdom ; " and lay a reftraint upon him, if he offer at more power than the fta'te of " your affairs will allow of. Thus he exprefles himfelf upon this place in Dm. Another Jewi^j Author, Philo Jttd.mi^ who was Jofephtu^ Contemterommy. a very ftudious man in the Law of Aiofes, upon which he wrote a large porary, Conim.ntary when in his Book concerning tiie Creation of the King, he inhe fets a King loofe from the Law no oterprets this Chapter of Deuteronomy, " therwife than as an enemy may be faid to be fo They, fays he, that to " the prejudice and deftrucT;ion of the people acquire great power to themfelves, " deferve not the name of For their adtions arc Kings, but that of Enemies " the fame with thofe of an irreconcilable enemy. Nay, they, that under a " We pretence of Government are injurious, are worfe than open enemies. *' but the m.alice of the felves the fence our former is fo latter-, may. againft *' much the more peftilent, becaufeitis not alwaysealie to bedifcoveied. But when it isdifcover'd, why Ihould they not be dealt with as enemies ? The fame " A Author in his fecond Book, AlUgorUr. LtgUy King, fays he, and a Ty" '' A King ought not only to command, rant are Contraries. And a little after, " but alfo to obey. All this is very true, you'll fay, a King ought to obferve But what if he will not, what Law is the Laws, as well as any other man. there to punilh him ? 1 anfwer, the fame Law that there is to punifli other men for I find no exceptions. There is no exprefs Law to punifh the Priefts or any other inferior Magillrates, who all of 'em, if this opinion of the exemption of Kings from the Penalties of the Law would hold, might by the fame reafon claim impunity, what guilt foever they contradt, becaufe there is no and yec 1 fuppofe none of them ever chal-' pofitive Law for their punifhmenti it ever be allow'd 'em, a nor would if they fliould. Prerogative, leng'd fuch have from the we learn'd Hitherto very Text of God's own Law, that a King ought to obey the Laws, and not lift himfelf up above his Brethren. Let us nowconfider whether Solomon preachtupany other Doftrine, Ch.% v.i. I the Kings Commandment^ and that in to keep regard of the Oath of God. counfel thee Be not haliy to go out of his fight j (iandnot m an evil thing, for he doth whatfoever Where the iford of a King is^ there is power and who may fay unto fleafethhim. him, what dofi thou? It is well enough known that here the Preacher direds not his Precepts to the Sanhedrim, or to a Parliament, but to private perfons and fuch be commands to keep the Kings Commandment, and that in regard of the Oath But as they fwear Allegiance to Kings, do not Kings likewife fwear of Cod. to obey and maintain the Laws of God, and thofe of their own Country ? So
:
,
-^
the Renbenites andCadites promife obedience to Jojhua^ Jofh.i. 17. According as we harkned unto Mofes in all things, fo Will we barken unto thee ; only the Lord thy God he with thee, m he was with Mefes. Here's an exprefs condition. Hear the Preacher elfe. Chap. 9. v. ij. Thewordsof wife men are heard in quiet, more than The next caution that Solomon gives US, is, the cry of htm that ruleth among fools. Be not hafty to go out of his fight ^ fiand not in an evil thing ; for he doth whatfoever That is, he does what he will to Malefaftors, whom the Law aupleafeth him. him to thorizes punifh, and againft whom he may proceed with mercy or feverioccafion. Here's nothing like Tyranny fees he ty, as nothing that a good man needs be afraid of. Where the word of a King ts, there is power', and who
,
may
yet we read of one that not only faid to a thou? Thou hafi done foolifhly. But Samuel, you but told him, dofi I anfwer you with was an Perlbn. may fay, your own words, extraordinary which follow in the 49ffe Page of your Book, What was there extraordinary, fay fay to him.
What dofi then? And
King, What
or in David? And fo fay I, what was there in 54jf/ extraordinaa ry ? He was Prophet, you'll fay ; fo are they that now follow his example i for they aft accorcling to the will of God, either his reveal'd, or his fecret The Preacher therefore in this will, which your felf grant in your 50?/? Page.
you,
in
SmI
place
57? )
place prudently advifes private perfons not to contend wich Princes i for it 13 even dangerous to contend with any man that's either rich or powerful. But what then ? muft therefore the Nobility of a Nation, and all the inferior Mawhole body of the people not dare to mutter when a King giftrates, and the raves and afts like a raad-man ? Mufl they notoppofea foolifli, wicked, outrageous Tyrant, that perhaps feeks the dellrudtion of all good men ? Muft they not endeavour to prevent his turning all Divine and Humane things upfidc down ? Muft they fuffer him to mailacre his People, burn their Cities, and commit fuch Outrages upon them daily i and finally, to have pcifciH liberty to do what he lifts without controul ?
de Cappadocis equeseatafiii!
(lavtjh
Jhou
Knight of Cappadocia
all free People, if you can have the confidence hereafter to fet your foot within a free Countrey, ought tocaftcut from amongft them, and fend to fome remote parts of the World, as a Prodigy of dire portent ^ or to condemn to fome perpetual drudgery, as one devoted to flavery, folemnly obliging thcm-
Whom
you go, to undergo a worfe flavery under fome cruel, living can either devifehimfelf, or borrow from any o. ther, Expreftions fo full of Cruelty and Contempt, as may not juftly be apBut go on. IFhen the Ifraelites asked a King of God^ they fat Jy ply'd to you. Tfonld fet up a King that fliould have the fame Rule and Dominion over them, that they
felves, if they ever let
filly Tyrant: No man
the
the Eaft
Kings ef their neighbour Countries exercts'd over their SHhjeUs. we know had an unlimited Forver : as Firgil tcftifies,
But
the
Ktngs of
Regem
Lydia, c
Ohfervait.
non ftc ÊgyptUS

.
& ingens
/*(?/)/
Parthorum, cMVledus, Hydafpes
No Eaftern
Nation ever did adore

Princes mere.
^
The Majefiy of Soveraign

Firft,
What is that to us, what fort of Kings the 7/r4f>de(ired efpecially fince God was angry with them, not only for defiring fuch a King as other Nations had, and not fuch a King as his own Law defcribes,but barely for defiring
a King at
all ?
Nor is it credible that they ftiould defirc an unjuft King, and one of the reach of all Laws, who could not bear the Government be out that ftould SamHtl\ of Sons, though under the power of Laws ; but from their CovetoufAnd laftly, The Verfe that you quote out of nefb fought refuge in a King. does not that the prove Kings of the Eaft had an abfolute unlimited Virgil.,
Power-, for thofe Bees, that he there fpeaks of, and who reverence their Kings, he fays, more than the Egyptians or Aledes do theirs, by the Authority of the
fame Poet,
I
.
Magnis
agitant fitb legibus avhpi.
Live under
certain
fundamental Laws,
They do not live under a King then, that's tyed to no Law. But now I'll let you fee how little reafon you have to think 1 bear you an ill will. Moft People think you are a Knave but I'll make it appear that you have only put on a
i
Knaves Vizor for the prefent. In your Introdudion to your Difcourfe of the Pope's Supremacy, you fay, that fome Divines in the Council of Trent made ufe of the Government, that is faid to be amongft Bees, to prove the Pope's Supremacy. This fancy you borrow from them, and urge it here with the fame maNow that very fame anfwer that you gave them, whilfl lice that they did there. an honeft now that you are become a Knave, you Ihall give your were Man, you felf, and pull off with your own hand that Vizor you've now put on : The Beesy
fay you, are a State, and fo Natural Philofophers call them ; they have a K'tag^ but a harmieft one ; he u a Leader ^ or Captain^ rather than a King { he never beats^ nor
(m)
hu fubjdi Sen. No wonder they are To obfervant of him then ptt//j, But in good Faith, you had but ill luck to meddle wiih thcfe Bees ; for though they are Bees of Treaty they fliow you to be a Drone. AnjUtU, amoftexadt writer of Policicks, affiims that the yVy'7^/gfi\Ioi;aichy, which yet himfelf calls And whereas he reckons up five barbarous, was according to Law, Poltttc. 3. feveral forts of Monarchies, four of chofc five he makes Governments according to Laws, and with the confent of tne People i and yet he calls them Tyrannical Forms of Government, becaufe they lodg ib much j)ower in one man's hand. But the Kingdom of the Lucedonontans he lay; i> moll projK-ily a Kingdom, beThe lift fott of Monarchy, which he caufe there all Power is not in the King. and to which he refers calls im/A^ccoiKorx, that is, wlicre the King is all in all that, that you call the Right of Kings, which is a Liberty to do what they lift he neither tells us when, nor where any fuch Formof Government ever obtaln'd. Nor feems he to have mentioned it for any other purj;ofe than to fbew how unis. a Government Yoa fay, that whe.n Samnel juft, abfurd, and tyrannical would deter the People from chufing a King, he piopoundcd po them this Right But whence had Siwmdit ? Had he it from the vvii:ten Law ofGcd ? 'of Kings. That can't be. We have obferv'd already, thac the Scriptures afford us a quite Had Samuel it then immediately from God himother Scheme of Soveraigr.cy. forGod ditlikes ic, difcommends felf by Revelation? That's not likely neither that S.?w7f/ does not expound to the People any Right it, finds fault with it: So but a corrupt and depraved manner of govf rning, of Kings appointed by God of Princes. He tells not the People what and Ambition the Pride taken up by He told chein the manner of to but what their Kings ought do, they wou)d do. their King, as before he tc!d u^ of the manner of the Pri;fts, tlie Sons of Eli ; for he ufes the fame word in buh places-, (which you in the 33d Page of your Book, by an Hebrew Solcecifm too, call nEtt'J3). That manner of theirs was It was no right, but great wrong. The wicked, and odious, and tyrannical Pil inftsnce in one, that may ftand Fathers have commented upon this pldce too for a great miny i and that's Sulpuim Scvems^ a contemporary and intimate Friend of St- Jfi-ow, and, in St. ^?/?''s opi lion, aMnn uf great Wifdouiand He tells us in his f icrcd Hiilory, that Samuel in that place acquaints Learning. with the imperious Rule of King, and how they ufe to lord it over the People their Subjeds. Certainly it cannot be the Right of Kings to domineer and be But according to Saln[i., that lawful Power and Authority that imperious. entrufted were with, for the prefervation of the publick Liberty, and the Kings of the Commonwealth, quickly degenerated into Pride and Tyranny % good And this is the fenfe of all Orthodox Divines, and of all Lawyers upon that place oi Samuel. And you might have learnt from S/cW?w, that moll of the Rabhint too were of the fame mind;, at leaft, not any one of them ever aflerted that Your felf in your the abfolute inherent Right of Kings is there difcourfed of. / ow/y Clemens Alexandrinus, but ai That 106. complain) 5th Chapter, Page ether Expofcorsmiftakethemfelves upon this Text : And you, I'il warrant ye, are Now what a piece the only Man that have had the good luck to hit the Mark. of folly and impudence is this in you to maintain, in oppofition to all Orthodox Ex'pofitors, that thofe very Actions which God fo much condemns, are the Right of Kings, and to pretend Law for them ? Though your felf confefs, that that
norkifls
:
1
ii,
Right
very often e.xercis'd in committing Outrages, being injurious, conWas any Man ever to that degree juijarisy fo much his tumelious and the like. own Mailer, as that he might lawfully prey upon Mankind, bear down all that. ft<od in his way, and turn all things up-lidedown ? D'\A x.\\z Romans ever mainis
tain, as you fay they did. That any man might do thefe things /o ;rf, by virtue of fome inherent Right in himfelf?- Saluji indeed makes C. Afemmiw., a Tribune of the People, in an invedive Speech of his againfh the Pride of the Nobility, and their efcapingunpunilh'd, howfoever they misbehaved therafelves, to
"
" do whatever one has a mind to, without fear of Puufe thefe words, viz. is a to be nifhment, King. This Saying you catch'd hold of, thinking it but confider it a little better, and you'll find would make for your purpofe
To
your felf deceived. Does he in that place alFert the Right of Kings? Or does he not blame the Common People, and chide them for their Sloth, in fufFering their Nobility to lord it over them, as if they were out of the reach of all Law, and in fubmitting again to that Kingly Tyranny, which together with their
Kings
575-
jultl? rejciled and banifh'd yon had confulted *i/7>', you would have undeiftood \nbis Oratioa p'oC. Rabirie.^ There is rone both Sttlufi and SaoiHel bitter, " of ilie of raamier Thcfe are their Lordly ofusignorant, fays he, Kings. " Diilates : Mind what I Gy, and do accordingly. Many Paflages to this purpofe he quotes out of Poets, and calls them not the Right, but the Cuftom and he fays. We ought to read and confider them, or the Manner of Kings notonly for curiolity fake, but that we may learn to beware of 'em and avoid
Kings themfelves, their Anceli.ors

?
had lawfully and
from amongft them
If
"'
You perceive how miferably you're come oil with S4/y?, who, though he *em. be as much an Enemy to Tyranny as any other Authoi wl:atfocver,you thought would have patrcniz'd this tyrannical Right that you are eftablilhing. Take my word for t, the Right of Kings feenis to be tottering, and even to further its own ruin, by relying upon fuch weak Props for its fupport and 6y endeavouring to raamtain it felf by fuch Examples and Authorities, as would haflenics down fall, if it were further olFthan it is. 'I he extremity of Right or Lam., you
,
this Siimmum'pu fumma injuria faying ii verified moji who when to the at thtir they go moji of Right., fall into ihsfe courfer^ froperlyin Ktngj., in which Samad >akes the Right of Ktng) 'cis a milerable And toconfi\l. Right, wbichi when you have faid all you can tor, you can no otherwife defend, than by confefGng, that it is the greateft inj iry that may be. The extremity of Right or Law is faid to be, when a man ties himfelf up to Niceties, dwells upon Letters and Syllables, and in the mcHn time neglefts the intent and equity of the Law i or when a written Law is cunningly and malicioufly interpreted i this Cr makes to have been the rife of that common faying. But fincc 'tis certain that all Right flows from the fountain of Jullice, (o that nothing can polTiman's be is not 'cis that a mod wicked any right juft, bly thing in you to affirm that for a King to be unjull, rapacious, tyrannical, and as ill as the worft of 'em ever were, is according to the right of Kings i and to tell us thac a Holy ProFor whether phet would have perfwaded the People to fuch a fenfelefs thing. written or unwritten, whether extreme or remifs, what Right can any Mart have to be injurious ? Which left you Ihould confefs to be true of other Men, but not of Kings, I have one Man's Authority to objed to you, who I think was aKinglikewife, and profefles that that Right of Kings that you fpeakof, is odious both to God and himfelf; It is in the j>4th Pfalm, ShMl thcThrgnt of Iniipitty have fellowfijip with thee ^ that frameth mijehief by a Lawf Be not there-
fay,
ii
the height cf injury.,
:,
fore fo injurious to
God, as to afcribe this Dodrine to him, viz. that all manner of wicked and flagitious Aiftions are but the Right of Kings \ fince himfelf tells us, that he abhors all fellowfliip with wicked Princes for this very reafon, Becaufe under pretence of Sovcraigoity they create Mifery and Vexation to their Subjedls. Neither bring up a falfe Accufation againft a Prophet of God ; lor by making him to teach us in this place what the of Right Kings is,you do not produce the x\^t Samuel^ but fuch another empty Shadow as was raifed by the Witch oiEttdw. Tho for my own part, I verily believe that that infernal Satmtl
would not have been fo great a Lyar, but that he would have confefs'd, that callthe Right of Kings, is Tyranny. We read indeed of Impieties countenanced by Law, Jut datum fctUri- you your felf confefs, that they are bad Kings that have made ufc of this boundlefs Licenfe of theirs to do every Now this Right that you have introduc'd for the Deftruftion of Manthing. kind, not proceeding from God, as 1 have prov'd it does not, muft needs come from the Devil ; and that it does really fo, will appear more clearly hereafter.
what you
By
virtue of tlw Liberty., fay
you, Frincts may if they
will.
And
for this,
you
I*m always willing to mention your Aupretend to baveCiffr's Authority. thorities, for it generally happens that the very Authors you quote them out of, give you an Anfwer themfelves. Hear elfe what Cicero fays in his 4th FhiBif. 'Whatcaufc of War can be more juft and warrantable than to avoid pick, * Slavery ? For tho a People may have the good fortune to live under a gentle * Matter, yet ihofe are in a miferable Condition whofe Prince may tyrannize * over them if he will. May, that is, can , has Power enough fo to do. If he nieantit of his Right, he would contradict himfelf, and make that an un juft Caufe of War, which himfelf had affirmM with the fame breath to be a raoft It is not therefore the juft one. Right of all Kings that you defcribe, but the and and of fome. Then you tell us what private Violence Injurioufhefs, Force,
men
576
fay you, )ay Lie^ may be Vngratefd ; and fo msy Kings, but what then? May. they therefore Pluader, Murder, Raviih without controul ? 'Tis equally and deltrufti veto the Commonwealth, wheprejudicial ther it be their own Prince, or a Robber, or a Fortign. Encaiy that Spoils, And queftionlefs, being both alike Enemies of MalTacres, and Enflaves them.
men may
do.
A private Man^
Humane
niflfd
,
ai]d their
Society, the one as well as the other may lawfully be oppos'd and puown Prince the rather, becaufe he, thj raifed to chac Dignit/
and being bound by by the Honours that his People have conferr'd upon him his Oath to defend the Publick Safety, betrays it notwithltanding all. Aclalt you grant. That. Afofes prefcrtbes Laws^ according to which the King that the Peofljould chufe., ought to govern^ tho different from this Right that Szvanzi which words contain a double Contradiction to what you have faid bepropofes \ fore. For Wliereas you had aifirm'd, That a King was bound by no Law, here
ple
of ifratl
youconfefs he
is.
And you
fet
up two contrary Rights, onedefcribed by Mofes,
and another by
vants
to
abfurd. But^ fays the Prophet, >i/^3^/^f 5??-Jhould the Ifraelites were really fo, it that yottr Ktng. grant would not prefently f How, that it was the Right of their Kings to hive them fo ^ but that by the UfurjDation and Injultice of moft of them, they were rei'"'e/,
is
which
I
Tho
For the Prophet had foiecold them, that that of theirs would bring a Ponilhraent from God upon them ; not becaufe it would be their King's Right fo to harafs them, but becaufe they themfelves had deferved it fhould be lb. If Kings are out of the reach of the Law, fo as that they may do what they liif, they are more abfolutc than any Mailers, and thtir Subjeds in a more defpicable Condition than the worft of Slaves. The Law of God provided fome redrefs for them, tho of another Nation, if their Matters were cruel and unreafonable towards them. And can we imagine that the whole Body of the People of a free Nation, tho opprefs'd and tyranniz'd over, and prey'd upon, fhould be left remedilefs } That they had no Law to prote<ft them, no Sanftuary to betake themfelves to? Can we think that they were delivered from the Bondage that they were under to the EgyptianYdn%^ to be reduced into a worfe to one of their own Brethren ? All which being neither agreeable to the Law of God, nor to common Senfe, nothing can be more evident than that the Prophet declares to the People the Manner^ and not the Right of Kings ; nor the Manner of all Kings, but of moft. Then you come to thz RMins, and quote two of them, but you have as bad luck with them here, as you had before. For it is plain, that that other Chapter that Rabbi Jofet fpeaks of, and which contains, he fays, the Right of Kings, is that in Veuteronomy, and not in Samuel. For Eabbi Jfidat fays very truly, and againft you, that that Difcourfe of Samuel's was intended only to frighten the People, 'tis a moft pernicious Dodrine to maintain that to be any ones Right, which in it felf is flat Injuftice, unlefs.you have a mind to fpesk by contraries. And that Samuel intended to affrighten
duced to that Condition.
importunate Petition
And ye gallery out $ that day becaufe of your whtch have King, chofen you^ and I will not hear you in that day., faith the ye jhall Lord. That was to be their Puniihment for their Obftinscy in perfifting todethem, appears by the l8th Verfe,
fire
a King againft the Mind and Will of God, and yet they are not forbidden here either to pray againft him, or to endeavour to rid themfelves of him. For if they might lawfully pray to God againft him, without doubt they mighc ufe all lawful means for their own Deliverance. For what man living, when he finds himfelfin any Calamity, betakes himfelf to God, fo as to negled his own Duty in order to a Redrefs, and rely upon his lazy Prayers only ? But be it how it will, what is all this to the Right of Kings, or of the EngUjh People ? who neither asked a King againft the Will of God, nor had one appointed us by God, but by the Right that all Nations have to appoint their ownGover-
Laws of our own, neither in Obedience to, nor ? And this Command of God any being the Cafe, for ought I fee, we againft have done well indepoling our King, and are to be commended for it, fince the And this the Event has made appear for we, Jfraelttes finned in asking one. when we had a King, prayed to God againft him, and he heard us, and delivered
nours, appointed a King .over us by
,
But the Jems (who not being under a Kingly Government, defired a King; he fuffered to live in Slavery under one, till, athft, after their return from ths
us
:
Babylomfh Captivity, they betook themfelves to their former Government again*
Then
(577)
Then you come
have as
ill
to give us a difplay of your Talmudical learning, but For whilfl: fuccefs withthat, as you have had with all the reft.
you you
are endeavouring to prove that Kings arenocliable to any Temporal Judicaan Authority out of rh-; Treicil'L' of the Sanhedrim, Jhat the ture, you
nor does himfelf jud-r any. Which is agaiili: the i.f others-, Petition in S<wf/i for theydelired a King that might judg them. ov/n Peoples You labour in vain to falvctliis, by telling u^, that it is to be underllood of chofe For then, what fay ye to Kings that reigned after the Babyhm'il) CA\-)Uv\r\'. Mamomdes? Ueinakzsihi^ difference betwixt the Kings of Ifrael, and thofe 0/ Juare judged-, but the Kings of the Pojteriiy of David ;4jv and Ktngt contradict and quarrel with your felf or your Rabbins, You of Tfe, fay you, m not to be underjlood of the Kings a;;d (till do my work for me. in their firfl Inftitution ^ for In the 17th Verfe 'tis faid, Ton fliall be ha Ifrael of Servants ^ that is, heftall ufeye to it, not tliat he (hall have any Right to make Or if you underftand it of their Kings Right, Ms but a Judgment of fo.
quote King neither is judged
da
that the
Ifrael do neither.
you
God upon them. for asking a King the eftl\T:sof which they were fenlible of under molt of their Kings, tho not perhaps under all. But you need no AntaFor you tell us now fuch a perpetual Ad verfary to your felf. gonilts, you are firlt how that on were Ai-iftobii/its, and after a Story, as if you my fide, arguing that did not receive i'lnnmcd y^t'e-vandir-, him JanaMu., Kingly right that they and Oracle of the Laws that ths from Sanhedrim, Treafury great pretended to, of that Nation, but iifuiped it by degrees againlt the Will of the Senate. For whofe fake, you f^v, -ihat childilli Fable of the principal Men of thit Aifembly
,
the yingelQabiid, v/as heing (truck dead by
firfl;
invented.
And
thus you confeis
that this magnificent Prerogative, upon which you feem mainly to rely, viz.. ' Was grounded upon this worfe That Kings are not to be judged by any upon Eanh, ' Fable. a But that the HeRabbinical that Wives is, thananold Tale, upon * ^m Kings were liable to be call'd in queftion for their Aftions, and to be punifhed with (tripes, if they were found faulty, Sichardus (hows at large out of the Writings of the Rabbins, to which Author you are indebted for all that you to be thwarting employ of that fortof Learning, and yetyou have the Impudence with him. Nay, we read in the Scripture that Saul thought himfelf bound by a Decree of his own making ; and in Obedience thereunto, that he calt Lots with
Son Jonathan which of them two (hould die. V^ziji likewife, when he was thrultoutof theTempleby thePriefts as a Leper, fubmitted as every private Peribn in fuch a Cafe ought to do, and ceas'd to be a King. Suppofe he (hould have refufed to go out of the Temple, and lay down the Government, and live alone, and had refolved to affert that Kingly Right of not being fubjeft to any Law do you think the Priefts, and the People of the Jews would have fufFered the Temple to be defiled, the Laws violated, and live themfelves in danger of the Infedtion ? It feems there are Laws againfl a leprous King, but none againfl Can any Man pofiibly be foniadand foolilh as to fancy that the Laws a Tyrant. fliould fo far provide for the Peoples Health, as tho fome noifome Diftemper
his
,
fhould feize upon the King himfelf, yet to prevent the Infedion's reaching them, and make no Provifion for the Security of their Lives and Eftates, and the very a cruel, unjufl Prince, which being of the whole State, againlt the Tyranny of is incomparably the greater mifchief of the two ? But, fay you, there can he no in a Court of trecedent Jufiice^ and any one King, that has been arraigned
jhownof
to
condemned
dye.
Sichardus anfwers that well enough.
'Tis all one, fays he,
as if one fliouId argue
The Emperor of Germany never was manner. therefore if the before one of the Prince- Ele(n:ors fummoned to appear Prince Eleftor Palatine (hould impeach the Emperor, he were not bound to Charles the Fourth fubjeftplead to it tho it appears by the Golden Bull, that ed himfelf and his SuccelTors to that Cognizance and Jurifdiiftion. But no wonder if Kings were indulged in their Ambition, and their Exorbitances' palFed by, when the times were "fo corrupt and depraved, that even private Men, if they had either Money or Intereft, might efcape the Law, tho guilty of Crimes of never fo high a Nature. That avuTÛit/rov, that you fpeak of, that is to be wholly independent upon any other, and accountable to none upon Earth, which you fay is peculiar to the Majelty of Sovereign Princes, Arifiotle in the o. calls a mo(t Tyrannical Form of Government, and 4rfc Book of his Pol. Ch. And that Kings are not liable not in the lealt to be endured by a free People. Ee e e Jo
en
this
,
57n
of a very Worthy to bequeftion'd for tlieir Adioiis, you prove by the Teftimony that of thofe fubverted ths one Mark Jmhony, Author, that Barbarous Tyrznt undertook an Expeditihe when he Rome: And of himfelf, yet Commonwealth a Chargeof toanfwerto him, Herodbzioxc fummon'd on againfl;theP^>'f^wJ> Herod brib'd him. So that but thit have would him, and Murder, punilhed this Prerogative Royal, and your Defence cf Kitig Charles^ ^ffcffys alferting come both out of one and the fame Spring. Jnd 'tu- wry veafonMe, fay you, their JnthorUy from God alone. What that it flmdd he fo for Kings derive ever were there that For ? do fo any fuch deny Kings are thofe, 1 pray, that alone. Saul God the firfl their Authority /rew Kings in the World, that derived a defired even athe that but King, People King of Ifrael had never veign'd, at once was he tho and God Ahzpah, King yet proclaimed gainft the Will of Fathers till he was his to Cattel, looked and a lived after that he private Life, And what think ye of Dacreated fo the fecond time by the People at Gtlgal. vid? Tho he had been anointed once by God, was he not anointed the fecond the Tribe of Judah, and after that by all the People of Ifratime in Hebron
,
</,
but iirfl: he made the Eyes of the People. Jehoiadah the Prieft made JoajJ) King, 1 1. 2 I confefs one to a Covenant another, into enter Kings the him and People that thefe Kings, and all that reign'd of David's Pofterity, were appointed to the Kingdom both by God and the People-, but of all other Kings of what arc made fo by the People only; nor can Country foever, I affirm, that they God any otherwife than a\ all you make it appear, that they are appointed by be to other things, great and fmall, are faid appointed by him, becaufe nothing I allow the Throne of David So that comes to pafs without his Providence. the Throne The Lord:, whereas the Thrones of was in a peculiar manner call'd, all other things in the World than no otherwife are God's, of other Princes out of the fame Chapter, have learnt if which would, you might are his
Ver. 11,12.. Thive,
ittthe
by and that after a mutual Covenant betwixt him and them ? 2 Sam. 5. i Chron. and reftrams them within 1 1. Now a Covenant lays an Obligation upon Kings, the Jhrone of the Lord, and was achim in Bounds. Solomon, you fay, fuccceded So, that 'tis fomething to be well-pleafing in to all men : i Chron. 29. ceptable
in the Heaven., and Lord, is the greatnefs., &c. for all that is Both riches and honour come of thee., and thoh reignefl over all. And this is fo often repeated, not to pufFup Kings, but to put them in mind, tho they think themfelves Gods, that yet there is a God above them, to whom And thus weeafily underftand what the they owe whatever they are and have. tell us, That'tisbyGpd Poets, and the / among the >ip^ mean, when they
you
Earth
is thine.
for fo all of us are of God, we that Kings reign, and that they are of Jupiter this univerfal So that Right of Almighty God's, and the are all his OfF-fpring. and all that belongs to and their in Thrones, has he that Interelt Princes, that notwithflanding but the from at all not does Right Peoples them, derogate
-.,
and by name appointed by God, owe Kings, not particularly their Sovereignty to the People only, and confequcntly are accountable to them The truth of which Dodrine, tho the Common for the management of it. themfelves acknowledg, whether People are apt to flatter their Kings, yet they in Homer is defcribed to have been j or bad ones, as ones, as
all this, all other
good
Sarfedon thofe Tyrants in the Lyrick Poet
Glaucus,
: Lycia rce'*re ador'd like Gods us and others fo great odds? ^twixt What^makes
in
*'
" the Queftion himfelf: Becaufe, fays he, we excel others inHeroical Vertues: Let us fight manfully then, fayshe, left our Country'' men tax us with Sloth and Cowardice. In which words he intimates to us, both that Kings derive their Grandeur from the People^ and that for their Condud and Behaviour in War, they are accountable to them. Bad Kings indeed, tho to caft fome Terror into Peoples minds, and beget a Reverence of themis the Author of Kingly felves, they declare to the World, that God only Government in their Hearts and Minds they reverence no other Deity but thaE
He
refolves
of Fortune, according to that paflage
in Horace
Te
579
Te
DacM
afper^ te prof"if Scythe^
Regumque mattes barbarorum^ & Purpur ei met Hunt Tyrannl.

ne fede proruas Injuriafo
Stantem columnam^ neu populia frequem Ad arma ceffantes^ ad arma

Concitetf imperiitmque frangat.
"
All
*'
*'
barb'rous People, and their Princes too,
All Purple
Tyrants honour you

Pillar
The
all
very wandring Scythians do.
"
"
Support the
Lelb
*'
of the Roman State,
Men
be involv'd in one
Mans
fate.
,
Continue us in Wealth and Peace " Let Wars and Tumults ever ceafe-
'tis by God too that the if 'ds by God that Kings now adays reign, I'm of are own all their fince adert him, and by him. ; things Liberty People fure the Scripture bears witnels to both j that by him Kings reign, and that by him they are caft down from their Thrones. And yet experience teaches us, that both thefe things are brought about by the People, oftner than by Gbd. Be this Right of Kings therefore what it will, the Right of the People is as
So that
as it. And when ever any People, without fome vifible Deof God himfelf, appoint a King over them, they have the fame Right fignation And certainly 'tis a more to put him down, that they had to fet him up at firft. God-like Adt ion to depofe a Tyrant, than to fet np one: And there appears much more of God in the People, when they depofe an unjuH Prince, than in a King that opprelTes an innocent People- Nay, the People have a Warrant from God to judg wicked Princes , for God has conferrM this very honour up-
much from God
praifes of Chrift their own fhallbind in Chains of the the (under which ApNations, they King, Kings 'and execute the Judgall Tyrants under the are included) pellation Gofpel * ments written upon them that challenge to themfelves an Exemption from all * written Laws, Pfilm 149. So that there's but little reafon left for that wicked
on thofe that are dear to him, that celebrating the

*
Opinion, that Kings who commonly arethe vvorft of Men, fhould be fo high m God's account, as that he fliould have put the World under them, to beat their beck, and be govern'd according to their humour; and that for their fakes alone he fliould have reduced all Mankind, whom he made after his own Image, into the fame condition with Brutes. After all this, rather than fay nothing, you produce M. Aureliits^ as a Countenancer of TyranI can't fay whether he ever ny i but you had better have let him alone. But affirm'd that Princes are accountable only before God's Tribunal.
and
fooliih
indeed, out of whom you cjuotc thofc Words of A^. AureliM^ mentions a certain Government, which he calls an Autarchy, of which he makes God the only Judg -Tn^t dvizi^jAx^ etos fjjDV.:^/' kîvsiv oiivalcu. But that this
Xtphilifie
:
word Autarchy and Monarchy are Synonymous, I cannot eafily perfwade my felf to believe. And the more read what goes before, the lefs I find ray felf inI
clinable to think fo.

eafily
And
certainly
how it comes fo abruptly into the Text-, efpecially CincQ Marcw Aurelitu^ that Mirror of Princes, carried himfelf towards the People, as Capitolinus tells And we all know that when us, juft as \{Rome had been a Commonwealth ftill. The fame Emperor honourit was fo, the Supreme Power was in the People.
der
Sriitiu ; IharfeM, and HelvidiM^ and Cato, and Vio, and were Tyrant-flayers, or affefted the reputation of being thought fo. In the firft Book that he writes of his own Life, he fays that he propos'd t6 himfelf a form of Government, underwhich all men might equally enjoy the And benefit of the Law, and Right and Juftice be equally adminiftred to all. in his fourth Book he fays, The Law is Mailer, and not he. He acknowledged the right of the Senate and the People, and their Intercft in all things We are fo E eee 2
apprehend what coherence
this Sentence has
whoever confiders the Context, will not with it, and mult needs won-
ed the
memory of
who
all
5^0
fofar, fays he, from having any thing of our own, that we live in your HouThefe things Xiphiline relates of him. So litt"le did he arrogate ought to fes. When he died, he recommended his himfelf by virtue of hh Siwraign Right. Son to the Romans for his Succellbr, if they (hould tliisik he deferv'd it. So far was he from pretending to a Commiflion from Heaven to exercife that abfolute and imaginary Right of Soveraignty, that Autarchy, that you tell us of. ^!l the Latin and Gree\ Books are full of Âuthorities of this nature. But we have And yet, you fay. The heard none of 'em yet. So are the Jewish Anthers.
Jews in many things allorvd but too little to their Princes, Nay, you'l find that both the G'i'ffiv and the Z-^f;'"^ allow'd much iels to Tyrants. And how little the yeip; allow'd them, would appear, if that Book that Samuel wrote o( the manner of the Kingdom were extant j which Book the Hebrew Doctors tell us their Kings tore in pieces and burnt, that they might be more at liberty to tyNow look arannize ever the People without controul or fear of puiiilhment. bout ye again, and catch hold of fomev\fhat or other, in the lull place you come to wreft Davidh words in the i "/th Ffalm, Let my fentcnce come forth from
thy prefence,
Tlierefore, fays Barnachmoni^
Gcd
only
can jiidg the King.
And
yet it's mofl likely that David penn'd this Pfalm when he was per fecuted by Sauly at which time, though himfelf were anointed, he did not decline being judged even by Jonathan Notwiihfianding if there be iniquity in me., flay me thy felf^ I Sam. 20. At lead in this Pfalm he does no more than what any perlbn in the world would do upon the like occafion; being falfely accus'd by Men, he appeals to the judgment of God himfelf. Let thine eyes look upon the thing that is right; thou haft proved and vifited mine heart., &c. What relation has this to a Temporal Judicature ? Certainly they do no good office to this right of KingSi Th^n you come with that that thus difcovcr the weaknefs of its foundation. thredbare argument, which of all others is mod in vogue with our Courtiers, Again^ thee., thee only have I finned., Pfal. 5 1 <5. As if David in the midft of his Repentance, when overwhelm'd with forrow, and almoll drown'd in tears, he was humbly imploring God's Mercy, had any thoughts of this Kingly right of his when his heart was fo low, that he thought he deferv'd not the right of a And can we think that he defpis'd all the People of God, his own Breflave.
.-
thren, to that degree, as to believe that he might murder 'em, plunder 'em, and commit Adultery with their Wives, and yet not fin againfl them all this while ? So Holy a Man could never be guilty of fuch infufferable Pride, nor have fo litSo without tle knowledg either of himfelf, or of his duty to his Neighbour. thee he thee he when meant, againfl doubt, fays, Againfi only., chiefly have I whatever he the words of a Pfalm are &c. too full of But finned, means, Pfalm too afford us full of exad and this to definitions of Paflion, any Poetry,
Right and Juftice , nor is it proper to argue any thing of that nature from 'em. But David vPlM never tûefliond for this, nor made to plead fo/ hu life before the Sanhedrim. What then ? How Ihould they know that any fuch thing had been, which was done fo privately, that perhaps for fome years after not above one or two were privy to it, as fuch fecrets there are in molt Courts ? 2 Sam. 1 2. Thou haft done this thing in fecret. Befides, what if the Senate Ihould negleft to punifh
private perfons ? Would any infer that therefore they ought not to be punilhM at all ? But thereafon why David was not proceeded againfl as a Malefaftor, is not much in the dark : He had condemn'd himfelf in the 5?^ verfe. The man To which the Prophet prefently replies. that hath done this thing fljall furely die. Thou art the man. So that in the Prophet's judgment as well as his own, he was worthy of death but God by his Soveraign Right over all things, and of his great Mercy to David, abfolves him from the guilt of his Sin, and the fentence of death which he had pronounc'd againfl himfelf-, verfe 13th, The Lord hath
,
away thy fin, thouflialt not die. The next thing you do is to rail at fome bloody Advocate or other, and you take a deal of pains to refute the conclufion of his Difcourfe. Let him look to that I'll endeavour to be as fhort as I can But fome things I mull not pafs by in what I've undertaken to perform. Without taking notice of ^ as firfl and formcfl ycur notorious Contradidions; for in the 30th Page you fay. The Ifraelites do not deprecate an tmjufij And yet. Page 42. rapacious, tyrannical King, one as bad as the worft of Kings are. you are very fmart upon your Advocate, for maintaining that the Ifraelites *sked for a Tyrant : Would they have leap'd out of the Frying-pan into the
put
,
Firct
C
{M
55i
and groM under the Cruel'} of the ivorjl of Tyrnnts^ rather Fire^ fay you, than live under bad Judges^ efpeciJiy being ui'd to fuch a Form of Government ? thz F/ebrems would rather live under Tyrants than Judges, here Firft you
t you fay they would rather live under Judges than 1 yrants ; and thai hey defir id anfwer Advocate out of your a So that than may you your Tyrant. nothing left to \h For Book. every own according your Principles King's Right to be a next ii very true, The Snireme Poreer xvus theninths PeoWhat you fiy Tyrant. their ownrejdlin^their Judges^ and making choice of a /(?, which appears by Ktngly llenicmber this when 1 (liail have occjlion to make ufeof it. You GoverKwent. the Children of Ifrael alCing, Ma thtng good and profitable for God that gave fay, them and deny that he gave them one in his anjjr^ as a l-tmi[l)mc>!t for their Sin B.ic that will receive an eafy anfwer i fortowhat purpofe fUould they cry toGod becanfe of the King that they had chofen, if it were not bscaufe a liin2;iy Government is an evil thing , not in it leif, but bccaufe it moft commonly does, as Saww/ forewarns the People that theirs would, degenerate into Pride and Tyranfelf, acknowlcdi, your ny ? If y'are not yet fatisOed, hark what you fay your own hand, and bluih i 'tis in your Apparatus ad Primatum : Gad gave them a King him from riding over in his ani,er^ fay you, affcnded at tbdr Sin in rejeSling
being
them
King good of the Church. Was there ever any thing more and light mad than this Man is? Who would truft him in the fmalleft matters, that in things of fo great concern fays and unfns without any confideration in the World ? You tell us
,
Churchy as a Fnnifjmcnt for its forfAing the pure WoV' than Kingly Government of one mortal Head. beenfttbjeiiedto the more fljtp of Gad, own if So that you Comparifon holds, either God gave the Children of Ifrael a or he has let up the Pope for the as an evil thing, and as a punifhment
i
and
fo the Chriflian
hits
your 29th Page, That by the Conflitutionof all Nuions^ Kings are bound by no Law. That this had been the judgment both of the Eajlern and Wefiern part of the And yet pag. 43. you fay. That all the Kings of the Eafi ruled >(^'nx v6f.JU)Vy World. that the very Kings of Egypt in all matters ivhatfoever., wheaccording to Law., nay Tho in the beginning of this Chapter you ther greater fmall, were tied to Laws.
in
had undertook to demonftrate. That Kings are bound by no Laws., that they give Laws to others., but have none prefcribed to themfelves. For my part I've no reafon You do not defend to be angry with ye, for either y'are mad, or ofouriidehim Or if y'are fool with the King's Caufe, but argue againfl: him, and play the
:
in earneft, that Epigram oiCatuUus
Tanto
pefftntus
Qânib
tu optimus
Omnium Poeta, omnium Patronns.

I
The
worfl of Poets,
my
felf declare.
By how much you the
belt of Patroi;s are.
1 fay, may be turn'd, and very properly applied to you j for Unlefs that flupidity, there never was fo good a Poet, as you are a bad Patron. that you complain your Advocate is immers''dovtr head and ears in., has blinded the eyes of your own underftandin^ too, I'll make ye now fenfible that y'are became For now \ OU come aud coofefs that the Kings of all Nati' A very Brute your felf.
That Epigram,
ens
the
have Laws prefcribed
to thei.
of death, if they break^thenu power of them, Which yet you have proved neither from Scripture, nor from any good Author. Obfervc then in ihort i to prefcribe Municipal Laws to fuch as are not bound by them, is filly and ridiculous ^ and to punifh all others, but leave fome one man at
liberty to commit all fort of Impieties without fear of punifhment, is molt unthe Law being general, and not making any exception \ neither of which juft
,
m to be
But then you fay again. They are
not
founder
liable to cenfiire or pttnifiiment
can be fuppos'd to hold place in the Conftitutions of any wife Law-maker, much lefs in thofe of God's own making. But that all may perceive how unable you are to prove out of the writings of the Jews., what you undertook in this Chapter to make appear by 'em, you confefsof your own accord. That there are fome Rabbins, rvho affirm that their Forefathers ought not to have had any 0ther King than G od himfelf and that he fet other Kings over them for their punifh' ment. And of thofe mens opinion, 1 declare my felf to be. It is not fitting nor decent that any Man Ihould be a King that does not far excel all his Subje^.
,
BuC
5^2
But where Men are Equals, as in all Governments very many are, they ought ti But thit all have an equal interelt in the Governmenr, and hold it by turns. Men fhould be Slaves to one that is their Equal, or (as ic happens moll commonly) far inferior to 'em, and very often a Fool, who ca-n fo much as entertain fuch a thought wichouc Indignation ? Nor does if mah for the Hunmr of a King, G overnmem , that our Saviour was of the Pvflerity of fame Kings^ more than ly that he Vi?as the OfFit does for the commendation of the worlt of Kings, a King. U We The Meflias of too. fome of them acknowledg him fo to I'pring be, and rejoice that he is fo;, and pray that his Kingdom may come, for he is worthy Nor is there any other either equal, or ntxt to him. And yet a Kingly Government being put into the hands of unworthy and undeferving Perfons, as moft commonly it is, may well be thought to have done more harm than good
:
to Mankind.
Nor does
it
it
follow for
all this
I'll
that
all
argument-fake I'm too hard with ye; make you the beftufe of it you cai. Then, fay you, God himfelf may properly be fald to be the King of Tyrants^ nay, himfelf the word of If the firft of thefe conclufions docs not follow, another does-, which allTyrants.
But fuppofe
did, as for
allow
it
Kings, as fuch, are Tyrants. doei, lefl; you Ihoiild think
may
be
drawn from moft
parts of your Book,
viz..
That you
For
in
dift, not only the Scriptures, but
your own
felf.
perpetually contrathe very laft fore-
going Period you had alErmed, that God w/ts the Kiig cf all things., having himfelf createdthem. Now he created Tyrants and Devils, and confequently by your own reafon, is the King of fuch. The fecond of thefe Conclulions we detefb, and wifh that blafphemous Mouth of yours were ftopt up, with which you affirm God to be the worft of Tyrants, if he be, as you often fay he is, the King and Lord of fuch. Nor do you much advantage your Caufe by telling us that MoFor we could fes woi a King, and had the abfolute and fiipreme Power of a King. be content that any other were fo, that could refer our matters ta God, ss Afofes did, and confuk with him about our affairs, Exod. \S.v. 19.. But neither did Alofes, notwithftanding his great familiarity with God, ever affume a Liberty of doing what he would himfelf. What fays he of himfelf? The people come i/nto me to enqmre of God. They came not then to receive Mofes''s own Dilates and Commands. Then fays Jetioro, ver. 19. Be thou for the people to Godward, that thou mayfl bring their caufe: unto God. . And Mofes himfelf fays, Dent. 4. v. 5. 1 have taught you Statutes and Judgments, even as the Lord my God commandedme. Hence it is that he is faid to have been faithful in all the Houfe of God, Numb. 12. V. 7. So that the Lord Jehovah himfelf was the People's King, and ^ô/a no other than as it were an Interpreter or a Medenger betwixt him
can you without Impiety and Sacrilege, transfer this abfolute to a Man ^ (not having any Warrant from the Word of God fo to do) which Mofes ufed only as a Deputy or SubftitutetoGod; under whofe Eye, and in whofe Prefcnce, himfelf and the Peo-
and them.
Nor
Supream Power and Authority from God
ple always were.
here you
make Mofes
But now, for an aggravation of your wickednefs, though to have exercis'd an abfolute and unlimitted Power, in
your ^pparat. adPrimat. Page 230. you fay that he together mth the feventy Elders ruled the people^ and that himfelf was the chief of the people, but not their MaIf Mofes therefore were a King, as certainly he was, and the belt of Kings, fter. and had s. Supream and Legal Power, as you fay he had, and yet neither was the People's Ma fternor go ver n'd them alone j then according to you, Kings, tho indued with the Supream Power, are not by virtue of that Sovereign and Kingly Right of theirs Lords over the People, nor ought to govern them much lefs, according to their own Will and Pleafure. After all this, alone the impudence to feign a Command from God to that People) to fet up a have you over them, as foon as they fliould be poffeffcd of the Holy Land, Deut. 1 7. Kin^ For you craftily leave out the former words, andfhalt fay, I will fet a King over And now call to mind what you faid before, Page 42. and what I me, &c. faid I fhould have occafion to make ufe of, viz. That the Power was then in the What follows argues you either mad or People, andthat they were entirely free. take whether lilt ; God, fiy you, having fo long before appointed you irreligious a Kingly Government, as hefl andmofl proper for that People ; What Jhall we fay to Samuel'^ oppofing it, and God's own aBing, as if himfelf were againft it ? How do thefe things agree? He finds himfelf caught, and obferve now with how great malice againft the Prophet, and impiety againft God, he endeavours to difentangle
,
himfelf.
(5^0
Sons then judged the People, lie, that Samuel's own no}V their Samuel tvoj loth his Sons them corruption and the People-rejethd hecaufe of to him^ at intimated the to Cod and Prophet^ gratify if himfelf Jhould be laid afide, never mince the it. and out well were not very ye Wretch, Speak pleafeAwtth matter: You mean, God dealt deceitfully with 5<;A*f/, and he with the People.
himfelf.
We
mujl confider^ fays
caft off all reverence to
but your fclf that arc franticlând difir^Hed-, who lb you may but fecm to honour the Kii'g. Would Samuel prefer the Interelt cf his Sons and theti- Ambicion, and their Covctoufnefs, b.-forc the general good of all the People, when they asked a thing , that would be good and proficabie-for them ? Can we think that he would imand fubiiity, and make them believe things that pofe upon them by cunning if wediould Or were not? fuppofe all this true of Samuel, would God himfelf in it ; would he dilFemblc with the People ? So him and countenance gratify not the was that either that Right of Kings which S.jwwc/ taught the People ; or both of God and the Prophet, was an evil the Teftimony, elfethat by
It
is
not your' Advocate,
God Almighty,
and chargeable to the Comnot be Or Lafily, (which mull admitted; God and the Prophet monwealth t!iat iie was extreamly difpleas'd God frequently prottfts deceiv'd the People. not have V. a 7th. They rejeUed thee., bin they have with them for asking King. if it were a kind of Idolatry to As J fwitld not reign over them. that reicUedme^ ask a King, that would even fufTcr himfelf to be ador'd, and alTume almolb DiAnd certainly, they that fubjeft themfelves to a vine Honour to himfelf above all Laws> come but a little Ihort of chufing fet him and worldly Mafter, And a llrange one it commonly is ; brutifli, and void of all a Itrange God So ^li of Sam. Chsp. loth. v. 'icjh. ^nd ye have this day refenfe and reafon. rvho ieuled himfelf faved yon cut of all your adverfities and your trihulati' God,
thing, wfas burdenfom,
:
Right
injurious, unprofitable,
yonr
and ye have faid unto himy Nay., but fet a Ktng ever , &C. and Chap. 12th Te faidunto we, Nay, but a King fltall reign over tn when the Lord your 2th. V. Cod was your King: and V. the i~th. See that your wickednefs is great, that ye have
tf,
1
:,
And Hofea fpeaks contemptidone in the fight of the Lord, in asking you a King. I wtll be thy King ; where is any other that v. 10, 11. the of 13. Chap. King, bly whom thou faideft. Give me a King and may fave in all thy Cities, and thy Judges of and mine took him away in my wrath. And J'rinces ? I gave thee a King in anger, / voill not rule over you., than a King that was greater Cideon that warlike
Judg,
,
all my Son rule over yon; the fays he, neither jh 8. Intimating thereby, that it is not Chap, the
Lord
fit
(Isall
rule over you.
Judges,
for a
to exercife Dominion over Men.
And hence
Jofephtu in
Man, bilt for God only his Book againfl: Appion.,
an Egyptian Grammarian, and a foul-mouth'd fellow, like you, calls the Commonwealth of the /:/ftrftpj a Theocracy, becaufe the principality was in God \n Ifaiah, Chap. 26. v-i3. the People in their Repentance, complain only. that it had betn mifchievous to them, that other Lords befides God himfelf, had had Dominion over them. All which places prove clearly, that God gave the Ifraelites a King in his anger ; but now wno can forbear laughing at the ufe you make of Ahimelech\ Story ? Of whom it is faid, when he was kill'd, partly by a Woman that hurl'd a piece of a Mill-ftone upon him, and partly by his own ArmourThis Htjlory, fay you, and Yea, if this Arof Avenger Kings. fudg froves ftrongly is the only Judg and PuniQierof Tyrants, Viilanous Rafcals he gument holds, and Baftards. Whoever can get into the Saddle, whether by right or by wrong, has thereby obtain'd a Soveraign Kingly Right over the People, is out of all danger of puxiilliment, all inferior Magiitrates muft lay down their Arms at his But'what if fome great notorious feet, the People muft not dare to mutter. Jbimekih in as had Robber did, would any Man infer from thence. War, perifhed That God only is the Judg and Punitlier of High-way-men ? Or what if jihimelech had been condemn'd by the Law, and died by an Executioner's hand, would not God then have rendred his wickednefs ? You never read that the Judges of the Children of Jfrael were ever proceeded againft according to Law : And yet you confefs, That where the Government is an Ariflocracy, the Prince^ if This in there be any, may and ought to be calCdin queftion, if he break^ the Laws, your ^"jth Page. And why may not a Tyrant as well be proceeded againft in a Kingly Government? Why, becaufe God rendred the wickednefs of Abimelech. So did the Women, and lb did his own Arraonr-Bearer i over both which he
Bearer,
that
God
rendred the wickednefs of Abimelech.

is
that
Cod only
the
pretended
5^4
pretended to a right of Sovcraignty. And what if the Magiftrateshad rendred his wickednefs ? Do net they bear the Sword for that very purpofe, for the
puniflimentof Malefadors? Having done with his powerful argument from the Hiltory of ^btmeUch'î dQ2ih, he betakes him r>.lf, as hiscuftom is, to Slanders and Calumnies; nothing but Dirt and Filth comes from him : butforthofe things that he prcmis'd to make appear, he hath not prov'd any one of them, either froni the Scriptures, or from the Writings of the Rabbins. He alledges no reafon why Kin ^s filfculd be above all Laws, and they only of all mortal Men exempt from punifliment, if they deferve it. He falls foul upon thofe very Authors and Authorities that he makes ufe of, and by his own Difcourfedemonftrates the truth of the opinion that he argues againft. And perceiving that he is like to do but little good with his arauments, he endeavours to bring an oiiiHm upon us, by loading us with flanderous Accufations, as having put to death the moit Vertuous innocent Prince that eer reigned. fVas King Solomotty fays he, better than KtngChales the Fuji? 1 confefs forae have ventur'd to compare his Father King James with Solomon ; nay to make King James the better Gentleman of the two. So'omon was David\ Son, D^vid had been Saulh Muwho as Buchanan tells fitian ; but King James was the Son of the Earl of irly., us, becaufe David the Mulitian got into the Qjieen's Bed-Chamber at an unfeafonabletime, kilTd him a little after-, for he could not get to him then, beSo that King James being the Son caufe he had bolted the Door on the rnfide. of an Earl, was the better Gentleman and was frequently called a fecond Solomon, tijough it is not very certain that himfelf was not the Son of David the Mufitian too. But how could it ever come into your head to make a combetwixt King Charles and Solomon ? For that very King Charles whom parifon thus to the Sky, that very Man's Obftinacy, and Covetoufnefs, and you praife Cruelty, his hard ufage of all good and honed Men, the Wars that he rais'd, theSpoilings and Plunderings and Conflagrations that he occafioned, and the death of innumerable of his Subjeds that he was the caufe of, does his Son Charles^ at this very time whilft I'm a writing, confefs and bewail in the Stool of Repentance in Scotland., and renounces there that Kingly Right that you alTert. But (Tnce you delight in Parallels, let's compare King Charles and King 5o/owJ0 together a little: Solomon -began his reign with the death of his Brother^ who had juftly deferved it ; King Charles began his with his Father's Funeral, I do not fay with his Murder : and yet all the marks and tokens of Poyfon that maybe, appeared in his dead body ^ but that fufpition lighted upon the Duke
oi Buckingham only, whom the King notwithltanding cleared to the Parliament, though he had killed the King, and his Father and not only fo, buthedif,
.
folved the Parliament, left the matter (hould be enquired into. Solomon opfreffed the people with heavy Taxes:, but he fpent that Money upon the Temple of God, and in raifing other publick Buildings : King Charles fpent his in Ixtravagances. Solomon was enticed to Idolatry by many Wives : This Man by one. Solomon though he were feduced himfelf, we read not that he feduced others > but King
Charles feduced and enticed others not only by large and ample rewards to corrupt the Church, but by his Edidls and Ecclefiaftical Conftitutions he compell'd
them
fixes pai nted
to fet up Altars, which all Proteftants abhor, and to bow down to Cruciover them on the Wall. But yet for all this., Solomon was not condemned to die. Nor does it follow, becaufe he was not, that therefore he ought not
Perhaps there were many Circumftances that made it then not But not long after the People both by words and actions made appear what they took to be their right, when Ten Tribes of Twelve revolted from his Son i and if he h'ad not faved himfelf by flight, it is very likely they would have ftoiied him, notwithftanding his Threats and big fwelling words.
to have been.
expedient.
CHAP.
5S)
CHAP.
HAving
,
1I[.
proved fufficiently that the Kings of the Jews were fubje<n:to the That tLere are no exceptions made fame Laws that the People were
^
in their favour in Scripture
That 'tis
a mofl: falle ailertion
grounded upon nd
Reafon, nor warranttd by any Authority, to fay, That Kings may do what That God has exempted them from all humane Jurifthey lift with Impunity them to his own Tribunal only: Let us now confider, ditilion, and relerved whether the Gofptl preach up any fuch Doti^rine, and enjoyn that blind Obe;
dience which the

let us confider,
Law was fo
far frofn doing, that
it
commanded
the contrary
whether or no the Gofpel,
that
a were, of Chriftian Liberty, reduce us to rule even the old Law, that Miftrefs of Slavewhofe from impeiious Tyrants, the People of God, when it obtained. Your firft argument ry, difcharged But, alas! who does not know you take from the Perfon of Chrift himfelf that he put himftlf into the condition, not of a private perfon only, but even of a Servant, that we might be made free ? Nor is this to be underltood offome
Heavenly Promulgation, ai it condition of Slavery to Kings and
internal fpiritual Liberty only i Mothers be with the defign of his
how inconfiftent elfe would that Song of coming into the World, He hath fcattered
he bath
his
the
their heart-, put doxvn the mighty fmm their featy frond in the imagination of and hath exalted the humble and meei' ? How ill futed to their occafion would thefe expreffions be, if the coming of Chtift rather eftablilhed and ftrengthened a Tyrannical Government, and made a blind fubjciftion the duty of all ChrifHans ? He himfelf havmg been boi n. and lived and died under a Tyrannical Go-
As he gives us his Grace to vernment, has thereby purchafed Liberty for us. fubmit patiently to a condition of Slavery, if there be a net-elTity of it i foif by any honeft ways and means we can rid our felves and obtain our Liberty, he is Hence it is that St. fo far from reftraining us, that he encourages us fo to do. ?4/ not only of an Evangelical, butalfoof a Civil Liberty, fays thus, i Cer. Art ihou called being a Servant? care mt for tt ; but tf thou maiff be made 'J, 21.
free, ufe it rather
are bought with a price,, be net ye Servants of Men. So that ; yoH are very impertinent in endeavouring to argue us into Slavery by the examyou ple of our Saviour i v^ho by fubmitting to fuch a condition himfelf, has conHe took upon him indeed in our ftead the form firmed even our Civil Liberties. of a Servant, but he always retained his purpofe of being a Deliverer and
;
was that he taught us a quite other notion of the Right of Kings, than this that you endeavour to make good. You, I fay, that preach up not Kingand in a Commonwealth ; by that but Tyranny, fliip, enjoyning not only a neceOary, but a Religious Subjedion to whatever Tyrant gets into the Chair, whether he come to it by Succeflion, or by Conqueft, or Chance, or any how. And now I'll turn your own Weapons againft you i and oppofe you, asi ufe to
thence
it
the CoUciftors of the Tribute-Money he afked Peter., Mat. 17. Of nhom the Kings of the Earth toek^citftom or tribute, of their own Children, or of Strangers? Feter faith unto him, Of Strangers-, Jeftu faith unto him, then are the Children we jliould offend them, &c. give unto them for thee and free ; notwithjiandmg lefi for differ me. upon this place, whom this Tribute was paid to > fome Expofitors
do, with your
own
Authorities.
When
came
to Chrift for Tribute in Galilee,
fay
it
was paid to the
Friefts, for the ufe

I
of the Sanduary
others that
it
was
'
paid to the Emperour. ry, but paid to êi'fl^,

felf.
all
am of opinion that it was the Revenue of the Sanfluawho perverted the Inftitution of it, and took it to him-
Jofefhtii mentions divers forts of Tribute which he and his Sons exafted, which Jlgrippa afterv/ards remitted. And this very Tribute, though fmall in it felf, yet being accompanied with many more, was a heavy burden. The Jews, even the pooreft of them in the time of their Commonwealth, paid a Poll, fo that it was fome confiderable oppreftion that our Saviour fpoke of ; and from hence betook occafion to tax Herod's Injuftice (under whofe Government, and within whofe Jurifdiftion he then was) in that, whereas the Kings of the Earth, whoafFedtufually the Title of Fathers of their Country, do not ufe to oppreft their own Children, that is, their own natural born Subjefts with heavy andunreafonableExailions, but lay fuch burdens upon ftrangers, and conquer'd ene-
F ff[
mies
(
mies
let
,
536 )
But he, quite contrary, opprcfTed not flrangers, but his own people. will te here meant by Children, either natural born SubjeQs, orrhe Children of God, and ihofe the Eleft only, or Chriftjans in general, as St. underftands the place this is certain, that if Peter was a Child, and
what
jihgufline
therefore free, then by confequence wc are fo too, by our Saviour's own Teftimony, either as Engltfhmsti, or as Chriftijns and that it therefore is not the
>
Right of Kings toexaft heavy Tributes from their own Countrymen, and thofe Chrift himfelf profefles, that he paid not this Tribute as a freeborn Subjetts. but that he might not bring trouble upon himfelf by offendwas that due, thing The work that he came into this World to do, was demanded it. thofe that ing
But if our Saviour deny, that it is the Right of Kings quite of another nature. to burden their Free-born Subjefts with grievous Exaftions i he would certain, ly rauchfefs allow it to be their Right to Spoil, Maflscre, andTorture their own Countrymen, and thofe Chriftians too. Hedifcourfed after fuch a manner of
the Right of Kings, that thofe to whom he fpoke, fufpcdcd his Principles, as laying too great a reftraint upon Soveraignty, and not allowing the Licenfe that Tyrants alFume to themfelves to be the Rights of Kings. It was not for nothing that the P^^rj/^fj put fuch Queltions to him, tempting him i and that at the fame time they told him, that he regarded not the Perfon of any Man : nor
it for nothing that he was angi^ when fuch Queltions were propofed to him, Matth.zi. If one fliould endeavour to enfnnre you with little Qiieftions, and catch at yoiiu Anfwers, to ground an Accufation againft you upon your own Principles concerning the Right of Kings, and all this under a Monarchy, would you be angry with him ? You'd have but very little reafon. 'Tis evident. That our Saviour's Principles concerning Government, were not agreeable to the Humour of Princes. His Anfwer too implies as much , by which he rather turnM them away, than inflaifted them. He asked for the Tribute-Money. IVhofe Image and Siiperfcription u it, fays he ? They tell him it was Cî/^r's. Give then to Gad, the to things that are Gods. Cafar, fays he, the things that are C<tfar''j , and And how comes it to pafs, that the People ftiould not have given to them the to all Men their dues, So fays St. fanl, Rom, 1 3. things that are theirs ? Render Our Liberty is not C<efar''s j 'tis that Citfar mull not ingrofs all to himfelf. a Blefllng we have received from God himfelf', 'tis what we are born to to 137 this down at C^farh feet, which we derive not from him, which we are not beholden to him for, were an unworthy Aiîion, and a degrading of our very Nature. I f one fhould confider attentively the Countenance of a Man, and ena were framed ^ would not any one quire after whofe Image fo noble Creature That he was made after the Image of make heard that anfwer. him, prefently God himfelf? Being therefore peculiarly God's own, and confequently things we are intirely free by Nature, and cannot withthat are to be given to him out the greateft Sacrilege imaginable be reduced into a Condition of Slavery to any Man, efpecially to a wicked, unjuft, cruel Tyrant. Our Saviour does not take upon him to determine what things are God's, and what Cafar's ; he leaves If the piece of Money which they ftiewed him, was the that as he found it. fame that was piid to God, as in yefpafians- time it was then our Saviour is fo far from having put an end to the Controverfy, that he has but entangl'd it, and made it more perplext than it was before for 'tis impolTible the fame thing But, you fay, he intimates to ftiould be given both to God, and to Cafar. them what things were Cafarh to wit, that piece of Money becaufe it bore the and what of all that ? How does this advantage your Emperor's Stamp Caufe ? You get not the Emperor, or your felf a Penny by this Conclufion. Either Chriit allowed nothing at all to be Cafar\ but that piece of Money that he then had in his hand, and thereby aflerted the Peoples Interelt in every thing if (as you would have us underttand him) he afErms all Money elfe-, or elfe, that has the Emperor's ftamp upon it, to be the Emperor's own, he contradifts himfelf, and indeed gives the Magiftrate a property in every Man's Eftate, when as he himfelf paid his Tribute- Money with a Proteftation, that it was more than what either Peter, or he were bound to do. The ground you rely on, is very weak-, for Money bears the Prince's Image, not as a token of its being his, but of irs being good Metal, and that none may prefume to counterIf the writing Princes Names, or fetting their Stamps upon a thing, reft feit it. the property of it in ihem, 'twere a good ready way for tbem to invade all
was
'>
Property.
C 5S7 )
rather, if whatever Subjects have, be abfolutcly at their Prinis your Aflertioii, thjC pivCe of Money was nat Ctcfar's^ becaufe his Image w a^- Itaaipt on ir, buc becaulc ot' Right ic belonged to him beSo that nothing can be more manifeft, th;n that our Savifore 'twas coyn'd.
Property.
Or
ces difpofii, wliich
tended to teach us our Dury to Magiltrates (he would plainly if he had) but to rcpic hind the Malice and WickedWhen they told him that /^'ero^ lud waic nefs of the hypocritical Pharifces. to kill him , did he retur:. an humble, fubmiiilve Anfwer ? Co, tellthat Fox, fays he, &c. intini.iting, that Kings have no other Right to deftroy their Subjeds,
our
in this pl.ce
never
ii.
h.ive
Ipake more
He fuifered than Foxes liave to devour the things they prey upon. Say you, How could he pofllbly under any other? But froiji Death under a Tyrant. hence vou conclude, that he aiierted it to be the Ri:hcof Kings to commit Muriltice. You'd m ;ke an exxellcnt Moraliil. But our Saviour, der, and aift Inj not to a us we make but that became he lb, Servant, tho might: be free yet carried he himfelf lb with relation to the MagiRrscy, as net to afcribe any
,
more
to
thenuhan
was upon
their due.
this Subj^cl:.
Now,
iJoiftiine
let us come at laft to enquire what hij The Sons of Zcbsdi'e were ambitious of Ho-
nour and Po.ver in the Kingdom of Chnjl, which they perfvvaded themfelves he would ihortlv fet up in the World ; .he reproves them fo, as withal to let all thiiirians know what Form of Civil Government hedefires they fhould fettle a'
mongft themfelves.
minion over them
It
,
Tehow,
and
among among you, let him he your Servant. UnleAvoud been diftraded, you could never have imagined that thisplace and yet you urge it, and think it furniflies you with an Argum^kes for vou ment to prove that cur luugs are abfolute Lords and Mallcfs over us and ours. M.iy it be our fortune to hive to da with fuch Enemies in War, as will fall as youconftantly blindfold and naked into our Camp inflead of their own do, whoalledg that for your felf, that of all things in the World makes molt a-,
(hall
not
be fo
,
among
fays he, th.tt the Princes of the Gentiles exercife dothat are great, exerc'ife they authority upon them : hut yctt i hut nhofoever will he great you, let him be
xri'l
your Minifter
ai)d rvhofoever
he chief
The Jfraelites asked God for a King, fuch a King as other Natigainit you. God diflwaded them by many Arguments, ons round about them had. here Saviour our whereof gives us an Epitome j Tou know that the Princes of But yet, becaufe the Ifraelitet the Gentiles exercife Dominion ovsr them.
King, God gave them one, tho in his Wrath. Oiir defire a King, fuch a one at leaft as might rule, as Ihould Chriftians Saviour, he fays the Princes of the GfaV did, prevents them with an Injunction to the contrary ; but it fhatl not be fo among you. What can be faid plainer than this ?
perfifted
in their defireof a
left
That-ftately, imperious Sway and Uominion that Kings ufe to exercife, Ihall not be amongft you ; what fpecious Titles foever they may alTume to themfelves, as But he that will be great amongjl that of Benefactors, or the like. you (and who is greater than the Prince ?) let him be your Servant. So that the Lawyer, whoever be be, that you are fo fmart upon, was not fo much out of the way, but had our Saviour's own Authority to back him, when he faid that Chrillian Princes were indeed no other than the People's Servants 'tis very certain that all good Magiftratcs are fo. Infomuch that Chriftians either mult have no King at all, or if
,
they have, that King mult be the People's Servant.
Abfolute Lordlhip and
A/ofes himfelf, by whofe Miniftry that fervile Chriftianity are inconliftenc old of the Law wasinftituted, did not exercife an arbitrary, haughty Oeconomy Power and Authority, but bore the burden of the People, and carried them ia
hisBofom, as a Nurling Father does a fucking Child, Numb. 1 1. and what is that of a Nurfing Father, buta Minifteriallmployment? P/<jf would not have the Magiftrates called Lords, but Servants and Helpers of the People ; nor the people Servants, but Maintainers of their Magiftrates, becaufe they give Meat, Drink, and Wages to their Kings themfelves. Ariflotle calls the Magiftrates, Keepers and Miniftcrscf the Laws. Plato, Minifters and Servants. The Athem Minifters of. God ; but they are Minifters and Servants of the poftle calls and of the Laws, neverthelefs for all that ; the Laws and the MagiPeople, And yet this is it, that you ftrates were both created for the good of the People
:
callthe Opinion of the Fanatick Mafttffs in England.
Ifllould not have thought the People of England were Maftiffdogs, if fuch a Mungril-Cur as thou art, Lupu^,^ pus m L** The Mafter, if it (hall pleafe ye, of St. tin, did not bark at them fo currilhly. fiîfitsZ Lupus *, complains it feems that the MaftifFs are mad (Fanaticki). Germamu yyoij,
Ffff2
here-
sss )
heretofore, whofe Colleague that Lh^m of Triers \vz<i^ depofed our Incefluous King Vortigermb'j his own Authority. And therefore St. Litfm defpifes thee, the Malter not of a Holy Wolf but of fome hunger-ftarv'd thieving little Wolf
or other, as being more contemptible than that Mafter of Viper?, of whom Martial makes mention, who haft by relation a barking She- Wolf at home too, that domineers over thee mod wretchedly \ at whcfe Inftigations, as I am in-
formed, thou haft wrote this ftufF. And therefore it is the lefs wonder that thou fhou'.dft endeavour to obtrude an abfolute Regai Government upon others, who haft been accuftomed to bear a Female Rule fo fervilely at home thy felf. Be therefore, in the Name of God, the Mafter of a Wolf, left a She- Wolf be a Wolf thy felf, be a Monfter made up of a I\lin, and a tly Miftref.; be m^ke a laughing-ftock W-olfi whatever thou art, the g//Jj Maftiffs will but at leifure to hunt for I am not now Wolves, and will put an end of thee. But while but a that this You to therefore ago wrote a Book againft all DigrelTion. ?eter St. ca!! the Prince of the Aponow in the of manner Church, fupcriority How inconftant you are in your Principles! But what fays Peter ? Submit Itles.
your [elves
to every ordinance of A'fan^ for the Lord's As ^ whether it be to the Kin^ as Supream-, or to Governows^ as unto them th^t are fent by him for the pitmfhmene : ii the will of God^ &C. of evil doers, and the praif: of them that do well for fo
ThisEpiftle Peter wrote, not only to private Perfoas, but thpfe Strangers fcatter'd and difpers'd through ^4/7/1-, whointhofe places where they fojourned, had no other Right, than what the Laws of H^fpitality intituled them to. Do you think fuch Mens cafe to be the fame with that of Natives, Free-born Subis not the jeds. Nobility, Senates, Allemblies of Eftates, Parliaments? Nay, cafe far different of private Per-fons, tho' in their ovvn Countrey ; and Sena-
private nate of Rome, What then? No Law that is grounded upon a reafon, expreOy Be iet down in the Law it felf, obligech further than the reafon of it extends. fenfe and imthe That to is, according genuine fiibjeB, fays he, varoTO^TE.or For the Law, Arifiotle fays, legally fttbjecl. port of the word, be fubordinate,
Subjeifts,
,
cannot polTibly fubfift ? tor?, or Magiftrats, without whom, Kings themfelves But let us fuppofe that St. Peter had direifled his Epiftlc to the Natural-born and thofe not fuppofe he had writ to the Seperfons neither
fo ? Becaufe a King is an Officer Submit for the Lord^s fake. that do well; evil andthe the doers, of praife of them for punishment appointed by For fo ts the wiS of God: To wit, that we ihould fubmit and yield Obedience to There is not a word fpoken of any other. You fee fuch as are here defcribed. how well 'tis laid. The Apoftle adds in the i6th and the ground of this Precept, Staves. not as Free What now ? i Princes pervert the delign verf as ; therefore is put intotheir Hands, to the ruin and^ ufe the that and of Magiftracy, power, deftrudion of good Men, and the praife and encouragement of evil doers ^
is
Order.
Why
God
Muft we
all be condemn'd to perpetual Slavery, not private perfons only, but our Nobility, all our inferior Magiftrates, our very Parliament it felf? Is not temporal Government call'd a humane Ordinance ? How comes it to pafs then, that Mankind Ihould have power to appoint and conftitute, what may be good and profitable for one another ; and want power to reftrain or fupprefs things that are univerfally raifchievous and deftruflive ? That Prince, you fay, to whom St. Peter enjoyns Subjeftion, was Nero the Tyrant : And from thence you But it is not infer, thatit is our Duty to fubmit and yield Obedience to fuch. 'Tis as likely to have been certain that this Epiftle was writ in iVcro's Reign And they that are commanded to fubmit, were priwrit in Claitdim's time. vate Perfons and Strangers ; they were no Confuls, no Magiftrates : 'Twas not Now let us hear what the Roman Senate, that St. Peter direfted his Epiftle to. ufe you make" of St. Paul (for you take a freedom with the Apoftles, I find, that you will not allow us to take with Princes ^ you make St. Peter the chief of them to day, and to morrow put'another in his place) St. Paul in his 1 3th Chap. Let every Soul be fubjeEl unto the higher Powers, to the Romans, has thefe words
: :
for there
he writes
God. I confefs be., are ordained of howbut Peter as did not to ; Romans, Strangers difpers'd, ever he writes to private perfons, and thofe of the meaner rank: And yet he gives us a true, and a clear account of the reafon, the original, and the delign of Government ; and fhows us the true and proper ground of our Obedience,
is
no power but of
God
the powers that
this to the
that
it's
far
from impofing a
nec?flity
upon
us
of being
Slaves.
" Let every

'
Soul.
(
*'
5S9
)
Ch/yjfoflom
ic
"
*'
fhat is,let evfery Soul, fays he"i Paul's dd'ign in this Uifcourfe,
Man
fubmir.
tdhiM, " That Sb

Government,
was to mak:
appear, thatour Saviour did
"
notgoaboutto introduce
Principles inconfiftent with the Civil
but fuchasftrengthned it, and fsttkd it upon tliefurelt Foundstions. He never intended then by fecting Ncm^ or any orher Tyrant out of the reach " He inof all Laws, to enllave Mankind under his Lu!t and Cruelty. '' tended too, fays the fame Atthor, to diflvvadc from unnccellary and caullcfs
*'
'
But he does not condemn a VVar taken up againil a Tyrantra Hofomhisown of Countrey, and confcquenrly the moll dangerous that may be^ Enemy " 'Twascommonly faid in thofcdays, that the Doftrine of the Apoltles was " feditious, themfelves Perfonsthatendeavour'd to (bake the fetled Laws and ' Government of the World i that this was what they aimed at in all they faid " and did. The Apolllein this Chapter flops the mouths of fuch Galnfayers So that the Apnftles did not write in defence of Tyrants, as you do ^ but they aflerted fuch things as made them fufpefted to be Enemies to the Government in need df being expl lined and interpreted", they liv'd under, things that (iood and having another fenle put upon them than was generally receiv'd. St. Chry. the Apoftle's d fign vva> in this Difcourfs i let us fojhm has now taught us what Let He tells now examine his >Xôrds every Soul he fubjctl to the Higher Powers. are who for he never nor Powers intended are, they as not what thofe Higher to overthrow all Governments, and the llveral Conftitutions of Nations, and
Wars.
Every good Emperour acknowledged that fubjeftallto fomeoneMan'iwill. the Laws of the Empire, and the Authority of the Senate was above himfelf : and the fame principle and notion of Government has obtained all along in civiliz'd Nations. Pindar^ as he is cited by Herodoim, calls the Law 7ravTu)v eao-iAe'(X, over all. Orpheus inhis Hymns calls it the King both of Gods and Men :
King
he gives the reafon why it is fo i Becaufe, fays he, 'fw that that fits at the helm humane affairs. PUto in his Book Ve Ltgibits^ calls it to x.^^tSi' ev rvi TvdAa : aU of In his Epiftles he that that ought to have the greatefi fway in the Commonwealth.
And
that Form of Government, in which the Law is made Lord and Mano and Arijlotle is of fcope given to any Man to tyrannize over the Laws. tter, and fo is Ccero in his Book de Legibm^ That the fame opinion in his Po//ftV/^^
commends
The Law the Laws ought to govern the Magiftrates as they do the People. therefore having always been accounted the highefl Power on Earth, by the and wife men that ever were, and by the Conftijudgment of the moft learned and it being very certain that the Dodrine States ordered beft tutions of the to Reafon nor the Law of Nations, that Man is is neither contrary of the Gofpel the to Powers who obeys the Law and the and higher properly fubjedt truly Law. to So that St. Paul does ndl faras fo they according govern Magiftrates, Princes themfelves to be in fubjedion but who are the command People, only not above the Laws, but bound by them. For there is no Power but of God : that
,
,
is
no Form, no lawful Conftitution of any Government. The moft ancient Laws known to us, were formerly afcribed to God as their Author. For the Law, fays Cicero in his PhiUppicks, is no other than a rule of well-grounded reafon, derived from God himfelf, enjoyning whatever is juft and right, and forthat are
bidding the contrary. So that the inftitution of Magiftracy is Jnre Divino, and the end of it is, that Mankind might live under certain Laws, and be governed by them. But what particular Form of Government each Nation would live under, and what Perfons (hould be entrulled with the Magiftracy, without doubt, was left to the choice of each Nation. Hence St. Peter calls Kings and Deputies, Humane Ordinances. And Hofea in the 8th Chapter of his Prophefy, They have I k/êw it not. not by me For in the they have made Princes^ and fet up KingSy but Commonwealth of the Hebrews, where upon matters of great and weighty importance they could have accefs to God himfelf, and confult with him, they could not chufe a King themfelves by Law, but were to refer the matter to himOther Nations have received no fuch Command. Sometimes the very Form of Government, if it be amifs, or at leaft thofe Perfons that have the Power in their hands, are net of God, but of Men, or of the Devil, Luke 4. All this Power will I give unto thee., for it is delivered unto me., and I give it to whom 1 will. Hence the Devil and in the 11th 0^ the Revelations^ the Dragon is called the Prince of this World
,
gave to the Beaft his Power, and his Throne, and great Authority. So that we muft not underftand Sr. Paul., as if he fpoke of all forts of Magiftrates in general.
59 )
but of lawful Magiftrates ; and fo they are defcribcd in what follows. We mull alfo underftand him of the Powers themfelves ; not of thofe Men always, St. Chryf-JloM fpeaks very well, and in whofe hands they are lodged. clearly
upon
this occafion.
What
lays he,
t^
every Prince thin appointed hy
Cod
to he
fo ?
1 fay no fch things fays he. Sc Paul fpenks not of the Perfon of the Magiflrate^ but not /"^y, there is no Pnnce but who is it He does the Ht of felf Mdg'jiracy of God. is no Povoer but far there God. Thlls St. for what Powers are, of Chryfoflom j fays are ordained of God : So that St. Paul fpeaks only of a lawful For
Magiftrac}'.
what is evil and amifs, cannot be faid to bs crdain'd, becaufe 'lis diforderly ^ Order and Diforder cannot confill: together in the fame Subjedt. The Apoflle
and you interpret his words as if he had faid. The Romans ought in Confcience to ^ that you may prove that the was who for take then I'm very well conEmperor. you granted obey Nero, tent you (hould read the words fo, and draw that ConclulTon from them. The to will Men that Obedience to yiJd be, ought EngUf) Conftquence theprefenc Government, as 'tis now eftablifht according to a new Model > becaufe you mull needs acknowledg that it is the prefent Gov sramen^ and ordain'd of God, as much atleaftas iVffo's was. And left you Ihoula objeft that A/cro came to the Empire by a Lawful Succefijon, it's apparent from the Roman Hiilory that both he and Tiberius got into the Chair by the Tricks and Artilices of their Mothers, and had no right at all to the SuccelTion. So that you are inconfiftent with your felf, and retrait from your own Principles, in affirming that the Romans ov/cd Subjeftion to the Government that then was i and yet denying that Englijhmen owe Subjedion to the Government that now is. But 'tis no wonder to hear you There are no two things in the World more directly opcontradift your felf. one another, than you are to your felf to and But what will contrary pofite become of you, poor Wretch? You have quite undone the young King with your Witticifms, andruin'd his Fortunes utterly > for according to your own
fays, The Powers Powers that now be
th.tt
be
'>
Dodrineyoumullneedsconfefs, that this frf/f Government in ^/<j/i, is ordaind of God, and that all Engli^)men are bound in Confcience to fubmit to it. Take notice all ye Criticks and Textuaries Do not you prefume to meddle with Thus Salmafms corrects that PalTage in the Epillle to th^ Romans : He this Text.
,
has made a difcovery, that the Words ought not to be read, The Powers that are And all this to prove that all Men owed Subjed:ion but. The Powers that now are and Obedience to Nero the Tyrant, whom he fuppofed to have been then EmThis Epi(ile, which you fay was writ in Nero's time, was writ in his peror. And this learned Men Predeceffor's time, who was an honeft well-meaning Man But befides, the five firlt years o{ Nero's reign evince by undeniable Arguments. So that this thredbarc Argument, which fo many tvere without exception. at their have Men Tongues end, and have been deceived by, to wit, that Tyrants are to be obeyed, becaufe St. Pîw/ injoyns a Subjedion to Nero^ is evident He that rejlfis to have been but a cunning Invention of forae ignorant Parfon. the Powers., to wit, a lawful Power, refjis the Ordinance of God. Kings themftlves come under the Penalty of this Law, when they refill the Senate, and
-,
But do they refift the Ordinance of God, that an unlawful Power, or a Perfon that goes about to overthrow and deftroy a lawful one ? No Man living in his right Wits can maintain fuch an AflerThe words immediately after make it as clear as the Sun, that the tion. of a lawful power ; for he gives us in them a Definition of Apoftle fpeaks only and thereby explains to us who are the Pgrfons thus authoriz'd, Magiftrates, and upon what account we are to yield Obedience, left we fliould be apt to miCtake and ground extravagant Notions upon his Dilcourfe. The Magiftrates., to goodlVorks, but to evil:, Wtlt thou then not be afraid fays he, ar'e not a Terror that which ii good., and thou Jhalt have fraife of the fame : For Do the Power? of He beareth not the Sword in vain \ for he he it the Minifter of God to thee for good. execute to Wrath upon him that doth Evil. What a ii the Revenger Miniver of God., to fubmit fuch a Magiftracy as is here defcrinot honeft Man would willingly bed ? And that not only to avoid Wrath, and for fear of Punifhment, but for Without Magiftrates, and fome Form or other of Civil GovernConfcience fake. no Humane Society can fubfift^ there were no living no Commonwealth, ment, But whatever Power enables a Man, or whatfoever Magiftrate in the World. takes upon him to aft contrary to what St. Paul makes the Duty of thofe that
aft contrary to the Laws.
refift
are
<
at^rn Authority
,
59'i
neither is th.it Power, nor that M.igifl-rate ordain'd of God,; confequently to luch a Magillracy no Subjedion is commanded, nor is any due, nor are the People forbidden to refill fuch Authority ; for in fo doing they do not refift the Pov.'er, norihe Magiftracy, as they are here excellently well debut they refift a Robber, a Tyrant, an Enemy ; who if he may notwithfcribed feme fcnle be called a Magiftrate, upon diis account only, becaufe in ftandiiig he has Power in his hands, vvhi h peihspsGod may have inverted him with for our pînifhmcnt ; by the fame reafon the Devil may be called a MagiThis is molt certain, that there can be but one true Definition of one r.rate.
And
and the fame thing. So that if St. PMl'm this ply e define what a Magiftratc he certainly docs, and tiiataccuratLly well ^ He cannot poflibly define is, which Hence 1 ina Tyrant^ the molt contrary thing imaginable, in the fane words.
he fer, that
commands
us to fubniitto fuch Magiftrates only as he himfelf defines
and defcribes, and not to Tyrants^ which are quite oiher things. For this Catifeyon with a Command. a Hence St. C/sr^v fay Tribute alfo: He gives Reafon, together do we p:iy Tiibwe to Princes ? Do vpe mt^ adds ht^thereby rewnrd them for fojiom \ Why the care they take of oar Safety ? IVe fljenld fiot have paid them any Tribute if we had not So that molt here heen convinc'd that it xvm good for its to live under a Givernment. I have faid already. That fince Subjedion is not abfolutely enjoined, what repeat buton a particular Reafon, that Reafon muft be the rule of our Subjeftion where where it holds nor, weare that Reafon holds, we are Reb:ls if we fubmit not Cowards and Slaves if we do. But^ fay you, the Englilh are far from being Freemen , for they are wicked and fl.igitioM. 1 will not reckon up here the Vices of the French, tho they live under a Kingly Govemm.nci neither will i e.xcufe my own but this I may fately fay, whatever Vices they have, Countreymen too far them a Kingly Governmeni have learnt under as the Jfraelites Is^rnt a they of Witlcednefs in Egypt. And as they, whi^n they were brought indeal great to the Wildernefs, and lived under the imratdiate Government of God himfelf, But there are good hopes of many could hardly reform, juftfo 'cis with us! amongft us ^ that I may not here celebrate thofe Men who are eminent for their Piety and Virtue, and Love of the Truth-, of which fort 1 perfwade my felf we have as great a number, as where you think there are molt fuch. Bat they have laid a heavy yoke upon the Englifll Nation: What if they have, upon thole of them that endeavoured to lay a heavy Yoke upon all the relt ? Upon thole that have deferved to be put under the hatches ? As for the reft, I queftion not but they are very well content to be at the expence of maintaining their own Now he Liberty, the Publick Treafury being exhaufted by the Civil Wars.
I
:
,
betakes himfelf to the f3ib\ilousRabbtns again : He alferts frequently, that Kings are bound by no Laws 5 and yet he proves, That according to the fenfe of the Rahbins., a King may be guilty of Treafon, bj fujfering an Invasion upon the Rights of
his
So Kings are bound by Laws, and they are not bound by them; This Man contradicHs be Criminals, and yet they may not be fo. himfelf fo perpetually, that Contradidion and he feem to be of kin to one another. You fay that God himfelf put miny Kingdoms under the yoke of Nebu' I confefs he did fo for a time, Jer. 27. 7. but do chadne!i.z.ar., King of Babylon. you makeappear if you can, that he put the Englifli Nation into a condition of I confefs he fuifered them to be enflaved Slavery to Charles Stuart for a minute. him for fome time but I never heard that himfelf appointed it fo to be. by ^ yet Or if you will have it fo, that.God fhall be faid to put a Nation under Slavery,
Crown.
they may
when
his
a Tyrant prevails; why may he not as well be faid to deliver them from Tyranny, when the People prevail and get the upper hand? Shall his Tyranny be faid to be of God, and not our Liberty ? There is no evil in the City, that the Lord hath not done, Amos'i. So that Famine, Peltilence, Sedition, War, all of them are of God ; and is it therefore unlawful for a People afilided with any of thefe Plagues, to endeavour to get rid of them ? Certainly they would do their utmoft, tho they know them to be fentbyCod, unlefs himfelf miraculoufly from Heaven fhould command the contrary And why may they not by the fame reafon rid themfelves of a Tyrant, if they are ftrongef
:
ruin
? Why fiiould we fuppofe his weaknefs to be appointed by God for the and deftruftion of the Commonwealth, rather than the Power and Strength of all the People for the good of the State ? Far be it from all CommoHwcalths, from all Societies of free-bcirnmeu to maintain not only fuch per-
than he
Tii(,io\js 1
590
that fubveit
all Ciwith Brutes; and them an equal power by fetting Princes out of the reach of humane Laws, give now make, which that Dtlemmas that foolifh thole over both. you paf> by to alTerc that the other or forae occalion take topropofe, you feign you might for my own parti is derived from the Princes though I'tople fuperlattve power of do not at all doubt but that all the power thjtany MagiHrates have, isfo. apHinct Ctcero in his Orat. pro Flacco^ Our wifeand holy Anceflors, /^^J * And hence the People enaflied. pointed thofe things to obtain for Laws, that time Prefident it ii i\\-it LHcim Crafjiu^ an Excellent ôwj Or^fsr, a.id at that common the and them betwixt People, when ina Controverfie of the Senate,
fenfelefs Principles ; Principles fiicious, but fuch fliipid and vil Society, thattogratifieafew Tyrants, level all Mankind
-^
beieech you, /^^^ he, fuffer not us to live in fubhe alTerted their Rights, to the entire body of whom we can and but to felves, any, your jidtion For though the Roman Senate govern'd the P^ôple, the Peoought to fubmit. to be their Govern 3urs, and had pit that ple themfelves had appointed them read the tsrm of Alajefiy m:)re frequently appower into their hands. of fnlly in Orai.pro Plancio^ Rome, than to their King";, plied to the People * and of all free condition It is the efpeciaily of this People, People, Clays he) * the Lord of all Nations, by their Votes to give or take away, to or from any Tis the duty of the Migiltrates patiently to fubmic as themfelves fee caufe. ' Thofe that are not ambitious of Hoto what the body of the People enad.
'
We
'
*
that afnour, have the lefsobligacion upon them to court the People-, thofe I Should fed Preferment, mult not be weary of entreating them. fcruple to Roman that hear the Senate, reign'd call 3 Kin; the Servant of his People, when over fo many Kings, profefs themfelves to be but the Peoples Servants ? You'll but the objed perhaps, and fay, that all this is very true in a popular State ; cafe was altered afterwards, when the Regal Law transferV'd all the People's of T/^mwy, Right into ^^y?^ and his Succeilbrs. But what think you then whom your lelt confefs to have beena Very great Tyrant, as he certainly was ? Suetonius fays of him, that when he was once called Lordot Mafter, though after the cnading of that Lex Reîa, he delired the Perfon that gave him that apHow does this found in your ears ? a Tyforbear abuUng him. pellation, to abufes him in calling him Lord. The fame Emof his rant thinks one Subjeds " to 1 have faid, fays he, the of his in one Senate, frequently Speeches peror * that a and 1 it now again, fay good Prince, whom you have inveftheretofore,
I
*ed with fo great power as I am encrufted with, ought to ferve the Senate, *and the body of the People, and fometimes even particular Perfons ; nor do l * have been good, and juft, and I confefs that you repent of having faid fo ' You may fay that he difindulgent Mafters tome, and that you are yet fo. art of Hypocrifie j but in the fembled in all this, as he was a great Proficient otherwife than he ought to be". to No man endeavours that''s all one. appear Rome the cuftom in for the Tacitus it was tells that Hence us, Emperours in ths iVero and other and that both the to CircHt, Emperours praworlhip People; difed it. c/<ji^>'înhis Panegyrick upon Honorius mentions the fame cuftom. By which fort of Adoration what could poffiblybe meant, but that the Emperours of Rome, even after the enacting of the Lex- Regia, confefled the whole body of the People to be their Superiors ? But I find, as I fufpected at firft, and fo I told yc, that you have fpent more time and pains in turning over Glolfaries, and criticifing upon Texts, and propagating fuch like laborious Trifles, than For had in reading found Authors fo as to improve your knowledg by them. in the Writings of learned Men in former Ages> fo never little verfed been you you would not have accounted an opinion n;;w, and the producft of fome Enthuliaftick Heads, which has been gllertedand maintained by the greateft PhilofoYou endeavour toexpofe phers, and molt famous Politicians in the World. one ,^<m, who you tell us was a Taylor, and one IfiUiam a Tamer; but if they are fuch as you defcribe them, I think they and you may very well go together; though they themfelves would be able to inltrutt you, and un:
fold thofe
that in a
Mifterious Riddles that you propofe : as, whether or no they Monarchy would have the Ki"g Ifnt a Servant to the Commonwealth,
WtU fay
whether
the
all
fame thing of
the
whole body of the People in a pspnlar State ?

or only
And
And
fome part or other ferve the reft ? nomocracy, when they have been an Oedipus to you, by my confent you Ihall hcaSphinx
the People ferve in a
to
(
to
59? )
in good earnefl:, and throw your felf headlong from fume precipice or break your neck ^ forelfe I'raafiaid yoii'l never have done wirh your and other, You ask, Whether or no^ ir/;f Jr. Paul lames Kin^j, he Riddles and Fooleries. meant the Peofk f 1 confefs St. PmI commands us to pray for Kings, but he had But there arc fome for all commanded us to pray for the People before, vcrf. we thit are forbidden to pray common and People, that, both among Kings as be much not fo muft for, man a if may he not be punilhed ? prayed for i and wrote this he that vahen Paul ? But. hinder (hould Epijllfy What retgnedwM the For falfe. in the World. Thac's miktslt LudovicusCafeUnt jKofi frokigate Terfott
them
in CUudtHs^ iimc. When St. P<i/ evident, that this Epiflle likewife wras writ has occafion to fpeak of A^fro, he calls him not a King, but a Lion ; that is, a 2 Tim. 4. So wild, favage Beaft, from whofe jaws he is glad he was delivered, that under them we may are to we Beads that not for that it is for Kings, fray., Kings and their Intelive a fiiet and a peaceable Itfe, in all godlinefs and hoaejij. and f>.cured 'tis the publick be advanced to intended here the not are reft things we are commanded eftablifhment to enwhofe and Godlinefs Honefly, Peace,
,
deavour after, and to pray for. But is there any People in the World that would notchuferather tolivean honeftand careful Life, tho never free from War and Troubles, in the defence of themfelves and their Families, whether againlt under the power of a TyTyrants or Enemies (for I make no difference) than a Life to out an rant or equally troublefome, accompanied with Enemy fpin the latter is the more delirable of the two, I'll ? That and Ignominy Slavery not becaufe I think your Authority worth prove by a Teftimony ofyourown; all Men may obfer\ e how double-tongu'd you are, and how that but quoting, " Who would not rather, fay you., bear with thofe mercenary your Pen is. " dilTenfions that through the emulation of great Men often happen in an Arifto" cratical Government, than live under the Tyrannical Government of one, " where nothing but certain mifery and ruin is to be look'd for ? The People of " their Commonwealth, tho never fo much Ihatter'd with civil " ôOTrpreferr'd When a People to intolerable Yoke of their Emperors. before the Broils, *' avoid Sedition, fubmits to a Monarchy, and finds by experience, that that is " the worft evil of the two, they often defire to return to their former Govern*' ment again. Thefe are your own words, and more you have to this purpofe in that Difcourfe concerning Bilhops, which under a feigned name you wrote aPttavim the Jefuit though your lelf are more a Jtfuit than he, nay gainfl: have already heard the fenfe of the ScripCrew. of that than worfe any ture upon this Subjeft ^ and it has been worth our while to take fome pains to But perhaps it will not be fo to enquire into the Judgment of the find it outfor if affert any thing which is Fathers, and to ranfack their Volumes they not warranted by the Word of God, we mayfafely rejed their authority, and particularly that expreflion that you alledg out of be it never fo great " That God in his Providence orders it fo, that fuch Kings reign as are Irentw, *' are to for the and futable to, govern, all Circumftances People they proper
,
We
,.
''
That c.vprellion, I lay, is diredly contrary to Scripture. For declared openly that it was better for his own people to be Godhimfelf though than by Kings, yet he left it to them to change that Form of governed by Judges Government for a worf if they would themfelves. And we read frequently, that when the body of the People has been good, they have had a wicked King, and contrariwife that a good King has fometimesreign'd when the People have been wicked. Sothat wife and prudent Menaretoconfider and fee what is profitable and fit for the People in general; for it is very certain that the fame Form of Government is not equally-convenient for all Nations, nor for the fame butfomecimes one, fometimes another may be more proNation at all times
confidered.
,
,
per, according as the induftry and valour of the People may increafe or decay. But if you deprive the People of this liberty of fctting up what Government they like bell among themfelves, you take that from them, in which the life
of
all
and
*' *'
Then you tell us of Jujlin Martyr, of his humble Civil Liberty confilts. as if any fubmiflive behaviour to the Amonines., ihofe beR of Emperours
,
body would not do the like

rr.uth vcorfe Chrtjitans are
to Princes of fuch moderation as they were.
" How
we
in thefe days^
than thofe were

!
They were content
to
Alas under a Prince of another Religion. They were private Perfons, and infinitely inferior to the contrary party in ftrength and number. But now You will not endure a Protejlant Prince^ mr Prottjiantt one that ii Pefip).
live
Pafifis
Gggg
do
594
do well and difcreetiy, in Ihowing your felf to be neither Papilt nor Proteftant. And you are very liberal in your concefiions ; for now youconfefs that all forts
of Chriftians agree in that very thing, that you alone take much impudence and wickednefs, to cry down and oppofe.
upon you with
fo
thofe Fathers that to Heathen Princes gies for the Chriltians Chriftians and Proteftants. againft King,
defence of a wicked Popifh entertain us with a number of impertinent quotations out of ^ffcf<jôr^ and TertidlUn : Things that we have already heard out of the Writings of the Apoflles, much more
,
And how unlike you commend, do you (how yourlelf? They wrote Apoloyou
in
Then you
clearly
and
intelligibly expreft.
But
7ertitllian
was quite of
a different
opinion from
:
yours, either
of a King's being a Lord and Mafter over his Subjedls Which you For he, though he were a not, or wickedly dilfembled. Chriftian, and direded his difcourfe to a Heathen Emperor, had the con-
knew
fidence to
*'
*'
'
**
" "
''
" tell him, that an Emperor ought not to be called Lor^. u4u?hJ}m himfelf fays he-, that formed this Empire, refus d that appellation: Tis a Not but that the Title of Lord and Mailer Title proper to God only. may in fome fenfe be afcribed to the Emperor : But there is a peculiar fenfeof that word, which is proper to God only; and in that fenfe, I wilt not afcribe it
1 am the to the Emperor. Emperor's freeman. God alone is the fame And in the fame Difcourfe-, how Author, Adafter.
my Lord and
inconfiftent,
had been a great deal better you had let alone. Bm Tertullian calls them ParriDomitian. And he does well, for fo they were, his Wife and SerAnd they fet one Parthen'ws and Stephanus who vants confpir'd againfl: him. were accus'd for concealing part of the publick Treafure, to make him away. If the Senate and the People of Rome had proceeded againfl: him according to thecuftom of their Ancefliors; had givên Judgment of Death againfl: him, as they did once againfl: Nero \ and had made fearch for him to put him to death do ye think TertuUim would have called them Parricides If he had, he would have deferv'd to be hang'd,as you do. I give the fame anfwer to your quotation out of Origen, that I have given already to what you hsve cited out oilrenaus, Athanafms indeed fays, that Kings are not accountable before humane Tribunals. But I wonder who told Athanajim this ? I do not hear that he produces any authority from Scripture, to confirm this allertioa. And I'll rather believe Kings and Emperors themfelves, who deny that they therafelves have any fuch Privilege, than I will Athanafius. Then you quote Ambrofius, who after he had been a Proconfitl^ and after that became a Catechumen^ at lafl: got into a Bifhoprick : But for his aufav, that his Interpretation of thofe words of DAvid, againfl thee onthority, I finned, is both have He was willing all others ignorant and adulatory. ly lliould be enthralPd to the Emperor, that he might enthral the Emperor to himall know with what a felf. Papal Pride and Arrogancy he treated Theodofius th.- Emperor, how he took upon him to declare him guilty of that Alaffacre aiTheffalonka, and to forbid him coming into the Church ^ how miferably raw in Divinity, and unacquainted with the Dodrine of the Gofpel, he fliewed
cides that flew
two Appellations, Father of his Countrey, and Lord and " I wiOi And now you much j:)yof Tertnlhan's authority, whom it Mafier!
fays he, are thofe
.?
We
himfelf upon that cccallon ^ when the Emperor fell down at his feet, he commanded him to get him out of the Porch. At lafl:, when he was received again into the Communion of the Church, and had offered, becaufe he continued (landing near to the Altar, the Magifl:erial Prelate commanded him out of the
Rails; Emperor, fays he, thefe inner places are for the Priefs only, 'fm not lawful Does this found like the behaviour of a Minifl:er for others to come withm them of the Gofpel, or like that of a Jewifls High-Priefl: ? And yet this man, fuch as we hear he was, would have the Emperor ride other People, that himfelf
'
ride iiim, which

thi,
is a
common
might
trick
of
almofl:all Ectlefialticks.
With words to
purpofe, he put back the Emperor as inferior to himfelf: Ton rale overmen, fame Nature, and Fellow-fervants with your felf: For thtre is one only Lord and King over all, to wit, the Creator of all. This is very This piece of truth, which the craft and flattery of pretty Clergy-men has all along endeavoured to fupprefs and obfcure, was then brought to light by the furiou' pinion, or to fpeak more mildly, by the ignorant indifcreet zeal of one of thim. After vou have difplai'd Amhrofe''^ ignorance, you (how your own, or rather, vent a Hereliein affirming point blank, That under the Old
faid he, that are partakers of the
!
there Wis no fuch thing as forgivenefs of Sins
Teflament, upon the accoifit of ChrijVs fnfferings,

fince
S9':i
t'oie only Ijavc I jlnnid^ P. ^8pHCtD2\ldctr)fefiiihistranJ^refi0M., fayifi^^ yigahijt 'Tis the Orthodox Tenet, that there never was ;iuy reuiillicii of Sins, but by I know the blood of the Lamb that was Ihiii from the bcginuing of the World.
not whofe Difciplc you are, that

tain
1
let up for a Broachcr of new Herefies but ceram, that that great Divnie's Difciplc whom you are fo angry with, did not miftake himfelf, when he faid that any one of DavU\ Subjcds might have faid, thee only have Ifuned, as properly, and with as much right, as DaviJ himagainj} Then you quote St. Augujiine^ and produce a company oi Htpponenftan Difeif. vines. What you alledg out of Sr. Jujltn, makes not at all againft us. We confefs that, as the Prophet Daniel has it, it's God that changeth times, fets up one Kingdom, and pulls down another-, weonlydefire to have it allow'd us, that he makes ufe of Men as his Inftruments. If God alone gave a Kingdom to King Charles, God alone has taken it from him again and given it to the Parliament, and to the People. If therefore our Allegiance was due to King Charles, becaufe God had given him a Kingdom for the fame reafon it is now due to the prefent For your felf confefs, that God has given our Magiftrates fuch Magiftracy. as he ufes to give to wicked Princes, for the punifhment of the Nation. power And theconfequenceof this willbe, that according to your own opinion, our prefent Magiftrates being rais'd and appointed by God, cannot lawfully be depofed by any, but God himfelf. Thus you overthrow the opinion you pretend to maintain, which is a thing very frequent with you: Your Apology for the King, carries its deaths-wound in it. You have attained to fuch a prodigious degree of Madnefs and Stupidity, as to prove it unlawful upon any account
:
,
whatfoever, to lift up ones finger againft Mai(lrates, and with the very next breath to affirm thuic's the duty of their Subjeds to rife up in Rebellion aYou tell us that St. Jerom calls Ifmael that flew Gedalia, a Parrigainft them. cide or Traytor : And it is very true, that he was fo : For Gedalia was Deputy GovcTno\iT o( Juda, a good man, and (lain by //w^f/ without any caufe. The
in his Comment upon the Book of Ecclefiaftes, fays, that Solomon'''^ to keep the King's Commandment, is the fame with St. P<j/'s Doftrine, upon the lame fubjeft i and deferves commendation for having made a more moderate Conftrudion of that Text, than raoft of his Contemporaries. You fay you will forbear enquiring into the Sentiments of Learned Men that li-
fame Author
command
ved finceSt, j^ngi4(iwe\ time : but to fhcw that you had rather difpence with a Lie, than not quote any Author that you think makes for you, in the very next period but one, you produce the Authorities of Ifidore-, Gregory, and Otho, Drnth Authors, that livM in the molt barbarous and ignorant ages Sfaniî and of all ; whofe Authorities, if you knew how much wedefpife, you would not have told a Lie to have quoted them. But would you know the reafon why he dares not come fo low as to the prefent times ? Why he does as it were hide himfelf, and difappsar, when he comes towards our own times ? The reafon is, Becaufe he knows full well, that as many Eminent Divines as there are of the Reformed Church, fo many Adverfaries he would have to encounter. Let him take up the Cudgels, if he thinks fit i he will quickly find himfelf run down with innumerable Authorities out of iw/srr, ZinngltHs, Calvin^ Bitcer, Martyr^ 1 could Pardus, and the reft. oppofe you with Teftimonies out of Divines that have flourilhed even in Leyderi. Though that famous Univerfity and renowned Commonwealth, which has been as ic were a Sanduary for Liberty, thofe Fountains and Streams of all Polite Learning, have not yet been able to wallr away that llavilh Ruft that fticks to you, and infufc a little Humanity into you. Finding your felf deftitute of any afliftance or help from Orthodox Proteftant Divines, you have the impudence to betake your felf to the whofe College you know is devoted to the Romifh Religion, Sorbonijlij and confequently but of very weak authority amongft Proteftants. are willing to deliver fo wicked an all'ertor of Tyranny as you, tobedrown'd in the Sorbon, as being afham'd to own fo defpicable a Slave as you fhow your Iclf to be, by maintaining that the whole body of a Nation is not equal in power to the moft flothful degenerate Pjince that may be. You labour in vain to lay that upon the Pope, which all free Nations, and all Orthodox Divines own and affert. But the Pope and his Clergy, when they were in a low Condition, and but of fmall account in the World, were the firft Authors of this pernicious abfurd Dodrine of yours and when by preaching fuch Doftrine they had gotten
We
Gggg
power
(
into their
596 )
hands, they became the worll of Tyrants themfelvej. Yet power all to them by the clofeft tye imaginable, Princes ihey engaged perfwading the World that was now befotted with their Superllition, that it was unlawful to depofe Princes the never fo bad, unkfs the Pope difpenfed with their Allegiance to them, by abfolving them from their Oaths. But you avoid Orthodox Writers, and endeavour to burden the truth with prejudice and calumny, by making the Pope the firft afTertor of what is a known and common received Opinion a mongft them ^ which if you did not do it cunningly, you would make your felf appear to be neither Papift nor Proteftant, but a kind of a Mongrel Idutnean Hertdittn. For as they of old adored one moft inhumane bloody Tyrant for the Meffo ftM^ you would have the World fall down and worfhip all. You boafl: that
yoH have confirm'dyottr Opinion by the Teflimonies of the Fathers that fiaurijhed in the
own
fonr firji Centuries ^ who/c Writings only are Evangelical, and according to the trMtb This man is pall ail fhame how many things did they of the Chrijiian Religion. 'preach, how many things have they publifhed, which Chriji and his Apoftles never taught? How many things are there in their Writings, in which all Proteftant Divines differ from them? But what is that Opinion that you have confirm'd by their Authorities ? Why, That evil Princes are appointed by God. Allow that, as all other pernicious and deftruiflive things are. What then ? why, that therefore they have no Judg but Godalone^ that they are above all humane Laws ;
!
that there
is
no
Law,
written or unwritten, no
Law of Nature,
nor ofGod^ to call them
to account before their
own SubjeUs.
it
:
But how comes that to pafs?
Certain
And all reafon excepts Kings. and juftice requires, that thofe that offend, fhould be punifhed according to their Nor have you hitherto produced any one deferts,' without refped of Perfons. Law, either written or unwritten, of God or of Nature, by which this is forthat there
is
no Law againft
No
am,
Penal
Law
bidden.
againft
?
What
why,
ftands in the
way then
Why
may not Kings be proceeded
felf a vile Wretch, by propagating a Dodrine fo deftrudive and pernicious \ and y'are a Fool for backing it with fuch filly ArguGod fays in Ifa. 54. / have created the flayer to deflroy. Then by your ments. reafonaMurderer is above the Laws. Turn this topfy turvy, and confider it as long as you will, you'll find theConfequence to be the fame with your own. For the Pope is appointed by God, juft as Tyrants are, and fet up for the punilhraent of the Church, which 1 have already demonftrated out of your own Writings ; yindyet, fay you, Wal. Mef pag. 41 2. becaitfe he has raifed his Primacy
know whether You fhow your Barbarian.
1 do not becaufe they are appointed by God, be they never fo bad. or a Fool, or ignorant, unlearned I had beft call you a Knave,
of power fo as that he has made it neither better nor worfe than both he and his Bifliops may be put down more Tyranny, plain downright lawfully than were US the and You tell that the God in his (tho Pope Biihops atfrft fet up. they wrath appointed them) may yet lawfully be rooted out of the Church, becaufe
to
an
infuffetable height
.^
they are Tyrants
and yet you deny that 'tis lawful to depofe a Tyrant in the that for no other reafon than becaufe God appointed him, tho he did it in his anger. What ridiculous ftufF this is for whereas the Pope cannot hurt a Man's Confcience againft his own will, for in the Confciences of
;
Commonwealth, and
Men it
yet you are for depofing him as a grievous to be a Tyrant not and yet you maintain Tyrant, that a Tyrant properly and truly fo called, a Tyrant that has all our Lives and Eftates within his reach, without whofe afliftance the Pope himfelf could not excrcife his Tyranny in the Church, ought for Confcience fake to be born withal and fubmittcd to. Tbefe alfertions compar'd with one another betray your Childifhiiefs.tothat degree, that no Man can read your Books, but muft of neBut you alceffity take notice of your ignorance, ralhnefs, and incogitancy. ]ee,e another reafon, fJumane j4jfairs would be turn'd upfide down. They would (b,
is
that his
in
Kingdom
con(ifts,
it i^
whofe own power
Humane Affairs would certainly be in a deplorabetter. ble condition, if being once troubled and diforder'd, there were a neceffity of their continuing always fo. I fay, they would be chang'd for the better, for the would to the People, from whom it was firft derived and revert King's "power
and be chang'd for the
conierred upon one of themfclves-, and the power would be transferred from Irm thatabufed it, to them that were prejudiced and injured by the abKfe of it ^ than which nothing can be more juft, for there could not well bean "Umpire in would ftand to the judgment of a Foreigner all Mankind would fuch acafe-.
Who
i*
equally
59? )
to the laws-, there would be no Gods of flefb and blood : equally be fubjed whoever goes about to fct up in the World, they are Deities of Which kind and Commonwealth. Now I mull turn your Church to equally injurious can be no greyer Hercfy than thiif There You fay, you again. own Weapons upon Man in Chrifl^s Seat. Thefe two are infallible marks of Amichrift^ InfaU tofet up one and Omnipotence tn Temporals, yifparat. ad Prim. pag. 17/. Do Uhtlity in Spirituals, ? do infallible If do make thetn are that Kings not, why you you
you pretend comes it Omnipotent ? And how

lefs deftrudtive
to pafs that an unlimited
power
in
oneMan
fliould
Temporal things, than it is to Ecclefiaftical f Or be accounted care at all of Civil Affairs ? If he takes none liirano takes God that do you think If he does us to take care which way they go. not does forbid he fure I'm felf take any care about them, certainly he would have the fame Reformation made in the Commonwealth, that he would have made in the Church, efpecially it
to
that Infallibility and Omnipotency being being obvious to every Mans experience God has not fo modelin both. arrogated to one Man, are equally mifchievous of make it the as World of the to duty any Civil Commuled the Government and to leave the Church at liberty of Cruelties to the Tyrants, yet nity to fubmit : rather and from quite contrary, he to free themfelves Slavery Tyranny nay, Patience and Innocence, thofe of but hand Churches the into Arms no has put all the Magithe but Commonwealth, and {J.ccIefiarticalDifcipline^ Prayer and of the Laws, execution ths with entrufled him pref^rvacion Ilracy areby into their he has the S /vord put with the power of punilhing an^ revengiilg i whirafies in Ecclefiafticks Man's 1 cannot but fmile at this prepollerous hands. In Politicks no Man more a he's Hehiditu, Thrafeoi, a per kiX Tyrannicide. If his Doftrine he. than to hold, not we only that Tyrants Lackey and Slave in who but the Proteftants our general, againft the minds of have depos'd King, Rebels alike. But I've confounded are all the have Princes their Pope, rcjeded him long enough with his own Argutnents. Such is the nature of the Beaft, lefl: bis Adverfary fhould be unprovided, he himfelf furniflies him with Weapons. Never did any Man give his Antagonift greater advantages againft himfelf thaa
'
he does. They that he has to dp withal, will be fooner weary of purfuing him, than he of flying.
.
Jo
you think,
felf with Princes PErhaps
CHAP.
Salmafius, that
IV.
you have done enough to ingratiate your well of 'em : but if they confihavedeferved that you i meafures their and take according to what it really is, der theirownlntereft, have put upon it, there never flatteries that Glofs the falfe to your not according
was any Man in the World that deferv'd fo ill of 'em as you, none more deftruaive and pernicious to them and their intereft in the whole World than your For by exalting the Power of Kings above all Humane Laws, you tell all felf Mankind that are fubj;d to fuch a Government, that they are no better thaa defirous of Liberty by difcovering to them Slaves, and make them but the more their heads that they never fo much as dreamt into and that their error, putting And without doubt Slaves to their Princes. are that to of before, they wit, and irkfome more be will Government of a fort unfufFerable, by how much fuch the more you perfwade the World, that it is not by the allowance and fubmiflion of Nations, that Kings have obtained this exorbitant Power ; but that it is abfolutely eflential to fuch a form of Government, and of the nature of the thing So that whether you make the World of your mind or no, your Doit felf. ftrine muft needs be mifchievous and deftrudive, and fuch as cannot but be abFor if you Ihould work men into a perfwafion that the horred of all Princesis without all bounds, they would no longer be of fubjed to a Kings Right make if of men mifs Government your aim, yet you ; you weary of Kingly to a fuch that aflurae as of right them power they themfelves, Kings, by telling if Princes will allow of thofe Principles that I aflert; But to them. belonging if they will fuffer themfelves and their own power to be circumfcribed by Laws, mftadof an uncertain, weak and vwket CjQvernment, full of ares and fears,
they
^9S
If they flight this counfel fchey will reign peaceably, quietly, andfecmely. nieannefs of the Author, in its wholfome bscaufeof the felf, mine, though
fhall
of
counfel only, but what was anciently advifed by for Kings, LycMrgm King o( Lacedcmon, when he obfervcd that his own Relations that were Princes of j^rgos and Mejfam, by endeavouring to introduce an Arbitrary Government, had rnin'd themfelves and their Peopie i he, that he might benefit his Country, and fecure the Succeflion to his own Family, could think upon no better expedient, than to communicate his Power to the Senate, and taking the great Men of the Realm into part of the Government with himfelf ; and by this means the Crown continued in his Family for many ages. But whether it was Lycô-^w, or, as fome learned men are of opinion, TheopompM, that introduced that mixt Form of Government among the Lacedemonians, fomewhat more than a hundred years after Lycurans's time (of whom it is recorded, that heiifed to boaft, that by advancing the Power of the Senateabove that of the Prince, he had fetled the Kingdom upon a fure Foundation, and was like to leave it in a lading and dumble condition to his Pollerity) which of tliem foever it was, 1 fay, he has left a good Example to Modern and w is as creditable a Counfellor, as his Counfel was fafe. Princes For that all men fhould fubmit to any one man, fo as to acknowledg a Power in him fuperior to all humane Laws, neither did any Law ever enaft, nor indeed was it polTible that any fuch Law (hould ever be i for that cannot be faid to be a Law, that Itrikes at the root of all Laws, and takes them quite away. It being apparent that your Pofitions are inconfiHent with tHe mture of all Laws, being fuch as render them no Laws at all. You endeavour rfotwithftanding, in this Fourth Chapter, to make good by Examples, what you have not been able to do by any Reafons that you have alledged hitherto. Let's confider whether your Examples help y our Cau fe i for they many times make things pliin, which the Laws are either altogether filentin, or db but hint at. We'll begin firft with the Jevcst whom we fuppofe to have known moft of the mind of God and then, according to your own method, we'll cbfee to the Times of Chriftianity. And firft, for thofe Times in which the Ifraelihs being fubjeft to Kings, who, or howfoever they were, did their utmofl to call that flayi/h yoke from ofFtheir n!":ks. ^/o the King of yJ/M& had made a Conqueft of them ^ the Seat of his Empire was at Jericho he was no contemner of the true God ; when The Ifraelites had ferved his Name was mentioned, he rofe from his Seat him eighteen Years; they fent a Prefentto him, not as to an Enemy, but to their own Prince notwithftanding which outward Veneration and Profeffion of Subjedtion, they kill him by a wile, as an Enemy to their CounYou'll fay perhaps, that Ehud, who did that aftion, had a Warrant trey. and what greater Argument from God for fo doing. He had fo, 'tis like of its being a warrantable and praife-worthy aftion ? God ufes not to put Men upon things that areunjuft, treacherous and cruel, but upon fuch things as are vertuous and laudable. But we read no where that there was any pofitive Command from Heaven in the cafe. The IfraeUte: called upon God; So did we. And God ftirred up a Saviour for them > fo he did for us. Eglon of a Neighof an Enemy to them he became bouring Prince became a Prince of the Jews Our Gentleman of an Englifh King became an Enemy to the their King. Thofe Capacities are inconfigUP) Nation ; fo that he ceasM to be a KingNo Man can be a Member of the State, and an Enemy to it at the itent. fame time. Antony was never lookt upon by the Romans as a Conful, nor Nero as an Emperor, after the Senate had voted them both Enemies. This
they
know
that
it is
not
my
dneof the wifeflof
-,
Cicero
tells Us in his t" our th Philippick,- If Antony he a Conful, fays he, Brutus an Enemy; but if BrutUS he a Saviour and Preferver of the Commonwealth, Antony ii an Enemy : none but robbers count him a Conful. By the fame reafon, fay 1, who
but Enemies to their Countrey look upon a Tyrant as a King ? So that Eglon % being rt Foreigner, and King C^jr/^/ a Prince of our own, will make no difference in the cafes both being Enemies, and both Tyrants, they are in the fame
f
circumltances. King to death.
Ehud kill'd him juftly, we have donefo too in putting our Sampfon that Renowned Champion of the Hebrews, tho his Countrey-men blam'd him for it, Dofi tiSou not know, fay they, that the Philiflinet have dominicfn over us f Yet againft thofe PhlUfiines, under whofe Dominion he was, he himfelf undertook a War in his own Perfon, without any other help ;
If
and
599
a
upon no aCt of Impiety, but quite contrary, to
Comnund from Heaven, or was prompand whether he afled in pnrfuance of ted by his own Valour only ; or vvhacfoever inducement he had, he did not pa: to death one, but many that tyrannized.over hi^Counticy, having firlt called God by Prayer, and implored his Alliftance. So chat Samp/on counted it
kill thole that enilaved his Countrey, too and tho the greater part of his Countryhirafelf over dominion had ^ tho they men fubmitted to their Tyranny. But yet David ip'w wm l-h a King and a Pro-
phet
Does it follow would not take axeaySznV: life, becaufe he wm God's anointed. that becaufe David refufed to do a thing, therefore we arc obliged not to do that very thing? David was a private Perfon, and would not kill the King-, is that a precedent for a Parliament, for a whole Nation? David would not revenge his own Quarrel, by putting his Enemy to death
by Health
;
does
it
follow that therefore
the
Magiftrates mufl
,
not
pu-
Mufl: not nilh a Malefaftor according to Law ? He would not kill a King a He the therefore States of the Tyrant? punifh fcrupled killing AlTembly
an of
Muft the People therefore fcruple to condemn their own fo long profeded Hoftility againfi: Efpecially one that after having his own People, had walh'd off that anointing of his, whether Sacred or Civil, with the Blood of his own Subjefts. 1 confefs that thofe Kings whom God by his Prophets anointed to be Kings, or appointed to fome fpecial fervice, as he did
God's anointed)
?
anointed
but all other may not improperly be called the Lord's anointed their of to the feveral the to are ways Governments coming Princes, according the People's anointed, or the Army's, or many times the anointed of their own Fadion only. But taking it for granted. That all Kings are God's anointed, you can never prftve. That therefore they are above all Laws, and not to be called in quelfion, what Villanies foever they commit. What ii David laid a charge upon himfelf and other private Perfons nottoftretch forth their* hands againft the Lords anointed ? Does not God himfelf command Princes not fo much as to touch his anointed? Which were no other than
Cyrm^
Ifa.
44.
He preferred that anointing wherewith his People ffal. 105. were anointed, before that of Kings, if any fuch thing were. Would any man offer to infer from this place of the Pfa'mift, That Believers are not to be called in queltion, tho they offend againft the Laws, becaufe God commands Princes not to touch his Anointed ? King Solomon was about to put to death ^î<<fW the Prieft, tho he were God''s ^nointedtoo; and did not fpare him becaufe of his ./4wf/^, but becaufe he had been his Father's Friend. If that Sacred and Civil Anointing, wherewith the High-Prieft of the Jeics was anointed, whereby he was not only conftituted High-Prieft, but a Temporal Magiftrate in many cafes, did not exempt him from the Penalty of the Laws; how comes a Civil Anointing only to exempt a Tyrant? But you fay, Saul was
his People,
? It does not follow, that becaufe he aTyrantj and worthy of death: What then he was then under, had power to r>jwW the circumftances in that deferved it, the death without him to people's Authority, or the Command of the Maput Saul a But was Tyrant ? 1 wilh you would fay fo ; indeed you do fo, giftracy. before in yonr Second Book^ page 32. had faid That he was though you no Tyrant, hut a good King., andchofen of God. Why fhould falfe Accufers, and Men guilty of Forgery be branded, and you efcape without the like ignominious Mark ? For they pradlife their Villanies with lefs Treachery and Deceit than you Saul was a good King, write, and treat of matters of the greatelt moment. fo to have him and ferv'd turn now he's a when it your Tyrant, becaufe it futes But no 'tis wonder that you make a Tyrant of a withyour prefenc purpofe. for as look if were invented for no other dethey your Principles good King-, fo. But than to make tho he would not put to all David, yet good Kings sign, death his Father-in-Law, for Caufes and Reafons that we have nothing to do withal, yet in his own Defence he raifed an Army, took and poflelfed Cities that belong'd to Saul., and would have defended Ketlab againft the King's Forces, had he not underftood that the Citizens would be falfe to him. Suppofe Saul had belieged the Town, and liimf.lt had been the firft that had fcal'd the Walls ; do you think David would prefently have thrown down his Arms, and havebe,
What tray'd all thofe that afTifted him to his anointed Enemy ? I believe not. reafon have we to think David would have fttick to do what we have done, who
when
his
Occafions and Circuraftances fo required, proffered his Affiftance to the
6oo
the ThHi(Hn(s, who were then the profedcd Enemies of his Country, and did that againfl: Saul^ which I am fure we ihould never have done againll ourTyrant ? I'm weary of mentioning your Lies,, and afham'd of them. You fay, 'tis a Maxim of the Englifl)^ That Enemies are rather to be f^.tredthan Friends-^ and that
therefore Wf conceived we ouoht not
Friend.
to
he had been our [fare our King's Life^ hecaufe
Lyar, what Mortal ever heard this Vyhimfy before you You could not bring in that thredbare invented it? But we'll excufe it. fierce than our own MaltifTs (which now comes in more of our being Flouiifli, the fifth time, and will as oft again before we come to the end of your Book) without fome fuch Introduftion. We are not fo much more fierce than our own who return fo greeMaftiffs, as you are more hungry than any Dog whatfoever, tell Then fo often. us, That David you dily to what you have vomited up have killed Saul, to who to AmaUkite to be death, commanded the pretended put
You impudent
in refped of the Faft, nor the Perfon, hasany Affini1 do not well underfland what caufe David arc difcourfing of. had to be fo fevere upon that Man, for pretending to have haftned the King s death, and in effedtbut to have put him out of his pain, when he was dying
But that Inftance, neither
ty v;ith
what we
unlefs
it
were to take away from the
Ifraelites all
been inflrumental in it, whom they might the Philiftinesj and was part of their Aimy.
fafpicion of his own having look upon as one that had revolted to
]ult fuch
another Aflionasthisof
death Epaphrodiitu, becaufe David's., do sU Men hhvnsin Demit ia>i, who put to as another inftance of your all After Nero kill himfelf. this, to had lie helped the Lord., but the Lord'sChrifty anointed the call him not of only Impudence, you who a little before you had faid was a Tyrant, and aftedbythe impulfeof fome Such rrean thoughts you have of tHat Reverend Name, that you
are not alham'd to give it to a Tyrant, whom you your felf confefs to have been Now 1 come to that Precedent, from which every Man polFelfed with the Devil. that is not blind muft needs infer the Right of the People to be fupeWor to that When Solomon was dead, the People alTembled themfelves at Sichem of Kings. Rehaboam Thither himfelf went, as ore that flood for the place, to make King. feem to claim the SuccelTion as his Inheritance, nor the fame not he that might that over afreeborn every Man has over his Father's Sheep and People Right Oxen. The People propofe Conditions, upon which they were willing to admit him to the Government. He defires three da^ s time to advife ^ he confults with the old Men i they tell him no fuch thing, as that he had an abfolute Right to fuccced, but perfwade him to comply with the People, and fpeak them fair, Then he advifes with it being in their Power whether he (hould reign or not. if as with were him; that the young Men they, Salmafiut^ Phrenfy brought up had taken them, thunder this Right of Kings into his Earsi perfwade him to threaten the People with Whifs and Scorpions : And he anfwered the People as the King hearkned not to them, they advifed him. When all Ifrael faw that then they openly protefl the Right of the People, and their own Liberty ; What novo look to thine own Houfe., we in David? To thy TentSy Ifrael: portion have When the King fcnt Adoranno thim^ they floned him with Stones, David. and perhaps they would not have fluck to have ferv'd the King himfelf fo, but The next News isof a great Army rais'd he madehafie and got out of the way. God forbids him to to their Allegiance. Rehaboam io reduce iht
evilSpiiit.
by
Ifraelites
proceed, Go not
for
thii
is
God
sccoiding
Brethren the Children of Ifrael the People had defired a King heretofore thing was difp!eafed wiih them for it, but yet permitted them to make a King, to that Right that all Nations have to appoi.-^t their own Governors.
*/>,
fays he, to
war
againfi your
,
:^
of me.
Now confider
Now
and this Godnotorily fufthe People rejeft Têhoboam'ixcvc^ ruling them make fers them to do, but forbids Rehoboamio WaragainlT: them for it, and that thofe that had rehim teaches withal, and Itcps him in his undertaking he ought to look upon that but in fo Rebels voked from him, were not doing ^ felf: You fay that all Kings are of God, recoiled them as Brethren.
, ,
Now
your
and
therefore the People ought not to refill: them,be they never fuch Tyrants. their Votes, their Ads, are 1 anfwer you. The Convention of the Piople, and and that likewife of the Teftimony of God himfelf in this place
tliat
by the Authority of God himfelf, confeqiicnrly according to your Argument, by as certain as it is, that Kings are of For Princes ought not to refill the Peaple. to enforce a Subjedifrom thence and whatever Argument you may draw
God,
God,
on
(
:
6oi
So certain is it, that free Afleniblies of tlie Eody on and Obedience to them and that naturally aflbrds the fame Argument for are of the of God, People
their Right of retraining Princes from going beyond their Bounds, and rejectthem if there be occafion ; nor is their fo doing a jalliliable Caufe of War,
ing
I' J any more than the People of J>ae s rc]ediin.s, Rcboboam was. You ask, why the People did not revolt from Solomon ? Who but you would ask fuch an impertinent Qiiellion ? Yon fee they did revolt from a Tyrant, and were neither pn-
nifhed, nor blam'd for not therefore a Tyrant

tues, that
it>
It is
true, Solomon
fell
into forae Vices, but he was-
made amends for his Vic:s by many excellent Verhe was famous for, by many Benefits which accrued to the Njtion of
he
his
times the Circumftancesof a Nation are fuch, that the People will not, and maa You fee they did it when ic ny times fuch, that they cannot depofe Tyrant. had in Detcftation-^ -/^<;7 ip. ever was in their Power. B^ fay you, Jeroboam'/ he and hu Siicceffors were Prince i a revolt "'twas looked upon as an unjiifl from lawful true revolt from the his we find I confcfs VVorfliip of God Mcounted Rebels. for find him where blam'd no I bnt v revolting from Rehooften found fault with
xhtjewsbs
Government.
But admit that he had been a Tyrant:
Many
boam
not as frequently fpokcn of as wicked Princes, but Lavo and Right ^ f ly you, camm introduce^ or eftahlifli of King'^? Thus do you a Right. Iprav, what becomes then ot your Plight You Thefts are daily comfclf. Adulteries, baffle Murders., fay, your perpetually that here you <;ive an anfvver to your Are you not aware, mitted with impunity. that Tyrants do fo often efcape iJnpunifhownQiieflion, hov/ it co.nes to pafs, and were ed ? You Rebels, yet the Prophets do no where dijfwade the Thofe
-,
and
his SuccelTors arc

to
Rebels.
JEiinT contrary
fay,
Kings
of Englandnot to yield Obedience to their prefent in tho your Opinion they are Rebels ? This Englifh Faîon of RobMagiftrates, for themfelves, that by fame imriiediate ôice from Heaven., bers., fay you, alledg It is notorioufly evident, that you were the\ were put upon their bloody Enterprize. as you have put the words together, for diftrafled when you wrote thefe Lines i And that the Engli(li pretend to any fuch Senfe. nor they are neither Latin, isone6f thofe many Lies and Fiof their asa AitionSj warrant,, Juftification Libctions that your Book is full of. But I proceed to urge you with Examples. 'twas the na, a great City revolted from Joram., becaufehe had forfaken God it. He King therefore thnt was guilty, not the City, nor is the City blam'd for that confiders the reafon that's given why that City rejeded his Government, muft conclude that the Holy Ghofl: rather approves of what they did, then condemns them for it. Thefe kind of revolts arena precedents., fay you. But why were you then fo vain, as to promife in the beginning of this Chapter, that you would argue from Examples, whereas all the Examples that you alledg, are meer that are folid Negatives, which prove nothing? and when we urge Examples and politive, you fay they arc no Precedents. Who would endure fuch a way of arguing? You challenged usat Precedents , we produced them and what do yon do ? You hang back, and get out of the way. I proceed Jehu at the Command of a Prophet, flew a King nay, he ordered the death of Jhaz-iah., his own Liege Prince. If God would not have Tyrants put to death by their own Snbjects, if it were a wicked thing fo to do, a thing of a bad Example why did God himfelf command it ? If he commanded it, it was a lawful, comIt was not therefore lawful to kill a mendable, and a praife-worthy A-ftion.
,
People from their Jllegiance. vour to perfwade the People
And why do you, ye
rafcally faife Prophet, endea-
-,
Tyrant, becaufe God commanded

dentlv
if,
but
God commanded
it,
becaufe antece-
Again, Jehoiada tohisCommand,itwasa the high-Prielt did not fcruple to depofe Athaliah., and kill her, tho Ihe had been feven years in acflual PofTcflTion of the Crown. But, fay you, flie took upon her the Government when (lie had no Rtght to it. And did not you fay your felf, but a while it belonged not at all to him ? ago. That Tiberius affumed the Soveraignty when And yet yoo then afTirm'd, that according to our Saviour's Doftrine, we ought to yield Obedience to fuch Tyrants as he was. Twere a moft ridiculous thing
to imagine, that a Prince, who gets in by Ufurpation, may lawfully be depofed ; but one that rules tyrannically may net. But^ Dy you, Athaliah could not polliThou (halt fet over thee a according to Law of the the bly reign Jewifli Kingdom, If Thou over thee a Qtieen. not God he does fhalt fet fay. King., fays Almighty;
this
juftifiablcand a lawful Adlion.
Argument have any weight,
may
as wêll lay, the
Command
of
God
was,
that
Hhh
602
)
a
So that I'm that the People iliould fet overthemfelves King, not a Tyrant. was and a was idolatrous Amaz.iM Prince, even with you. flothful, put to death, the but ic (hould a not by few ConfpiratQrs ^ rather, reem, by Nobility, and to Hand none had For he from fled the of the Jentfakm, People. by Body by
: him, and they purfued him to Lachiî They took counfelagainfthim, fays the : had God And we do not find that jdzarits his he forfaken becaufe Hiftory, Son profecuced thofe that had cat ofFhis Father. You quote a great many frithe Kings of the 7^"'^ were fu.voIoLis palFages outof the ^^Ww/, to prove that You do not coniider Zedekias own words, Jerem 38. periour to the Sanhedrim. The King is not he that can do any thing agair^ yy.i. So that this was the Prince's own ftile. Thus heccnfellcd himfelf inferior to the great Council oftheRealm. hs meant that he dttrfl not deny them any thing for fear of Sedition. Perhaps^ fay you, But what does your pfr^.T/)j fignify, whofe moil pofitive alTerting any thing h not worth a Louie ? For nothing in Nature can be more fickle and inconiiftent than you are. How oft have you appear'd in this Difcourfe inconllanc with your felf; unfayingwith one Breath what ycu had laid wich another ? Here, again, you make Comparifons betwixt King Charles, and fome of the good Kings of You fpeak contemptibly of 2?4w^, as if he were not worthy to coma Jtidah. in competition with him. Confider D^vidy fay you, an Adulterer^ a Ai:trderer\ Solomon his Son., who was accounted Kin7 Charles wasgnilty of no fnch Crimes.
Who can with patience hear this fikhy, rafcallyFool, fpeakfo irrewfe, &c. Perfl^ns eminent both in Greatnefs and Piety ? Dare you compare of verently David w'lih King Charles; a moll Religious King and. Prophet, with a SuKing and who was but g Novice in the Chrillian Religion ; a mofi: Prince, pcrllitious with a weak one^ a valiant prince wiih a cowardly one ^ Prince wife prudent, with a.moifcunjult one ? Have you the impudence to finally, a raoft jull Prince
commend
hisChaftity and Sobriety, vyhoîs knswn tojiavecomaiitted allmsnner of Leudnefs in company with''his Confident the Diike q^ Buckingh.im ? It were to no purpofe to enquire into the private Actions of his Life, who publickly at Plays would embrace and kifs the Ladies Jafcivioufly, and handle Virgins and Matrons Brealts, not to mention the relt ? I ad vife yau therefore, you counter-
from fuch like Parallels, left I be forced to publifh thofe which 1 am willing to conceal,; Hitherto we KingCharkf, things concerning have entertain'd our fdves wich what the People of the Jews have aded or attempted againfl Tyrant?, and by what Right they did it in thofe times, when God himfelf did immediately, as it were, by his Voice from Heaven govern The Ages that fucceeded, do not afford us any Authotheir Commonwealth. but confirm as in our Opinion by their imitating the as from themfelves, rity, Adions of their Fore-fathers.' For after the ^âbylo^î Captivity, when God did not give any new command concerning the Cro'wn, thothe Royal Line was not extinft, we find the People returning to the old Mofaical Form of Government again. They were one while Tributaries to Aîtiochm, King, of Syria ; yet when he injoyn'd them things that were contrary totheLawof God, they refilled him, and his Deputies, under the Conduct of their Priefts, the MaccaAfter that, whoever was acbees., and by force regain'd. their former Liberty. had conferr'd the of it, moll counted upon him. Till at .worthy Principality of /y/>T^? of Brother Son the the the Maccahee, having Jaft, Simon., JisdJiy eiitertain'd and Z)^w'^'s Soldiers, began to inveft the fpoiled Sepulchre, foreign Prieilhood with a kind of Regal Power. After whofe time his Son Ari(lobidus was the firlt that adlim'd the Crown ; he was a Tyrant indeed, and yet the People Hirred not againft him, v;hich is no great v/onder, for he reigned but one Year. And he himfelf being overtaken with a grievous Difeafe, and repenting and ,of his own, Cruelty and Wickednefs, defired nothing more than to dye, and again/} him., you fay, had his v.i.'h. His Brother AU.xander fucceeded him ihe And this Lie might Peopk raifed no InfMreSion, tho he were a Tyrant too. have gone down v/ich us, if Jofephits's Hillory had not been extant. We fhisuld .ithen have had no memory of thofe times, but what your Jojippus would afix)rd ns, out of whom you tranfcribe a few fenfelefs and ufekfs Apothegm^; of the
feit Plfitarch, to abftain
,
-^
'-'
^/V.v^wêr adminiltred the Publick Affairs ill, Hiflory is thus and tho he kept in pay great numbers of Pifidians and Peace Cilici.ins., yet could he not proted himfelf from the Rage of the People: but him with whilfl; -he facrificing thej' fell upon him, and bad almoft fmother'd "' wa^. "''
Pharifees. both in
:
The
War and
Boughs
60?
Boughs of Palmtrecs and Citron- trees. Afterward the whole Nation made War upon him fix Years, during which time, when many thoufands of the Jem had been flain, and he himfelf being at length delirous of Peace, demanded of them, what they would have him do to facisfy them j they told him nothing could do that, but his Blood, nay, that they fliould hardly pardon him This Hiltory you percciv'd was not for your purpofe, and fo after his death. you put it off with a few Pharifaical Sentences ; when it had b^-en much better, either to have let it quite alone, or to have given a true Relation of it but you Even thofe eight hundred truft to Lies more than to the Truth of your Caufc. were of their number that had Pharifees^ whom he commanded to be crucified, And they with the reft of the People had folcmnly taken up Arms againfl: him. if they could fubduc the King's Forces, and get his Perfon into protcfted, That After the death of Alexander^ [{vs their Power, they would put him to death. Vt'ife Alexandra took the Government upon her, as Athdia had formerly done,
:
not according to Law (for you haveconfelled, that the Laws of the J^fa-/ admitted not a Female to wear the Crown) but Ihe got it partly b/ force, for /he maintained an Army of Foreigners j and partly by favour, forfliehad brought over the Phatifees to her Intereft, which fort of Men v/ere of the greateft AuThem Ihe had made her own, by putting the Power thority with the People. into their Hands, and retaining to her felf only the Name. Juft as the Scotch Presbyterians lately allowed Charles the Name of King, but upon condition, After the death of Alexandra^ that he would let them be King in elFeft. Hyrcti' tJiis and Ariflobiilus, her Sons, contended for the Sovereignty: AriflobulHs wzs more indullrious, and having a greater Party, forced his Elder Brother out of A while after, when Pompey palled through Syria, in his return the Kingdom. from the Mithridmcl; War ; the Jews^ fuppofing they had now an opportunity of regaining their Liberty, by referring their Caufe to him, difpatcht an Embalfy tohimin their own Names-, they renounce both the Brothers i complain thac they had enflaved them. Pompey depofed Ariftobulits^ leaves the Priefthood, and fuch a Principality as the Laws allowed to Hyrcanus the Elder. From that time forward he was called High-Prieft, and Ethnarcha. After thefe times in the Reign of Archelaur, the Son of fJerod, the Jews fent fifty AmbalTadors to Aitaccufed Herod that was dead, and Archelaus his Son, that then gttftus Cafar ;
reigned ^ they depofed him as much as in them lay, and petition'd the Emperor, that the People of the Jews might be govern'd without a King, Cafar was moved at their entreaty, and did not appoint a King over them, but a GoverWhen that Governonr had prefided ten nour, whom they called an Ethmrch. fent AmbalTadors over the jiidea, People again to Rome^ and accufed hira years fent for the Governour, condemn'd of Tyranny. C^far heard them gracioufly him to perpetual Exile, and banifhed him to fîcmia. Anfwcr me now, That People that accufed their own Princes, that deiird their Condemnation, that defir'd their Punifhment, would not they themfelvci rather, if it had been in their Power, and that they might have had their choice-, would not they, I
,
rather have put them to death therafelves ? You do not deny, but that the Peotook up Arms againfl; x.\\z Roman Deputies, when by ple, and the Nobles often or their their Avarice, Cruelty, their Government was burdenfome and opBut a you give ridiculous reafon for thi-;, as all the reft of yours arc. prelTive.
fay,
You
fay, Theyxveremt yet accujiomedto theToke; very like they were not, under But, fay you, they wohU not raifeWar Alexander, Herod, and his Son. againji I confefs they did not, and they did Caius Caefar, nor Petronius. very prudentWill you hear their own words ly in abftaining, for they were not able.
that occafion ? We will not make War, fay they, hecaufe we cannot. That thing which they themfelves acknowledg, they refrain'd from for want of Ability j Then you, falfe Hypocrite, pretend they abftain'd from out of Religion. with a great deal of toil you do juft nothing at all ; for you endeavour to prove out of the Fathers (tho you had done it as fuperficially before) that Kings ase to be prayed or. That good Kings arc to be pray 'd for, no Man denies i nay, and bad ones too, as long as there are any hopes of them fo wc
:
upon
ought to pray for Highway-men, and for our Enemies. But how ? Not that they may plunder, fpoil and murder us ; but that they may repent. pray both for Thieves and Enemies and yet whoever dreamt but that it was lawful to put the Laws in execution againft one, and to fight againft the other ?
We
:i
Hhhh
(
1
6o4
value not the Egyptian Liturgy that you quote i but the Priell that you mention that Commodm might fuceed his Father in the Empire, did not pray for any thing in my opinion, but imprecated all the mifchiefs imaginable to the Roman State. You fay, that we have brokfn our Faith, which we engaged more than
who prayed
ctice in folemn But beAffemblies to preferve the ylnthority and Majefly of the King. caufe hereafter you are more large upon that fubjed, I ihail pafs it by in this You return then to the place \ and talk with you when you come to it again. Whatever they fay, which is Fathers ; concerning whom take this in ftiort. not warranted by the Authority of the Scriptures* or by good Reafon, Hull be of no more regard with me, than if any other ordinary Man had laid it. The firfl; that you quote is rtrfw/Z/^Wj who is no Orthodox Writer, notorious for many errors , whofe authority, if he were of your opinion, would Hand you in no (lead. But what fays he ? He condemns Tumults and Rebellions. So do we. But in faying fo, we do not mean to deltroy all the Peoples Rights and Pri\?i-. leges, all the Authority of Senates, the Power of all Magillrates, the King only The Fathers declaim againll; Seditions ralhly raifed, by the giddy excepted. heatof the multitude-, they fpeak not of the inferior Magiftrates, of Senates, of Parliaments encouraging the Peopleto alawfuloppofingof a Tyrant, Hence '' Not to refill, fays he., but to weep and to (Tgh, ^mhrcfe whom you quote, " thefe are the Bulwarks of the Prieflhood what one is there of our little num" ber who dares fay to the Emperor, I do not like your Laws ? This is not al" lowed the Priefts, and fhall Lay-men pretend to it? 'Tis evident of what fore of Perfons hefpeaks, viz.. of the Priefts, and fuch of the People as are private Men, not of the Magiftrates. You ê by how weak and prepollerous a reafon he lighted a Torch as it were to the dilientions that were afterwards to arife betwixt the Laity and the Clergy concerning even Civil, or Temporal Laws. But becaufe you think you prefs hardeftupon us with the Examplesof the Primitive
,
Chriftiansi who tho they were haralfed as much as a People could be, yet, you : 1 will make it fay, they never took uf Arms againft the Emferonr appear, in the firll place, that for the moft part they could not : Secondly, that whenever they And thirdly, that whether they did or did not, they were fucii could, they did a fort of People, as that their example deferves but to have little fway with us.
:
no Man can be ignorant of this, that when the Commonwealth ofRome expired, the whole and fovereign power in the Empire was fetled in the Emperour that all the Souldiers were under his pay infomuch that if the whole
Firft therefore,
:,
Body of the Senate, the Equejirian Order, and all the common People had endeavoured to work a change, they might have made way for amalPacreofthemfelves,
but could not in any probability retrieve their loll Liberty for the Empire would ftill have continued, tho they might perhaps have been fo lucky as to have This being fo, what could the Chriftians do? 'tis true kilTd the Emperour. there were a great many of them ^ but they were difperfed, they were generally Perfons of mean quality, and butof fmallintereftin the World. How many of them would one Legion have been able to keep in awe ? Could fo inconfidcrable a body of Men as they were in thofe days, ever expeft to accompliiTi an Enterprize that many famous Generals, and whole Armies of tried Soldiers had lofl: their lives in attempting ? When about 300 years after our Saviour's Nativity, which was near upon 20 years before the Reign of Conflantinc the Great, when Vioclefian mas Emperour, there was but one Chriftian Legion in the whole Roman Empire ^ which Legion for no other reafon than becaufe it confifted of Chriftians, was llain by the reft of the Army at a Town in France called OEloduThe Chriftians., fiy you, confpir'd not with Caffius, with Albinus, witii Niger rum. and does Tertullian think they merited by not being willing to lofe their lives ia ' lis evident therefore that the Chriftians could not free the quarrels of Infidels? thcmfclves from the yoke of the Roman Emperours-, and it could be no ways advantageous to their intereft to confpire with Infidels, as long as Heathen EmBut that afterwards the Chriftians made War upon Tyrants, perours reign'd. and defended thcmfclves by force of Arms when there was occallon, and many
:
.
revenged upon Tyrants their Enormities, I am now about to-make appear. tirft place, Conftantine being a Chriftian, made War upon Licinins, and cut bim off, who was his Partner in the Sovereign Power, becaufe he molefted the <j/?r Chriftians; by which aft of his he declared thus much atleaft. That one Magiftrate might punifh another For he for his Subjeds fake punillied Litiiiies
In the
ciniitf.
(
cinius^
6o5
who to all intents was as abfolute in the Empire as himfelf, and did not leave the vengeance to God alone : Liciniw might have done the fame to ConftanSo then, if the matter be not wholly tine^ if there had been the like occalion. rcierved to Gods own Tribunal, but that Men have fomething to do in the cafe,
did not the Parliament of ^/<i^ltand in the fame relation to King Charles, that Conftantine did to Ltcirtius ? The Soldiers made Cenflantine what he waj. But our Laws have ra^de our Parliaments equal, nay, iuperior to our Kings.
why
The
Inhabitants ot ConfiantinopU refifted Confiamius an Arian Emperour, by force of Arm>, as long as they were able j they oppofed Hermogenes whom he had fenc with a Military power to depofe Paul an Orthodox Bidiop the houfe
,
whither he had betaken himfelf for fecurity, they

lafl;
fired
about
his ears, his
and at
Brother
kiliea
bim right
unlefs he
out.
Confians threatned to
make War upon
Conjtaiitfus,
would
reftore
PmI and
Ath^naftHs to their Bifliopricks.
You
were in danger, were not aup their Prince's own Brother to make War upon him. Not long after, the Chiltian Soldiers, who then made whom they would Emperors, put to death Confians the Son of Conântims, becaufe he behaved himfelf dilTolutely and proudly in the Government, and traiiflated the Empire to MAgnentiits. Nay, thofe very perfons that faluted J/^ by the name of Emperour, againlt CorifiMtiush will, who was actually in poUelTion of the Empire, (for Julian was not then an Apoltatc, but a vertuous and valiant perfon) are they not amonglt the number of thole PrimiriveChriftians, whofe Example you propofe to us for our imitation ? Which a(n;ion of theirs, when ConflantiHs by his Letters to the Peop.e very iharply and earneflly forbad, (which Letters were openly read to them) they all cried out unanimoufly, That themfelves had but done what the Provincial Magiltrates, the Army, and the Authority of the Commonwealth bad decreed. The fame perfons declared War againft Conjlantius^ and contributed as much as in them lay, to deprive him both of his Government and his Huw did the Inhabitants of -^fwfe behave themlelves, who were none Lite. of the worft fort of Chrillians ? I'll warrant you they prayed for Julian^ after he became an Apoftate, whom they ufed to rail at in his own prefence, and fcoifing at his long Beard bid him make Ropes of it : Upon the news of whofe death they ofFer'd publick Thankfgivings, made Fealts, and gave other publick Demonllrations of Joy. Do you think they ufed when he was alive to pray for the continuance of his life and health ? Nay, is it not reported, that a Chriftian Soldier in his own Army was the Author of his death ? Soz.o.'?ic>t, a Writer of Eccleiiafticdl Hilliory, does not deny it, but commends him that did it, if the Fad were fo ' For it is no wonder, fays he^ that fome of his own Soldiers * might think within himfelf, that not only the Greek^^ but all Mankind hitherto * had agreed that it was a commendable aftion to kill a Tyrant-, and that they deferve all mens praife, who are willing to die themfelves to procure the liber* fo that that Soldier ought not rafhly to be ty of all others condemned, * who in the Caufe of God and of Religion, was fo zealous and valiant. Thefe are the words of Soz-omen, a good and Religious Man of that age. By which we may ealily apprehend what the general opinion of pious men in thofe days was upon this point. Ambrofe himfelf being commanded by the Emperour fâlentifiian the Younger, to depart from Milan, rcfufed to obey him, but defended himfelf and the Palace by force of Arms againll the Emperoui's Officers, and took upon him, contrary to his own Dodrin, to refifi the higher powers. There was agreatfedicion raifed at Confiantinople againlt the Emperour Arcadius^ more than once, by reafon of Chryfoftof/t's Exile. Hitherto I have (hewn how the Primitive Chrillians behaved themfelves towards Tyrants ; how not only the Chrifti.in Soldiers, and the People, but the Fathers of the Church themfelves, have both made War upon them, and oppofed them with force, and all this before St. for you your felf are AuftirPs time and therepleafed to go down no lower fore I make no mention of Falcntiman the Son of Placidia, who was fiain by M<jAr;j;i/ a nor do mention Senator, for committing Adultery with his Wife Avtttis the Emperour, whom, becaufe he disbanded the Soldiers, and betook himfelf wholly to a luxurious life, the Roman Senate be-* immediately depofed caufe thefe things came to pafs fome But all this years after St. Aufiin's death. I give you Suppofe I had not mentioned the praftice of the Pritnitive Chtiftiansi fuppofe they never had ftirred in oppofition to Tyrants-, fuppofe they bad
fee thole holy Fathers,
Itir
when
their Bilhopricks
fham.d o
-,
6o6
will
tiieir
h^d accounted
it
unlawful fo to do
to rely
make
upon Example. Long before Conftantin's time the generality of Chriftians had loft much of the Primitive Sanftity and integrity both of their Doftrine and Manners. Afterwards, when he had vaftly enriched the Church, they began to fall in love with Honour and Civil Power, and then the ChriHian Religion went to wrack. Firft Luxury and Sloth, and then a greatdroveofHerefles and Immoralities broke loofe among them and thefe begot Envy, Hatred and Difcord, which abounded every 'vhere. Atlaft, they that were linked together into one Brotherhood by that of Religion, were as much at variance and ftrife among themfelves, as band I'loly No reverence for, no confidethe moft bitter Enemies in the world could be. the Soldiers and ComTnanders of Vation of their duty was left amongll; them the Army, as oft as they pleafed themfelves, created new Emperors^ and fomeI need not mention fuch as /^r<?/(j, times killed good ones as well as bad. maximiu^ EugeniHs^ whom the Soldiers all of 3 fudden advanced and made them Emperors nor Cratian^ an excellent Prince ; nor Fakfitmian the younger, who was noneof the worit, and yet were put to death by them. It is true, thefe but thofe Soldiers things were acted by the Soldiers, and Soldiers in the Field were Chriftians, and lived in that Age which you call Evangelical, and whofe example you propofe to us for our imitation. Now you fhali hear how the Clergy managed themlelves Paftors and Bifliops, and fometimes thofe very Fathers whom we admire and extol to fo high a degree, every one of whom was a Leathofe very men, I fay, fought for their Bilhopricks, der of their feveral Flocks as Tyrrints did for their Sovssraignty fometimes throughout the City, fometimes in the very Churches, fometimes at the Altar, Clergy-men and Lay-men fought promifcuouQy ^ they flew one another, and great f!au2,hters were made on both lides. Yonmz'j izmzmhzv DamajiuzndiVrcijimis, who were Contemporaries with Awbrofe. It would be too long to relate the tumultuary Infurredions of the Inhabitants of Conftantinofk, Amioch^ and Alexandria, efpecially thofe under the Conduit and Management of Cyrillus^ whom you extol as a Preacher up of Obedience-, when the Monks in that Fight, within the City, had almoft llain
,
Perfons, astiiat
we ought
appear that they were not fuch Authority, or can fafely follow their
it
>
Orefiesy TheodofiM''s Depxity.
dence, or Carelefsnefs and

''
Now who can fufficiently wonder at your Impu" Till St. Aufk'in^s time^ fay yoa, and lomr Negled?
down than the Age that he lived in, there is not any mention extant in Hiflory^ of any or of any number of Confpirators, that have private Perfon, of any Commander^ him. Arms lit their Prince to death, or tal^n I have named to you up againft f out of known and approved Hiftories, both private Perfons and Magiftrates, that with their own hands have llain not only bad, but very good Princes : Whole Armies of Chriftians, "many Bifhops amongft them, that have fought aYou produce fome of the Fathers, that with a gainft their own Emperor?. And J, great flourifti of words, perfuade or boaft of Obedience to Princes on the other fide, produce both thofe fame Fathers, and others befides them, that by their anions have declined Obedience to their Princes, even in lawful things have defended themfelves with a Military Force againft them j others that others that have oppofed forcibly, and wounded their Deputies Civil Wars have maintained for againft one anoBiiliopricks, being Competitors As if it were lawful for Chriftians to wage War v/ith Chriftians for a ther Bifhoprick, and Citizens with Citizens ^ but unlawful to fight againft a Tyrant, in defence of our Liberty, of our Wives and Children, and of our Lives them-
" "
felves.
Who would own
you f^y, alierts that the Power of a is one (itjd the fame thing. SHbjed,!,
thing, he afferts
fuch Fathers as thefe ? You produce St. Auflin, who M.tfcr over his Servants, and a Prince over his But 1 anfwer If St. vt////? aftcrt any fuch
,
,
what neither our Saviour, nor any of his Apoftles ever afferted thofor theconfirmation ofthat Aftcrtion, than which nothing can be mcH-efalfe, The three or four laft Pages he pretends to rely wholly upon their Authority. of this Fourth Chapter, are' ftufted with meer Lies, or things carelefly and
:
'
And that every one that loofelyput together, that are little to the purpofe readsthem, will difcover by what has been faid already. For what concerns the Pope, againft whom you declaim fo loudly, I am content you fliould bawl at
him,
till
you.are hoarfe.
But whereas you endeavour toperfwade the ignoPapal
rant, Th^t all that

Tphether good cr bad,
called themfelves Chriftians, yielded to that till the Power
grew
an entire obedience to Princes, height, that it was acknowledged

fupsrigr
(
to that of the futerlor
:
6o7
)
till
Civil Magiflrate^ and

J
he took upon
him
to
abfolve SuhjeHs
from
their Allegiance
have
fufficiently
proved by many Examples before and
Neither iince the age that St. Jugnfiiif lived in, that nothing can be more falfe. does that feem to have mjjch more truth in it, which you fay in the lafl: place ; viz.- That Pope Zachary abfolvedihe French- men /rcra theirOath of Allegiance to their 'E or Fraicis Houo>rran., who was both a f)'<Kc/^-?<jand a Lawyer, and a Xing. very learned man, in the i3th_Chapter of his Francogalli.r., denies that either or the Kingdom tranflated to Pepin by the Pope's AuthoriChtlperic wasdcpofed, out of very Ancient Chronicles of that Nation, That the he and proves ty whole affair was tranfafted in the great Council of the Kingdom, according to Which being once done, the the Original Conflitution of that Government. French Hiftories, and Pope Zachary himfelf, deny that there was any neccHity of abfolving his Subjefls from their Allegiance. For not only Hoitoir.ati.^ but 6'w/ccard, a very eminent Hiftorian of that Nation, inform> us. That the Ancient Records of the Kingdom of France tcFiify, That the SubjeQs of that Nation upon the firll iniiitution of Kingfhip amongft them, referved a power to themfelves, both of chuling their Princes, and of depoling them again, if they thought And that the 0.ith of Allegiance which they took, was upon this exprefs fit
,
condition-, toroit^ That the Ring flioulu likewife perform what at his CoronaSo that if Kings by mifgoverning the People committed tion he fwore to do. to their charge, firlt broke their own Oath to their Subjects, there needs no Pope
" if a to the People that Authority whicii you fay headumes to himfelf: For '' Prince be accountable to the People, being beholden to them for his Royalty ; " if the People, lince they make Kings, have the fame Right to depofe them, as the very wordb of that Pope are ^ it is not likely that the French-men would by
to difpenfe with the Peoples Oaths ^ the Kings themfelves by their own perfidiAnd finally. Pope Zachary himfelf in a cufnefs haying abfolved their Subje^ls. which his the to of Letter French, you your felf quote, renounces, and afcribes
any Oath depart in the leaft from that Ancient Right, or ever tyeup their own hands, fo as not to have the fame Right that their Anceftors always had, to dewell as to honour and obey good ones nor is it likely that pofe bad Princes, as to themfelves that Obedience to Tyrants, which obliged yield they thought to Princes. A to fwore only yield good People obliged to Obedience by they fuch n Oath, is difcharged of that Obligation, when a lawful Prince bethe comes a Tyrant, or gives himfelf over to Sloth and Voluptuoufnefs rule of Jullice, the very Law of Nature difpenfes with fuch a Peoples AlleSo that even by the Pope's own opinion, the People were under no giance. Obligation to yield Obedience to C/;i/fm"c, and confequently had no need of a
, ,
Difpenfation.
CHAP.
V.
TH Law
I am of opinion, Salmaftm^ and always was. That the Law of God fo that having fhown what does exadly agree with the Law of Nature of God is, v/ith refpeft toPiinces, and what the pradife has been of the the People of God, both Jexvs and Chriflians., 1 have at the fame time, and by the fame Difcourfe, made appear what is moll agreeable to the Law of Nature : mofi powerfully by the Law of Nature., 1 will yet becaufe you pretend to confute be content to admit that to be neceflary, which before I had thought would be
,
that in this Chapter 1 may cTemonftrate, That nothing is more fuperfluous futable to the Law of Nature, than that Punifliment be inflifted upon Tyrants. Which if 1 do not evince, I will then agree v;ith you, that likewife by the Law
,
of
God they areex>:mpt. I do not purpofe to frame a long Difcourfe of Nature in general, and the original of Civil Societies ; that Argument has been But I fhail enlargely handled by many Learned Men, both Grech^ and Latin. deavour to be as ftort as may be and my defign is not fo much to confute you
;,
(who would
felf,
and
willingly have fpared this pains) as to fliow that you confute your I'll deftroy your own Pofitions. begin v;ith that firlt Pofition which
lliall
you lay down as a Fundamental, and that
be the
Groundwork of my enfuing
6o8
The L.nv of Nature^ fay you, u a Principle imfrinted on all luing Difcourfe. n.eiis minds ^ to regard the good of all A/anklnd^ conjidering men ai united together tn Societies. But thi-S innate Principle cannot frocitre that common good, unlefs^ as there
ife people that mtli be governed^ fo that very Principle afcertain who (J)all govern ther/t. wit, lelt the Itronger oppreis the weaker, and thofe perfons, who for their
To
mutual Safety and Proiedioii have united themfelves together, fliould be difaniced and divided by Injury and Violence, and reduced to a beaftia! favage life a-
This tfuppofe is what you mean. Out of the n>tmber of thsfe that united giin. tmo one body, you fay, there rnitfi needs have been fome chofen^ who excelled the reft in
extrarrdtnx'y, do this ^ and fometinies fjwre affified one another with their Advice and But Connfcl. om man (lioitld order all things himfelf^ there wis a neceffity. fince tt is impoffible that any of bi-s corifuliingrvith others, and taking Jomeirtto part cf the Government with himfelf :
the
Wifdom and Fâlonr that thsy either by foice, or by perfjpafion^ might refirain t hofe that were Sometimes it woit/d fo full out refraSoty^ andlêtp ihemtiithtn due hounds. that one [ingle Perf;n, xvhofe ConditEi and (âloiir was might be able to
-^
So that whether aftngle perfon reign, or whether the Supreme Power refde in the body of tt is that all fliould adminijier the affairs of the Commonwealth. xmpi.ffiblc People, fince
or th.it one
da all, the Government dies always l;e upon the fhoiilders of mafljonld afterwards you fay, Both Forms cf Government^ whether by many or a few, or by afingleperfon, are equally according to th: Laro of Nature ; for both proceed from the fame Principle of Nature, viz. Ihat it is impiffihle for any fmgle perfon fo to govern alone, as not to admit others into a fliare of the Government with himfelf. Tho might hive tal<en all this cue of the Third Book of Arijiotle's Politicks, 1 chofe rather to tranfcribe it out of your own Book ; for you Hole it froiu him, a-. Prometheus did Fire from Jupitery to the ruin of Monarchy, and overthrow
ny.
mM
And
of your felf, and your own opinion. For enquire as diligently as you can for your life, into the Law of Nature, as you have defcribed it, you will not find the Jeaft footllep in it of Kingly Power, as you explain it. The Law of Nature, lay you, in ordering who fliould govern others, refpeBed the univcrfal good of all mankind. It did not then regard the private good of any particular perfon, not of a Prince, fo that the King is for the People, and confequently the People fuperiortohinii which biing allowed, it is impoilible that Princes fiiould have any.
that the inferior fliould have right to ty.right to opprefs or cnflave the people -rannize over the fuperior. So that fince Kings cannot pretend to any right to do nlilchief, the right of the people muit be acknowledged according to the Law of Nature to be fuperior to that of Princess and therefore by the fame right, -that before Kingfhip was known, men united their Strength and Counfels for their mutual Safety and Defence > by the fame right, that for tlie prefervation
,
more to govern thole ; may depofe very perfons, whom for their Valour or VVifdom they advanced to the Government, or any others that rule difordeily, if they find them by reafon of their llothfulnefs, folly, or impiety, unfit for Government iince Nacnre does not regard the good of one, or of a few, but of all in general. For what fort of perfons were they whom you fuppofe to have been chofen ? You fay, they were fuch as excelled in Courage and Condutl., to
all
of
mens Liberty, Peace, and

by the fajne right they
Safety, they appointed one or
the relt
wit, fuch as by Nature fecmed iittelt forGovcrnment who by reafon of their exWifdomand Valour, were enabled to undertake fo great a Charge. The confcquenceofthis 1 take to be,That light of Succellion is not by the Law of Na,
cellent
that r,o Man by tf.e Law of Nature has right to be King, unlefs he excel all ture others in VVifdom and Courage; that all fuch as reign, ana want thefe qualifications, are advanced to the Government by F'orce or Fadtion ; have no right by the
,
Law
of Nature to be what they are, but ought rather to be Slaves than Princes. For Nature'appcints that Wife Men fliould govern Fooh, not that Wicked Men And confequently, they that iliould rule over Good Men Fools over Wife Men take the Government out of fuch mens hands, r.d according to the Law of Nature. To what end Nature direfts Wife Men fhould bear the Rule, you fliall
:
,
That by Force or by Perfwafion, they may keep fuch But how fliould he keep others within the bounds of theirduty, that negled.% or is ignorant of or wilfully afts contrary to his own ? Aliedg now, if you can, any didate of Nature, by which we are enjoined to neglecT: the wife Inftitutions of the Law of Nature, and have no tecavd to them in Civil and Publick Concerns, when we fee what great and adlicar in
"
your
own words
viz..
"
as are unruly, within due bounds.
mirabis
( <5o9 )
mirable things Nature her fdf efFcdls in things that are inanimate and void of Produce any R.ule of Nature, or Natural rather than lofe her end. Criminals ought to be punifticd, but Kings and Piininferior which Tuftice, by ces to go unpunifhed i and not only Co^ but thoguiityof the greatefl: Crimes and almofl: adored. You agree. That all imaginable, be had in Reverence, cr a few, or whether by a finale perfon^ are equally agreeForm J of Government, by many, of a King is not by the Law of So the that N.ititre. perfon able to the Law of or of Senate a than facred Nobles, Magiltrates, chofen from amore Nature be who common punithcd, and ought tobs, may grant you people, mongftthe and confequently, Kingsought to be fo too, who are appointif they offend For ed to rule for the very fame end and purpole that other Maîflrates are.
fenfe
,
not allow any Jingle perfon to bear rule fa entirely^ as not to have fay you Nature does it does It does not therefore allow of a Monarch Government. Partners in.the a be in (hould others as that all llavifli fubrule to one fo, not allow fingle perfon You that give Princes fuch Partners in the Goto his Commands only.
,
jedion vernment, as inxthcm, to ufe your own words, the Government always refldes-, do at the fame time make others Colleagues with them, and equal to them ; nay, and confequently you fettle a power in thofe Colleagues of punifhing, and of So that while you yourfelf go about, not to extol a Kingly depofing them. Government, but to cflablidi it by the Law of Nature, you deitroy it ^ no befal Soveraign Princes, than to have fuch an Advocate greater misfortune could are. as Poor, unhnppy wretch what blindnefs of mind has feiz'd you, that
you to difcover your knavery and folly, and you fliould unwittingly take fo much pains make it vifible to the world (which before you conceafdîn forae meafure and difbe fo induflrious to heap difgrace and ignominy upon guis'd) that you (hould offence does Heaven punifh you for, in making you appear in What yourfelf and undertake the defence of a defperate Caufe, v/ith fo much impupublick, dence and childithnefs, and inftead of defending it, to betray it by your ignorance ? What Enemy of yours would defire to fee you in a more forlorn, defpicable condition than you are, who have no refuge left from the depth of mifery, but in your own imprudence and want of fenfe, fince by your unskilful and (illy defence, you have rendered Tyrants the more odious and deteflable, by afcriof doing mifchief with Impunity and conbing to them an unbounded liberty than they had before ? But I return Enemies them more fequently havecreated with your felf to be fo wicked had refolved When to your Contradiftions. you for a foundation find out to as to endeavour Tyranny in the Law ofNature, above of other forts of Government faw a extolling Monarchy neceflfity you which you cannot go about to do, without doing as you ufe to do, that is conFor having faid but a little before. That all Forms of Gotradiding your felf
,
vernment^ whether by more or fewer ^ or by afmgle ferfm, are equally according to the Law of Nature^ noW you tell us, that of all thefe forts of Government^ that of a natural. Nay, though you had faid in exprefs terras but latefmgleferfan is mojl the Law of Nature does not allow that any Government jhauld refide entirely That ly. Now upbraid whom you will with the putting of Tyrants to death j in one man. fince your own folly, have cut the Throats of all Monarchs, your
you feUy^ nay even of Mona^yicfelf But it is not to the purpofe for us here to difis beff, by one (ingle perfon, or by many. 1 pute which Form of Government confefs many eminent and famous men have extolled Monarchy i but it has always been upon this fuppofition, that the Prince were a very excellent perfon, and one that of all others defcrved beft to reign without which Suppofition, no Form of Government can be fo prone to Tyranny as Monarchy is. And whereas you referable a Monarchy to the Government of the World, by one Divine Being, I pray anfwer rae. Whether you think that any other can deferve to bsinvelled with a power hereon Earih, that fhall referable his power that
,
governs the World, except fuch a perfon as does infinitely excel all other Men, andbothfor Wifdom and Goodncfs in fonie meafure referable the Deity-? and And fuch a perfon in my opinion, none can be but the Son of God himfelf. whereas you make a Kingdom to be a kind of Family, and make a comparifon betwixt a Prince and the Mafterof a Family i obferve how lame the Parallel is. For a Mafter of a Family begot part of his Houlhold, at leaft he feeds all thofe that are of his houfe, and upon that account deferves to have the Government ^ In but the rcafon holds not in the cafe of a Prince j nay 'tis quite contrary.
I
i i i
the
6io
the next place, you propole to us for our imkation the example of inferior Creatures, efpecially of Birds, and aniongil them of Bees, which according to your skill in Macural Philofophy, are a fort of Birds too ^ The Bees have a Kingover them. The Bees of Tff f you mean don't you remsmber ? all other Bees
,
you your felf confefs to be Commonwealths. But leave off playing the fool with Bees; they belong to the Mufes, and hate, and (you fee) confute fucha The âtls tre under a Captain. Beetle as you are. Lay Tuch fnares for your own Biiterns you are not Fowler good enough to catch us. Now you begin CallM Gallinacem, a Cock, fay you, has both Coch to be perfonally concerned. and Hens under him. How can that be, fip.ce you your felf tiiat ^'czGnllns^ and bat too m\iz\\Gallinaceiis^ by report cannot govern your own finglc Hen, but let her govern you ? So that if zGalimaceusbt a King orer many Hens, you thai; are a Have to one, muft own your felf not to be fo good HS^GalltnaceiiSt hue fomeStercorarius Galliis., fome Dunghil-Cock or other. For matter of Books there is no body publifhes huger Dunghiis than you, and you dillurb all people v/ith your fhitcen Cock-crow ; that's the only property in which you refemble a true Cock. Til throw you a great many Barley-corns, if in ranfacking this Book of yours, you can fliow me but one Jewel. But why (hould I Diinghil promife you Barley, that never peckc at Corn, as that honefl: plain Cock that we read of in e^/^f, but at Gold, asthatRoguey Cock in P/.irT, though with a different events for you found a hundred Jacobi/Jjfes, aiid he was flruckdead with Eiiclio's Club, which you deferve more than he did. But let us go on That fame natural reafon that de(^gns the good and fafety of all Manl^jndy requires th.1t whoever u once promoted to the Soveraignty, he prejervedin the p''fft(fion of it.
;
:
as his prel'ervation is conliflent with the fafety not obvious to all men that nothing can be more contrary to natural reafon than that any one man fliould be preferved and defended to the utter ruin and deftruftion of all others? But yet (you fay) it is better to the worfl that ever keep and defend a bad Prince^ nay one of was^ than to change him the ill do another hu Government cannot Commonwealth ; far fo much harm as becaiife the dififtrbattces ipill occafion., which mnjl of neceffny be raifed before the can (ret
Who ever queftion'd this, as long

all
of
the reft? But
is
it
people
rid of him. But what is this to the Kight of Kings by the Law of Nature? If Nature teaches me rather to fufFer my felf to be robbed by High-way men, or if
1
'
(hould be taken Captive by fuch, to purchafe my Liberty with all my Eftate, than to fi^ht with them for my life, can you infer from thence, that they have a jiatural#ight to rob and fpoil m^; ? Nature teaches men to give way fometimes to the violence and outrages of Tyrants, the neceffity of affairs fometimes enforces a Toleration with their enormities i what foundation can you find in this forced patience of a Nation, in this compulfory fubmilfion, to build a Right upon, for Princes to tyrannize by the Law of Nature? That Right which Nature has given the people for tiieir own prefervacion, can you îffirm that ihe has invelted Tyrants with for the people's ruin and deftrudim ? Nature teaches and to b.eir with opprellion, aUong as there us, of twoevils tochufe the leaft
,
is
anccellity of fo doing ; and will you infer from hence^diat Tyrants have fome Right by the Law of Nature to opprefs their Subj.LT;s<md go unpunifhed,
it may fometimes d5 a lefs mifchief to Remember what your felf once wrote
becaufe as circumltances may fall out, bear with tiiem than to remove them?
:
concerning Biftcpsagsinfta Jefuit ^ you were then of another opinion than you are now have (|noted your words formerly you there affirm that fediiioui Civil dijjentions and difcords of the Nobles and Common People againfl and ainonffi one another, are much more tolerable.^ and lefs mifchievoiis than certain mifery anddeAnd you ftrullion under the Government of a (ingle perfm.^ that plays the Tyrant. faid very tjûe. For you had net then run mad ^ you had not then been bribed You had not got'rhe Ktngs-Evil. Ifhouldtell you w''X\\ Charles h\'i J acobitffes. I did know not you, that you might be alhamed thus to prevaricate. perhaps, if But yon can fooner burfl than blufh, who have cafe off all fliame for a little proI i
'
Did you not remember, that the Commonwealth of the people of Rome and became glorious when they had banifhed their Kings? Could you poftibly forget that of the Low Countries? which after it had fhcok ofFthe Yoke of the Kingof i^/).2/>/, after longand tedious Wars, but crown'd with fuccefs, obtained its Liberty, and feeds fuch a pitiful Grammarian as your felf with a
fit.
flouriihcd
Peniion
but
iioj;
with a de.lga that their youth might be fo infatuated by your Sophilfry,
.(
^"
Sophiftry, as to chufe rather to return to their former Slavery than inhef it the Glorious Liberty which their Anceftors purchafed for them. May thole pernicious principles of yours bebanifhed with your felf into the moft remote and barbarous Corners of the World. And lafl: of all, the Commonwealth of
land
Engmight have afforded you an example, in which Charles^ who had been their King, after he had been taken captive in War, and was found incurable, was But they h4ve defaced and impoverijltedthe Ifland with Civil broils and put to death. its difcords^ which under Kings rvai happy, and /warn in Luxury. Yea, when ic was almoft buried in Luxury and Voluptuoufnefs, and the more inured thereto, that it might be enthralled the mor.eeafily, when its Laws were abolifhcd, and its You are like him Religion agreed to be fold, they delivered ic from Slavery. that publifhed Simplicim and EptBetiis in the famp Volume ; a very grave Stoick, IVho call an Jfland happy, b-caufe it fwims in Luxury. I'm fure no fach Doftrine ever came outof Zeno\ School. But why Ihould not you, who vyould give Kingsapowerof doing what they lift, have liberty your felf to broach what new Philofophy you pleafe ? Now begin again to ad your part. Ihere never was in any King's Reign fa much blood fpilt, fo many Families ruined. All this is to be imputed to Charles., not to us, who firft raifed an Army of Irishmen againlt usj who by his own Warrant authorized the /f^^/fc Nation to confpire againft the Engli^ who by their means flew two hundred thoufand of his Englifl} Subin the Province of Vlfter., belides what Numbers were flain in other jefts parts of that Kingdom; whofollicited two Armies towards the deflruiftion of the Parliament of England, and the City of London ; and did many other ailions of Hoftility before the Parliament and People had lifted one Soldier for the preferV2tion and defence of the' Government. What Principles, what Law, what
,
Religion ever taught men rather to confult their eafe, to fave their Money, their Blood, nay their Lives themfelves, thantooppole an Enemy with force? fori make no difference betwixt a Foreign Enemy and another, fince both are equally " dangerous and deflruftive to the good of the whole Nation. The People of //"raeliavi very well, that theyould not poffibly punilh the Benjamites for murdering the LewVe's Wife, without the lofs of many Mens Lives : And did that induce them tofitftill? Was that accounted a fufficient Argument why they Ihould abflain from War, from a very Bloody Civil War? Did they therefore fufferthe death of one poor Woman to be unrevenged ? Certainly if Nature teaches us rather to endure the Government of a King, though he be never fo bad, than to endanger the lives of a great many Men in the recovery of our Liberty, it muftteach us likewife not only to endure a Kingly Government, which is the only one that you argue ought to be fubraitced to, but even an Ariftocracy and a Democracy Nay, and fomeciraes it will psrfwade us, to fubmit to a Multitude of Highway-men, and to Slaves that mutiny. Fulvius and Rupilius, if your Principles had been received in their days, mull not have engaged in the Servile War (as their Writers call it) after the Pr<etorian Armies were Qain Crajfus mull: not have marched agaiift Spartacus, after the Rebels
: :
had deltroyed one Roman Army, and fpoifd their Tents Nos mufl Pompey have undertaken the Piratick War. But the State of Rome mull have purfued the diftates of Nature, and riiufthave fubmitted to their own or to the PySlaves, rates rather than run the hazard of You do not prove lofing fome Mens Lives. at all, that Naturehas imprinted any fuch notion as this of yours on the minds of Men And yet you cannot forbear boding us ill luck, and denouncing the Wrath of God againft us (which may Heaven divert, and infiid it upon your felf, and all fuch Prognofticators as you) who have punifhed as he deferved, one that had the name of our but was in Faa our King, implacable Enemy ; and we have made Atonement for the death of fo of our many Countreymen, as our Civil Wars have occafion'd, by fhedding his Blood, that was the Author and Caufeof them. Then you tell us, that a Kingly Government appears to be more according to the Laws of Nature, becaufe mrre Nations, both in our days and of old, have fubmitted to that Form of Govermnent, than ever didto any other. I anlwer, If that be fo, it was neither the effeft of anydiftate of the Law of Nature, nor was it in Obedience to any Command from God. God would not fuller his own People to be under a King he confented atlaft, but unwillingly : what Nature and right Reafon dilates, we are not to gather from the praftife of molt Nations, but of the wifelt and moft prudent. The Grecians., the Romans, the
: :
,
I i i i
Italians,
(612)
ha'sans-, and Carthagifiiam, wich many other, haveof their own accord, out of choice, preferred a Lommonwealth to a. Kingly Government-, and thefe NatiHence Sulpiti/a ons that I have named, are better inltances than all the reft. ' Severiis fays, That theVery name of a King was always very odious among * But thcfe things concern not our prefent purpofc, nor freeborn People. many I'll make hade to other Impertinences that Follow over and over again. prove vtz. that by Examples which I have proved already by tleafon That it is very agreeable to the Law of Nature, that Tyrants fhould be punidied ; and that all Nations by the inftintl of Nature, have puniflied them ; which will expofe your Impudence, and make it evident, that you take a liberty to You' begin with the %_>'/"i^w ; and indeed, publifh palpable downiight Lies.
;
who
that yon play the Gipfy your felf throu^houc ? Amongfl them, no mention extant of any Kmg^ that WK ever (lain by the, fay yoii, People in a no V/ar made i4fon any of their Kings by their SubjcHis^ no uttemot InfnrreUion^ Popular
fee,
there-is
does not
VVhatthiak you thenof Oyj^'r/, who perhaps was the madetocl':pofeanyefihem. Was not'he ilain by his Brother Typhon, iirfl: King that the Egyptians ever had ? other and five and twenty Confpirators? And did not a great parr of the
Body
of the People lidc with them, and fight a Battel with Jfis and Oms^ the late King's Wife and Son ? I pafs by Sefofiris^ whom his Brother had well nigh put to death, and Chemmi!^ and Cephrenes, againftwhom the People were defervedly enraged ; and becaufe they could not do it while they were alive, they threatned to'tear them in pieces after they were dead. Do you think that a People that durft lay violent hands upon good Kings, had any reftraint upon theniteither by the Light of Nature or Religion, from putting bad ones to Death ? Could they that threatned to pull the dead Bodies of their Princes out of their Graves, when they ceafed to do mifchief, (thoby theCuftora of their ownCountryitheCorpsofthemeanefl Perfon was facred and inviolable) abltain from inflicting Punifliment upoa them in their Life-time, when they were ading all their Viilanies, if they had been able ^ and thaf upon fome Maxim of the Law of Nature ? I know you would not flick toanfwer me in the affirmative, how abfi-ifld foever it be ^ .but that you may not oifer afit, I'll pull out year Tongue. Know then, that fome Ages before Cephrenes''s time, one Ammofu was Kiqg of E^yp^-, and was as great a Tyhim the People bore with. This you are rant, as who has been the greateft is be at. would But he ir what follows, my hbncft hear this what you ^ glad to I fhall out of 'I'ell-troth. DiodorM., They bare with him, for fome while, befpeak he xvoi too jlrongfor tkem. when Atltfanes King of Ethiopia made war But caufe took that opportunity to revolt, fo that being deierted, lie was upon him, they bcLamc an Accefllon to the Kingdom of Ethiopia. and You fubdued, Egypt ealily lee the Egyptians, as foon a- they could, took up Arms againft a Tyrant ; they joined Forces with a Foreign Prince, to depofe their own King, and dilinherit his Pofterity i they chofe to live under a moderate and good Prince, as AcUfanes ThefamePcowas, tho a Foreigner, ratherthanunder aTyrant oftheirown. plc with a very unanimous Confent took up Armsagainjt Wpw/, anotherTyrant, who relied upon Foreign Aids that he had hired toafllR him. Under the Conduct of Amafis their General they conquered, and afterward ftrangled him, and And obft:rve this Circumltance in the Hiltory j placed yinufis in the Throne. a the good while "in the Palace, and treated him well : Captive King Arnajis kept At Jaft, whtn the People complain'd that he nonrilhed his own and their Enemy he delivered him into their hands, who put him to death in the manner 1 have Thefe things are related by Herodotus and Diodorm. Where -are mentioned. ? Do you think that any Tyrant would not thufe a Hatchet rather than you now
-,
Z Halter
the
irk f/7e Egyptians ro^re brought into fubjeUiou \jO\\, by continued Pcrfizns'.,'- they faithful to them; which is molt falle, they never were faithful to them : For in the fourth year after C^w^^/^j had fubdued them, they
?
Afterwards^^z'^
rebelled.
Afterward,
when Xerxes had tamed them,

Cct
within a
fliort
time
up one Inarns to be their King. After his death they rebeli'd HLâin, and created one Tachus King, and made war upon Anaxcrxes Mnemon. Neither were they better Subjccfts to their own Princes, for they depofed 7V;c/jw, and conferr'd the Government upon his Son NeElanebus, till at lalt Anaxerxes Ochiis brought them the fecond time under fubWhen they were under the Macedonian Empire, jcdisn to the Ferfian Empire. their declared Aftioris, that Tyrants ought to be under fome reftraint : by they
they revolted from his Son -Artaxerxes., and
They
the Statutes and Imnges of Ptolomûs Phyfco^ and would have him, but that the mercenary Army that he commanded, wastooftrong His Son Jlexandcr was forced to leave his Country by the meer viofor them. lence of ihe People, who were incenfed againft him for killing his Mother. And the People q( AUxandrU dragged his Son Alexander out of the Palace, whofe inAnd the fdm folent Behaviour gave juft Offence, and killed him in the Theatre. Pio'onuits JiHetes for his many Crimes. Now, fince it is imporPeople depofed hble that any Learned Man Ihould be ignorant of thefe things that are fo generaland fince it is an inexcufable Fault in Salmafus to be ignorant of ly known i Profeflion it is to teach them others, and whole very whofe them, allerting things of this nature ought to-carry in it felf an Argument of Credibility ^ it is certaincither thatfo ignorant, illiterate a ly a very fcandalous ihi%g (I fay) Blockhead, Ihould to the fcandal of all Learning, profefs himfelf, and be accounted a Learned Man, and obtain Salaries from Princes and States or that fo impudent and notorious a Lyar Ihould not be branded with fome particular mark of Infamy, and for ever baniflied from the Society of learned and honefl Men. Having fearched
killed
\,
They threw down
an:ong the Egyptians for Examples, let us now confider the Ethioppan: their NeighThey adore their Kings, whom they fuppofe God to have appointed oAnd yet whenever the Priefls ver them, even as if they were a fort of Gods condemn any of them, they kill themfelves And on that manner, fays Diodorus, they put them not to death, but fend a Minifter they punilh all their Criminals
bours.
:
of
to deftroy their own Perfons. In the next place the the and the who of all others were mention Medes, Perftans, you Jjfynans^ moil obfervant of their Princes-: And you affirm, contrary to all Hiftorians that
Jullice to
command them
have wrote any thing concerning thofe Nations, That the Regal Power there^ had In the firft place an unbounded Liberty annexed toil of doing what the King lifted. the Prophet Daniel tells us, how the Babylonians expelled Nebnchadnezz.ar out of
,
Human
Society, and
made him graze with the
infufFerable.
The Laws
Beafts, when his Pride grew.to be of thofe Countries were not entituled the Laws of their
Kings, but the Lîws o( the A-fedes aad Per/tans ; which Laws were irrevocable, and the Kings themfelves were bound by them Infomuch that Darius the Mede^ tho he earneftly defired to have delivered Daniel from the hands of the Princes, Thofe Nations^ fay you, thought it no fufficient pretence to yet could not effeft it. he abtifed the Right. that was inherent in him as he XPOi a Prince^ becanfe rejetl Sovereign. But in the very writing of thefe words you are i'o flupid, as that with the fame
:
breath that you commend the Obedience and Submilfivenefs of thofe Nations, of your own accord you make mention oiSardanapalus''s being deprived of his Crown by Arbaces. Neither was it he alone that accomplilhed that Enterprife for he had the afllftance of the Priefts (who of all others were belt verfed in the
,
account that he depofed him, becaufe he abufed his authority and power, not by giving himfelf over to cruelty, but to luxury and efleminacy. Run over the Hiftoriesof //roîr/, Cteftas, Di' odorus^ and you will find things quite contrary to what you afiert here ; you will find that thofe Kingdoms were dellroyed for the molt part by Subjedls, and not by Foreigners that the /^jjyn'iw^ were brought down by the Medes^ who then were their Subjecls, and the Medes hy the Perfians^ who at that time were likewife fubjett to them. You your felfconfefs, that Cyrus rebelled, and that at the fame time in divers farts of the Empire little npjlart Governments were formed by thofe that But does this agiec with what you faid before ? Does this fhookôjf the Medes. prove the obedience of the Medes and Perfans to their Princes, and that Jus Regium which you had alTerted to have been oniverfally received amongft thofe Nations? What Potion can cure this brainfick Frenzy of yours ? You fay. It appears by Herodotus how abfolute the Perfan Kings were. Cambyfes being defirous to
it
and of the People y and
was wholly upon
Law)
this
marry his Sifter, confulted with the Judges, who were the Interpreters of the Laws, to whofe Decifion all difficult matters were to be referred. What anfwer had he from them ? They told him, they knew no Law which permitted a Brother to marry his Sifter-, but another Law they knew, that the Kings of /"er/^rf might do what they lifted. Now to this 1 anfwer, if the Kings of Perfm were really fo abfolute, what need was there of any other to interpret the Laws, befides the King himfelf? Thofe fuperfluous unneceffary Judges would have had their abode and relidence in any other place rather than in the Palaccjwhere they were altogether ufelefs. Again, if thofe Kings might do whatever they would,
it
(6i4)
not credible that fo ambitious a Prince as. Camhyfes was, (hould be fo ignorant of that grand Prerogative, as to confult with the Judges, whether what he delired -were according to .Law. What was. the m'itter then ? either they as yon fay they did, or they were afraid to crofs defigned to humour the King, that Herodotus gives of it i and fo told him account is the his inclination, which would knew of fuch a Law, as they pleafehim, and in plain terms made a fool with new no But^ fay is Judges and Lawyers now a days. which of hitii thing that there was no better Law in Perfia, -* Perfian told Themiftodes, Artabanus you, An which it was enaBed, That Kings were to be honoured and adored. than that
it is
-^
excellent
!
was without doubt which commanded Subjeds to adore their and Artabanus was but the Primitive Fathers have long ago damned it Princes was who thrvery Man that a little a proper perfon to commend fuch a Law, You hand. own his quote Regicides to alTert Roywhile after (lew Xerxes with In the next place you fome have defign upon Kings. lam afraid you alty,
by
Law
that
But I appeal to prove how obedient the Perfians were. quote the Poet Claudtan^ of the of the thefull Revolts are which and Perftaiis, Annals, to their Hiftories inftances of the Murus and and give frequent the BaBrians, Babylonians^ A'ledes^ The next perfon whofe authority you cite, is Otanes the ders of their Princes. Smerdi-s then King of Perfia, to whom, out of the Perfian, who likQvnkkiWtd hatred which he bore to a Kingly Government, he reckons up the impieties and their'violation of all Laws, their putting Men to injurious aftions of Kings, Death without any legal Conviftion, their Rapes and Adulteries-, and all this of Kings, and (lander Samuel again as a teacher you will have called the Right You of fuch Doiftrines. qaote Homer, who fays that Kings derive their AuthoFor King Philip I have already given an anfwer. which to from rity Jupiter of Macedov^ whofe aflerting the Right of Kings, you make ufeof: Til believe Then you quote fome Sentences out Charles his defcription of it, as foon as his. but you do not tell us what fort of of a 'fra<ment of Diogenes a Pythagorean he begins that Difcourfe \ for how therefore Obferve a King he fpeaks of. ' Let him be to have relation to it. be underftood whatever follows mufl: ' ads molt acand he is that is moll fo others all of juft, King, fays he, that ' Laws and that is not without can be no Man for ; Law ; King juft cording to * of to is that This no yours. be direflly Right oppofite Regal there can Juftice. WhofoAnd Ecphantas-, whom you likewife quote, is of the fame opinion : ' him to be a King, ought to be naturally moft pure and clear ever takes
,
upon
'
from
all
So that fuch a King as you he only is properly governs well, and the of Pythagoreans, is no King at all. fpeak of, according to the Philofophy ' : Let King', fays he, be liable his in Eighth Efifile Hear now what Plato fays ^ do the Laws controul not only the Let what for they to be called to account ' if they do any"thing not warranted by Law. but themfelves, Kings People, ' Book of hit Politicks It is neither for ril mention what Arifiotle fays in the Third
'
imputation.
And
'
a little after,
Him,
fo.
fays he,
we
call a
King, that
'
the Piiblick
*
't *
are by nature alike and equal, that any one Ihould be Lord and Mafter overall the reft, where there are no Laws : nqris it for the Publick Good, or Juft, that one man tho Ihould be a Law to the reft, wJiere there are Laws , nor that any one,
Good, nor
is
it juft,
fays he, feeing all
men
over bad a good man, Ihould be Lord over other good men, nor a bad man ' to be refufe whom That the People King And in the Fifth Book, fays he, men. in * Hear what fays is no lon:ier a King, but a Tyrant. Xenophon eovern'd by, ' that deaths of the from fo far they : are Tyrants, Htero revenging People ' in their confer great Honour upou him that kills one, and eredl Statutes _Tem' of Tyrannicides. Of this I can produce an Eye-witnefs, Honour the to pies * Marcus Tullim, in his Oration pro Mtlone, The Grecians, fays he, afcribe Di' to fuch as kill Tyrants : What things of this nature have I my vine
* * <
'
felf
'
of Greece? How many Religious Athens, and in the other Cities of in honour fuch men ? How many Hymns ? Ohfervances have been inftituted
Worffiip
kenat
are confecrated to Immortality and Adoration, and their Memory endeaAnd laftly, Polybim, a Hiftorian of great Authority vi'ured to be perpetuated. * When Princes began Sixth in the and Gravity, Eookôf his Hifory h^s thus: were turned then fenfual and Lufts their own Kingdoms to indulge Appetites, of their ' into fo many Tyrannies, and the Subjeifts began to confpire the death of thofe * fort that were the Authors neither was it the
'.
They
'
Governors;
profligate
'
Defigns,
C
<
(^M
I could quote many fuch Defigns, but the mofl Generous and Magnanimous. From the Pbilolbpliers you aplike pallages, but 1 fliall inftancc in no more. peal to the Poets; and lam very willing to follow you thither. tyfchyliis is to triform US ^ That the Pan er of the Kings of Giczce rvas fuch, as not to he enough
the cenfure of any Laws, or to be qtcefltoned before any Human Judicature ^ that is called^ The Suppliants, calls the for he in that Tragedy King of the Argives, Tribunal. a Governor not obnoxious to the Judgment of But you mu(t know
liable to
any
(for
more you fay, the more you difcover your raflinefs and want of judgment) ydu muft know, I fay, that one is not to regard what the Poet fays, but what perfon in the Play fpeaks, and what that pcrfon fays , for different perfons are
the
introduced, fometimes good, fometimes bad ^ fometimes wife men, fometimes fools and fuch words are put into their mouths, as it is molt proper for them to fpeak \ not fuch as the Poet would fpeak, if he were to fpeak in his own perfon. The Fifty Daughters of Dd/i.?;/^ being banidied out of Egyft, became Suppliants
-,
to the King of thQ Argives ^ they begg'd of him, that he would protedthem from the Egyptians, who purfued them with a Fleet of Ships. The King told them he could not undertake their Protedtion, till he had imparted the matter
to the people j For, fays he, if I fhould make a promife to you, I rtiould not * be able to perform it, unlefs I confult with them firft. The Women being Strangers and Suppliants, and fearing the uncertain fuffragts of the people, ' ten him, That the Power of all the people refides in him alone i that he judg' He anfwers : ' I have told you es all others, but is not judged himfelf by any.
'
'already, That I cannot do tfhis thing that you defire of me, without the peoAt laft h#refers the matter pies confent j nay, and tho \ could, 1 would not. to the people; ' I will aflemble the people, y^jij he^ and perfwade them to pro* ted you. The people met, and refolved to engage in their quarrel ; infomuch that Danaus their Father bids his Daughters, ' be of good cheer, for the
* '
and Defence.
People of the Countrey, in a popular Convention, had voted their Safeguard If I had not related the whole thing, how rafhly would this
impertinent Ignoramus have determined concerning the Right of Kings among theC7rc/4i, out of the mouths of a few Women that were Strangers and Suppliants, tho the King himfelf, and the Hiftory be quite contrary? The fame thing appears by the Itory of Oreftes in Euripides, who after his Father's death
was himfelf King of the Argives, and yet was called in queftion by the people for the death of his Mother, and made to plead for his Life, and by the major The fame Poet in his Play called The Suppliants, fufFrage was condemned to die.
That at Athem the Kingly Power was fubjeft to the Laws ; where ' then This is a free City, King of that City is made to fay.thefe words Thefeus * the people reigns here. And his Son Demophoan, it is not governed by one man who was King after him, in another Tragedy of the fame Poet, called Heraclida ; ' I do not exercife a Tyrannical Power over them, as if they were Barbarians: * but if 1 do them juftice, they will do me with them am terms I upon other
declares,
: ,
,
'the
'
like.
Sophocles in his Oedipus fhows.

:
That
anciently in Thebes the Kings

'
am not your Creon to the fame Ckyy fays he^ And in another Tragedy of the fame Poet, called Antigone, 'as well as you. ' That the City of Ihebes is not govern'd by a finglepere/2o tells the King,
were rot abfoiute neither
Slave.
Hence
And
I fays Tirefias to Oedipus, ' I have fame in this King, Right
that the Kings of Lacedemon Wa.vz bzzw arraigned, and fometimes put to death judicially. Thefe inftances are fufficient to evince what Power the Kings in G^'ffCf had. Let us confider now xhz Romans : You betake your felf to that pafTage of C. Memmius in Salu(t, of Kings having a liberty to
'fon.
All
men know
to which 1 have given an anfwer already. lift, and go unpunifhed 'That the ancient Government of Rome himfelf in words, fays .S'i//;/? exprefs ' was by their Laws, tho the Name and Form of it was Regal : which Form of
,
do what they
Government, when
ed.
'
it
grew
into a
Tyranny, you know they putdown and chang'
Shall I, fays he, account him a Conful, Cicero in his Oration againfl: Ptfo, who would not allow the Senate to have any Authority in the Commonwealth ? Shall I take notice of any man as Conful, if at the fame time there be no fuch
thing
when of old, the City oi Rome acknowledged not their adied without or in oppofition to the Senate ? Do you hear j they Kings, the very Kings themfelves at Kome fignified nothing without the Senate. But, fay you, Romulus governed as he lifted-, and for that you quote T^jc/f".
as a Senate
if
,
No
6i6
)
,
not then eftgblifhed by Law they were a con fus'd multitude of fliangers, more likely regulated than a State; and all Mankind lived without Laws, before Governments were fetled. But when RjtdhIm was dead, tho all the People were defirous of a King, not having yet expe' The Sovereign Power rienced the fweetnefs of Liberty, \et, as Livy informs us>
No
wonder
The Government was
'
'
fo that they parted not with refided in the People The fame Author tells us, 'That the fame tained.
,
more Right than they rePower was afterwards ex-
'
and
Servim lullins at firft reigned by fraud, torted from them by their Emperours. as it were a Deputy to Tarijitininj Prifcits > but afterward he referred it to tiie
Whether they would have him reign or no ? At lafi-, fays Tacimi, he became the Author of fuch Laws as the Kings were oblif^cd to ob^y. Do you think he would have done fuch an injury to himfelf and hi^ Pofliericy, if he had
People,
been of opinion that the Right of Kings had been above all Laws ? Their Idil Tarqitinius Superbiu^ was the firft that put an end to that cuftom of confukthe Senate concerning all Publick Affairs-, for which very thing, and other ing enormities of his, the People depofed him, and banilhed him and his Family. Thefe things 1 have cut of Lrt;> and Ciro, than whom you will hardly produce any better Expofitors of the Right of Kings among the ikjj. As for the Di(flatorfhip, that was but temporary, and was never made ufe of, but in great exBut that which you tremities, and was not to continue longer than fix Months. call the Right of the Roman Emperours, was no Right, but a plain downright Force ; and was gained by War only. But Tacitus^ fay you, tljat liv;d under the Covertiment of a Jingle Perjon^ writes thus The Gods have committed the Sovereign Power in human Jffairs to Princes only., and have left to Subjctis the honour of being obedient. But you tell us not where Tacitus has thefe words, for you were confcious to your felf, that you impofed upon your Readers in quoting them which I For that Exprefprefently fmeltout, tho 1 could not find the place of a fudden lionis not facitus's own, who is an approved Writer, and of all others the but Tacitus relates that of M. Jeremius, a Gentlegreateft Enemy to Tyrants man of ôwf, being accufed for a Capital Crime, amongfl; other things that he faid to fave his Life, flattered Tiberius on this manner. It is in the Sixth Book of ' his y)nnals. The Gods have entrufted you with the ultimate Judgment in all ' And you cite this paOage things-, they have left us the honour of Obedience. as if Tacitus had faid it himfelf^ you fcrape together whatever feems to make for your Opinion, either out of oftentation, or out of weaknefs ^ yon would leave out nothing that you could find in a Baker's, or a Barber's Shop ^ nay, yoa would be glad of any thing that looked like an Argument, from the very Hangman. If you had read Tacitus himfelf, and not tranfcribed fome loofe Quotations out of him by other Authors, he would have taught you whence that Impe' rial Right had its Oiiginal. After the Conqiieft of -<4/j4, /ey^ /;, the whole ' itate of our Affairs was turned uplide down nothing of the ancient integrity ' of our Forefathers was left amongft us ^ all men (hook off that former equality which had been obferved, and began to have t reverence for the Mandates ** of Princes. This you might have learned out of the Third Book of his Jnnals., v^hence you have all your Regil Right. 'When that ancient equality was laid a* fide,and inftead thereof Ambition and Violence took place, Tyrannical Forms of Government llarted up, and fixed themfelves in many Countries. This fame thing you might have learned out of Z)/o, if your natural Levity and Unletlednefs of Judgment would have fuffered you to apprehend any thing that's folid. He tells us in the Ftfty third Bookjii his fJifiory, out of which Book you have mjde fome quotation already, That Oiiaviui dfar^ partly by Force, and partly by Fraud, brought tilings to that pafs, that the Emperors of Rome became no For he, tho he promifed to the people in publick that longer fettued by Laws. he would lay down the Government, and obey the Laws, and become fubjeft to others ; yet under pretence of making War in feveral Provinces of the Empire, ftill retained thel.egion?,'and fo by degrees invaded the Government, which he pretended he would refufe. This was not regularly getting fromunder the Law, but breaking forcibly through all Laws, as Spartacus the Gladiator might have done ; and ihen alluming to himfelf the ftyle of Piince or Emperor, as if God or the Law of Nature had put all Men and all Laws into fubjettion under him. ould you enquire a little further into the Original of the Right of the Roman
King
-^
-,
Emperors
Mmcits Amcnius^
whom
C^far (when by taking up
Arms
againft the
Commonwealth,
((5i7)
Power into his hands) had made ConfuJ, Cofnmonwealth, he had got the when a Solemnity called Lnpercalu v/ss celebrated at Rome, as had been fhouid let a Crown Upon C^/<3>-'s head, he that contrived before-hand though the fight, caufed it to be entred upon at laminted and the pccple lighed record. That Aureus Jntonius at the Lnpercalia, made Caf.ir King at the Inftanceof the ' Was Lucius TarOf. which action Ctcero in his fecond Phtlippick fays, people. 1 5^ therefore cxpe.kd, Spiirius Cajfuis, Sp. AIcUus, and Marcus Maniliiis
all
the
after many ages Afarcus Amo>iius Ihould make a put to death, that King in Rome contnry to Law ? But you deferve to be tortured, and loaded with evcrmuch more .than A/^r^ ^wrowy ^ tho would not have you 'afting difgiace, for 1 do not think fo becaiife he and your fclf are put together defpicaproud with him in fit to be as Wretch a any thing but hi Impiety ble compared you fee not a. Crown upon one Tyyou that in thofe horrible Lnpercaltaoi yours, rant's head, but upon all, and fuch a Grown as you would have limited by no Laws, nor liable to any. Indeed if we muft believe the Oracles of the Emperors themfclves (for fo fome Chrillian Emperors, as Theodofins and ralens, have called their Edifts, Cod. lib. i. tit. 14O the Authority of the Emperors Mj jelly of the Perfon that reigns, depends upon that of the Law. So that the even by the Judgment, or call it the Oracle of the Emperors themfclves, muft Hence Pliny tells Trajan fubmit tothe Laws, on whofe Authority it depends. in hi> Pane^yrick^, when the Power of the Emperors was gro.vn to its heightt ' A Principality, and an Abfolute Sovereignty are quite different things. Trahe rules like a looks like a Kingdom Prince, that */Vjputs down whatever ' a Power. And for room there may be no Magilj;erial afterwards, Whatever * Ihavefaid of other Princes, i faid that I might fliow how our Prince reforms * and correifts the Manners of Princes, which by long cultom have been corrup' Are not you afhamed to call that the Right of Kings, ted and depraved. that P/wycalL the corrupt and depraved Cuftoms of Princes ? But let this fuffice to have been faid in Ihort of the Right of Kings, ss k was taken at Rome. How they derdt with their Tyrants, whether Kings or Emperors, is
'
'
1
:
-,
.
'
known.
They
expelled r^>-^/.
?
him judicially they proceed againj} the City., they jiiut the gates againjl him.
but fhut the gates,
generally But, fay you, fJom did they expel him ? Did No Inch matter : When he would have come into
Ridiculous Fool!
to
What
could they
?
do
when he was haftning
them with part of the Array
And
v?hat great difference will there be, whether they banifhed him, or put him to ? The beftraen of that death, fo they punilTied him one way or other age kill'd Which adlion of theirs, Marcus Cufar the Tyrant in the very Senate.
Titlliits.,
Courage wanted an Opportunity, alj had a good will to it. And afterWhat greater and more glorious Aition Cye holy gods!) ever was wards, but in any other Country ? what Aftion performed, not in this City only, * more worthy to be recommended to everlafling memory ? I am not unwilling * to beincluded within the number of thofe that advifed it, as within the Troja>i * Horfe. Thepaflage of Seneca may relate both to the Romans, and the Grecians^ * There cannot be a greater, nor more acceptable Sacrifice offered up to Jupiter., ' For if you confider Herculc, whofe words thefe are, than a wicked Prince. they fhew what the Opinion was of the principal Menamongfl: the Grecians in If the Poet, who flouridied under Nero, (and the molt worthy Perthat Age.
'
very excellent Man, and publickly calPd the Father of his and particularly in his fecond Philippick., extols wonelfewherc both Countrey, his words 'All good men kill'd C^f/^r, as far as fome of I'll repeat derfully. Sorne Men could not ad vile in it, others wanted in them lay. toad:
who washimfelf
in it, others
*
'
fons in Plays generally exprefs the Poet's ov>. n Senfe) then this palfage fhows us .what Seneca himfelf and all good Men, even in Nero's time, thought was fit to
be done to
thought
it
to
Vemitia'i.
peror,
' '
'
We
and how vertuous an A(5tion, how acceptable to God they ; So every good Man of Rome, as far as in him lay, kill'd one. the owns it openly in his Paiegyrick to Trajan the EmSecond Pliny took pleafare in dadiing thofe proud Looks againit the Ground,
Tyrant
kill
'
in mangling him with Axes, as if he had pain at every ftroke: N'o Man could fo command his palGon of Joy, but that he counted it a piece of Revenge to behold his mangled Limbs, his Members torn afunder, and after all, his Iter n and horrid Statues thrown down and brnt. And afterwards, 'They cannot love good Princes enough,
in piercing
him with our Swords,
bled and
felt
k k k
<
thae
(
'
6i8
Then amongft other Enormities of that he for this he reckons one, put to death Epaphroditus, that had Domitian^ ' Had we forgotten the avenging Nero\ death ? Was ic likely that kill'd Nero : ' he would fufFer his Life and Aftions to be ill fpoken of, whofe death he reveng' ed ? He feems to have thought it ahnolt a Crime not to kill Nero, that counts it fo great a one to punilh him that did it. By what has been faid, it is evident, that the befl of the Romans did not only kill Tyrants, as oft as they could, and howfoever they could ; but that they thought Ft a commendable, and a praifeworthy Adion fotodo, as the G'>-ec/^'^ had done before them. For when ihey
that cannot hate
bad ones as they deferve.
could not proceed judicially againll a Tyrant in his life-time, being inferior to him in Strength and Power, yet after his death they did it, and condemn'd him For Valerius Publtcola, Junius BriitHS hh CoUengas^ when hy the fâlerianLzw he law that Tyrants, being guarded with Soldiers, could not be brought to a to make it lawful to kill them any way, tho unlegal Trial, he devifed a Law
condemn'd
fo doing.
and that they that did it, fhould afterwards give an account of their Hence, when Cafius had aftually run CaUguU through with a Sword, tho every Body elfe had done it in their hearts, Vderuts yi/taticus, one that had beenCon'ful, being prefent at the tim;, cried out to' the Soldiers that began to mutiny becaufe of his death, Jwi(l)Imy felf bmd ktWd him. And the Senate at the fame time was fo far from being dilpleafed with affl^s for what he had done, that they refolved to extirpate the Memory of the Emperors, and to raze the Temples that had been erefted in Honour of them. When CUudius was prcfently faluted Emperor by the Soldier?, they forbad him by the Tribune of the People to take the Goverliment upon him; bat the Poiver of the Soldiers preThe Senate declared Nero an Enemy, and made enquiry after him, to vailed. havepuni/hed him according to the Law of their Anceftorsi which required, that he fhould be Itript naked, and hung by the Neck upon a forked Stake, and whipt to death. Confider now, how much more mildly and moderately the are of Opinion, that he caufedthe Engllfh dealt with their Tyrant, tho many Nero ever himfelf did. So the Senate condemn'd than Blood more fpillingof Dtfw^<<j after his death they commanded his Statues to be pulld down and daOrd in pieces, which was all they could do. When Co/a/o^/ was flain by hisown Officers, neither the Senate, nor the People punilht the Fadt, but declared him an Enemy, and enquired for his dead Corps to have made ic an Ex^
'
An Aift of the Senate m ide upon that occafibn i? extant in Lampridius 'Let the Enemy of 'his Country be depriv'd of all his Titles-, let the Parricide * be drawn, let him be torn in pieces in the SpoUary. let the Enemy of th*e gods, ' the Executioner of the Senate be drag'd with a Hook, &c. The fame Perfons in a very full Senate condemn d Didius jKliamts to deaih, and fen t a Tribune to The fame Senate depofcd Maxmimis^ and declared him flay him in the Palace. us the words of the Decree of the Senate concerning him, Let hear an Enemy. "'The Confulput thequeflion, Confcript Fathers, what as C<?pifo/;/ relates it ' * is your pleafare concerning the Maximines ? They anfwered, They are Enemies, ' fhall be kills them rewarded. are whoever Would you know Enemies, they and the Provinces of of the the whether Rome^ now, People Empire obeyed the Senate, or M^ximine the Emperor ? Hear what the fame Author fays. The Senate wrote Letters into all the Provinces, requiring them to take care of their Common Safety and Liberty ^ the Letters were publickly read. And the Friends, the Deputies, the Generals, the Tribunes, the Soldiers of yT^/.iA-;zw, were Gain in al' placei very few Cities were found that kept their Faith with the publick the (ame thing. But what need we give any more InHtrodianrchtes Enemy. ftances out of the Roman Hillories? Let us now fee what manner of thing the that boi dered upon the Empire. Right of Kings was in thofe days, in the Nations ' The of Nature of his Dominion to be the a Gauls^ confides, Amhiorix^ King * And fuch, that the l\ople have as great Power over him, as he over them. fêr. confequently, as well as he judged them, he might be judged by them. cingetorix, another King in GW, was accufed of Treafon by his own People. Thcfc things C^ftr relates in hh Hillory of the Gallkk, Wars. ' Neither is the ' Kegal Power among the Cermans abfolote and uncontroulable lefler matters ' are ordered and difpofed by the Princes-, greater Affairs by all the People. * The King or Prince is moreconfiderable by the Authority of his Perfwalions, ' If his Opinion be not apthan by any Power that he has of commanding.
ample.
-
'
prov'd
(
'
^19
diflike of it by a general murmuring Noife- This prov'd of, they declare their and Tacitus. is out of you your felf now confefs, that what but of Nay, as of thing, has been often done, to wit. an unheard exclaimed late againlt
you
o
That
to
Scoti.Tl Kings have been either Banijlied., or Jmprifoned.^ or put fifty Which having come to pafs and of them piblickly executed. fame deaths nay. in our very Ifland why do you, as if it were your Office to conceal the violent deaths of Tyrants, by burying them in the dark, exclaim againfl: it as an abominable and unheard of thini? You proceed to commend the Jews and C^r^/<j for their P>.eligious Obedience even to Tyrants, and to heap one Lie upon another, in all which have already confuted you. Lately you made large Encomiums on the Obedience of the Jffyrians and Perfians, and now you reckon never had rebellM at all, up their Rebellions and tho but of late you faid they now you give us a great many reafons why they rebcU'd fo often. Then you refume the Narrative of the manner of our King's death, which you had broken that if you had not taken care fufficiently to appear ridiculous, off long llnce You faid, He was led through the Members Fool anda then, you miy do it now.
lefs
than
of
own Court. What you mean by the Members of the Court, I would gladly You enumerate the Calamities that the ^("w^^j underwent by changing In which I have already (hownhow their Kingdom into a Commonwealth. was What it you faid when you wrote againft felf the Lie. you your give grofly the Youdemonftrated, That '<? Ariftocracy, or a popular State there
his
know.
Jefuit could but be Seditions and

.>*
jHhitilts.,
:
whereas under a Tyrant nothing was to be looked for^
but certain Ruin

tal,
and DeflruUion
And dare you now
fay,
That
Seditions were Punifliments itifliêd upon them fjr bamflnng their thofe
you vain corrupt MorKings ?
Forfooth, becaufe Kmg Charles gave you a hundred Jaco'tuffes., therefore the ' Bat they that kill'd Julitts (hall be punifhed for banilhing their Kings. ' Iconfefs, if I would have had any Tyrant C^far.^ did not profper afterwards. him. For altho he introduced a Monarchical fparcd, it (hould have been Government into a Free State by force of Arms, yet perhaps himfelf deferved a Kingdom beft; and yet 1 conceive that none of thofe that killed him can be faid to have been punifhed for fo doing, any more than Cains he was af^Jlnthonius., Cicero's Colleague, for deftroying Catiline., who when
Romans
terward condemn'd for other Crimes, fays Cicero in his Oration pro Flacco, For they that favoured Catiline., CatilineV Sepulchre wm adorned with Flowers. then rejoyced-, They gave out then, that ipfc</ Catiline did was juft., to encreafe Thefe are Artifices, the Peoples hatred againfl: thofe that had cut him off. to deter the of from punifliing ufe bell Men Men make which wicked of,
Tyrants, and
inftance in
I might as eafily fay the quite contrary, and if any Tyrants, and profpered afterv/ards You certain inference might be drawn in fuch Cafes from the events of things. the Englifll did not put their Hereditary King to death in lilê That further, obje<ft In the manner, its Tyrants ufetobejflain, but as Robbers and Iraytors are executed. wife Man a Crown's underfl:and what firfl: place i do not, nor can any being HeWhat a Crimes to contribute you King's being unpunifliable. reditary fhould afcribc to the Barbarous Cruelty of the Engliî^ proceeded rather from their Clewho, tho the mency and Moderation, and as fuch, defervcs Commendation fuch as is a Crime that comprehends all forts of Enormities, a being Tyrant Robberies, Treafons, and Rebellions againft the whole Nation, yet were contented to inRitT: no greater punifliment upon him for being fo, than they ufed
them that have
flagitious Perfons. killed
--,
You of courfe to do upon any common Highway-man, or ordinary Twytor. and as Wîxmod^'ms and Thrafibulus wiH rife up Men hope fome fuch ai^gft w, make expiation for the King's death by flieddtng their Blood that were the Authors of it. But you will run mad with defpair, and be detefted by all good Men, and put an end to that wretched Life of yours, by hanging your felf, before you fee Men like Hamiodius avenging the Blood of a Tyrant upon fuch as have done no That you will come to fuch an end is ether than what they did themfelves. moft probnble, nor can any other be expeifted of fo great a Rogue ^ but the oYou mention thirty Tyrants that rebelled ther thing is an utter impoflibiJity. And what if it fall out, that one Tyrant happens to opin Galliermi\ time. fuch pofe another, muft therefore all they that refift Tyrants be accounted themfelves You cannot perfwadc Men into fuch a belief, you Slave of a Knight ; nor your Author TrebelHtn PolliOf the moft inconfiderablc of all Hiftorians that have K kkk 2
i"
620
have writ. // any of the Eniferors were declared Enemies by the Senate ^ you fay, it wai done You put us in mind what it by FaUion^ but could not have been by Law. was that made Empsrours at firft : It was Faclion and Violence, and to fpsnk
plainer, it was the madnefs of /^rô;;y, that made Generals acRrlfc rebl againffc the Senate, and the People of ôv-e; there was no Law, no Right for their fo
Tell U3 Galba, you fay, ip.tf punijlied for his Infitrretlion againfi Nero. doing. likewife how refpafian was punilhed for taking up Arms againft (îtelltus There xvM at much difference., you fay, betwixt Charles and Nero, at betwixt thofe Engli(h Butcher s, and the Roman Senators cf that Joe. Defpicable Villain by whom itii Scandalous to be commended, and a Praife tobe evil fpokenof: But a few Periods before, difcourfing of this very thi-'g, you faid, That the Roman Se.if(? under the Erperors, ivM in ejfeEl but an Affemhly of Slaves in Robes : And here yoa
,
fay, That very Senate was an Ajfemhly of Kings
, which if it be alIo,ved, then are own Slaves but with Robes on. Opinion, your according'to Kings Kings are bleded, that have fuch a Fellow as you to write in their praife, than whom no Man is more a Rafcal, no Beaft more void of Senfe, unlefs this one thing may bz faid to be peculiar to you, that none ever brayed fo learnedly. You make the
Parliament of England moxsYikc to Nero, than to the /?flw.w Senate. This itch of yours of making lilly Similitudes, enforces me to rectify you, whctiier will Nero you fay, or no And I will let you fee ho at like King Charles was to Nero. commanded his own Mother tobe run through with a Svsrd. But C^Sj^r/fj murdered both his Prince, and his Father, and that by Poyfi;i^ For to omit other evidences j he that would not fufFera Duke th:t was accuf.d for it, to come to his Tryal, mufl needs have been guilty of it h'mfc/T. Nero Hew many thoufands of There were thofe, fays Swraw/n, that Chr/ftians ; but Charles {\cw many mors. was he Nerozitcv that praifed dead, long'd to have 'had him again, That hm^ Garlands of Flowers upon his Sepulchre, and gave out thit they would never profAnd fome there are tranfported with the like per that had been his Enemie?. Ckiz-Zw wifli for that again, and extol hin to the higheft degree Phrenfy, King The Engimaginable, of whom you a Knii,ht of the Halter are a Ringleader. Ii(h Si'ldters more Savage than their own Maflijfs, ereêd a new and unheard-of Court Obferve this ingenions Symbol, or Adage of Salmafius, which he has^ of Ju(iice. now repeated lix times over, more Savage than their own Maftijfs. Take notice. Orators and School- Malfers i pluck, if you are wife, this Elegant Flower, which Commit this Flourilh of a Man, that is fo much a S<//4yIj is fo very fond of Mafter of Vôrds, to your Desks for fafeCultody, left it be loft. Has your rage made you forget words to that degree, that like a Cuckcoo, you muft needs fay the fame thing over and over again? V/hat ftrange thing has befallen you? The Poet tells us, that Spleen and Rage turn'd Hecubainto a Dog and it has turo'd yoLi, the Lord of St. Lupus^ into a Cuckoo. Now you come out with frefh Contradicflions. You had faid before, pag. 13. That Princes were not bound by any Laws, neither Coercive, nor Diredery; that they were bound by no Law at all. Now you fay. That youwilldi.fcourfe by and by of the dijference betwixt fome Kings and others, m point of Power ; fome having had mare, fome lefs. You fay. You wtll prove that Kings cannot be judged, nor condemn d by the tr own Subjetls, by amofl [olid Argument; but you do it by a very (illy one, and 'tis this: You fay. There was no other difference than that betwixt the Judges, and the Kin^^s of the Jews and yet
I : :
"
:,
the reafon
Jews required to have Kings over them, was beca'ife they were weary their and hated their Government. Do you think, that, becaufe they of Judges, and condemn if their might judg they mi behaved themfelvesin the Judges, GQvernme they therefore hated and were weary of them, and would be under Kings they fhould have no Power to rellnin and keep v.'ithin Bounds,
why
the
ôm
thothey ihquld break tiirough all Laws? Who but you ever argued fochildifhly ? So thatthey deflred a Kingfor fome other reafon, than that they might have a Mafter over them, whole Power fliould be fuperior to that of the Law ^ which reafon what it was, it is not to our pref.nt purpofe to make a Conjeifiure. Whatever it was, both God and his Prophets tell-; us, it was no piece of prudence in the People to defire a King. And now yon fall foul upon your Rabbins, and are very angi y with them for faying, That a King might be judged and condemned to undergo Stripes ^ out of whofe Writings you faid before you had proved that the Kings of the Jews could not be judged. Wherein youconfefs, that you told a Lye when faid had fuch you yoa thin^ out of their proved any
Writings.
(621
Writings.
in the
Nay, you come at laft to forget the Subjed you were upon, of writDefence, andraife little impertinent Controverlics about SolaKing's ing monh Stables, and how may Stalls he had for his Horfes. Then of a Jocky you become a Ballad-linger again, or rather, as I faid before, a raving diftrafted
Cuckoo. You complain. That in thefe latter ylga, Difcifline has been more reand the Ride lefsobfervedandkeptiipto; viz- becaufe one Tyrant iS not pertnifs, mitted, without a Check from the Law, toletloofe the Reins of all Difciplinc, and corrui)t all Mens manners. This Doftrine, you fay, the ^coirw//?; introdufo that Lmher, Calvw, ced amongit thofe of the Reform'd Religion Zitingliand all the mod Celebrated Orthodox Divines arc Broxvnifls in your Hs, Bucer^ have the lefs reafon to take your Reproaches ill, becaufe Opinion. The Englijii the moft eminent Doftors they liear you belching out the fame Slanders againfl: Church it felf. and in whole Reformed efFed the of the Church, againft:
,
CHAP.
both fo AFter
,
Vf.
having difcours'd upon the Law of God, and of Natute, and handled untowardly, that you have got nothing by the bargain but a decannot apprehend what you can I ferved reproach of ignorance and knavery have farther to alledg in defence of your Royal Caufe, but meer trifles. I for my part hope I have given fatisfaftion already to all good and learned men, and fhould feem to done this Noble Caufe right, Hiould I break off" here, yet left and rather than of decline ingenuity, your immodearguing your vaiiety any to rate impertinence, and tittle-tattle, I'll follow you where ever you have a mind to go j but with fuch brevity as fhall make it appear, that after having perform'd whatever the necelTary defence of the Caufe required, if not what the with fome mens expedation, if not dignity of it merited, I now do but comply What ! their ciiriofity. Noip, fay you, / ^>all alledg other and greater Arguments. greater Arguments than what the Law of God and Nature afforded ? Help It is not for nothing that Lucina! The mountain Salmafms is in labour hâs ex fome Mortals a She-Husband. extraordinary Birth. IfhetlmUf peft got and is called a King-, might be accufed before any other Power^ that Power mufi of ne~ and if [o^ then mitji that Power be indeed the be greater than that of the King ceffity For a Kingly Power is thus to have the name of it : Power and ^ ought defined ^ Kingly to wttj the Supreme Power in the State refiding in afingle Perfon^ and which has no fuO ridiculous Birth! a Moufe crept out of the Mountain Help Gramferior. marians! oneofyour number is in danger of perifliing The Law of God and What if I fliould but Saloiafms's Dictionary is undone. of Nature are fafe
I
!
,
-,
anfwer you thus ? That words ought to give pbce to things that we having taken away Kingly Government; it felf, do not think our felves concerned about let others look to that, who are in love with Kings : its name, and definition We are contented with the enjoyment of our Liberty; fuch an anfwer would But to let you fee that I deal fairly with you throughbe good enough for you. will anfwer you, not only from my own, but from the opinion of very out, wile and good men, who have thought that the Name and Power of a King are very confiftent with a Power in the People and the Law, fuperior to that of the King himfelf. In the firft place /jj^cz/r^nT, a man very eminent for wifdom, de, ,
ligning, as Plato fays, to fecuie a Kingly Government as well as it was poIUble, could find no better expedient to prcferve it, than by making the Power of the
Senate, and of the Ephon,
that
is,
the
Power of the People,

,
fuperior to
it.
for he to his ThefeM, in Euripides, King of Athens^ was of the fame opinion great honour reftored the People to their Liberty, and advanced the Power of the People above that of the King, and yet left the Regal Power in that City to his
Poflerity.
Whence
Euripides in his Play called

'
1
the Snppliar.ts, introduces
him
have advanced the People themfelves into the fptakiug on this manner: Throne, having freed the Cicy from Slavery, and admitted the People to a 'Ihare in the Government, by giving them an equal right of Suffrage. And ' in another place to the Herald of Thebes., In the firft place, fays he., you begin ' your Speech, Friend, with a thing that is not true, in ftiling me a Monarch ^ 'for
622
)
i
for this City
is
reigns here.
really
not governed by a fingle Perfon, but is a Free State the People Thefe were iiis words, when at the fame time he was both caOed,
Plato likewife in his Eight EpilUe, Lyeur-
and
was King there. The Divine
guf, f^ys he, introduced the Power of the Senate and "f the Ephoi i, a thing very prefsrvative of Kingly Government^ xvhich by this means hM honourably flourijhed for fo many
made King. the Law cannot be King, y^ges^ becaufe the Law in tffeU unleis there be fome, who, ifthere fhouid be occafion, may put the Law in execution againit the King. A Kingly Government fo bounded and limiced, he himfelf commends to the Siciliais : ' Let the People enj ay their Liberty under a ' Kingly Government ; let the King himfelf be accountable ; let the Law take
*
wm
Now
place even againft Kings themlelves, likewife in the third Book of his Politicks-,
'
if
'
they act contrary to Law.
Of all Kingdoms, p^/j
fee,
Anjôtle that arego-
vern'd by Lavvs,that of the Lacedemonians feems to be moll truly and properly fo. fay?, all forms of Kingly Governments are according to fctled- and eftsbiifht Laws, but one, which he calls vrK/xSiXfl-iAsfix, or Abfolute Monarchy, which he does not mention ever to haveobtain'd in any N:ition. So that AriflotU thought fuch a Kingdom, as that of the Lacedemonians was, to be and deferve
And he
the name of a Kingdom more properly than any other \ and confequently that a King, tho fubordinate to his own People, was neverthclefs actually a King, and Now fince fo many and fo great Authors allert that a Kingly properly fo calkd. Government both in name and thing may very well fublifl; even where the People, tho they do not or dinarily exercife the Supream Power, yet have it aftualiy be not you of fo mean a Soul refiding in them, and exercife it upon occafion as to fear the downfall of Giamnur, and the confifion of the fignilication of words to that degree, as to betray the Liberty of Mankind, and J:he State, rather than your Glolfary fhouid not hold water. And know for the future, that words mufc be conformable to things, not things to words. By this means you'll have more wit, and not ran omn infinitum, which now you're afraid of It wa^
:,
no furfofe then for Seneca, you fay^ to defenbe thofe three forms of Government^ at h,ts done. Let Seneca do a thing to no purpofe, fo we enjoy our Liberty. And if 1 miltake us not, we are other fort of Alen than to be enflav'd by Seneca s
to
he
Flowers.
relides in a lingle Perfon, fays viithaltb^^t the Porver veijjrient
Kingly GoPeopWs, and by raem committed to the King for the welfare of the whole, not for their ruin and deltruiftion ; and that the People has not given him a propriety in it, but the ufe ot it. Kings at this rate., you fay, do not reign by God., hut by the People. As if God did not fo over- rule the People, that they fct up fuch Kings, as it pleafesGod. Since j'/?w<j himfelf openly acknowledges, that the .^cw<z Emyet Seneca, tho he fays that the Sovereign
And
Power
ii
in a
the
perours derived their Authority from that Royal Law., whereby the People granted them and vefled in them all their own Power and Authority. But how oft fhall we ? Then thefe over and over take things again you upon you to intermedrepeat dle vîth the Conlticution of our Government, in which you are no ways concerned.; who are both a Stranger and a Foreigner , butit fhows your fawcinefs, and want of good manners. Come then, let us hear your Solaecifms, like a bufy Coxcomb as you are. You tell us, but 'lis in falfe Latm., that what thofe Defpcrato
People. You Rafcal was it not for this that you a Reneforward to intermeddle with the Affairs of our Gowere fo gado Grammarian, introduce that vernment, you might your S^lcecifms and Barbarifms araongfl: us ? we deceiv'd the have How People? The form of Government which they Eucfay, This' is what that herd of Fugitives h.ive fct Kp., u not Popular^ but Military. and Vagabonds hired you to write. So that I fliill not trouble my felf to anfwer you, who bleat what you know nothing of, but f'll anfwer them that hired you. {Vho excliide/i the Lords from Parliament., was it the People ? Ay it Was the People and in lb doing they threw an intolerable Yoke of Slavery from otf their necks. Thofe very Soldieis, who you fay did it, were not Foreigners, but our own Country-men, and a great part of the People and they did it with the confent, and at the delire of almoft all the reft of the People, and not without the Authoto doesfayîs only
dueive the
Wi^sit tlje People that cut off pan of the Hoitfe of ^c. Yes, I fay, it was the People. For whatever fome aivay tlie belter and lounder part of the Senate did, in which the true power of the People refidtd, why may not the People be fiid to have done it? What if the the Governgreater parr of the Senate fliould chufe to be Slaves, or to expofe
rity
of the Parliament neither.

.<"
omrnons., forcinii
ment
(620
to interpofe, and endeavour to retain their Liberty, if it be in their power ? But the Officers of the yirmy and ihdr Soldiers did It. And we are beholden to thofe Officers for not being wantirg to the of the Citizens and Mcchanicksof State, but repelling the Tumultuary violence for Rabble that that who, like CW^/rj, had but a little before apncar'd
menttofale, ought not the
lefler
number
befet the very Parliament Houfe ? Do you therefore c.li the right of the Parliament, to whom it properly and originally belongs to take- care of the Liberty of the People both in Peace and War, a Military Power? But 'tis no wonder that thofe Traitors that have dictated thele pjllages to you, fliould talk at that
rate ^ fothat profligate fadion of Anthony and his adherents uied to call the Senateof Rome, when they armed them I'clves againft the Enemies of their CounAnd now I'm glad to underftand that they of your try, The Camp of Pompiy. that moll valiant General of our Army, for undertaking party envy Cromwell^ that Expedition in Ireland, (fo acceptable to Almighty God) furrounded wfrtl a with the well-wi(hes of the people, joyful crowd of his Friends, and profecuted and the prayers of all good men For I queftion not but at the news of his many
:
London^
by this time burll with fpleen. I pafs by many ofjour What follows is mod: notonoufimpertinencies concerning the Roman Soldiers. where there is a King. the The power of By what ly falfe people^ fay you, ceafes all that almolt known ? it is Since is that Law or Right Kings, of what Nations foever, received their Authority from the people upon certain conditions \ which if the King do not perform, I widi you would inform us, why that Power, which was but a trull, fliould not return to the people, as well frorei a King, as from a Conful, or any other Magiflrate. For when you tell us, that 'tis necelTary for for the fafety of the Publick U ethe Publick Safety, you do but trifle with us a or from a Senate, or from a 7Vit be from whether Aîwg', qually concerned, were wherewith the entrufted, revert to the people, they itmvirate^ that power of it , and yet you your felf grant that it may fo revert from abufe their upon all forts of Magiftrates, a King only excepted. Certainly, if no people in their Government either to a King, or other Magithe committed wits ever right ftrates, for any other purpofe than for the common good of them all, there can benoreafon why, toprevent the utter ruin of them all, they may not as well take it back again from a King, as from other Governors nay, and it may with far greater eafe be taken from one, than from many. And to inveft any mortal creature with a power over themfelves, on any other terms than upon nor is it credible that any people fince the Creatrull, were extreme madnefs tion of the World, who had freedom of will, were ever fo miferably filly,as either to part with the power for ever, and to all purpofes, or to revoke it from thofe whom they hadentrufled with it, but upon moft urgent and weighty reafons. If diflenfions, if Civil Wars, are occalioned thereby, there cannot any Right accrue from thence to the King, to retain that power by force of arms, which the people challenge from him as their own. Whence it follows that what
Viiftories there, they are
:
,
-,
you fay, and we do not deny, Thzt Governors are not lightly to be changed, is true but that therefore with refpect to the Peoples Prudence, not the King's Right no occafion that does not never be whatfoever, tp upon they ought changed, follow by no means , nor have you hitherto alkdged any thing, nor made appear any Ri^ht of Kings to the contrary, but that all the people concurring, they may lawfully be depofed, when unfit for Government provided it may be own of in has done been often Countrey France^ without any your done, as it Tumults or Civil Wars. Since therefore the Safety of the People, and not that of aTyrant, is the Supreme Law ; and confequently oup,httobealledged on the Peoples behalf againft a Tyrant, and not for him againft them: you that go about to pervert fo facred and fo glorious a Law, with your fallacies and juglings ^ you who would have this Supreme Law, and whichof all others is molt beneficial
, ,
to Mankind, to fcrve only for the Impunity of Tyrants ; let me tell you (fince you call us E^glijliMen fo often irtfpired^ and Enthufiafis^ and Prophets) let me, I fay, be fo far a Prophet, as to tell you, That the Vengeance of God and Man hangs
over your head for fo horrid a Crime altho your fubjefting all Mankind to Tyranny, as far as in you lies, which in effeft is no better than condemning them to and whitherbe devoured by wild Beafts, is in it felf part of its own Vengeance foever you fly, and whercfoever you wander, will firft or laft purfue you with itsFuri.s, and overtake you, and cauieyou to rave worfe than you do at pre,
fent.
(
lent.
I
624
)
:
come now to your fecond Argument, which is not unlike the firft If ihe People may rcfume their Liberty, there would be no difference^ fay yoo, betwixt
a Pofular State and a Kingdom
lar State many.
;
but that in a
And what
if
that were true
dice by it? But you your felf tell icanding; to wic, oi Time and S^ceffion-^ for in popular Srates, the M.tgifirates ,are generally chojenyearly-, whereas Kings, if they behave themfehes well, are perpetual ^ and in molt Kingdoms there is a SucceiTion in the fame Family. Bun let themdiffir from one : another, or notdiffer, I regard not thofe p.tcy
Kingdom one Man rules andtn a. Popuwould the State have any prejuusofother diflvrence^ that would be notwich^
things In this they agree, that when the Pub ick Good requires it, the People may wichcutdoinginjury to any, refume that Power for the Publick Safety, which
But according to the they committed to another for that end and purpofe. Rhyd LavHi by the Romans fo called, whxh is mentioned in the Injiitittes-, the i'eople of Rome gmnted all thetr Power and yJnthrriry. to the Prince. They did lo by compullion ; the Emperor being willing to ratify their Tyranny by the Authority of a Law. But ot this we have fpoken before and their own Lawyers, commenting upoa So that we make no quelHon but thisj)laceinthe Inltitutes, co fefs as rnuch. the People may revoke what they v/ere forced to grant, afld granted
,
their wills.
But
moll: rational
it is
to fuppofe, that the People of
ôwe
agamfl: tranf-
ferred no other power to the Prince, than they had before granted to their own Magiftrates j and that was a power- to govern according to Law, nnd a revocaHence it was that the Emperors alfumed ble, not an abfurd, tyrannical power. the Confulir Digni'y, andthatof the Tribunes of but after
thePeople;
7/j,<
C<efar,
notoneoi them pretended

as
1
they ufed to adore the People,
to the DiiflatorHiip: \n ihe Circus A<faximfis have faid already out of Tacitus ar.dC/andtav.
But iU heretofore many private perfons have /old themfehes into fl^very.^ fo a whole Nation may. Thou Goal-bird of a Knight, thou day-fpirit, thou everlalling fcandal to thy Native Countrey The molt defpicable Slaves in the \.Vorld to and abhor a fuch Factor for Slavery, fuch a pu.blick Pander ought fpit upon as thou art. Certainly if people had fo enilaved themfehes to Kings, then might K-ings turn them over to other Maflers, or fell them for Money and yec we know that King.s cannot fo much as alienate the Demefnes of the Crown : .And fliall he, that has but the Crown, and the Revenues that belong to it, as an Ufufruduary, and thofe given him by the People, can he be faid to have, as in were, purchafed the People, and made them his Propriety ? Tho you were bored through both ears, and went barefoot, you would not be ib vile and defpicable, fo much more contemptible than all Slaves, as the broaching fuch a fcandalous Dotflrine as this makes you. But go on, and punilTi your felf for your Rogueries, as now you do, tho againlt your will. You frame a long Difcourfe of the Law of War ^ which is nothing to the purpofe in this place : For neither did Cfc^j-Zfj conquer us ^ and for his Anceltors, it it were never fo much granted that they did, yet have they often renounced their Title as ConAnd certain it is, That we were never fo conquered, but that as we querors. fwore Allegiance to them, fo they fworeto maintain our Laws, and govern by them Which Laws, when Charles had notorioully violated, taken in what capacity vou will, as one who had formerly been a Conqueror, orwasnova perjured King, we fubdued him by force, he himfelf having begun with us firft. And according to your own opinion, Whatever it acquired by War., becomes hes prothat acquired it. So that how full fosver ypu are ot words, how impertiperty nent foever a babler, whatever you prate, how great a noife foever you make, what Quotations foever out of the Rabbins, tho you make your felf never fo hoarfe, to the end of this Chapter, aflure your felf, That nothing of itmakes for the Kingt he being now conquered, but all for us, who by God's alfiftance
!
>
'
are Conquerors.
CHAP.
^25
CHAP.
VII.
avoid two very great inconveniences, and, confidering your own weight, denied in the foregoing Chapter, That the very weighty ones indeed, you of the King ; for if that (hould be that was to fuperior granted. Peoples Power of fome other name, bccaufe the People would themfelves Kings muft provide indeed be King, and fomc divifions in your Syftem of Politicks would be confounded the firft of which inconveniences would thwart with your Di^ftionaTo thefe I have given fuch an latter overthrow your Politicks. ry, and the anfwer as fhows, Thai tho our own Safety and Liberty were the principal things I had fome confideration of faiving I aimed the prefervation of, yet withal, and Politicks. Now^ fay you, / wiS prove by other arguyour your Dictionary, ments. That a King cannot he judged by hu own Subjects ; of which Arguments this and mojl convincing^ That a King has no Peer in hit Kingdom. fhaU he the greatefi What ? Can a King have no Peer in his Kingdom ? What then is the meaning of thofe Twelve Ancient Peers of the Kings of France ? Are they Fables and Tri-
TO
fles?
Are they called fo in vain, and in mock only ? Have a care how you afif they are not the front thofe Principal Men oi that Kingdom : King's Peers, as they are called, I am afraid your Didtionary, which is the only thing
Who
you are concerned for, will be found more faulty in France^ than in England. But go to,. let's hear your demonftration, that a King has no Peer in his own Kingdom. Becaufe^ (ay you, the People of Kotne, when they had bmifiidtheir not one-, but two Confuls ^ and the reafon was, "that if one of t hem Ktng, appointed the Laws^ his Collegue might he a check to him. There could hardlhouldtrafgreff devifed more How been came it to have that but any filly then, thing ly pafs one of the Confuls had the bundles of Rods carried before him, and not both, if two were appointed, that each might have a Power over the other ? And what if both had confpired againft the Commonwealth ? Would not the Cafe then be the very fame that it would have been, if one Conful only had been appointed without a Collegue ? But we know very well, that both Confuls, and all other Magiftrates were bound to obey the Senate, whenever the Senate and the People faw, that the Interefl: of the Commonwealth fo required. We have a famous inftance of that in the Decemvirs, who tho they were invefted with the Power of Confuls, and were the chief Magiftrates, yet the Authority of the Senate reduced them all, tho they ftruggied to retain their Government. Nay, we read that fome Confuls before they were out of office, have been declared Enemies, and Arms been taken up againft them for in thofe days no man looked upon him as a Conful, who gded as an Enemy. So War was waged againft Antony, tho a Conful, by Authority of the Senate in which being worfted, he would have been put to death, but that OUaviw, affefting the EmNow whereas you fay, pire, fided with him to fubvert the Commonwealth,
:
,
a property peculiar to Kingly Majijly, that the power rejides in a fingle per. fen-j that's but a loofeexprcITion, likethe reft of whatyoufay, and iscontradifted by your felf a little after : For the Hebrew Judges^ you fay, ruled as
is
IhM it
and there wm hut one of them at a time- The Scripture alfo caSs long they live d^ them Kings ; and yet they were accountable to the Thus we' fee, great Council. That an itch of Vain-glory, in being thought to have faid all that can be faid, makes you hardly fay any thing but contradiftions. Then I ask, what kind of
Government
that
was
in the
Roman Empire, when fometimes two, fometimes
three Emperors, reign'd all at once ? Do you reckon them to have been Emperors, that is. Kings, or was it an /4r//?ocr.icj, qt ^ Triumvirate? Or will you deand ny, that the Roman Empire under Antoninus and rertu, under
Diocleftan
Maximian, under Confiantine and LiciniuSy was ftill but one entire Empire ? If thefe Princes were not Kings, your three Forms of Government will hardly
if they were, then it is not an eftential Property of a ; Kingly Government, to relide in a fingle pcrfon. // one of thefe offend, fay you, then may the other refer the matter to the Senate^ or the People, where he may he accufed and condemned. And does not the Senate and the People then judg, when the matter is fo referred to them ? So that if you will give any credit to your felf, there needs not one Collegue to judg another. Such a miferable Advocate as yoa,
hold
Llll
if
(
if you
626
)
,
were not fo wretched
a fellow as
you are, would deferve companion
you
one were minded for fports-fake to lie every way fo open to blows, that if he could of hardly mifs, let him aim where he would. make a Pafs at any part you, to condemn That a ô 'Tu ridiculous^ fay you,' imagm, King mil ever appoint Judges ridiculous no was that an of I tell can But Emperor, perfon, you himfelf. he delivered a Dagger but an Excellent Prince, and thztvizt Trajan^ who when the badg of his to a certain Roman Magiftrace, as the cuftom was, that being
Office,
*
Take this Sword, and ufe it for frequently thus admonifhed him, me ^ for Mifcarriages in theSume, if 1 do as 1 ought if otherwife, againft * Dion and Aitrelius nUor fay of This preme Magiftrate are lefs excufable. him : You fee here, that a worthy Emperor appointed one to jodg himfelf,
*
tho he did not make him his equal. Ttherius perhaps might have faid as much out but 'tis almoft a crime to imagme that fo good and of Vanity and Hypocrifie as he thought,and according to as vcrtuous a Prince Trajan^ did not really fpeak more reafonable was it that much How and what, he apprehended right jufl:. if he would, have reand in Senate to the were might tho he power, fuperior did he them, as by virtue obey actually them obedience, to fufed yet any yield of his oiiice he ought to do, and acknowledged their Right in the Government ' TheSenate to be fuperior to his own ? For fo Pliny tells us in his Fanegyricl^, ' both defired and commanded you to be Conful a fourth time; you may know ' that this is no word of Flattery, but of Powby the Obedience you pay them, ' * the is This And a little after, defign you aim at, to reftore our lofl: Lier. ' mind alone the Senate thought fo too, that of not was And Trajan berty. That their Authority was indeed Supreme : For they that and were of opinion, Marcus Ahtheir could command Emperor, might judg him. So the Emperor to get the Empire from him, endeavoured of Governor when 5yrM relius, Cajjlus referred himfelf either to the Senate, or the People of Rome, and declared himfo. Now how felf ready to lay down the Government, if they would have it more and truly, than Ihould a man determine of the Right of Kings better, ? Indeed every good King accounts out of the very mouths of the bell of Kings but not fuperior to himfelf by the only equal, either the Senate, or the People, to all men, every one inferior nature a But Law of Nature. Tyrant being by his not be accounted to only equal but fuperior : that is ftronger than he, ought to betake themand Violence from Force men nature heretofore For as taught Laws are fet at naught, the fame didare of the fo wherever felvestoLaws-, ' To be nature mud neceflarily prompt us to betake our felves to Force again. ' of this opinion, fays Cicero pro Seftio, is a fign of Wifdom \ to put it in pra' do both, is the efFed of Vertue dice, argues Courage and Refolution i and to * Maxim of the Law of Naas a fetled Let this ftand then in its perfeftion. of Artifices Flatterers, That the Senate, or ture, never to be fhaken by any Which is but what be to the People, are fuperior they good or bad Kings, That the tell when in efFedt confefs, Authority of Kings us. you you your felf do to Printransferred which For that the from they was derived power People. in therafelves notwithrefide or I may fay as doth virtually naturally,
,
ces,
yet
that produce any efFedbya certain eminency ftanding: for fo natural caufes of operation, do always retain more of their own virtue and energy than they You to others, exhault themfelves. impart nor do they by communicating Power does the more the evidently Peoples fee, the dofer wee keep to Nature, And this is likewife certain, That the that of the Prince. be above to appear fettle the Government in their King abfoPeople do not freely, and of choice, but only in a it, nor by Nature can do fo him Propriety lutely, fo as to give to take ceafes when the which and King for the Publick Liberty,
-, ,
Safety Nacare of, then the People in efFeft have given him nothing at all : For which ture fays the People gave it him to a particular end and purpofe ; the Peoples Gift end, if neither Nature nor the People can attain, becomes no more valid, than any other void Covenant or Agreement. the King i and Thefe Reafons very fully. That the People are fuperior to
prove
bit fo yovv great efi and mofi convincing Argument^ That a King cannot be judged by the ground. falls to nor in no his he hoi Peer any Superior, Kingdom, People, becaufe For you take that for granted, which we by no means allow. In a f<>t>*^f^ ^*f',^ th People^may likewifebe punifhed for their fay you, the Magijlrates being appointed by their ColCrimes by the People ; In an Ariflocracythe Senators maybe punifhed by '
legHti
(
:
^27
But ^tU a frodigioM thins to proceed criminally againjl a King in hu own King-!' lenes and What can you conclude trom hence, buc make him plead for hii Life. donty that they whofetup Kings over them, are the mod niiferable and molt filly People in the World ? But, I pray, what's the rcafon why the People may not
punifh a King that becomes a Malefaftor, as well as they may popular Magiftrates and Senators in an Ariftocracy ? Do you think that all they who live under a Kingly Government, were fo ftrangely in love with Slavery, as when they
might be free, to chufc VaOalage, and to put themfelves all and entirely under the dominion of one man, who often happens to bean ill Man, and often a Fool, fo as whatever caufe might be, to leave themfelves no refuge in, no relief from the Laws nor the Didates of Nature, againft the Tyranny of a molt outragious Mafter, when fuch a one happens ? Why do they then tender Conditionsto their Kings, when they firft enter upon their Government, and prefcribe Laws for them to govern by ? Do they do this to be trampled upon the more, and be the more laughed to Icorn ? Can it be imagined, that a whole People would ever fo vilify themfelvesi depart from their own intereft to that
degree, be fo wanting to themfelves, as to place all their hopes in one Man, and he very often the moft vain Perfon of them all ? To what end do they require an Oath of their Kings, not to aifl any thing contrary to Law? Wemuft iuppofe them todo this, that ( poor Creatures ) they may learn to their for!
row. That Kings only may commit Perjury with impunity. This is what your own wicked ConcUifions hold forth. If a King that is ekêd, promife any thing
upon Oath, which if he would not have fworn to, perhaps they would not have chofe him, yet if he refiife to perform that promife, he falls not under the Peoples cenfure. Nay, tho he fwear to his Sithjells at his Eleiiion, That he will adminifter to them according to the Laws of the Kingdom ; and that if he do not^ ytijiice
to his People
fiiallbe
they
difch^tgedof their Allegiance, and himfelf ipfo faifto ceafe to be their Kingk not Man that \ ha^ mttft require it of him. yet if he break this Oath, 'tis God and tranfcribed thefe lines, not for their Elegance, for they are barbaroufly expref-
think there needs any anfwer to them, for they anfwer themexplode and damn themfelves by their notorious falfhoodand loathfomnefs but 1 did it to recommend you to Kings for your great Merits that among fo many places as there are at Court, they may put you into fome Preferment or Office that may be fit for you. Some are Princes Secretaries, fome their Cupbearers, fome Mailers of the Revels ; I think you had befl: be Mafter of the Perjuries to fome of them. You flian't be Mafter of the Ceremonies, you are too much a Clown for that; but their Treachery and Perfidioufnefs fhall be under you care. But that Men may fee that you are both a Fool and a Knave to the higheft degree, let us confider thefe lafl allertions of yours a little more narrowly ; King, fay you, tho he fwear to hu SubjeBs at his Election that he will govern according to Law, and that if he do not, they fliaS be difchargedof their and he to be their fado himfelf ipfo ceafe Allegiance, King ; yet can he not bedepofedor punifiied by them. Why not a King, I pray, as well as popular Magiftrates ? bscaufe in a popular State, the People do not transfer all their Power to the Magiftrates. And do they in the Cafe that you have put, veltic all in the King, when they place him in the Government upon thofe terms exto hold it no longer than he ufes it well? Therefore it is evident, that prefly, a King fworn to obferve the Laws, if he tranfgrefs them, may be punifhed and So that you can make no more ufe depofcd, as well as popular Magiftrates. of that invincible Argument of the Peoples transferring all their Right and Power to the Prince you your felf have battered it down with your own Engines. Hear now another mo^ powerful and invincible Argument of his, why SubjecHls cannot judg their Kings, becanfe he is bound by no Law, being himfelf the fole Which having been proved already to be moft falfe, this great reaLawgiver. fon comes to nothing, as well as the former. But the reafon. why Princes have but feldom been proceeded againft for perfonal and private Crimes, as Whoredom, and Adultery, and the like, is not becaufe they could not juftly be punifhed even for fuch, but left the People ftiould receive more prejudice through
fed
i
aor becaufc
:
felves, they
;,
might be occafioned by the King's death, and the change of would be profited by the punifiiment of one Man or two. But when they begin to be univerfally injurious and infufferable', it has always been the Opinion of all Nations, that then, being Tyraals, it is lawful to put
diftiirbances th.u
Affairs, than they
LI
11
them
628
them to death any how, cohdemn'd or uncondemn'd. Hence Cicero in his S:ccnd thus of thofe that kill'd Cafar, 'They were the firft that ran Philippicl{, fays ' with their Swords, not a Man who affefted to be King, but who was through ill the Government j fecled which, as it was a worthy and godlike adtually 'Adion, fo it's fet before us for our imitation. How unlike are you to hita
!
and publick^ hutpriViite and perfonal Crimes. Well faid Parafite you have obliged all Pimps and Profligates in Courts by this How ingenioufly do you ad, both the Paralitc, and the Pimp, ExprefTion. with the ftme breath ? King that u an Adulterer^ or a Murderer^ 7nay yet govern to death^ becaufe together with hu to be not well, andconfequently ought Life he mitfl put or God's allowed it never and xvm that for one hii Lams, MarPs, by yet lofe Kingdom ; Infamous foul-mouth and the fame Crime-, a Man xpm to be piimjhed twice. Wretch! By the fame reafonthe Magiftrates in a popular State, or ima Arinever to be put to death, for fear of double Punifhment; no flocracy, ought mud die, for they mult lofe their Magiftracy too, as well no Senator Judg, As you have endeavoured to take all Power out of the Peoples as their Lives. A delegated tranhands, and vefl; it in the King, {o you would all Majefty too does but that and we flatitious Majelty allow, Majefty chiefly primarily refidein him, you can no more prove, than you can, that Power and Authoiicy does, his but a People People., Ktng^ you fay, cannot commit Treafon againfl may againji
Murder^ Adultery^
not Injuries^ are regal
And yet a King is what he is for the People only, not the People for Hence linfer, that the whole Body of the People, or the greater pare of them mull needs have greater Power than the King. This you deny, and He U of greater Power than any one., than any two., than begin to caft up accounts.
their
King.
him.
than any hundred, than any thoufand, than any ten thoiifand j any three, than any ten., than half the Peeple. Power I vvill not He more is of be it fo, deny that neither \ he not have more will Power than all thofe ? Not novo half of the other half ,
Goon, why do you take away the Board? Do you not underftand ProHas not the greffion in Arithmetick ? He begins to reckon after another manner. the Nobility together., more Power ? No, Mr. Changeling.^ I deny that too. and King, If by the Nobility, whom you ftile Optimates, you mean the Peers only for it may happen, that amongft the whole number of them, there may not be one Man deat
all.
i
Jg^dd
ferving that Appellation i for it often falls out, that there are better and wifer Men than they amongft the Commons, whom in conjundion with the greater,or the better part of the Peop!e,l fhould notfcruple to call by the Name of, and take them for all the People. Bat if the King is not fuperioitr in Power to all the People together.,
he
is
then a
fay
King but of fmgle Perfons, he

well,no more he
ii
not the
King of the rvhole Body of the

your
People. ba'llance
You
your Accounts, and The Englifh y<?y, that Principal.

,
is,unlefs they are content he lliould be fo. Now, you will find that by mifcafting, you have lofl
the Right of Majefty originally and principally refides xchich Principle would introduce a Confnfion of all States. in the People What, of an if it fhould overthrow a Ariftocracy and Democracy .? But let that pafs.'
What
GynAcocracy too ? (j. e. a Government of one or more Women) under which State or Form of Government, they fay, you are in danger of being beaten at home ^ would not the Englijh do you a kindnels in that, you fheepifh Fellow,
you? But there's no hope of that. For 'tis moll juflly fo ordered, fTnce you would fubjed all Mankind to Tyranny abroad, that you your felf fhould live in
Wemit'l tell you., you fay, what a fcandalous mofl unmanlike Slavery at home. we mean by the word People. There are a great many other things, which you For of things that more immediately concern ftand more in need of being told you, you feem altogether ignorant, and never to have learnt any thing but Words and Letters, nor to be capable of any thing elfe. But this you think you know, that by the word People, we mean the Common People only, e.KcIufive of the Nobility, becaufe we have put down the Honfe of Lords, And yet that under the word that wc all our Natives, very thing fliows^ People, comprehend of what Order and Degree foever ; in that we have fetled one Supreme Senate only, in which the Nobility alfo, as a part ofthe People (not in their own Right, as they did before but reprefenting thofe Burroughs or Counties, for which
:
,
they
may give their Votes. Then you inveigh againd the ComPeople, as being blind andbrutijl), ignorant of the art of governing j you fay there's nothing more empty., more vain, more inconftant., more uncertain than they.
may
be chofej
mon
All whichis very
trtie
of your
felf,
and
it's
true likewife of the Rabble, but not
of
629
theraoft pnideat Men, and moft skilful in Afof the middle fort, amongfl others are mofl: commonly diverted either by Luxury found fairs are generally
:,
whom
and Plenty, or by Want and Poverty, from Vcrtue, and the ftudy of Laws and Government. There arc iany xvays^ you fay, by which Kini^scome to theCrowyj, fa
and efpccially, thofe that inherit a But thofe Nations molt certainly be Slaves, and born to Slavery, that Kingdom. acknowledg any one to be their Lord and Matter fo abfolutely, as that they are his inheritance, and come to him by defcent, without any confent of their own i nor can they be they deferve not thif Appellation of Subjeds, nor of Freemen, nor are they to be accounted as a Civil Society, bat muftbs fuch jultly reputed For 1 fee looked on as the Pofledions and Eftate of their Lord, and his Family no difference as to the Plight of Ownerfhip betwixt them, and Slavcs,or Beafts. to Secondly, T'hey that come to the Crown by Conqnejl^ cannot ackriowUdg. themfelves of the now Power they itfurp. We are not have receivdfrom the People difcourfing
to be
M not
behoUin
to
the People at
all
for
it
a Conqueror, but of a conquered Kingi what a Conqueror may lawfully do, But whereas you af we'll difcourfe elfewhere ^ do you keep to your Siibjeft. cribe to Kings that ancient Right that RIafters of Families have over their Hou-
and take an example from thence of their Abfolute Power 1 have Ihown And yirialready over and over, that there is no likcnefs at all betwixt them. would have if fo had read name him, you taught often) you fiotle (whom you asrauchin the beginning of his Politicks, where he fays they judg amifs that think there is but little difference betwixt a Kin?;, and a Mailer of a Family : For that there U not a numerical^ but a fpecifical difference betwixt a Kingdom and a For when Villages grew to be Towns and Cities, that Regal Domeftick Family. vanilhed by degrees, and was no more owned. Hence Diodortu in his firlt Right Book fays. That anciently Kingdoms were tranfmitted not to the former Kings And Jnftin, OrigiSons, but to thofe that had belt deferved of the People. * of was by Kings, of and Government the Nations, Countries, he, mUj^ fays * who were exalted to that height of Majefty, not by popular Ambition, but for ' Whence it is manitheir Moderation which commended them to good Men. of that feft, that in the very beginning Fatherly and Hereditary GoNations, vernment gave way to Vertue, and the Peoples Right Which is the moft natuFor at firft. ral reafon and caufe, and was the true rile of Kingly Government, Men entred into Societies, not that any one might infalt over all the reft, but that in cafe any fhould injure other, there might be Laws and Judges to proteft them from wrong, or at leaft to punifh the wrong doers. When Men were at firft difpers'd and fcattered afunder, fome wife and eloquent Man perfwaded them to enter into Civil Societies ; that he himfelf, fay you, might exercife Dominion over them, when fo united. Perhaps you meant this of Nimrod, who is faid to have been the firft Tyrant. Or elfe it proceeds from your own malice only, and certainly it cannot have been true of thofe great and generous fpirited Men, but isaFi(n;ionof your own, not warranted by any Authority that lever heard of. For all ancient Writers tell us, that thofe firft Inftituters of Communities of Men, had a regard to the good and fafety of Mankind only, and not to any private One thing advantages of their own, or to make themfelves great or powerful. I cannot pafs by, which fuppofe you intended for an Emblem, to fet off the reft of this Chapter If a Conful, fay you, had been to he accufed before his Magifholds,
,
'
firacy expired, there mufl have been a DiHator created for that purpofe; tho you had faid before, that for that very reafon there were two of them. Jull fo your PoUtions
always agree with one another, and almoft every Page declares how weak and frivolous whatever you fay or write upon any Subjeft, is. Vnder the ancient Englip Saxon Kings, you fay, the People were never called to Parliaments. If any of our own Countrymen had alTerted fuch a thing, I could eafily have -convinced him that he was in an error. But I am not fo much concerned at your miftakingour This in effeft is all you fay of the Right of Affairs, becaufe y'are a Foreigner.
Kings in general. Many other things I omit, for you ufe many Digrellions, and put things down that either have no ground at all, or are nothing to the purpofe> and my defign is not to vie with you in Impertinence.
C H A
6^0
P.
C H A
.,*
VIH.
had publiflied youror/n opinion, Salmaflia, concerning the R.ight of in general, without affronting any Perlons in jwrcicuiar, notwichftanding this alteration of Affairs in Ew^/^w^, as long as you did but ufe yoiirpwn Man couid have had any liberty in writing what your felf thought fit, no Englijl) caufe to have been difpleafcd with you, nor would you have made good the opiFor if ic be a pofitive Command both nion you maintain ever a whitthelefs. of Mofes and of GhriH; him (elf, T^^zf all A<fen whatfoever, wheihey Spaniards, French,
fFkings
yoi]
Foreigner Ledure's out of them as out of your own Papers and Mifcellanies, which, be they how they will, you have taught us already in a great many words, that they ? But now it is apparent that you have ought to give way to the Laws of God undertaken the defence of this Royal Caufe, notfo much out of your own incli-
be fiibjea totbsir Princes., be they gosd Italians, Germans, Unglifli crScotcli," poidd or bad, which you aflerted, Fcg. 127. to what purpofe was it for you, whoare and unknown to us, to be tampering with our Laws, and to read us a
a good round price too, nation, as .partly becaufe you were hired, and that at on him work and partly, 'tis like, that fet are with how ; you things confidering out of expecTiationof fome greater reward hereafcer, to publiih a fcandalous Libel againft the ?2^/{//^ whoare injurious to none of their Neighbours, and meddle with their own matters only. If there were no fuch thing as that ia
the cafe, is it credible that any Man fhould be fo impudent or fo mad, as tho he be aftranger, and at agreatdiifance from us, yec of his own accord to intermeddle with our Affairs, and lide with a Party ? What the Devil, is it to you
what the
Puppy
I
^////j
What would
do amonglt themfclves? What would you have. Pragmatical you be at ? Have you no concerns of your own at home ?
wifh you had the fame concerns that that famous 0/f, your fellow bufy-body and perhaps fo you have i you deferve them I'm fure. ; Or did that Hotfpur your V.'ife, who encouraged you to write what you have done for out-law 'd CharUs\ fake, promife you fome profitable Profellbrs
in the Epigram., had
*
St.
Lo,
in
Latin., Saniftus
Lupus,
Vv'olf,
is
S.7int
the
7um! of a place Engltî * St. in of yoursin /V^wf, firft to that hunger- Ilarved Lordlhip of yours at France, X-o^ rehcre Silma.md'in the next place to the Sacred Confiftory of the moft Chriftian King. Being J;us lud foms a Counfellnr to the Prince, you are at too great a diftance from your own Counh.i'I Epate, But I fee full well that fhe neither defiresyou, nor your Counfel nor did and trey.
vpiis called
-.,
Pveturn ? But placein England, and God knows what Gratifications that admits and neither of Miftrefs aOure your felves, my England my Mailer, : no wonder ib So it's Wolves that much Owners oi Venom nor you fpit Wolves., Maflitf's. It were better for you to return to thofe Illuftrious Titles at our
at Charles'^
fa from St. Lu- it
and began to lick a appear fhe did, when you were there a few years ago, J Germ.in andean the in fte's pus Cardinal's Trencher very willingly right, by my troth, Biihop, who f"uffer fuch a little Fcilow as you, that are but one half of a Man, to run up and ivlth ^f. GerDesks full of Trifles and Fooleries, man cam: over down with your Mifcrefs of a Wife, and your a or other where foms ir.io till upon Stipend, large enough for a Knight of Erplmd, you light if any Prince or State AnnoDcin. the Grammar, or an llluihious Critick on Horflback 429. has a mind to hire a Vagabond Dodlor that is to be fold at a good round Price. whether you're a Merchantable CommoBut here's one rhat will bid for you You fay, Ths are worth we fnall fee by and by. dity or not, and what you not Government the Parricides ajj'eri, that of England mcerly Kingly, hut that it is a Thomas Sir Smith, amixt Government. Country-man of curs in Edward the one whom you your felf will and a-Statefman, a good Lawyer, Six'th'sdays, not call a Pafricide, in the beginning; of a Book which he wrote of the Commonwealth of England., aflerts the fame thing, and not of our Government only, but of aimoll all others in the World, and that out of AriflotU ; and he fays ic But as if you s not poiTibie that any Government flionld otherwifs fiibfift. thought it a crime to fay any thing, and not unfay it again, you repeat your
;, , :,
former thredbare Contradidions.
You fay, 1here neither is nor ever wm any that didnot Ration tmderflnndbythe very n.tine of a King., a Perfon vohofe authority to And yet a little after you Cod is inftrior alone, andwho is accountable tono other.
as
confefs, that the
had net a
fall
name of a King rvjf formerly given to fuch Powers and M.igiflrates, and abfdutc right of tkemfehcs, but had a dcpend.ince upon the Peo-
(
as the Suffetes
6^1 )
Hebrew Jtidêj, the Kings of the among pU, Are nor and very confiftent with your ielf ? you Lacedemonians, of Arragon. Then you reckon up five feveral forts of Monarchies out of jirifiotU ; in one of which only that Right obtain'd, which you fay is common to all Kings. Conthat neither doth Anftotle fiiid already more than once, cerning which 1 have nor was there ever any fuch in being ; fuch of any Monarchy, give aninftance that were demonftrates bounded by Ellabliflit they the other four he clearly Laws. The to thofe firft of which four Power fubjeft Laws, and the King's in his did of all others bcft deferve which the Lacedemonians, opinion was that of The fecond was fuch as obtain'd among Barbarians, the name of a Kingdom. which was lafting, becaufe regulated by Laws, andbecaufe the People willingly
the Carthaginians, the
whereas by the fame Author's opinion in his third Book, whan the People's will, is no longer to King fo ever retains the Soveraignty againft a be accounted a King, but downright Tyrant i all which is true likewife of his third fort of Kings, which he calls z/EJymnetes, who were chofen by the Peomoft commonly for a certain time only, and for fome particular purple, and The fourth fort he makes of fuch as fuch as the Roman Didators were.
fubraitted to
it
;
pofes,
whom for their extraordinary merits the reigned in the Heroical days, upon conferr'd the Government, but yet bounded by own accord of their People the will of the People : Laws-, nor could thefe retain the Soveraignty againft nor do thefe four forts of Kingly Governments differ, he fays, from Tyranny in any thing elfe, bur only in that thefe Governments are with the good liking
of the People, and That againft their will. The fifth fort of Kingly Government which he calls -Tmiugao-iAaa, or abfolute Monarchy, in which the Supreme Power refides in the King's Perfon, which you pretend to be the right of all the Philofopher, as neither for the good of Kings, is utterly condemn'd by Mankind, nor confonant to Juftice or Nature, unlefs fome People (hould be content to live under fuch a Government, and withai confer it upon fuch as excel Thefe things any man may read in the third Book of his all others in vertue. I But you, Politicks. believe, that once in your life you might appear witty and a comparifon betwixt thefe five forts of florid, pleafed your felf with making the World ; betwixt the two extremes Zones the and of of five Kingly Government^
there are three more temperate Species interpofed, Kingly power,
!
as there lie three
Zones betwixt the Torrid and the Frigid. Pretty Rogue what ingenious comparifons he always makes us May you for ever bebanifhed, whither you your felf condemn an abfolute Kingdom to bSf that is, to the frigid Zow, which when you In the mean while we /hall are there, will be doubly cold to what it was before. which you defcribe, from you our modern expedt that new fafhioned fphere extreme two be fliall there which Zo, one Torrid, and the oArchimedes, in The Kings of the Lzcedxbetwixt. ones and three ther Frigid, lying temperate but it was not lawful to be monians, you fay, might lawfully Imprifoned, put them to and of fome Minifters Becaufe the ? not death. Juftice, Foreign Soldiers, Why it not lawful to lead Agis being furprifed at the Novelty of the thing, thought to his Execution, though condemn'd to die? And the People o{ Lacedemen, were condemn'd to die, though a King, but bedifpleafed at his death, not becaufe and caufe he was a good man popular, and had been circumvented by a faftion ones. of the great Agii was the firft King that was put to death Says Plutarch, *' does not pretend to tel! us what lawfully he words in which the by Ephori ; For to imagin that fuch as may done. was but what be done, adually might not alfo lawfully put him to and a accufe him, may imprifon King, lawfully At laft you betake your felf to give an account of death, is a childifh conceit. There never was, you fay, butane King in England. the Right of Eaglifl) K'lnp. This you fay, becaufe you had faid before, that unlefs a, King be fole in the GovernWhich if it be true, fome of them, who I had thought ment, he cannot be a Kinj^. for to omit many of our Saxon had been Kings of England, were not really fo Partners with them in the Goor Brothers had either their their who Sons, Kings, vernment, it is known that King Henry U. of the Norman Race, reign'd together with his Son. Let them (hew, fay you, a Prefident ofany Kingdom under the Government in fome Kingdoms morereof a Jingle perfon, who has not an abfolute power ; though ?o\s&v fhow others more intenfe. that's abfolute, and yet rrDo you any mifs^ in the Supreme Power of all? mifs^ youAfs-, is not that power that's abfolute, and remifs? then be both Whatfoever How can it fupreme Kings you fhall
! '"
,
632
)
I
acknowledgtobe in veiled with a remifs (or a lefs) po.ver, thofe make appear to have no abfoliite power and conlequently to
.,
wiil eafily
to a People, free by nature, make the Regal Power more or
who
bs [inferior
is
both
its
own
Lawgiver,
is,
and can
greater or lefs. Whether the whole llland of Britain was anciently governed by Kings, or no is uncertain. It's mod likely that the form of their Government changed accordthe to ing Exigences of the Times. Whence Taciim fays, 7 he Bricains andently were under Kings 5 now the great Men amongft them divide them into Parties ani Fa'ttons. Whtnthz Romans \iii them, they were about forty years wichouc Kings i they were not always therefore under a Kingly Government, as you fay But when they were fo, that the Kingdom was they were. Hereditary, I pollwhich that it wns not, is evident both from the Series of their tiv'eiydeny Kings, and their way of creating them: for the confent of rhe People is asktd in exprefs words. When the King has taken the accullomed Oath, the Archto every fide of the Stage erefted for that piirpofe, asks the Peobilhop ftepping in thefe words, Do four feveral times ple you confent to have this Man to be your King ? Jull as if he fpoke to them in the Roman Slile, Fnltis^Jnbetis hitnc Reanare?
,
lefs
intenfe or remifs; that
lefs,
your pleafure, do you appoint this Man to reign ? Which would be needKingdom were by the Law hereditary. But with Kings, Llfurpation You go about to paifes very frequently for Law and Right. Charles's
lb it
'
if the
conquered himfelf, upon the Right of Wtlliam^ firnamed the Conqueror^ forfooth, fubdued u--. Conqueft. But they who are not Iti angers to our Hiltory, know full well, that the Strength of the En-ilt^ Nation was not fo broken in that one Fight at Haflings, but that they' might eafily have renewed the War. But they chofe rather to accept of a King, than to be under a Conqueror and a Tyrant They fwear therefore toWilUam to be his Liege-men, and he fwears to them at the Altar, to himfelf to:
Right to the Crown,
who was
ground
fo often
carry
all out of doubt , / appoint no Man (fays he) to inherit the Kingdom of England. which v/ords, both his pretended Right of Conqueft, and the By Hereditary I Right, were difclaim'd at his death, and buried together with himfee now that you have gotten a place at Court, as I foretold you would you are made the King's Chief Treafurer and Steward of his Court- Craft And what follows, you feem to write ex Officio^ as by virtue of your Office, Magnificent Sir. Jfany
them as a good King oJght to do in all refpedls. When he broke his Word, and the English betook themfelves again to their Arms, being diffident of his Strength, he renewed his Oath upon the Holy Evangelifts, to obferve the Ancient Laws of England. And therefore, if after that he miferably opprelTed the Englt^li, (as you fay he did) he did it not by Right of Conqueft, but by Right ofPerjury. Belides,it iscertain, thatmanyAges ago, the Conquerors and Conquered coaltfced into one and the fame People So that that Right ofConqueft, if any fuch ever were, mull neds have been His own antiquated long ago. words at his death, which I give you out of a French Manufcript written at Caen
ward.':
:
put
preceding Kings, being thereunto compelled by Failions of Great Men^ or Seditions amon^l} the Common People have receded in fame meafurefrom their Riaht, that cannot but that he is at You fay well if thereprejudice the Snccejfor liberty to re fume if. fore at anytime our Anceftor> have through negledl loll that'was their
,
:,
any thing Right, why fliould that prejudice us their Pofterity? If they would promife for themfel.es to become Slaves, they could make no fuch promife for us ; who /hall always retain the Drne Right of delivering our felves out of Slavery, that they hadof enllavingthemfelvestoany whomfoever. You wonder how it comes to pafs that a King of Great Britain mull now a- days be looked upon as one of the Magillrares of the Kingdom only ^ v;herea5 in all other Kingly Governments in Chrffiendom, Kin^s are inveftcd with a Free and Abfolutc Authority. For the Scots., I remit you to Buchanan: For France, your own Native to which Countrey, you feem to bea ftranger, to Hotto?nan\ Franco.Gallia, and Girardiu a French
whom none that I know of, were learned a quite other Leflbn concerwhat you teach. Not being able to prove that a Tyrannical Power belongs to the Kings of England h^ Right ofConqueft, you try now to do it by Right of Perjury. Kings profefs themfelves to rdiin By the Grace of God: VVhat if they had profefTed themfelves to be Gods.^ 1 believe if they had, yon might have eafily have been brought to become one of their Priefts.
HiHorian;
for the rell,
:
to oth.r Authors, of
Independents ning the Right of Kings, than
Out of whom you might have
So
(63J
So the Archbilhops of Canterbury pretended to Arthbifllop it by Divine Providence, Are you fucli a Fool, as to deny the Popes being a King in the Church, that you may maite ilie King greater than a Pope in the State ? But in the Statutes of the Realm the King is called our Lor^. You are become cf a fudden a wonderful Nomenclator ot our Statutes But you know not that many are called Lords and You know not how unrcafonablea thing it is to Mafters, who are not reslly fo and Titles of Honour, not to fay of Flattery. Truth Make Right by judgol the lame Inference, if you will, from the Parliament's being calLd the Kings for it is called the King's Bridle too, or a Bridle to the King Parltament and the therefore King is no more Lord or Mailer of his Parliament, than a Horfe is But why not the King's Parliament, lince the Kingfummons them} of his Bridle. I'll tell you why \ becaufe the Confuls ufed to indift a Meeting ot the Senate, yec were they not Lords over that Council. When the King therefore fummons or calls together a Parliament, he does it by virtue and in difcharge of that OiTice, which he has received from the People, that he may advife with them about the weighty Affairs of the Kingdom, not his own particular Affairs. Or when ac any time the Parliament debated of the King's own Affairs, if any could properly be called his own, they were always the lalt things they did ; and it was in their choice when to debate of them, and whether at ail or no, and depended not upon the King's Pleafure. And they whom it concerns to know this, know very well, that Parliaments anciently, whether fummoned or not, might by Law meet twice a Year : But the Laws are called too. The Kings Laws. Thefe are a King of England can of hinifelf nuke no Law For he flattering Afcriptions was not conltituted to make Laws, but to fee tbofe Laws kept, which the People And you your felf here confefs, That Parliaments meet to make Laws made. Wherefore the Law is a Ifo called the Law of the Land, and the Peoples Law.
:
:
Whence King Ethelftane in the Preface to his Law?, fpeaking to all the People, I have granted you every things fays he, hy your own Lam. And in the Form of the Oath, which the Kings of England ufed to take bsf ire they were made Kings, ff^til the People itipu;ate with them thus you grant thofe jnji Laws, which the
'>
People [hall chitfe ?
The King anfwers,
J wiS.
And you
are infinitely miftaken in
King governs the whole State of the Kingdom^ to all intents and For he can determine purpafes^ hy a Regal Power. nothing of any momenti witn relpeft to either Peace or War ; nor can he put any flop to the Proceedings (jf the Courts of Jaftice. And the Judges therefore fwear, that they will do nothing judicially, but according to Law, though the King by Word, or Mandate, or Letters under his own Seal, fliould command the contrary. Hence it is that the King is often faid in our Law to be an and to poffefs his Rights and Dignities, as a Child or a Ward does Infant his: See the ^/j'-ror. Cap. j^. Se^. zi. And hence is that common Saying afaying,
:,
rhat when
there u ao Parliament the fitting.^
mongft
: Which you, like a Rafcal, interpret us, That the King car. do no wrong the U no IVhatevsr thus, King does, Injury.^ becaufe he is not liable to be punifhed for it. By thi? very Comment, if there were nothing elfe, the wonderful Impudence
and Villany of this Fellow, difcovers it felf fulikiently. It belongs to the Head^ you fay, to command, and not to the Members : The King is the Head of the Parliament. You would not trillc thus, if you had any guts in your brains. You are miftaken again (but there's no end of your miltakes) in not diftinguilhing the King's Counrtllors from the States of the Realm: For neither ought he to make choice of all of them, nor of any of thefe, which the reft do not approve of ^ but for
eledling any ed to it-
Whom the People appointed

all
Member of theHoufeof Commons,
he never fo
much
were
as
pretend-
to that Service, they
feverally cho-
fen by the Votes of

ties.
1
ter.
the People in their refpeclive Cities, Towns, and Counthings univerfally known, and therefore I am the fhorBut you fay, '/" falfe that the Parliament was wftituted by the People, as the
fpeak
now of
WorJInppers of Saint Independency ajjert. in endeavouring to fubvert the Papacy

as
Now
>
1 fee why you took you carry another Pope
fo
in
much pains
'
your
we
?
fiy.
For what
elfe fhou'.d
you be
in
labour of, the
Wolf, impregnated by
pacy
true genuine Pope.
vanquifli'd
fpoils.
a She-vVolf, but either a
Wife of a Woman, Monfter,or fome new fort of Pai
belly, a He-
You now make He-Saints, and She-Saints,at your pleafure, as if you were a You abfolve Kings of all their fins and as if you had utterly
and fubdu'd your Antagonift the Pope, you adorn your felf with his But becaufe you have not yet profligated the Pope quite, till the fecond
M ra m m
and
(6h)
and third, and perhaps the fourth and fifth PJrt of your Book of his Supremawill naufcatc a great many Readers to death, fooner cy come out, which Book than you'll get the better of the Pope by it ; let it futiicc yoa in the mean time, There's another She-Saint, or other. I befcech you, to become fome Antipope which that befides that Independency you deride, you have Canoniz'd in good You Ihall therefore by my confent the of and earneft that. is Tyranny Kings be theHigh-Pneifof Tyranny;, and that you may have all the Pope's Titles, Servants not of God, but of the Court. For that you Ihall be a Servant of the Curfe pronounced upon Canaan., feems .to flidc as clofe to you, as your Shirt. You call the People a BeaH. What ar you then your felt ? Fop neither can than Sacred Confiftory, nor your Lordfliip of St. L*, exempt you its Maltcr from nor can make >ou other being one of the Pe<JpIe, nay, of the Common People Dealt. am'jR loathfom than what you really arc, Indeed, the Writings of the of Great KingS by the and Dominion to us the fhadow out Monarchy Prophets You BcaU;. of a Great and under the'Rcfemblance Name, fay. That there is no mention of Parliaments hHdnnder our Kings, that reigned before VVilliam the ConThe thing was alIt is not worth while to j mgle about a French word iîssror. and in th-; Saxon ti nes, Concilia allow that \ou in ^ yourfeJf being Safienvvays tum ifitteha-gansts., are mentioned. And there are wife Men among the Body of the People, as well as amonglt the Nobility. But in the Statute of Merton made in the twentieth year:of King Uenry the 3^, the Earls and Barons are en/y flaThus you are always impofed upon by words, who yet have fpent your med.
:
,
for weknoiv very well that in that age, nothing eife but words not only the Guardians of the Cinque- Ports, and Magiftratesof Cities, bnt eand without doubt they might ven Tradefmen are fometimes called Barons much more reafonably call every Member of Parliament, tho never fo much a Commoner, by the Name of a Baron. For that in the fifty fecond Year of the fame King's Reign, the Commoners as well as the Lords Were fummoned, the Statute of Marlhridge., and raofl: other Statutes, declare inexprefs words j which
vv/hole Life in
;,
Commoners King Edward
the
Thhd^
in the Preface to the Statute-Staple, calls,
M^gnmtcs Ccmitatum., The Great Men of the Counties, as you very learnedly quote it for me \ thofe to wit, Th.it cume out of the fever al Counties., and ferved fir them ; which number of Men conftitated theHoufe of Commons,and neither were Lords, nor could be. Befides, a Book more Ancient than thofe Statutes, called, Modit^s habendi Parliament a, i.e. The manner of holding Parliaamt'^^ tells us. That the King, and the Commons may hold a Parliament, and e{iaft Laws, tho the Lords, the Si.'hops, are abfent ; but that with the Lords, and the BiHiops, in the abfence of the Commons, no Parlianient can be held. And there's a reafon given for it, viz.. becaufe Kings held Parliaments and Councils with their People before any Lords or Bifliops were made , befide?, the Lords ferve for themfel'/es only, the Commons each for the County, City, orBurroughthat fent them.. And that therefore the Cominons in Parliament reprefent the whole Body of the Nation ^ in which refped they are more worthy, and every way preferable to the Houfe of Peers. But the power of Judicature., yoa i'ay^- nevir rvai invejied in the Nor was the King ever polfelTed of it Remember tho, that Houfe of Commons. Which originally all Power proceeded^ and yet does proceed from the People. AiariHsTidlms excellently well fhovvs in his Oration, T>e lege Agraria, Of the ' As all Powers, Authoiiiiis, and puWick Admlniftrations Agrarian haw : ' ought to be derived from the whole Body of the People ^ fo thofe of them ought in an efpeci il manner fo to be derived, which are ordained and appoint' ed for the Common Benefit and Interefi: of all v to which Imployments every ' particular, ^Perf in may both give his Vote for the chufing fuch Perfons, as he ' tliinks will takemofl care of the Publick, and withal by voting and making ' Intereft for them, lay fuch Obligations upon them, as may entitle them to their Friendihip, and good Offices in time to come. Here you fee the true rife and original of Parliaments, and that it was much ancienter than the Sa.voft Chronicles. Whilll: we may dwell in fuch a light of Truth and Wifdom, as Cicero's Age afforded, yon labour in vain to blin^ us with the darknefs of obfcurer times. By the faying whereof I would not be underfbood to derogate in the leafl from the Authority and Prudence of our Anceftors, who mofl; certainly wenffurther in the emding of good Laws, than either the Ages they lived in, or their o^'n Learning or Education feem to have been capable of-, and tho fometimes
:
'
(^?5
fometimes they made Laws that were none of the belt, yet as being confcious to ihemfelves of the Ignorance and Infirmity of Human Nature, they have conveyed this Doftrine down to Poftcrity, as the foundation of all Laws, v?hich likewife all our Lawyers admit. That if any Law, or Cuftom, be contrary to the Law of God, of Nature, or of Reafon, it ot'ght to be looked upon as null and void. Whence it follows, that tho it were poffible for you to difcover
any
Statute, or other publick Sanation, which afcribed to the King a Tyrannical Power, fince that would be repugnant to the Will of God, to Nature, and to learn from that general and primary Law of ours, which right Reafon, you may now quoted, that it will be null and void. But you will never be I have
juft
able to find that any fuch Right of Kings has the leafl: Foundation in our Law. Since it is plain therefore, that the Power of Judicature was originally in the People themfelves, and that the People never did by any Royal Law part with
itto the King, (for the Kings of England ndther ufe to judg any Man, nor can by the Law do it, otherwife than according to Laws fetled and agreed to : Fleta, Book i. Cap. iq.) it follows, that this Power remains yet whole and enFor that it was either never committed to the tire in the People themfelves.
it were, that it may lawfully be taken from them again, not deny, ^wx.., It u in the Kings PoiPfr, you fay, to make a you your a Burroughs and that into a City ^ and confequently., the King dues in ef" Village into create But, T fay, that thofe that conjlitnte the Commons Houfe of Parliament. feEl even Towns and Burroughs are more ancient than Kings ^ and that the People And now we are extreamis the People, tho they fliould live in the open Fields. ly well plea fed with your Anglicifms^ COVRT., E. you have quickly learnt to count your bun-;
Hcufe of
Peers, or if
felf wiir
TV RN
HVNDREDA:
in Englijh.
CO V NTT
THE
dred Jacobujfes
Qu'n expedivit Salmafio fuam Picamque docuit verba nojira conari ? Jacohl Magifler artu venter,
HVNDREDAM?
.
&
Centum., exnlanti^ vifceramarfupii Regis.
'*'-^k/
Jôd ft
deloji fpes refulferit
Jpfe Antichrist
modb
qui
nhmmi^ Primatum Pap

'
.
MinatM
una
efl dtffipare fujjlatH-,

.
Cantahit ultra Cardinalttium melos.
Who taught Salmafus., that French chatt'ring Pye, To aim at Englijh, and HV NDREDA cry}
TheftarvingRafcal,
JE^//]fc
flufht
JacobnlTes,
HVNDREDA
with
juft a
Hundred
Blunder'd.
A hundred more, King's lafl: ftock. Would make him pimp for th' Antichriftian Whore And in Kome\ praife employ his poyfon'd Breath,
An outlaw'd
-,
Who threatn'd once to Itink the
Pope to death.
The next thing you do is to trouble us with a long Difcourfe of the Earls and the Barons, to fliow that the King made them all ; which we readily grant, and and therefore we for that reafon they were moft commonly at the King's beck fliall be that for the future not well to take have done they care, Judges of a Free as the Parliaments Power That You affirm. often at he pleafes.f of calling People. and ofdijfdlving them uhen he pleafes, hat belonged to the King time out of mind. Whe,
ther fuch a vile, mercenary Foreigner as you, who tranfcribe what fome Fugitives didtate to you, or the exprefs Letter of our own Laws are more to be credited in But fay yo\i, there is another Argument, this matter, we (hall enquire hereafter. the to th: Power invincible and an of one^ Kings of England fuperior to that of prove the Parliament ; the Kin^s Power is perpetual and of coitrfe, whereby he adminifters the Government fingly without the Parliament ; that of the Parliament is extraordinary^ or out of CQurJe^ and limited lo particulars only, nor can they enall any thing fo at to he
binding in
Law,
without the King.
Where
does the great force of this

Juftices
Argument
have
lie? \nt\\&v{o:<^%oi coiirfeandperpetual?
^n ordinary
zvid perpetual?oviti:^ thofe

tlie
Why, many whom we call

1
inferior Magiftrates
of Peace.
Have
they therefore
Supreme Povfer
And
ra ra
have faid already, that the King's

2
Power
(636
Power
is
to him, to take care, by interpofing liis Authoriry, that be doiK: contrary to Law, and that he may fee to the due obiervation nothing of our Laws, not to cop his own upon us : and conf^quently thjt the King has
committed
no Power out of hisCouits
nay all the ordinary power is raiher the Peoples, j Controverfies themfelves by Juries of Twelve Men. And hence it is that when a Aldefaftor is asked at his Arraignment, How mil you he tried? he anfwers always accordin;', to Law and Cufiom, by God and
who determine
all
myCounny^
not by
King, or theKin,H,'s Deputy. But the Authority of the Parand in-truih is the Supreme Power of tlie People comindeed which liament, mictsd CO that Senate, if it may be called extraordinary, it muil be by rcafon of its Eminence and Superiority; elfeic is known they are called Or^/a, and therefore cannot properly be f ;id to be extra ordmem, out of order ; and if not aftually, as they fay, yet virtually they have a perpetual Power and Authority over all Courts and ordinary Magiftrates, and that without the King. And now it feems our barbarous terms grate upon your Critical Ears, forlboth whereas, if 1 had leifure, or that if it were worth my while, 1 could reckon up fo many Barbarifms of yours in this one Book, as if you were to be chiltiz'd for them as youdeferve, nor would all the School-boys Feruh's in Chrifiendom would be broken upon you Gold as that wretched did of fo of receive Poet but a great old, many pieces you Tjj a Prodi tnore than o'th' ear. You all the Boxes fay, monftrom jy manymore
!
,
God and the
mofl abfftrd Opinions in the World pit tocrether. that the Bdlams//jB/^ make a dijiinUion betwixt the King's Poller and his Perfon. I will not quote what every Author has faid upon this Subjedt ^ but if by the words Perfonam Regis^ you mean what
the Perfon of the King-^ Chryfoftom, who was no B:dlamy might have raught you, that icis noabfurd thing to make a dillindlion betwixt that and his Power ^ for that Father explains the Apoftle's command of being
we
call
in
Englijli^
fubjed to the Higher Powers, to be meant of the thing, the Power it f If and not of the Perfons of the Magiitrates. And why may not I fay that a King, who ads
any thing contrary to Law, fifts fo farforth as a private Perfon, or a Tyrant, and not in the capacity of a King invefied with a Legal Authoi ity ? If you do not know that there may be in one and the fame Man more Perfons or Capacities thaa one, and rhatthofc Capacities may in thought and conception be fevered from the man "himfelf you are altogether ignorant both of Latin and Common Senfe. But this you fay to abfolve Kings from all fin and guilt and that you may make us believe that you are gotten into the Chair your felf, which you liavepuU'd the Pope out of The King-, you fay, is fuppofed not capable of committing any crime^ VVhoever therefore is becaufe no funifioment is confeejittntid upon ar.y crime of his. it is not the but offends the not; theit, nntpiiniiht, punilhment that makes the Thief SalmaflM the Grammarian comm.its no Solcecifms now, becaufe he is from under the Ferula , when you have overthrown the Pope, let thefe, for God's fake, betheCanons of your Pontificate, or at lead your Indulgences, whether you fliali chafe to be called the High-Priefi; St. Tyranny, or St. Slavery, i pafs by the reproachful Language which towards the laeter end of the Chapter you give the State of the Commonwealth, and the C\Wirc\\o'i England; 'tis common 10 fuch as you are, you conteioptible Varlet, to rail at thofe things molt, that are mofl praife-worchy. But that may not feeni to have aflerted any thing or rather concerning the raflily concerning the Right of the Kings of England.^ Peoples Right wi:h relpeft to their Princes i 1 will now alledg out of our ancient Hiftories a few things indeed of many, but fuch as will make it evident that the Englijh lately tried their King according to the fecled Laws of the Realm, ^fcerthe Ramans quitted this IfJand, the and the Cufcoms of their Anceitors. ^r/rrfiwj'for about forty years were _/< Juris, and without any Kings at all.
, 1
Of whom
firfc fee up, fonie they put to death. And for that, Cildoi not as for their do, Kin^s, but for killing you reprehends them, killing th.m uncondemned, and (to ufc his own vvoid^) Aôn pro -veri examinations, without enquiring into the matter of Facl:. lôrtigon was for his Inceihious Marriage with his own Daughter condemn'd (as Nenniut informs u^ the moft ancie !t of all our Hiilorian^ next 10 GildM') by St. German^ and a General
rhofe they
Council of the Britains, and his Son Fortlmer ftt up in his ftead. This came to pifs not long after St. ylug!jjline'>s. death, which is enough to difcover
you are, Zachary by name, who
bow
futilous
firfl:
to fay, as you have done, that it was a Pepe^ and held the lawfulnefs of judging Kings. About the
year
year of our Lord 600, Morcar.ttM,
Come we he got the Sentence off bv b.ltowing fome Lands upon the Church, now to the 54A.-oi, whofe Laws we have, and therefore 1 (hall quote none of Remember that the Saxons were of a German Extract, who their Precedents.
neither invefted their Kings with any abfoiute, unlimited power, and confulted whence we msy perceive in a Body of the more weighty affairs of Government Parliaments fthe of omSaxoti Anceltors name it felf only extime that in the
,
Bifhopof L<j.'i<s/.if,
ondemn'ci to
who then reign'd in WaUs^ was by GudeceExile, for the Murder of his Uncle, though
The name they gave them, was Councils cepted) had the Supreme Authority. and in the of this Ethelbert^ of whoni Bede fays. That he Reign of Wife-men ^ made Laws in imitation of the Roman Laws^ cum concilio fapientum ; by the advice, So Edwyn^ \\ing of Tôrthnmherland and Ina or in aCoMKcH of hu IVife-men. Kingo/ '^f IP'efi- Saxons ^ having confiilttd with thetr Wife men, and the Elders of
',
Other Laws K. Alfred made, by the advice in like hi and he fays himfelf, That it was by the confent of them manner of Wije-men to be obferved. were commanded that From thefe and many other like they aOy it is as clear as the Sun, that chofcn M;neven from amonglt tiie Common places, People, were Members of the Supreme Councils, unlefs we muft believe that no Men are wife, but the Nobility. We have likewife a very ancient Book, called the Mirror of Jiifrices, in which we are told. That the Saxons, when they the Bntains, and chofe themfelves Kings, required nn Oath of firfl: fubdued them, to fubmit to the Judgment of the L^w, as much as any of their Subjeds, in the fame place 'tis faid, that it is but juft that the King have Seli. z. Cap. in his Peers Parliament, to take Cognizance of wrongs done by the Kin j,, or the Queen \ and that there was a Law made in King Alored\ time, that Parliaments fhould be holden twice a year at London, or oftner, if need were Which Law, when through negled it grew intodifufe, was revived by two Statutes And in .mother ancient Manufcript, called in YJmg Edrvard t\\Q Third's time. Modfu tenendi Parliamenta, we read thus, ' If the King diffolve the Parliament ' before they have difpacchc the buhnefs> for which the Council was furamon'd, * he is guiicy of Perjury ; and (hall be reputed to ha/t- broken his Coronation * Oath. For how can he be faid to grant thofe good L^ws, which the People cbufe, as he is fworn to do, if he hinders the People from chufing them, either by fummoning P.arliament"- felJomer, or by diffalving them f joner than the Publick Affairs require, or admit? And that Oath, which the Kings of En^landtakQ at their Coronation, has always been looked upon by our Lawyers, asamoft facred Law. And what remedy can be found to obviate the great Dangers of the whole State (which is the very end of fummoning Parliaments)
thePeoplCy
, I . :
made new Laws.
Greatand Augult Affembly may be dilTolved at the pleifure many times filly, head-ftrong King ? To abfcnt himfelf from them, is certainly lefs than to diffolve them and yet by our Laws, as that ModusX^^s them down,
if that
of a
the King neither can, nor ought to abfcnt himfelf frorn his Parliament, unlefs he be really indifpofed in Health ^ nor then neither, tilltwcle of the Peers have been with him to infpecl; his Body, and give the Parliament an account of his
Is this like the Carriage of Servants to a Mailer Indifpoli ion. hand, the Houfe of Commons, without whom there can be
.?
On
the other
no Parliament
held, tho liimmoned by the Kiuj, may withdraw, and having made a Seceffion, expoftulate with the King concerning Male-adminiltration, as the fame Book
has it. But, which is the greateft thing of all, amongft the Laws of King Edward, commonly called the Confejfor, there is one very excellent, relating to the Kingly Office i which Office, if the King do not difcharge as he ought. Then, fry s the Law, He fliall not retain fo much m the Name ef a King. And leO; thefe words ihould nor befufficiendy underftood, the Example of Chilperic King of f/-<cff is fubjoyn'd, whom the People for that Caufe depofed. And th:itbythis Law a wicked King is liable to Punilhment, that Sword of King Edward, c:i\]&d Curt ana, denotes to u^;, which the Earl of Chefttr u fed to carry in the So'emn Procelllon at a Coronation A token, idi^s Matthew Paris, that he hat Authority by Law to piinijh the King, if he will not do his Duty and the Sword made ufe of but in Capital Punifhments, This fame Law, is hardly ever
,
together v.'ith other Laws of that good King Edward, did WtUiam the Conqueror ratifie in the Fourth Year of his Reij^n, and in a very full Council held ztrerulam^ confirin'd ic with a molt folemn Oath: And by fo doing, he not only
(6^8)
Right of Conqueft, if he ever iiad any over us, butfubonly be himfelf to judged according to the i'enor of this very Law. And jefted and of this aiiis Son Henry fwore to the obfervance of King EdvoaY% Laws, he was chofen King, that terms ic thofe only was, raongfl: the veil:-, and upon taken was ftme Oath alive. The RoUn was by all fucwhiilt his Elder Brother our Ancient and Famous Hence were crowned. before ccedinj. Kings, they
extinguifii'd his
Lawyer Braôn,
Ch^D.
ought
he
li
in his firft
rvhere (Fill rules the roalt,
Book, Chap. 3. There it no King in and Law does not tah^ flace. And in
the
cafe,^
fays he,
his
Third Book,
he rules well ; he becomes a Tyrant when he op9. -^ J'î^g i^ < King fo long as And in the fame Chapter, The King the People committed to hu Ch.irge. trejjcs the to life the Power of Law and Right-, asGod''s Alimfter and F'tce-gerent
-^
Power of wron^ u
the Devils,
and
not
Gods
whtn
the
King turns
afide to do Injujfice^
the A-ftnifler nf the Devil.
The
very fame words almoft another ancient
the Author of the Book, called Flcta ; both of them reLawyer has, that Fundamental Maxim in that membered truly Royal Law of King Edward, which I have formerly mentioned, by which nothing is to be accountour
who was
Law, no more than a Law, that is contrary to the Laws of God, or of Reafon a Minifter of the Devil a Minilter of God. or a to be faid can be King, Tyrant Since therefore the Law is chiefly right Reafon, if we are bound to obey a King, anda Minifterof God, by the very fame Reafon, and the very fame Law, we
ed
a
;
Tyrant, and a Miniiter of the Devil. And becaufe Controverlierarifeoftner about Names than Things, the fame Authors tell us, thit a King of Endand, tho he have not loit the Name of a King, yet is as liable to BraBon, Book be judgfd, ând ought To to be, as any of the Common People.
ought to
refill:
T.
Chap
8.
Fltta.,
Book
i.
Chap.
i
17.
No Man
than the ought to be greater
King
himflf ought to be as little as the leafi in reOthers read it, y?p^f. Since our Kings ceiving J uftice^ i]pzccaT,ifheofend. therefore are liable to be judged, whether by the Name of Tyrants, or of Kings, Nor will it be amifs to conit molt nor be difficult to affign their Legal Judges.
in the
Admimjlration of Jujike
but he
fult the
fame Authors upon that point. BraBon, Book i. Chap. i6. Fleta.^ Book I. Chap. 17. The King kis hu Superiors in the Government:, The Law, by which he is made Kw^, and hi4 Court, to wit, the Earls, and the Barons: Comites and he that has a Companion, has a C Earls ) are as much as to fay, Cowpanions ; be without a Bridle, that is, not govern by Mafler; a-J therefore, if the King will in the word Law, they ought to bridle him. That the Commons are comprehended Laws of ancient Books our and in the Birons, has been (hown already ^ nay, and Parliament of Peers called efpecially they are frequently faid toh^vebeen out of all the in ihc Mod^ tenendi, &c. There (liall be chofen (fays that Book) Citi. Peer.' of the Realm, five and twenty Perfans, of whom five fiiall be Knights, five fôte in granthave a a andtwo and greater Kntxhts of five Bitrge/fes; County, zens,
:
And it is but reafonable they the great eft Earl in England. ing andrejeitina,than Earls for themfelves only. &c. the a whole vote for for County, fhould, they that thofe Paient Earls, whom you call Earls made by And wl-,0 can but
perceive
that hold their Earldoms by Tenure) are very vnfit Peifons to try the King, who conferr'd their Honours upon them? Since that old Book, cM'dThe Mirror, the King as our therefore
Writ (lince we have
now none
by
Law,
in
hss his Peers
who
any of
the
that the meanefl; Man in People; aiid lince it is notorioufly known, benefit of the Law againll the have the Courts in inferior even Kingdom may how much more confoKin2;liim|-elfincai"eofany Injury, or Wrong fuftained
his
,
appears by Parliament have cognizance of wrongs done by the King to
that in cafe the King opprefs all and his People, there fnould be fuch as have authority not only to reftrain him, Government For and punilhhim? that_ keep him within bounds, but to judg
nant to Jullice,
how much more
necelfary
is it,
mull needs be very ill, and mod ridiculoully conltituted, in which remedy is and no provided in.cafe of little Injuries done by the Prince to private Perfons, no whole of the the for care taken no ; redrefs for no fafety remedy, greater, ruin all Law without the that but made to the any King may contrary, proviiion Law fo much as hurt any one liisSubj.xt?, when at the fame time he cannot by of ihcm. And fincel have fhown that it is neither good manners, norcxpedient, rh^t the Lords ihould f)e the Kings Judges ; it follows, that the Power of Judicature in that cafe docs wholly, and by very good Right, belongto the Coraand mous, who are both Peers of the Realm, and Barons, and have the Power Authority
Authority of all the People committed to them. For fince (as we find it exprefly in our written Law, whic.\i I have already cited) the Commons together with the King make a good Parliament wichtjjjt either Lords or Bifhops, becaufe before cither Lords or Bilhops' had a Being., Kings held P.irliaments with their
Commons
only
by the very faraerealbn the

a
Commons
caufe before there ever wp.s a King, they in the Name Nation held Councils and Parliaments, had the Power of Judicature, made Laws, and made the Kings themfelves, not to lord it over the People, but to adminiIhall endeatime forward not fo much as to retain the Name of a King, to be no fucb thing as a King ; and if he be no King, what need we trouble our lelves to find out Peers for him ? For being then by all good Men adjudged to be a Tyrant, there are none but who are Peers good enough for him, and proper enough to pronounce Sentence of Death upon him judicially. Thefe things being fo, I think I have fufficiently to witj proved what I undertook, by many Authorities, and written Laws that fince the Commons have Authority by very good Right to try the King, and fince they have adually tried him, and put him to Death, for the mifchief he had done both in Church and State, and without all hope of amendment, they have done nothing therein but what was jufl and regular, for thelntereftof the
the King, and vereign Power without
Power of judging
apart mufl: have the Sothe Kmghimfelf, beof the whole Body of the
fter their publick Afl~airs.
Whom if
the King, inftead of fo doing
vour to injure and oppref?, our
Law pronounces him from
State, indifchargingof theirTruft,
becoming
their Dignity,
aud according to
Laws of the Land. And I cannot upon this occafion^ but congratulate my Iblf with the Honour of having had fuch Anceftors, who founded this Government with no lefs Prudence, and in as much Liberty as the moil worthy of the. *
the
Ancient Romans or Grecians ever founded any of theirs and they mult needs, have any knowledg ofour Affairs, rejoice over their Pofterity, who when were almofl reduced to Slavery, yet with fo much Wifdom and Courage they vindicated and alTerted the State, which they fo wifely founded upon fo much Liberty, from the unruly Government of a King.
:
if they
C H A
I
P.
IX.
Think by this time 'tis fufficiently evident that Kings o{ England mz'j be judged even by the Laws of England \ and that they have their proper Judges, which was the thing to be proved. What do you do farther ? (for whereas you have faid before, I do not intend to repeat the anrepeat many things that you
an eafie thing to demonflrate even from the naI have givell them) ture of the things for which Parliaments are fHmmon'd^ that the King u above the The Parliament, you fay, u wont to be ajfemUed pon Parliament.
fwers that
Tm
fuch
weighty affairs^ wherein the fafety of the Kingdom and of the People., is concerned. If therefore the King call Parliaments together, not for his own concerns, but thofeof the Nation, nor to fettle thofe neither, but by their own confent, at their own
whatishe more thana Minifter, and as it were an Agent for the Peotheir Suffrages that are chofen by the People, he cannot enadt without ple the lealt thing whatfoever, either with relation to himftif, or any body elfe ? Which proves likewife that 'tis the King's duty to call Parliaments whenever the People delire if, Iince the Peoples and not the King's concerns are to be treatFor although the ed of by that Allembly, and to be ordered as they fee caufe. King's alTcnt be required for fafhion fake, which in lefler matters, that concerned the welfare of private perfons only, he might refute, and ufe that form, the King will advife-^ yet in thofe greater affairs that concern'd the publick fafety, and liberty o{ the People in general, he had no negative voice ; for it would
difcretion,
i'
iince
Coronation-Oath to deny his allent in fuch cafes, which any Law could be, and againft the chief Article of Mag' We will not deny to any man, nor will we delay torenna Charta, Cap. 29. ' Shall it not be in the King's der to every man Right and Juftice. power to deit Be in his fhall power to deny-theenading of juft Laws?. ny Juflice, and Could he not deny JuRice to any particular pcrfon, and could he to all his Peodo it in inferior Courts, and could he in the Supreme Court ple ? Could he not
have been againit
his
was as binding
to
him
as
of
(
al! ?
640
of Or, can any King be fo arrogant as to preteufy to know what's jufi: and proiicable better than the whole body of the Peop!;? Efpecially, (ince 'he is * created and chofen for this very end nnd purpofe, co do Jaltice to all, as Bra-
Hon
( 3. af. 9. that is to do Jultice according to fuc h Laws as the Hence is what we finJ in onr Records, q H.^. Rott. Pari, upon. People agree num. 59. The King has no Prero>;acive that derogates from juftice and Eqoicy. And formerly when Kings have iefufed to confirm Adls of Parliament, to wit, Magna, Charta, and fome others, our Anceltors have brought them to it by force of Arms. 'And yet our Lawyers ntver were of opinion that thofe Laws were lefsvalid, or lefs binding, fincethe King was forced toailent to no more than what he ought in Juftice to haveaflented to vcluntarily, and without conftraint. Whilfl you go about to prove that Kir.gs of other Nations have been as much under the power of their Senate-; or Counfels, as our Kings were, you do not In which you do but that over argue us into Slavery, but them into Liberty. again, that you have frotn the very beginning of your Difcourfe, and which fome filly Leguleians new and then do, to argue unawares againft their own Clients. But you fay, IVe confefs th.tr the King wherever he be, yet is fiepptfed fl'ill to be prcfent tn hu Pjriument by vi'^tite of his power ^ infomitch that whatever is (ranfaSied there^ u fuppofed to be done by the King himfelf: and thjn as if you had got fome petty bribe or fmall morfei, and tickled with the remembrance of your Purfe of Gold, iVe take., fay yon, ivhai they give in and take a Halter then, for I'm Aire you defer ve it. But we do not give it for p;ranted, which is the thingyouthovV2,ht would follow fiom thence, That therejore that Court atis only For when we fay that the Regal by virtue of a delega'ed Power from the King. Power, be it what it will, cannot be abfenc from the Parliament, do we thereby acknowledg that Power to be Supreme ? Does not the King's Authority feem rather to be transferred to the Parliament, and, as being the leffer of the two, to becomprifed in the greater ? Certainly if the Parliament may refcind the King's Afts whether he will or no, and revoke Privileges granted by him, to
fays,
Lib.
'
whcmfoever they begran:ed If they m.iy fet bounds to his Prerogative, they fee caule, if they may regulate his yearly Revenue, and the Expences of
:
as
his
Court,
Retinue, and general v all the concerns ol his Hoiifhold ^ If they his moft intimate friends and Counfellors, and as it were pluck them out of his bftfom, and bring thcro to condign purifhment: Finally, if any
his
may remove
may by Law appeal from the King to the Parliament (all which things that they may lawfully be done, and have been frequently praftifed, both our Hiltories and Records, and the moft eminent of our Lawyers allure us) I fuppofe no man in his right wits will deny the Authority of the Parliament to be For even in an Interregnum the Authority of the fnperior to that of the King.
Subjecft
Parliament is in being, and (than which nothing is more*common in our Hiftohave often made a free Choice of a Succellbr, without any regard to a In lliort, the Parliament is the Supreme Council of the Hereditary defcentNation, conflituted and appointed by a moft free People, and armed wit!} amplepower and authority, for this end and purpofe ; viz.. to confult together the King was created to put upon the moft weighty affairs of the Kingdom their Laws in execition. Which thing after the Parliament themfelves had declared in a public k Edift Cfor fuch is the Juftice of their Proceedings, that of their own nccord they have been willing to give an account of their aftions toother Nations) is it not prodigious that fuch a pitiful fellow as you are, a man of tô authority, of no credit, of no figure in the world, ameer Sr^W^ (lave, fliduld have the impudence to accufe the Parliament of England., al'iertingby a publirk Inftrumcnt their own and their Countries Right, of a detefiable and horrid hnpcffme ? Your Country may be afliamed, you Rafcal, to have brought forth a little inconliderable fellow of fuch But perhaps you profligate impudence. liave fomewHat to tell us that may be for our good: Goon, we'll hear you.
ries) they
,
lVh.tt LrfiTi,
fay
you
can a Parliament (na[l. in which the are not ? Bifhops prefent
Did youthen, ye Mad-man, rxpel the Order of Bifhops out of the Church to introdiirc Them intothc State ? O wicked Wretch, who ought to be delivered over to Satan, whom the Church ought to forbid her Communion, as being a Hypocrite, atid an Atheift, and no Civil Society of men to acknowledg as a member, being a publick Enemy, and a Plague- fore to the common Liberty of ManKind who, where the Gofpl fails you, endeavour to prove out oi j4rijiotle.,
i
Htilicar-
(641
Halicarnajjftcui^ and then from fomePopiOi Authorities of the mod corrupt ages, that the King of Efiglandh the head of the Church of England, to ihe end that you may, as far as in you lies, bring in the Biffiops again, his Intimates and Table-Companions, grown fo of late, to rob and tyrannize in the Church of God, whom God himfelf has depofed and degraded, whofe very Order you had heretofore aflcrted in Piint that it ought to be rooted out of the world, as deftrudive of and pernicious to the Chriftian Religion. What Apofiate did ever fo Ihamefully and wickedly defert as this man has done, I do not fay his own which indeed never was any, but the Chriftian Doi^rine which he had formerly aderted ? The Bi(hops being put dovs:n^ who ttndir the King-, and by hu pcrmijfion held
Plea of Ecclefiafiical Caufes, upon whom., fay you, will that JurifdiElion devolve? Remember beVillain, have fome regard at leaft to your own Confcience i
mine come not too late, remocking the Holy Spirit of God is an inexpiable crime, aad will not be left unpuniflit. Stop at laft, and fet bounds to your fury, left the Wrath of God lay hold upon you fuddenly, for endeavouring to deliver the flock of God, his Anointed ones that are not to be touched, to Enemies and cruel Tyrants, tobs crulht and trampled on again, from whom himfelf by a high and ftretched out arm had fo lately delivered them > and from v;hom you your felf maintained that they ought to be delivered, I know not whether for any good of theirs, or in order to the hardning of your own heart, and to further your own damnation. If the Bilhops have no right to lord ic over the Church, certainly much lefs have Kings, whatever the Laws of Men may be to the contrary. For they that know any thing of the Gofpel know thus much, that the Government of the Church is altogether Divine and Spiritual, and no Civil Conftitution. Whereas you fay, That ' Secular ^-airs., the Kings o/England have always had the Sovtretgn Power : Our Laws do abundantly declare that to be falfe. Our Courts of Juftice are erefted and fuppreded, not by the King's Authority, but that of the Parliament; and yet in any of them, themcaneft Subjeft might go to Law with the King : nor is it a rare thing for the Judges to give judgment againfl him, which if the King Ihould endeavour to obftruft by any Prohibition, Mandate, or Letters, the Judges were bound by Law, and by their Oaths not to obey him, but to rejeft fuch Inhibitions as null and void in Law. The King could not imprifon any Man, or feize his Eftate as forfeited j he could not punifh any Man, not fummoned to appear in Court, where not the King but the ordinary Judges gave Sentence which they frequently did, as I Hence our SrâoM, lib. 3. cap. 9. The Regal Powers havefaid, againft the King.
fore
it
be too late,
if
at lealt this admonition of
incmber that this
-,
fays he,
is he has no power to do any wrongs nor can the King do aaccording to Law but what the warrants. Thofe Lawyers that you have confulted. Law ny thing Men that have lately fled their Countrey, may tell you another tale, and acquaint
,
you with fome Statutes, not very ancient neither, but made in King Edward King Henry 6 ih's, and Kmg Edward dth's days j but they did not confider. That what power focvcr thofe Statutes gave the King, was conferred upon him by Authority ot Parliament,' fo that he was beholding to them for it; and the fame power that ronferr'd it, might at pleafuie refume it. How comes
4th's,
to pafs that fo acute a difputant as you, Ihouid fufier your felf to be impofed upon to that degree, as to make ufe of that very Argument to prove the King's Power to be Abfolute and Supreme, than which nothing proves more clearly.
it
That it is fubordinate to that of the Parliiment ? Our Records of the greateft Authority with us, declare. That our Kings owe all their Power, not to any Right of Inheritance, of Conquefl:, or Succefllon, but to the People. So in the Parliament Rolls of King Hen. ^. numb. 108. we read. That the Kingly Office and Power was granted by the Commons to King Henry the ^th., and before
him, to his Prcdecellbr King Richard the id. juft as Kings ufe to grant CommiHioners Places, and Lieutenantfhips to their Deputies, by Edidts and Patents. Thus theHo'jfeof Commons ordered expredy to be entred upon record, ' That
they bad granted to Kmg Richard to ufe the fame good Liberty that the Kings e/England before him had iifed : Which becaufe that King abufed to the fubverlion of the Laws, and contrary to his Oath at his Coronation, the fame perfons that granted him that power, took it back again, and depofed him. The fame Men, as ap'
' '
pears by the fame Record, declated in open Parliament, 'That having confidence in the Prudence and Moderation of King Henry ths 4th. they will and enaft,
That he enjoy the fame Royal Authority that
his Anceftors enjoyed.
Which
if
n n n
(
if it
642
had been any other than in the nature of a Trud, as this was, either thofe Houfes of Parliament were foolifh and vaini to give what was none of their own, or thofe Kings that were willing to receive as from them, what was already neither of theirs, were too injurious both to themfelves and their Poilerity third part of the Regal Power ^ fay you, ccnverfant about the which is likely. MtUtia this the Kings of England have itfed to order and govern^ without Fellovp or This is as falfe as all the rell that you have taken upon the credit Competitor. of Fugitives: For in the firfl; place, both our own Hiftories, and thofe of Foreigners, that have been any whit exact in the relation of our AfEiirs, declare, That the making of Peace and War, alwjys did belong to the r.irliarajnr. And the Laws of St. Edward^ which our Kings were bound to fwcar that they would maintain, make this appear beyond all exception, in the Chapter De Heretochiis, ' viz.. That there were certain Officers appointed in every Province and Coun' ty throughout the Kingdom, that were called //^rjfcc/w, in Latin Duces., Com* manders of Armies., that were to command the Forces of the feveral Counties, * not for the Honour of the Crown only, but for the good of the Realm. And * they were chofen by the General Council, and in the feveral Counties at pub* lick Aflerablies of the Inhabitants, as Sheriffs ought to be chofen. Whence it That the Forces of the Kingdom, and the'Comraanders of thofe is evident, Forces, were anciently, andought to be ftill, not at the King's Command, but at the People's-, 'and that this mofl; reafonable and jult Law obtained in this Kingdom of ours no lefs than heretofore it. did in the Commonwealth of the
Romms.
I.
' ^
'
Concerning which,
Legions,
all
it
will not be amifs to hear
what
C'uero fayv, Vhilip.
the Forces of the Commonwealth, whcrefoever they nor are thofe Legions that deferted the Conare, are the People of Rome's i\A Antoniui., faid to have been Antony %, but the Commonwealth's Legions.
All the
,
Law of St. </iP4r^, together with the reft, did WiUam the Conqueror, at the defire and inftance of the People, confirm by Oath, and added ovcr and above, cap. jd. ' That all Cities, Boroughs, Caftles, fliould be fo watch*ed every night, as the Sheriffs, the Aldermen, and other Magiftrates, fliould ' And in the 6th Law, ' Caffles, think meet for the fafety of the Kingdom. * Boroughs, and Cities, were firfl built for the Defence of the People, and ' therefore ought to be maintained free and entire, by all ways and means.
This very
What
againft Thieves
then? Shall Towns and Places of Strength in times of Peace be guarded and Robbers by common Councils of the feveral Places and Ihall they not be defended in dangerous times of War, againfl: both Domeftick and Foreign Hoftility, by the Common Council of the whole Nfation ? If this be not granted, there can be o Fj'^^/ow, no Integrity, no Reafon in the guarding of them ; nor (hall we obtain any of thofe ends, for which the Law it felf tells' us, Indeed our Anceftors were that Towns and Fortreffes were at firfl founded. to into the rather than their Arms, and the Power, willing put any thing King's Garifons of their Towns ^ conceiving that to be neither better nor worfe, than betraying their Liberty to the Fury and Exorbitancy of their Princes. Of which there arefo very many inftances incur Hiftories, and thofe fo generally known, that it would be fuperfluous to mention any of them here. Butthe King owes his SiibjeBs and how can he protect them., unlefs he h.ive Men and Arms protettionto at Command? But, fay 1, he had all this for the good of the Kingdom, as has been faid, not for the deftrudioa of his People, and theruin of the Kingdom Which in King /^fwry the 3 time, one Leonard., a Learned Man in thofe days, in an Alfembly of Hi/hops, told Rtifiandtu., the Pope's Nuncio and the King's ' Ail Churches are the Pope's, as all Procurator, in thefe words i Temporal ' things are faid to be the King's, for Defence and Protection, not his in ProprieThe they are his to defend, not to deftroy. *ty and Ownerlliip, as we fay aforementioned Law of St. Edward., is to the fame purpofe and what does this import more than a Trufl? Does this look like abfolute power? Such a kind of Power a Commander of an Army always has, that is, a delegated Power; and yu both at home and abroad he is never the lefs able to defend the People that thule him. Our Parliaments would anciently have contended with our Kings about their Liberty and the Laws of Si. Edward, to very little purpofe; and 'twould have been an unequal match betwixt the -Kings and them, if they had been of opinion, that the Power of the Sword belonged to him alone: for how unjullLaws foevcr their Kings would have impofed upon them, their ho never fo ^rc.tf, would have been a weak Defence againft Force, But Charter.,
i
-^
:,
',
fay
c/4n
go upon ing falfe fuppofition. That Parliaments cannot i/npofe Taxes without the King^s Affoit^ upon -he People that fend them, and whofe concerns they undertake. In the next you that are fo officious an enquirer into other mens matters, cannot but have heard, That the People of their own accord, by bringing in their Plate to be melted down, raiftd a great Sum of Money towards the carrying on of this War againft the King. Then you mention the largenefs of our King's Revenue.: You mention over and over again Five Hundred and Forty Thoufunds That thofe of our Kings that have been eminent for their Bounty and Liberality^ have Boons out of their own Patrimony. This you were glad to hear ufed to give Large
,
vpould the Parliament be the better for the Mtlitia, fince without ths cannot raife the leafl Farthing from the People towards tht MaintainKind's Affent they it ? Take you no thought for that : For in the firfl: place you a
fay you,
What
place,
'twas by this Cnarm, that thofe Traytors to their Countrey allured you, as^^/<i<iOT the Prophet was enticed of old, to curfe the People of God, and exclaim of his Providence. You Fool what was that againft the Judicial Difpenfations
!
for fuch abundance of Wealth ? What are you unjaft and violent King the better the better for it ? Who have been no partaker of any part of it, that I can hear of (how great hopes foever you may have conceiv'd of being vaftly enriched by of Gold, in a Purfe wrought with beads. it) but only of a hundred pieces Take that reward of thine Iniquity, Balaam^ which thou haft loved, and enjoy Yon go on to play the Fool ; The fetting up of a Standard is a Prerogative that it.
belongs
'
to the
King
only.
How
fo
Why
becaule
(îrgil tells
us
in his
<t/f.neiiy
'
That TnrnM fet up a Standard on the top of the Tower at Laurentum., for an And do not you know, Grammarian^ that every General of Enfign of War.
Army does the fame thing? But, i/dys Arifiotle., The King muft always be provided of a Military Power, that he may be able to defend the Laws ^ and therefore the This man makes Confemufi be jlronger than the whole body of the Peoph.
an
King
Oemu does Ropes in Hell i which are of no ufebut to be eaten by For a number of Soldiers given to the King by the People, is one thing and the fole power of the Militia is quite another thing ; the latter, ArifiotU does net allow that Kings ought to be Mafters of, and that in this very place which /ou have quoted fie ought^ fays he, to have fo many armed men about him., at to made him fironger than any one man., than many men got together ; but he mujt
guences
Afles.
juft as
, :
Elfe inftead of proteifting not be flronger than all the People., Polit. lib. 3. cap. 4. them, it would be in his power to fubjeft both People and Laws tohimfelf. For this is the difference betwixt a King and a Tyrant: A King, by confentof
the Senate and People, has about him fo many armed men, as to enable him to refilt Enemies, and fupprefs Seditions. Tyrant, againft the Will both of Senate and People, gets as great a number as he can, either of Enemies, orpro-fide with him againft the Senate and the People. The Parliafligate Subjects to ment therefore allowed the King, as they did whatever he hadbefides, the fetting up of a Standard; not to wage War againft his own People, but to defend them againft fuch as the Parliament ftiould declare Enemies to the State : If he afted otherwife, himfclf was tobe accounted an Enemy; fince according to the very Law of St. Edward, or according to a more facred Law than that, the Law of Nature it felf, he loft the name of a King, and was no longer fuch.;
Whence C/(rro
'
in his Pw/<p. 'He forfeits his Command in ^h? Arm-' Sud InGovernment, due employs i^^x^j", ^~;::,;l the State. Neither could the King compel th.-^r^ *^\-i ;,e'id of him by Knight-Service, to ferve him in any ulher 'war, than fuch as was made by confent of Parliament i which is evident by many Statutes. SoforCuftoms and other Subfidies for the maintenance of the King could notcxaft them without an Acft of Parliament as was the Navy
tereft in the
refolved about twelve years ago, by theableftof our Lawyers, when the King's And long before them, forf^/cw, an Eminent Authority was at the height. ' to and Chancellor King Henry the 6th, The King of England, fays he., Lawyer, * can neither alter the Laws, nor exatft Subfidies without the People's confent ; nor can any Teftimonies be brought from Antiquity, to prove the Kingdom of
England to have been merely Regal. * dion over all his Subjects that is,
,
,
'
The
King,
fays BraBon^ has a JurifdiJuftice,
in his
Courts of
where
Juftice is
adminillred in the King's name indeed, but according to our own Laws. 'AH ' that is, every particular man is; andfo Braiion exare fubjeft to the King have cited. What follows is but turning the plains himfelf in the places that I
fame ftone over and over again
(at
which fport n n n z
believe you are able to tire Sifphut^
644
anfwered by what Iv.is been faid already. For /ipku hUnfelf ) and is Ojfficiently fomctimes complimented good Kings with have Pavliaments the reft, if our neither tho favouring of Fl:utery nor Slavery, thofeare fiibmiffive exprefiions, the Peoples Right : to due accounted be to not Tyrants, nor ought to prejadice Whereas you cite out of good manners and civility' do not infringe Liberty. an is Abfukte Kingdom ^ That the Kingdom of EngUnd Sir Eiiw. Coke and others, that is faid with refpeft to any Foreign Prince, or the Emperor % becaufe as Cam' but both of them den fay's, It is not under the Patronage of the Emperor: the in not r elides of alone, but in a Government King affirm that the ^/^^
Body
'
Politick.
Whence
merely Regal, but a * of their own making. Political Power j for the Engltjh are govern'd by Laws Hence Philip de Comines^ a Grave Foreign Authors were not ignorant of this: ' Of all the Kingdoms of the his Cemwemaues, Author, in the Fifth Book of is none in my opinion, -' there Earth, fays he, thit 1 have any knowledg of, has lefs power of the where more is moderate, King 'where the Government * Tm in fay than ndicidom, you, for them Finally, England. hurting his People, which is m much m if they {Iwidd to affirm that Kingdoms were ancienter than Kings But with your good leave. the Sun was created. fay, that there w.^s Light before were before Kings. In the that but that not do we People Kingdoms, fay Sir', the mean time, who can be more ridiculous than you, who deny there was
King of England^ fays
Fortefcite in his he, governs his
Book
de
Lwd.
'
Leg. Jngl. cap.*g.

a
The
People, not by
-,
Light before the Sun had a being?

matters, and have forgot the very how they that have feet) the King upon
to a curiofity in other mens were that taught you. Tou wonder things his Throne, at a Seffim of Parliament (fubaureo ferico Coelo, un-ler a golden andfUken Fleaven) under a Canopy of State, fliouldff in him, or in the Parliament ? They much mak^ a queîon whether the Majefty refided are certainly hard of belief, whom fo lucid an Argument coming down frora like a Stoick, have Heaven, cannot convince. Which Golden Heaven, you, fo devoutly and ferioully gazM upon, that you feem to have forgot what kind of Heaven Mofes and Ariftotk defcribe to us , for you deny that there was any and in ArijiotWs you make three temLight in Mofes's Heaven, before the Sun in that Golden and Silken Heaobferved Zones you many perate Zones. ! know not but I know ven of the King's, ^ you got one Zone (a Purfej well; Golden Stars by your Aftroaomy, a Hundred with tempered
You pretend
lirlt
&
How
CHAP.
this
X.
Since general,
whole Controverfy, whether concerning the Fx-ight of Kings in or that of the King of England in particular, is rendred difficult and the nature of the thing iE intricate, rather by the obftinacy of Parties, than by a Fadlion, will be fathe IntereRof that prefer Truth before f.lf-, I hope they Laws of Nations, of the the Law God, tisfied with what I havealledgedoutof a of That own of and the Municipal Laws King England mz^ be Countrey, my whofe minds thofe are either blinfor As Death. to and put brought to Trial, and Grandure of a Court, the fo dazled with or -vith Splendor
'
*?"
' '' ^ ' not ann:ar fo t. ,^H r.. glorious to them, as they that Magnanimity and true iî^f^M^ viv> .. . ^ /--_ ^_^^ r.' '\ aeaionana areinthemfelves, it will be in vain to contend with them, ciu.. -,
'
Superftition,
,
'
'a*
But you S.z/ww/i/a, feem very abfurd, as in every 'Arguments, or Examples. rail perpetually other part of your Book, fo particularly in this, who tho you of all terms the Reproach imaginable, 3l the Independents, and revile them with the Independency of a King, whom you yet slfert to xi\z higheft degree that canbe, but to his Dedefend ; and will not allow him to owe his Sovereignty to the People, that he was Book of in the whereas complain'd you your And beginning fcerit. he periflid without being heard to That his here in yoU complain, Life, plead for fitt But if you have a mind to look into the Hiftory of his Trial, fpeakforhimfelf. which is very faithfully publilli'd in French-, it may be you'll be of another opinion. Whereas he had liberty given him for fome days together, to lay what he could for himflf, he made ufe of it not to clear himfelf of the Crimes laid to his Charge, but to difprove the Authority of his Judges, and the Judicature that he was calAnd whenever a Criminal is either mute, or fays nothing to the led before.
^^
if his purpcfe, there iscolnjuftice in condemning him without hearing him,Crimps
Climes
"45
Crimes are notorious, and publickly known. If'you fay that Charles died as he If you fay that he died pioufly, hcJily, and at lived, I agree with you eafe, you may remember that his Grandmother Aiary^ Qucta of Scots, an infamous Woman, died on a Scaffold with as mi;ch outward appearance of Piety, Saniftity, and Conftancy, as he did. And left you fhould afcribe too much to that prefence of mind which fome common Ma!efad;ors have fo great a meafureof at their death; many times dcfpair, and a hardncd heart puts on as it were a Vizor of Courage i and Stupidity, a fhcw of Quiet, and Tranquillity of Mind Sometimes the worft of Men defire to appear good, undaunted, innocent, and now and then in their life, but at their deaths ând in fuffering death for religious, notouly ad the lad part of their hypocrify and cheats, with all the to their villanies, ufe niow imaginable and like bad Poets or Stage- players, are very ambitious of beend of the Play. Now, you I^y, yon are come to enquire xtha ing dapp'd at the that gave Sentence againft the King. Whereas it ought firft to be mre-, they chiefly French and a a how you, Vagabond, came to have any Foreigner, enquired into, raife a queftion about our Affairs, to which you are fo much do to to thing a Stranger? And what Reward induced you to it? But we know enough of that, and who fatisfied your curiollty in thefe matters of ours \ even thofe Fugitives, and Traitors to their Countrey, that could eafily hire fuch a vain Fellow as you, Then an account in writing, of the ftate of our Affairs, was to fpeak ill of us. hands into by fome hair- brain'd, half Proteltant, half Papift Chaplain your put or other, or by fome fneaking Courtier, and you were put to tranflate it into Latin out of that you took thefe Narratives, which, if you pleafe, we'll ex:
:
,
-^
Not the hundred thonfandih fart of the Peofle confented'to this Sentence were the reft of the People then that fuffer d fo great a of Condemnation. What their will ? Were they Stocks and Stones, were thing to be tranfaded againft of Men or fuch Trunks only, Images of Britainsy as Virgil defcribes they mere
amine a little
to have been
wrought
in
Tapftry
Turf urea intexti
tollimt aulea Britanni.
And
Britains
interwove held up the Purple Hangings.
For you defcribe no true Britains but painted ones, or rather Needle-wrought Since therefore it is a thing fo incredible that a warlike inftead of them. Nation fhould be fubdued by fo few, and thofe of the dregs of the People (which
Men
thing tuat occurs in your Narrative) that appears in the very nature of the thing it felf to be moft falfe. The Bijhofs were turnd out of the Houfe of The more deplorable is your Madnefs (for are Lords by the Parliament it felf to complain of their being turn'd out of the that fenfible not rave) you yet you Parliament, whom you your felf in a large Book endeavour to prove ought
is
the
firft
and as it were. Shadows of him. He being rebe reduced to the fame Level with the Body fhould was they neceffary moved, of the People, from amongft whom they took their rifi=. One fart of th Pttrli^ not to have ajfutn^d that Povser of judging and amtnt, and that the worft of all, ought Bm 1 havR told you already, that the Houfe of Commons condemning the King. VYS .not only tue cliief part of our Parliament, while we had Kings, but was a entire Parliament of it felf, without the Temporal Lords, much perfe(n;and more without the Eifhops- But, Tfce whole Houfe of Commons themfelves were not To wit, that part of them was admitted to have to do with the Irialofthe King. in their Minds and Councels ; whom, to him revolted that not admitted, openly tho they ftil'd him their King, yet they had fo often afted againft, as an Enemy. The Parliament of Eng/**"^, and the Deputies fent from the Parliament of Scotwrote to the King, in anfwer to a Letter of land, on the 3th of January, 645, a il deceitf Truce, and that he might treat with them at he defired his, by which him into that City, till he had made Satisfanot admit could that they London War that he had raifed in the three Kingdoms, Civil the for ftionto'the State his of of fo Subjeds llain by his Order ; and till he had many and for the Deaths fuch Terms as the Parliaments of both Peace firm and a true upon to
his Cotnpanions, his Servants,
it
1 1
oppofe
One of the States of Parliament, torvit, the to be turn'd out of the Church. Honfe of Lords, confiftingof Dukes, Earls, and Pîfcounts, wai removed. And defervedly were they removed ; for they were not deputed to fit there by any Town or County, but reprefented themfelves only i they had no Right over the Peohad been ordained for that very purpofe) ufed frequently to ple, but (as if they their Rights and Liberties. They were created by the King, they were
agreed
Kingdoms
640
Ihould ofi'er hi;n again. He on Kingdoms had offered him fo ofcen already, and Anfwers or eluded to their refufed either hand hear, the other by anribiguous jull and equal Propofals, tho moft humbly prefented to him feven times over. The Parliament at laft, after fo many years patience, left the King Ihould overturn the State by hh Wiles and Delays, when in Prilon, which he could not fubdue in the Field, and left the vanquirti'd Enemy pleafsd with our Divifions, Ihould recover himfelf, and triumph unexpededly over his Conquerors, vote that for the future they would have no regard to him, that they would fend him no more After which Vote, there were found even Propofals, nor receive any from him who out of the hatred they bore that invincible of fome Mea-.bers Parliament, and which whofe envied, they would have had disbanded, Glory they Army, and fent home with difgrace, after they had deferved fo well of their Nation, and out of a fervile compliance with feme Seditious Minifters, finding their opwhom Chey knew tobe otherwife minded than themportunity, when many, the Presbyterians, who felves, having been fent by the Houfe it felf to fupprefs feveral in the were abfent Counties, with a ftrange began already to be turbulent,
:
that inveterate Enemy of the State, Levity, not to fay Perfidioufnefs, vote that the without giving any Satisfadion or a but of Name, had who King nothing to back be fhould London^ and reftored to his Dignity and Gobrought Security, So of the Nation by what he had done. well deferved had he as if vernment,
that they preferred theKingbefore their Religion, their Liberty, and that very What did they do in the mean time, who were celebrated Covenant of theirs. found themfelves, and fa w fuch pernicious Councils on foot ? Ought they therefore to have been wanting to the Nation, and not provide for its fafety, becaufe
the Infeflion had fpread it fdf even in their own Houfe ? But, who fecluded thofe ill affcded Members ? The Englifij Army, you fay : So that it was not an Army of Foreigners, but of moft valiant, and faithful, honeft Natives, whofe and whom thofe good Officers for the moft part were M^-mbers of Parliament fecluded Members would have fecluded their Country, and banifhed into Ireland
,
-,
while in the mean time the Scots^ whofe Alfunce began to be doubtful, had and kept Garifons very confiderable Forces in four of our Northern Counties, in whilft himfelf and had the in the beft Towns of thofe Parts, Cuftody King own their of thofe of the Fadion, who tumultuating they likewife encouraged in and both the threaten than did more City Country, and through Parliament, whofe means not only a Civil, but a War with Scotland too fhortly after brake
,
been always accogntedpraife-worthy in private Men toaffiftthe Advice or hCCmx , our Army and State, promote the publickGood, whether by fure was in no fault, who being ordered by the Parliament to come to Town, with eafe the Faftion and cbey'd and came, and when they were come, quell'd the Houfe it felf For threatned who fometimes Uproar of the King's Party, be run either we muft down thatof neceffity things were brought to that pafs, They had on their fide moft of the Shopkeepers and by them, or they by us. Handicrafts-men cl London^ and generally thofe of the Minifters, that were moft: On our fide was the Army, whofe Fidelity, Moderation, and Courage fatlious. were fufficiently known. It being in our Power by their means to retain our Lido you think we had not been Fools to berty, ourState,-our common Saftty, have loft all by our negligence and folly ? They who had had places of Command in the Kings Army, after their Party were fubd lied) had laid down their Arms indeed sâinft their Wills, but continued Enemies to us in their Hearts and they flock'd to Town, and v7cre here watching all opportunities of renewWith thefe Men, tho they were the greateft Enemies they had the War.
out.
Ifit has
,
ing
in the
World, and thirfted after their Blood, <l\At\\z Presbyteriaijs, becaulethey were not permitted to exercife a Civil, as well as an Ecdefiaftical Jurifdiftion over all others, hold fecret Correfpondence, and took meafures very unworthy of what they had formerly both faid and done ^ and they came to that Spleen at rather enthral themfelves to the King again, than admit laft, that they would
their
own
Brethren to fhare
in their
Blood , fed at the price oi their the with a more by Tyrant, polluted and who was enraged, and breath'd them that were left, than endure their
own
Liberty, which they likewife had purchathey chofe rather to be lorded over once
Blood of fo many of
his
own
Subjefts,
out nothing but revenge againft thofe of Brethren and Friends to be upon the fquare with them. The Independents, as they are cajled, were the only men, that from what ufe to make of their Viftory. f^rft to laft kept to their point, and knew
They
^47
But you omit upon what with the fafcty of their Reterms they promifed To both which, Religion and Liberty, that King was ligion and their Liberty. of gaining advantages fo averfe to his bit breath, and watcht all opportunities that his Life was dangerous to their Religion, and upon them, that it was evident But then you fall upon the Kmg's Judges athe certain ruin of their Liberty. the thing aright, the .condiifion of th;{ abominahle diitn muft he gain : // ve confder
the King. Sole0tt Covenant, topreferve the Majefiy of it to wit, if it might confifl
,
averfe to a Peace, but they very prtidentiy dreaded a were they ever the a new War, or perpetual Slavery under the name of a Peace. To load our Army with the more reproaches, you begin a filly confuted Narrative of our Affairs ^ in which tho I find many things falfc, many things frivolous, many things laid to our charge, for which we rather merit ^ yet think it will be to no purpofc fcfr me to write a true relation, in anfwer to your falfe one. For you and I are arand both fides will believe our reafons, but not guing, not writing Hiftories, nature of the things themfelve^ is fuch, that they the indeed our narrative-, and a fet HiRory ^ fo that I think it as they ought to be, but in cannot be related to rather of (aid fay nothing at all, than to fay but a Carthage, better, as Saluji and this Nay, and I fcorn fo much as of importance. of little weight things God himfelf (who in fo to mention the praifesof great Men, and of Almighty be frequently acknowledged) amongfl: wonderful a courfe of Affairs ought to Til therefore only pick out fuch things as feem and Slanders Reproaches. your You fay, the Englilh and Scotch promifed by <t to have any colour of argument.
lefs
I
make him King again, being then TheyrefusM (and wifely, in my made himfelf their Enemy Nor had their was he King, an Enemy; who when
opinion) to
:
glory immtedtothe Independents, yet fi astht Presbyterians ;4)i ;/?/> cbaUenge and progrefs. Hark, ye Presbyterians, what good has it done of its beginning^ and Loyalty the more cleared by. your feeming fo yon ? How is your Innocence You your felves m the opinion of the the abhor to King to death mucli putting went more than this everlafting talkative Advocate of the King, your acaifer, this m AQ and more, were feen aUing the fourth Tragedy ;yoH half-TVM towards it ; yon the King's death, fmce you flHVPd the way to it ; 'two* you with he charged mayJHlily be to you in the firft place, if and only you that laid his head ufon the Block: of Crown the recover England allure your felves, you ever Charles hisPofterity But Lift. Black in the pay your Vows to God, and love your are like to be put have who delivered have prevented that calamity from falyou, Brethren who inevitable from have faved who ruin, tho againft your own you ling upon you,
.?
the
Wo
are accufed likewife for that fomi years ago you endeavoured by fmdry Petitions to leffen the Kings authority, that yon pubUflit fame fcandalons Exprefion.f of him with in the name of the Farliamem ; the King himfelf in the Papers yon prefented Commons of the 2 ^th of May 1 64.2^ and the Lords to wit, in that Declaration of
wills.
You
mad Pofuion I that breathed nothing but Rebellion, whatyonr you JecJary openly in fame : Hotham by order of Parliament flm the gates the King's authority thoughts were of had a mind to make a trial by this firft a[i of Rebel/ion ef Hull arraiifi the King ; you hat could this Man fay more if it were his dehow much the King would bear. the minds of all Engli(l^ Men to one another, and alienate them lign to reconcile them here to underftand, that if ever the wholly from the King ? for he gives net only expeft to be punifht for his Father's King be brought back, they mufl: made long ago, and fome Ads that paft in full death, but for the Petitions they
Common- Prayer and Bilhops, and Parliament, concerning the putting down the other things that were enafted fcveral and that of the Triennial Parliament, of all the People that could be ^ all which and with thegreateftconftnc applaufe But of the Presbyterians. will be look'd upon as the Seditions and mad Portions when of h: but and what > late, his mind all of a fuddcn thi^ vain fellow changes to the Presbyterians, was to be hnputed wholly confidered it aright, he thought the from Hrft to Lift, he thmks the Independents were that he
now
conftders
the fole Adors of

fays
is
it.
fame thmg But even now he told
us.
The Presbyterians
took up
;
Arms
in that by them he prifon beaten, taken captive, and put aqainft the King., U the Independents Principle. VoUrinc Rebellion whole this he of
wm
Now
faithful'nefs
need
of this Man's Narrative. there of a Counter Narrative
O! the How confident he is with himfelf What to this of his, that cuts its own Throat ?
!
an honed Manor a Knave, let But if any man fhould quedion v;hether you are what to time h is of explain whence and at yours him read thefe following lines Puritans rare to Enemies began Why truly thefe time this StB of Kingft.ipfirfi be^ân.
:
(M
f!7
dljitr.h not only the Church, hut the State Itkfwife ^ for they art no Icfs plagues Jo the latter than to the former.
Quscn Elirabeths f me tocranlout of Hell, and
Now
your very fpcech bewrays you to be a right Balaam , for where you defigned to Ipitoutthe molt bitter Poyfon you could, there unwittirigly and againll yo;ir For it's notorioufly known all over England will you have pronounc'd a Blelling. to follow the endeavoured that if any example of thofe Churches, whether in France or Germany^ which they accounted befl reformed, and to exercife the God in a more pure manner, which nur Billiops had almoft publick Worftiip of univcrfally corrupted with their Ceremonies and Superftitions ; or if any feemed either in point of Religion or Morality to be better than others, fuch p:rfons
Thtfe are they whofe are they the only perfons, the Reformed Reltgion^ that have not fnc\ed in the reji of their frtnc:ple.\ yet tnofl of to have approved of thofe that finke at Kingly Government. So that while you feem the and endeavour to Independents, feparatethem from inveigh bitterly againft
were by the Favourers of Epifcopacy termtd
/'<'rî.
Principles you fay are fo oppofite to Kingfhip.
Nor
Chrift's flock, with the fame breath you praife them ; and thofe Principles which almofl every wliere you affirm to be peculiar to the Independents^ here you confefs
have been approved of by raoftof the Reformed Religion. Nay you are arrived to that degree of impudence, impiety and apollacy, that though formerly you maintained Bifhops ought to be extirpated out of the Church, root and branch, as fo many pefts and limbs of Antichrilt, here you fay the ought to protetl: them, for the faving of his Coronation-Oath. You cannot
King fhow your
felf a more infamous Villain than yoî have done already, but by abProteltant Preformed Religion, to which you are a fcandal. Wherethe juring as you tax us with gi\ ing a Toleration of all SeBs and Herefies., you ought not to iind fault with us for that ; lince the Church bsars with fuch a profligate Wretch
as
you your felf, fuch a vain Fellow, fuchaLyar, fuch a Mercenary Slanderer, fcchan Apoftate, one who has the impudence to affirm, That the befl: and moll pious of Chriftians, and even moft of thofe who profefs the Reformed ReligiI had belt on, are crept out of Hell, becaufe they differ in opinion from you. the fill reft that of this and thofe up Chapter, pnfs by the Calumnies prodigious Tenets that "jonzicxlbz to ihi Independents, to render them odious, for neither do they at all concern the Caufc you have in hand, and they are fuch for the moll part as deferve to be laugh'd at, and defpifed, rather than receive a ferious Anfwer.
CHAP.
XI.
YO U
For
rity
feem to begin
this
Eleventh Chapter, with no moSalmafim^ though
delly> yet with fonie fenfe of your weaknefs and trifling in this Difcourfe. whereas you propofed to your felf to enquire in this place, by what ai!tho-
was given againft the King ? you add immediately, which no from body expedled you, that 'tit in vain to make any fuch encjuiry^ to wit, befentence
it^ leaves hardly any room for fuch a queflion. therefore as you have been found guilty of a great deal of Impudence and Saucinels in the undertaking of this Caufc, fo fince you feem here confciousof your own impertinence, 1 ihall give you the Ihorter anlwer. To your queftion then i by what authority the Houfe of Commons cither condemn'd the King
caufe the quality of the perfons that did
And
themfelves, or delegated that Power to others-, I anfwer, they did it by virtue of the Supreme Authority on Earth. How they come to have the Supreme Powrefuted your Imperti-. er, you may learn bv what I have faid already, when that If believed felf you your you coula ever fay enenciesuportthat Subjedl. be fo in not tedious would repeating the fame things nough upon any Subjedl:, you
1
fo
al
many times over. And the Honfecf Commons might delegate their JudiciPower by the fame reafon, by which you fay the King may delegate his, who received all he had from tiie People. Hence in that Solemn League and Covenant that you
proteft and engage to each other, to
the Parliaments of England and ^'cof/.^wi^folcmnly the punift) the Traitors in fuch manner as or at a in both have Nations, delegate poaer fliould fuch Supreme^ Jitdutal yiiithoriiy frornthim, fhould think fit. you hear the Parliaments of both Nations proobjiifl to us,
Now
may
teft
with one voice, that they
delegate their Judicial Power, which they call Che
C
fo that you
^49
and frivolous Confcroverfy about delega^ the Supreme ^ rrere added to tb(re this thcfe Judges that were made choi^ power. But^ fay youj ting and it riiver was known out of the Houfe of Commons, jome Officrs of the Army, of Til liknce you in a very few that Soldiers had any right to try a Subject for hit life. words: You may remember that we are not now difcourlingof a Subjetl:, but whom if a General of an Army, after he has taken him Prifoof an Enemy ner, refolves to difpatch, would he be thought to proceed otherwife than accordMartial Law, if he himfi.if with fomeof his Officers Ihould ing to Cultom and and fit upon iiim, try and condemn him? An Entmy to a State made a Prifoner of War, cannot be lookc upon to be fo much as a Member, much Icfs a King in This isdeclar'd by that Sacred Law of Si. Edward^ which denies that State. VViiereas you fay, ic that a bad King is a King at all, or ought tobecall'dfo. Mi i% not the whole hut a fart of the Houfe of Commons that try' d and condemned the The number of them, who gave their Voces for this anfvver King-, lyiveycu was far greater than, is necelfary according to the putting the King to death,
move
a vain
cuitom of our I'arliaments to tranla>^t the greateft Affairs of the Kingdom, in the abfence of the reft-, who (ince they wereabfent through their own fault (for to revolt to the common Enemy in their hearts is the worlb fort of abfence) their abfence ought not to hinder the reft who continued faithful to thecaufc, from preferving the St:ite i which when it was in a totteiing condition, and almo(t quite reduced to Slavery and utter Ruin, the whole body of the People had at firlt committed to their fidelity, prudence and courage. And they adted their
they fet themfelves in oppofltion to theunr-uly wilfulnefs, the parts like men the lecrecdefigns of an inveterate and exafperated King ^ they prefer'd rage, common the Liberty and Safety before their own they oiu-did ail former Parall their Anceltors in out-did Condu(ft, liaments, they Magaanimity and Sted, *,
Yet thefe very men did a great part of the People ungratedinefs to their caufe. midltof their undertaking, tho they had promifed them all the in defert fully
Thefe were for Slafideiitvi all the help and alliftance they could afford them. very and Peace with floth and luxury upon any terms Others demanded their Liberty, nor would accept of a Peace that was not fure and honourable. What fhould the Parliament do in thiscafc ? ought they to have defended this part of the People, that was found and contifiued faithful to them and their Country, or to have fided with thofe that deferred both ? I know what you will fay they ought You are not EnrylochM^hat Elpenor^ a miferable enchanted Beaft, to have done. a filthy Swine, accuflomed to a fordid Slavery even under a Woman i fothat youhave not theleaft relifliof true Magnanimity, norconfequently of Liberty which is the effecl of it You would have all other men Slaves, becaufe you find inyourfelf no generous, ingenuous inclinations j you fay nothing, you breath nothingbut what's mean and fervile. You raife another fcruple, to wit, That hewjstheKin^ of Scoihnitoo^ whom xve condema'd-^ as if he might therefore do what he would in ^/;z^. But that you miy conclude this Chapter, which of all others is the moft weak and infipid, at leaR: with fome witty querk, There are two little words., fay you, thut are made itp of the fiine niimher of Letters, and difbut whofe fgnifications are wide afundet^ to wit, Vis an^ in the fer placing of them.,
: :
only
'lis no greic wonder that fuch a three letter'd man Jus, (might and right.) as you, {Fur-aThief) Ihould make fuch a Witticifm upon three Letters: 'Lis
the greater wonder (which yet you allert throughout your Book) that two things fo diredtly oppofite to one another as thofe two are, fhould yet meet and become For what violence was ever acted by Kings, one and the fame thing in Kings.
which you do not affirm to be their Right ? Thefe are all the pallages that I could The reft conpick out of nine long Pages, that 1 thought deferved an anfwer. lifts either of repetitions of things that have been anfwered more than once, or So that my being more brief in fuch as have no relation to the matter in hand. in than the to is not be this Chapter reft, imputed to want of diligence in me, irkfom how foever are to me, I have not flackned, but to your tewhich, you dious impertinence, fovoid of mattej: and fenfe.
~~
With,
'
CHAP.
,
'
XIT
Salmafiut, that you had left out this part of your Difcourfe concernthe King's crimes, which it had been more advifable for yourfelf and ing for I'm afraid left in giving you an anfwer to it, I your party to have done
Ihould appear too fharp and fevere
upon him, now he

o
his
dead, and hath received
(
Bat
fince
650
ved his punilhment. you chofe rather to dlfcourle confidently and at I'll make that Subjed, you fenllble, that you could not have done a large upon r*Oi e inconfiderate thing, than to relerve the worft part of yourcajufe to the lait, to wit that of ripping up and enquiring into the Kings Crimes i which
when
I fhall have proved them to have been true and molt exorbitant, they will render his memory unpleafant and odious to all good men, and impriat now in theclofeof the Controverfy, a jail hatred of you, who undertake his defence, on the Readers minds. Say you, Hn accufitioa maybi divided into two parts^ one is converfanc about hts Aiorals^ the other taxeth him with fitch faidts as be might com-
hit Til be conrent to pafs by in filence that piihltck^capttcity. part of liis life in the and in at converfation of Women ^ he that Plays, fpent Banquetings, worth be in and ? there And what can what would Excefs, for relating Luxury thofe things have been to us, if he had been a private perfon ? But fince he would be a King, as he could not live a private Life, fo neither could his For in the lirft place, he did a great Vices be liKe thofe of a private Peribndeal of .mifchief by his Example: In the fecond place, all that time that he
mit tn
a fpeatupon his luft, and in his fporis, which was great part of his time, he Hole the he had which Government undertaken. of from the State, Thirdly and laftvail Sums of Money, which were not his own, but the ly, he fquandcred away Revenue of the Nation, in his Domellick Luxury and Extravagance. So publick his in Bjt let us r.ither that private life at home he firfl: began to be an ill King. tha: he w charged with on the account Crimcb thofe to over of mlfgovermner.t. pafs Here you lament his being condemned as a Tyrant, a Traitor, and a Murderer. That he had no wrong done him, (hall now be made appear. But firlt let us define a Tyrantjuot according to \ulg3r conceits, but the jadgment of ylnfioile and of all Learned Men.. He is a Tyrant who regards his own welfare and profit only, andnotthatof thePeople. So ^riy/o^/t defines one in the Tenth Book of his Whether CW/f/ regarded his thicks, and tlfewhere, and fodo very niany others. thefe the few of that fhall but touch or own many Peoples good, things upon, will When his Rents and other publick Revenues of the Crown would not evince. rfefray the Expeacesofthe Court, he laid moft heavy Taxes.upon the People, and when they were fquandred away, he invented new ones > not for the benefit, honour, or defence of the State, but that he iliight hoard up, or laviih out in one When at this Houfe, the Riches and Wealth, not of one but of three Nations. rate he broke loofe, and aded without any colour of Law to warrant his proceeda Parliament was the only thing that tould give him check, ings, knowing that either he endeavoured wholly to lay atide the very calling of Parliaments, or calas them often, and no oftner, than to ferve his own turn, to make them jull ling his devotion. at Which Bridle when he had call off'himfelf, he put anoentirely ther Bridle upon the People ^ he put Garifons o( German Horfe and IriJI) Foot in many Towns and Citie-, and that in time of Peace. Do you think he does not begin to look like a Tyrant ? In which very thing, as in many other Parti'culars, which you have formerly given me occafionto inftance (tho you fcorn tohave C/;;>-/f/ compared with fo cruel a Tyrant as Nero) he refembled him extremely much, for Nero likewife often threatned to take away the Senate. Befides he bore extreme hard upon the Confciences of good men, and compelled them to the ufe of Ceremonies and Superllitious Worfliip, borrowed from Popery, and by him re-introduced into the Church. They that would not conform, were imprifoned He made War upon the 5cwj- twice for no other caufe than that. orbaniihr. he hasfureiy dcfervedthenameofa Tyrant once overatleafl. adions all thefe By Now I'll tell you why the word 1 raitor was put into his Indidment When he afllircd his Parliament by Proraifes> by Proclamations, by Imprecations, that he had no deiij^n againfl the State, at that very time did he lift Papijis in Ireland, he fcnt a private EmbalTie to the King of Denmark to beg alililance from him of Arms, Horfes and Men, exprefly ngainfl the Parliament and was endeavourTo the Englijh he ing to raife an Array firlc in t/i^tand, and then in Scotland. the the Plunder of oi to the London, Scots, that the four Northern City promifed Counties Ihould be added to Scotland, it they would but help him to get rid of the Thefe Projedls not fucceeding, he fentover Parliament, by what means foever. one D.'/lon a Traitor, into Ireland with private Inllruflions to the Natives, to fall Thefe are the raoll remarkafuddeniy upon all the Engltfl) chat inhabited there. ble inftances of his Treafons, not taken up upon hear-Tiy and idle reports, but difcovered by Letters under his own Hand and Seal. And finally I fuppofe no
I
:
,
man
^5'-)
Tyrant, a Traytor^ and a Murderer. Biit^ fay yon, why wm he not declared fo before, neither in that Solemn League and Covenant, nor afterwards when he vas delivered to them e:the Prabytcrians or the Independents, butsnthe other handwoi receivdoia therhy King ought to he, with all reverence ? This very thing is fufficient to perfuadeany rational man, that the Parliament entred not into any Councils of quite dcpofing the King, but as their lalt refuge, after they had fuffered and undergone all that and had attempted all other ways and meai.s. You alone poffibly they could, endeavour malicioufly to lay that to their charge, which to all good men cannot but evidence their great Patience, Moderation, and perhaps a too long forbearing But in the month c/ Augult, before the Kim with the King's Pride and Arrogance. the Honfe of Commons, which then bore the only (way, and was governed fufferedt by the Jndepcndents, wrote Letters to the Scots, in which they acquainted them that they never intended to alter the Form of Government that had obtaln'd fo long in England Hnder Commons. You may fee from hence, how little reslbn there isto King, Lords, and afcribe the depoung of the King, to the principles of the Independents. They, that never ufed to diderable and conceal their Tenets, even then, when they had the fole management of affairs, profefs, That they never imendedto alter the Govern-
will deny that he was a^ Murderer, by whofe order the hif, took Arms, and a put to death with mod exquilite Torments,above hundred thoufand g/;^;,who and withouc lived peaceably by them, any apprchcnlion of danger j and who raifed fo great a Civil War in the other two Kingdoms. Add to ail this, that at the Treaty in the lile of Wi^ht^ the King openly took upon himfelf the guilt of the War, and clcar'd the Parliament in the ConfelTion he made there, which is pubknown. Thus you have in fliort why King Charles was adjudged a
man
lickly
But if afterwards a thing came into their minds, which at firft they intended not, why might they not take fuch a courfe, tho before not intended, as apand moft for the Nation's Interelt ? Efp^cially when pear'd molladvifable, they found that the King could not poffibly be intreated or induced to aflent to thofe had made from time to time, and which were juft demands that they always the fame from firfl: to laft. He perfifted in thofe perverk fcntiments with refped to Religion and his own Right, which he had all along efpoufed, and which werefo dellruftive tous; not in the leaft altered from the man that he was, when in If heaffentedto any Peace and War, he did us all fo much mifchief. thing, he his hints he did that noobf(ure will, and that whenever he fhould itagainft gave come into power again, he vvôuld look upon fuch his aflent as null and void. The fame thing his Son declared by writing under hishand,when in thofe days he ran away with part of the Fleet, and fo did the King himfelf by Letters to fome of his own party in London. In the mean time, againft the avowed fenfe of the Parliament, he ftruck up a private Peace with the />-//;, the moft barbarous Enemies but whenever he invited imaginable to England, upon bafe dilhonoiirable terms the j//J) to Treaties of Peace, at thofe very times with all the power he had and intereft he could make, he was prepaiing for War, In this cafe, what fliould tbey do, who wore inrrulled with the care of the Government ? Ought they to have betrayed the fafety of ns all to our moft bitter Adverfary ? Or would you have had them left us to undergo the Calamities of another feven years War, not tofay worfe? God put a better mind into them, of preferring, purfuant to that very folemn League and Covenant, their Religion, and Liberties, before thofe thoughts they once had, of rot rejeftin^^ the King for they had not gone fo far astovoteif, all which they faw at laft ftlio indeed later than they mighthave
ment.
,
done) could not poiTibly fubfift, as long as the King continued King. The Parliament ought and muft of necelfity be entirely free, and at liberty to provide for the good of the Nation, as occafion requires ; nor ought they fo to be wedded to their firft Scn.iments, as to fcruple the altering thJr minds, for their own, orthe Nation's good, if God put an opportunity into their hands of procuring it. But the Scots were of another opinion ; for they, in a Letter to Charles, the King^s Son, call hi^ Father a moft Sacred Prince, and the him to deaths a moji execrable putting yUlany. Do not you talk of the Scots, whom you kntw not , we know them well enough, and know the time, when they called that fame King, a moft execrable pcrfon, a acred adion. Murderer, and Traitor s and the putpng a Tyrant to death a moft f Then you pick holes in the King's Charge, as not being properly penn'd ; and you ask why we needtd to call him a Traitor and a Aiitrderer, after we had ftiled him a Tyrant: fmcethewordTyrint, includes all the Crimes that maybe: And then you expla'ii to us grammatically and critically, what a Tyrant is. Away with thofe 2
Trifles,
(-.652 ) which thzt one dedmuon 0? JrifluleS, that has lately Trifles, you Pedagogue, been cited, will utterly confound ; and teach fuch a Dodor as you. That the word Tyrant (for all your concern is barely to have Ibme undcrftandingof words) may be applied to one, who is neither a Traitor nor a Murderer. But the Laws 0/ Enejand do nit wake n Treafon in the Kin^ to jlir up Sedition againji himNor do they fay, That the Parliament can be guilty of Treafelf or the People. fon by depofmg a bad King,nor that any Parliament ever was fo, tho they have often done it ; but our Laws plainly and clearly declare, that a King may violate, For that exprelllon in the Law of St. diminifli, nay,and wholly lofc his R.oyalty. the name a neither more nor lefs, than being deEdivard, o^lofn^ of King., hgnifies befel and which of the Office Dignity i Kingly Chilperic King of France^ prived whofe example, for illuftration fake, is taken notice of in the Law it fclf. There is not a Lawyer amongft us that can deny, but that the highefi; Treafon may be committed againll: the Kingdom as well as againft the King. I appeal to GUnvile himielf, whom you cite, 'if any man attempt to put the King to death, or raife So that attemnt of fome Papifts to Sedition in the Realm, it i^ High Treafon. blow up the Parliament- Houfe,and the Lords and Commons there with Gunpowder, was by King James himfelf, and both Houfesof Parliament, declared to be High Treafon, not againft the King only, but againft the Parliament and the whole Kingdom. 'Twould be to no purpofe toquotemore of our Statutes, to prove fo For the thing itfelf is ridiculous,and clear a Truth which yet could ealilv do. abfurd to imagine, That High Treafon may be committed againlt the King, and not againft the People, for whofe good, nay, and by whofe leave, as I may fay, So that yon bribble over fo many Statutes of ours to no the King is what he is purpofe; you toil and wallow in our Ancient Law- Books, to no purpofe forthe Laws themfelves ftand orfallby Authority of Parliament, who always had powand rhe Parliament isthefole Jiidg of what is er to confirm or repeal them Treafon what Majefty ntver was (lêfa Majcjiai') and what not. Kebellion, High vefted to that degree in the Perfon of the King, as not to be more con fpicuous,and more augufl: in Parliament, as have often fhown But vi;ho can endure to hear fuch a fenfelefs Fellow, fuch a French Mountebank as you, declare what our Laws are? And, you EngUjh Fugitives, fomany Biftiops, Doctors, Lawyers, who pretend that all Learning and Ingenuous Literature is fled out of England with your felves,was there not one of you that could defend the King's Caufe and your own, and that in good Latin alfo, to be fubmitted to the judgment of other Nations, butthat this brain-fick, htggzxl'j Frenchman muft be hired to undertake the Defence of a poor indigent King, furrounded with fo many Infmt-Priefts and Do(flors ? This very thing I afTure you, will be a great imputation to you amongfb Foreigners ^ and you will be thought defervedly to have loft that Caufe that you were fo far from being able to defend byForceof Arms, as that you cannot fo much as write in behalf of it. But now I come to you again. Good-man GoofI
,
cap,
who
you fome voluntary

that
'tis
for I find if at leaft you are come to your felf again fcribble fo finely and end of a in here towards the latter your Book, deep Heep, dreaming of
, ,
X>f^(/j
or other that's nothing to the purpofe.
Then you
deny
a Ktng in hu right rvits to cmhrnil hii People in Seditions.^ to betray h.t pojphle for All which own Forces to be jlanghtercd by Enemies, and raife F anions agr:itifi himfelf.
things having been done by many Kings, and particularly by Charles the late King of England, you will no longer doubt, I hope, cfpecially being addifted to Stoicifm, butth.'itall Tyrants, as well as profligate Villains, are downright mad.
' Whoever through a fenfelefs Stupidity, or any other his Underftanding fo blinded, as not to difcern truth, hath caufe whatfoever, 5fo/cb of him as of a mad-man: And fach are whole Nations fuch account the ' are Kings and Princes, fuch are all Mankind except thofe very few that are Wife, Saibat if you would clear King C^^y/fj from rhe Imputation of afting like a Mad-man,you nnift firft vindicate his integrity and fliovv that he never aftBut a King, you fay, cannot commit Treafon againji his own Subed like an ill man.
Hear what
Z:/**- -iff
fays,
jels
ven,
on
In the firft place, llnce we are as free as any People under Heawill not be impos'd upon by any Barbarous Cuftom of any other Nativ.'hatfoever. in the llcond place, Suppofe we had been the King's Vaflals
and fâff.ils.
we
not have obliged us to endurea Tyrantto reign and lord ic over us. All Subjeftion to Magiflrates, as our own Lawf( declare, is circumfcriRead Leg. bed, and confined v. Ithin the bounds of Honefiy, and the ?Mcl{ Good.
that Relation
v.'O'jld
lien.
I .
Cap. 5
5.
The obligation
betwixt
Lord and
his
Tenants,
is
mutual, and remains
remains fo long as the Lord proteds his Tenant ; (this all our Lawyers teil us) but if the Lord be too fevereand cruel to his Tenant, and do him fome heinous betwixt them, and whatever Obligation the tsrutnt is under bf Injury, T^he whole Relation to hii Lord, ii utterly dijfolvd and extjn^nifi'd. Thefe are the done Homage having and Fkta. So that in fome Cafe, the Law it felf warrants very woids oiBrdion even a Slave, or a VafTal to oppofc his Lord, and allows the Slave tokillhim, if he vanquifh him in Battle. If a City, or a whole Nation may not lawfully take this Courfe with a Tyrant, the Condition of Freemen will be worfe than that of Slaves. Then you go about to excufe King Charles's fhedding of Innocent Blood, committed by other Kings, and partly by fome Inftances ofpartly by Murders death to Men put by them lawfully. For the matter of the Jri[l} Maffacre, you reThe Town of fer the Reader to 'Eixav v.ciiinKim and I refer you to Eiconadafles. Rochel being taken, and the Townfmen betray'd, aififtance fliown but not affordedthem, you will not have laid at C^^r/w's door nor have I any thingtofay, whether he was faulty in that bufinefsor not ; he did mifchief enough at home ; we need not enquire into what Mifdemeanors he was guilty of abroad. But you in the mean time would make all the Proteftant Churches, that have at any time
,
defended thcmfelves by force of Arms againll Princes, who were profefs'd EneLet them conflder how mies of their Religion to have been guilty of Rebellion. much it concerns them for the maintaining their EcclelTaftical Difcipline, and afnot to pafs by fo great an Indignity offered them by ferting their own Integrity, That which troubles us moft, is, a Perfon bred up by and amongft themfclves. He,who had defign'd that the EngU^h likewife were betray'd in that Expedition. a long ago to con/ert the Government of England into Tyranny, thought he could notbring it to pafs, till the Flower and Strength of the Military Power of Another ofhis Crimes was, the caufing fome words to the Nation were cut off] ufual of the out Coronation-Oath, before he himfelf would take it. Unbe ftruck The ad was wicked in it felf i what (hall be faid Adtion abominable and worthy of him that undertakes to juftifie it ? For, by the Eternal God, what gj;eater breach of Faith, and Violation of all Laws can pollibly be imagin'd ? What oughc to been more facred to him, next to the Holy Sacraments themfelves, than that Oath? Which of the two do you think the more flagitious Perfon, him that offends againll the Law, or him that endeavours to make the Law equally guilty with himfelf? Or rather him who fubverts the Law it felf, that he may not feem to offend againll it? For thus, that King violated that Oath which he ought moll religioufly to have fworn to ; but that he might not feem openly and pubhe craftily adulterated and corrupted it; and left he himlickly to violate it, felf lliould be accounted perjur'd, he turn'd the very Oath into a Perjury. What other could beexpefted, than that his Reign would b^ full of Injuftice, Craft, and Misfortune, who began it with fo dcteltable an Injury to his People ? And whodurft pervert and adulterate that Law which he thought the only Obflacle that flood in his way, and hindred him from perverting all the reft of the Laws ?
!
BattbatOath (thus you jalUfyhim)
lays
m other Obligation upon Kings,

will be
than the
bound andlimited by Laws, tho they Is it not indeed they are altogether from under the Vower of Laws. prodigious, that a Man Ihould dare to exprefs himfelf fo ficrilegioully, and fo fenfeledy, as to affertthatan Oath facred ly fworn upon the H )ly Evangelifts, may be difpenfed
Laws themfelves do; and Kings pretend that
with, and fet afide as a little inligniRcant thing, without any Caufe whatfoever ! Charles himfelf refutes you,you Prodigy of Impiety Who thinking that Oath no rather by a Subterfuge to avoid the force of it, or by a Fallacy li^ht matter, chofe to elude it, than openly to violate ic^ and would rather falhfy and corrupt the Oath, than manifeftly forfwear himfelfafter he had taken it. But, The King in:
M the People do to him ; but the People fwear Fidelity to the Does not he that promifes, and to them. Pretty Invention King King, binds himfelf by an Oath to do any thing to, or for another, oblige his Fidelity to them that require the Oath of him ? Of a truth, every King fwears Fidelity, and Service, ^nd Obedience to the People, with refped to the performance of whatever he promifes upon Oath to do. Then you run back to W^//<j/ the Conwas forced more than once to fwear to perform, not what he himqueror, who fslf would, but what the People, and the great Men of the Realm requir'd of him. If many Kings are Crown'd without the nfn.il Solemnity, and Reign without taking any Oath, the fmie thing may be faid of the People ; a great many of whom never look the Oath of Allegiance. If the King by not taking an Oath be at Lideed fwears
7iot
to hii People,
the
berty,
to
And that part of the People that has fworn, f^vorc berty, the People are fo too. not io the King only, bat to the Reahn, and the Laws, by whicli the King came his Crown-, and nootherwifeto the King, than whilil he fnouldaft according to thofe Laws, that the Common People, that
chufe
,
is,
the Houi'e of
Commons,
Jhonld
{^M rulgtu eleêrit.)
For
it
it into more genuine Latin. Commons jhallchiife^Charles bdorehcwaicrownd, procured to be razed out. ^f, no Laws and for this you cite fay you, rvithout the King^s ajjent the People can chufe two Statutes) viz.- uinno 37. H. 6. Cap. 15. and 13 Edw. ^.Cap. 3. bat thofe two Statutes are fo far from appearing in ouf Statute- Books, that in the years you mention, neither ofthofe Kings enaded any Laws at all. Go now and complnin, that thofe Fugitives who pretended to furni^ you with matter out of our Statutes, impofed upon you in it ; and let other People in the mean time ftaad aftonith'datyour Impudence and Vanity, who are not adiam'd to pretend to be throughly vers'd in fuch Books, asitisfo evident you have never look'd into, norfo muchasfeen. And that Claufe in the Coronation Oath, which fuch a brazen- tac'd Brawler as you call fiditious, 7he Kmgs Fnends., you fay yourfelf, bnt that it grew into ackn'mUdg that it may pojjlbly be extant in fame Ancient Cop.ji^
turn
were folly to alter rhe Phrafe of our Law,and This Claufe (^^hmi ûlgm eUgerit) Which the
;
dtfufe^ becaufe
ion. Bat for that very reafon, did our it had no convenient fign1fic.1t Anceftorsinfert it in the Oath, that the Oath mi ,',ht have fuch a fignification as would not be for a Tyrant's conveniency. If it had really grown into difafe, which yet is moll faife, there was the preater need of reviving it but even that would have been to no purpofe, according to your Do-Ttrine : Fonhat Cuflo'nef m Kings novo-adays generally iife it., ii no more., you fay, than a bare taking an Oathy And yet the King, when the Bilhops were to be put down, pretended Ceremony. And confequently, that revethat he could not do it by reafon of that Oath. rend and facred Oath, as it ferves for the Kings turn, or not, mult be folemn and
,
binding, or an empty Ceremony : Which 1 earneftly entreat ray Country-men to take notice of, and to confider what manner of a King they arc like to have, if he For it would never have entred into the thoughts of this ever come back. Rafcally foreign Grammarian to write a Difcourfe of the Rights of the Crown of England., unlefs both Charles Stuart now in Baniinrntnt, and tainted with his Fathers Principles, and thofe Profligate Tutors that he has along with
him,
They
againfl
tors.,
had indullrioully fuggefted to him what they would have writ. dictated to him. That the whole Parliament were liable to be proceeded as Traitors., becaufe declared without the Kin^s Affent all them to b: Traithey
who had taken up Arms againf the Parliament of ^n^md j and that Parliaments were but the King's f'âjfals : That the Oath which our Ktngs take at their Coronation., is butit Ceremony: And why not that a VaOaltoo? 83 that no reverence of Laws, an Oath, will be fufficient to prote-H: your Lives and Fortunes, facrednefsof no either from the Exorbitance of a furious, or the Revenge of an exafperated
who has been fo inltrudled from his Cradle, as to think Laws, Religion, and Oaths themfelves ought to be fubjed to his Will and Pleafure. How nay, much better is it, and more becoming your felves, if yoa dei]re Riches, Liberty, Peace, and Empire, to obtain them alfuredly by your own Vertue, Indullry, Prudence and Valour, than to long after, and hope for thcai in vain under the Rule of a King ? They, who are of opinion that thefe things cannot be compafs'd but how it cannot well be ex-preifed how mean, under a King, and a Lord have in of themfelves for I do not effeft, fay,how unworthy thoughts they bafe, what do they other than confefs, that they themfelves are lazy, weak, fenfelefs, both in Body and Mind ? And indeed all filly Perfons, andfrara'd for Slavery manner of Slavery is fcandalous and difgraceful to a freeborn ingenious Perfon ; but for you, after you have recovered your loll Liberty, by God's Affiftance, and your own Arms after the performance of fo many valiant Exploits, and the mainking fo remarkable an Example of a moll Potent King,to delire to return again be fcandalous and will not and of to a Condition only difgraceSlavery, Bondage wicked thing-, and equal tothatof the Jfadites., who for fiii, bntan impious and fordeliring to return to the Egyptian Slavery, were fofeverely puniih'd for that who that fo of them of and flavifh God, mind, by deilroy'd did, many Temper had been their Deliverer. But what fay you now', who would perfwadeus to become Slaves ? the King., fay you, had a Power of pardoning fuch at were guilty of
Prince,
,
, ,
Treafon, and other Crimes

'
no L.IW.
The
which evinces fufficiently that the King himfelf was under King might indeed pardon Treafon,notagainft the Kingdom, but
>
agaiiift
done to thenifdves^^ againfthimfelfjandfomay any bodyelfe p-ivdon wrongs and he might, perhaps, pardon fome other Oftences, tho not always , but does ic folio /v, becaufc in fome Cafes he had the Right of faving a Malefactor's life, that therefore he mull have a Right to deltroy all good Men ? If the King be impleaded in an interior Court, he is not obliged toaulwer,but by his Attorney Does it therefore follow, that when he is fummon'd by ell his Subjeds to appear in Parliairenr he n;ay chiifs whether he will appear or no, and leiufe toi'.nfwcr in Per:
fon
You
j
fay. That
rve
Example
HoUanden
and upan this occafion, fearing the lofs of thjt kzA (Tizh z Murrain and Pelt as you are, if
endeavour to ju/hfy what wtjoave done by the Hollanders Stipend with which ths by reviling the Ew^/;j,
refled; upon them that maintain you, you endeavour todemonftrate how unUke their JUians and ours are. The Comparifon that you make betwixt them, I rclolve to omit (tho many things in it arc moft falle, and othcr things Battery all over, which y^t yon thought your felf obliged to putduwn, For the Englilh think they need not alledg the Examtodeferve your Penfion.) for their They have Municipal La as of their JuRification. ples of Foreigners with relation to the matter in hand, the acled Laws have which j own, by they the have beft in the World Examples of their Anceltors, great and galThey for their imitation, who never gave way to the Exorbitant Power of lant
you ihould conf.quentially
and who have put many of them to death, when their Governmeatbecame infupportable. They were born free, they Itand in need ot no other Naown good Government. tion, they can make what Laws they pleafe for their a veneration for, aad a very Ancient one One Law in particular they have great That all Human it Nature it is, enafted by Laws, all Civil Right ?nd Gofelf, vernment muft have a refped to the fafety and welfare of good Mtn^ and no: be LuRs of Princes. From hence to the end of your Book, I fubj^;^: to the of fii.'d nathing but Rubbifli and Trifles, pick'd out of the former Chapters which you have here raifed fo great a heap, that cannot imagine what other the ruin of your whole Fabrick. defign you could have in it, than to prefage tattle At lafr, after an infinite deal of tittle you make an end, calling God to witPrinces,
,
Men,
that you undertook the defence of this Caiife^ not only becaiife yon were de fired told you, that you could not pfjibly undertake fotodo^ but becaiife yonr own Confcience
ncfs,
the Defence of a better.
Is it fit for
you to intermeddle with our matters, with

defired,
which you have nothing to do, becaufe you were
when
wre our felves
did not defire you ? to reproach with contumelious and opprobrious Language, and in a Printed Book, the Supreme Magiftracy of the Engliî Natioh, when acdo but cording to the authority and power that they are entrufted with, they their duty within their own Jurifdidion, and all this without the leaft injury or was fuch a provocation from them ? (for they did not fo much as know that there ? whom defired I were And as man in the world you.) By your you pray by Wife, I fuppoie, who, they fay, cxercifes a Kingly Right and Jurifdidion over and whenever flie has a mind to it (as Fuhia is made to fpeak in that ob-
you
-,
fcene Epigram, that you colleded fome Ccwfof^ out of, P^^. 320.) cries. Either nrite, or let^s fght'. That made you write pahaps, left the Signal fhould be given.
Or Wre you asked by CW/cj

bond Courtiers, and
Gang of VagaBalaam calPd upon by another Balak to reftore a defperate Caufe by ill writing, that was loll by ill fighting? That may be but there's this difference, for he was a wife underftanding man, and rid upon an Afs Thou art a very talkative Afs thy that could fpeak, to curfe the People of God with the healed heads of the Bifurrounded a and and rid felf, being by Woman,
the Younger, and that profligate
like a f.cond
:,
that Ecall in fhops that heretofore thou had ft wounded, thou feem'ft to reprefent the Revelation. But they fay that a little after you had written this Book, yoa ' and to make your repenLis well if it be fo repeated of what you had done. tance publick, I think the beft courfe that you can take will be, for this long Book that you have writ, to take a Halter, and make one long Letter of your felf So and that young knew, Judas //c^/of repented, towhnm you are like which made him fend you the Purfe, Judas his Badg; for he had heard before, and found afterward by experience, that you were an Apoftate and a Devil. Judas betray 'd Chriji himfelf, and you betray his Church you have taught heretofore that Biihops were Antkhriftian^ and you are now revolted to their Par, ,
CW/
-,
ty.
You now undertake

er.flave all
the
Defence of their Caufe,

all
whom
formerly you
danin'd to the pit of Hell.
Chrift delivered
men from Bondage, and you

fincc
endeavour to
Mankind.
Never queftion,
you have been fuch

a
65^
a Villain to God himfelf, his Church, and all Mankind in general, but that of delpîr rather than the fame fate attends you that bcf^l your equal, out and burlt afunder and of your fdf, hang your lite, repentance, to be weary and that faithlefi treacherous Confcience before-hand fend to and ai he did and to that at of torConfcience men, holy place that of yours,' good raihng ment that's prepared for you. And now 1 think,through God's alliltance, I have fini&ed the Work 1 undertook, to wit, the defence of the Noble AcUons of my and envious madnefsof Country-men at ho'.ne and abroad, againlt the raging common the Rights of the People this diftradled Sophiller ; and the aOertingof out of hitred to Kings, but Tynot of any Kings, againlt the unjuft domination one uninfw.red left any argument alledgedbymy rants: Nur have I purpofelv or authority quoted by hiiii, that feem'd to have adverfary, nor any oneexample
any force
in it,
rather of the other extreme,
cr the lealt colour of an argument. Perhaps 1 have been guilty of leplyingto fome of his fooleries and trifles, asif
feem to have attributed more to thena they were folid argufnents,ar,d thereby may than they defirved. One thing yet remains to be done, whidi perhaps is of the and that is, That you, my Country-men, refute this adgreateftconcernof all, which I do not fee any other means of your elFettverfary of yours your felves to outdo all mens bad words by your own endeavour ing, than by a conltant more forts of opprefiion than one, you under laboured good deeds. When you he vva, graciouUy pleafed to hear your and for God to refuge, betook your felves has He Defires. and glorioufly delivered yon the firll: of mollearnelt Prayers of this life, and molt pernicious to Vermifchiefs two the from greateft Nations, he has endued you with greatnefsof mind tue, Tyranny and Superftition to be firft of Mankind, who after having conqu. red- their own King, and hatheh hands, have not fcrupled to condemn him juving had hrm delivered into to that Sentulce of Condemnation, to put him to death. dicially, and purfuant After the pel forming fo glorious an Adion as this, yon ought to do nothing think of, much lefs to do any thing but that's mean and little, not fo much as to
,
,
highell andean belt avoid the corruptifubdire Ambition, Avarice, the love of Riches, ons that Profperity is apt to introduce, (which generally fubdue and triumph over other Nations) to (how as great Jultice, Temperance and Moderation in
Which to attain to, this is your only way ^ as you in Enemies Field, fo to make appear, that unarmed, and in have fubdued your and Peace outward Tranquillity, you of all Mankind are befc able to the
what
is
great and fublime.
the maintaioing your Liberty, as you have Ihown Courage in freeing your felves from Slavery. Thefe are the only Arguments by which you will be able to evince that you are not fuch Perfons as this Fellow reprefents you, Traitors, Rohbers^Murth;it you did not put your King to death out of any Aerers, Parricides, Madmen-^ of a defire or invading the Rights of others, not out of any feambitious defign, that it was not an act of Fury or Madnefs-, or finifter Ends-, ditious
Principles
butthatit was wholly out of love to your Liberty, your Religion, to Jultice, a But if it fliould fall Vertue, and your Countrey, that you punifhed Tyrant. outotherwifc (which God forbid) if as you have been valiant in War, you that have had fuch vifible dcmouftrations fl-ioiild grow debauched in Peace, you of theGoodnefs of God toyonr fdves, and his Wrath againlt your Enemies ; and that you fnould not have learned by fo eminent, fo remarkable an Example before your Eyes, to fear God, and work R-ighteoufnefs ^ for my part, I Ihall conf-fs (for I cannot deny itj whatever ill men may fpeak or eafily grant and And you will find in a little time, that God's Diftobe of think very true. you, will be greater than it has been againlt your Adverfaries, pleafureasainftyou, his Grace and Favour has been to your felves, which you have had greater than of, than any other Nation uuder Heaven.
larger experience
Five
FIVE
TRACTS
Publiflied betwixt the Years
16^0, and 1660.
With two
PAPERS
F
I
never before publifhed.
Z,
I.
of the Sovereign Princes and Republicks of Eurofe, during the Adminiftration of the Commonwealth^ and the Protedors Oliver and Richard Cromwell.
Letters of State to moft
II.
A Treatife
Caufes
;
of Civil Power
in
Ecclefiaftical
on
III.
not lawful for fliewing 'tis Earth to compel in Matters of

the
any Power
Religion.
Confiderations touching the
likelieft
Means
to
remove Hirelings out of
Church, d^c.
IV. Letter to a Friend concerning tire Ruptures of the Commonwealth, publiQi'd from fhe MS.
V. The ready and Commonwealth,

a Free
eafy
way
to eftablifh a Free
the Excellence thereof, &^c.

brief Delineation
VI. The prelent Means, and
of
Commonwealth;
in a Letter to
General
Monl^
VII.
Publifh'd from the
MS.
titl'd.
Brief Notes upon a late Sermon,
Fear of God and the

Griffith,
The King, preach' d by Matthew

is
D.D.
To
which
added J
A Trad
entitled,
ration,
&c.
Religion, Hcrefie, Schifm, Toleprinted in the Year 1673.
Of True
Amsterdam, MDGXCIV.
pppp
(59)
Letters of State
During theAdminiftrationof the Commonwealth, and the Proted:ors Oliver and Richard Cromnêl,
Letters
written in the Name of the Parliament.
The Senate and People of England^ _?(? the mojl Noble Senate of the City of
Hamborough.
long a Series of part Years,anu for what important Reafons the Friendfhip enter'd into by our Anceftors with your moft Noble City, has continu'd to tills day,we both willingly acknowledg,together with your felves j nor is it a thing difpleafing to us, frequently alfo to call But as to what we underftand by your Letters dated the to our remembrance. our People deal not with that Fidelity and Probithatlbmeof 25tôf 'Jme^
ty, as they
JOR how
were wont to do
in their
Trading and Commerce among ye
we
of certain Pcrfons well skill'd in thofe prefcntly referr'd it to the Conlideration more ftrid enquiry into the Frauds make a to end the might they matters, And we of the Clothiers and other Artificers of the Woolen Manufadure.
farther promife to take fuch effectual care, as ro make you fenfible of our unalterable Intentions, to preferve llncerity and jultice among our felves, as alfo never tonegleft any good Offices of our kindnefs that may redound to the On the other hand, there is fomething welfare of your Commonwealtli.
likewife which
of
we not only require, but which Equity it felf, and all the Laws God and Man demand of your felves. That you will not only conferve in-
violable to the Merchants of our Nation their Privileges, but by your Authoand Power defend and protect their L,ives and Eftates, as it becomes your
rity
Which as we moft earnefllydehr'd in our former Letters i fo upCicv to do. on the repeated Complaints of our Merchants that are daily made before us, v,-c now more earneftly folicite and requeft it they complaining. That their is have the in that all World, again in great jeopardy among they fatety, and to have reap'd fome Benefit themfelves For although they acknowledg ye. for a fiiort time of our former Letters fent you, and to have had fome refpite from the Injuries of a fort of profligate People yet fince the coming of the to your City (of whom we complain'd before) who pretends to fame Coc the Son of the lately deceas'd be honour'd with a fortôf EmbalTy from all manner of ill Language, Threats, with affaulted have been they King, and naked Swords of Ruffians and Homicides, and have wanted your accuftom'd Protcftion and Defence \ infomuch, that when two or three of the Merchants, together with the Prefident of the Society, were hurry'd away by furprize aboard a certain Privateer, and that the reft implor'd your Aid, till the Merchants themyet they could not obtain any Affiftance from you, felves were forc'd to embody their own ftrength, and refcue from the hands of Pirates the Perfons feiz'd on in that River, of which your City is the Mi:
,
not without extream hazard of their_ Lives. Nay, when they had it were by force of Arms refortunately brought 'em home again, and as rovcr'd 'em from an ignominious Captivity, and carry'd the Pirates themfelves was fo audacious as to demand intoCuftodvi v.e arc inform'd that Cor
ftrefs,
the rekafc of the Pirates, and that the Merchants might be deliver'd Prifoners therefore again, and again, befecch and adjure ye, if it into his hands.
We
Pppp
be
( 66o ) be your intention that Contrafts and Leagues, and the very antient Commerce between both Nations fliould be prefervM, the thing which you defire, That our People may be able to affiire themfelves of fome certain and firm fupporc and reliance upon your Word, your Prudence and Authority ; that you would lend 'em a favourable Audience concerning thefe matters, and that you would inflift deferved Punifiiment as well upon Coc w, and the reft of his Accomplices in that wicked aft, as upon thofe who lately aiTaulted the Preach'em to depart your Territories ; nor er, hitherto unpunifh'd, or command exil'd Tarquins are to be preferM beand that would believe that you expell'd and Power of our Republick. For if the and the Friend (hip, fore Wealth, the to do not contrary, but that the enemies of our Recarefully provide you the committing of any Violences againft lawful think to (hall prcfume publick us in your City, how unfafe, how ignominious the Refidence of our People there will be, do you confider with your felves. Thefe things we recommend to your Prudence and Equity, your felves to the Protcdion of Heaven.
Wefiminfler, Aug. lo. T649.
To
now YOUR
the Senate of
Hamborough,
confpicuous Favour in the doubtful Condition of our Affairs, is the reafon, that after Viftory and profperous Succefs, we can no As for longer queftion your good Will and friendly Inclination towards us. almoft now our Enemies and the War our parts, every being determined, where vanquifh'd, we havedeem'd nothing more juft, or more conducing to the firm Elfablifhmentof the Republick, then that they who by our means
(the Almighty being always our Captain and Conduftor) have either recover'd their Liberty, or obtain'd their Lives and Fortunes, after the pernicious Ravages of a Civil War, of our free Gift and Grace, fhould teftify and pay in
exchange to their Magillrates Allegiance and Duty in a folemn manner, if need requir'd More efpecially when fo many turbulent and exafperated Perfons, more then once receiv'd into Protedion, will make no end, either at home or abroad, of afting perfidioufly, and railing new Difturbances. To that purpofe we took care to enjoin a certain form of an Oath, by which all who held any OfEce in the Common-wealth, or being fortify'd with the Protcdion of the Law, enjoy'd both Safety, Eafe, and all other conveniencies of This we alfo Life, fliould bind themfelves to Obedience in words prefcrib^d. thought proper to be fent to all Colonies abroad, or where-ever elfe our People rcfided for the convenience of Trade \ to the end that the Fidelity of thofe over whom we are fet, might be prov'd and known to us as it is but reafonablc and neceflary. Which makes us wonder fo much the more at what our Merchants write from your City, that they are not permitted to execute our Commands by fome or other of your Order and Degree, Certainly what the moft Potent United Provinces of the Low Countries, moft jealous of their Power and their Interefls, never thought any way belonging to their infpeftion, namely whether the Englifh Foreigners fwore Fidelity and Allegiance to their Magiftrates at home, either in thefe or thofe Words, how that fhould come tobefofufpedtedand troublefom to your City, we muft plainly acknowledg But this proceeding from the private inclinatithat we do not underfland. ons or fears of fome, whom certain Vagabond Scots, expell'd their Country, arc faid to have enforc'd by Menaces, on purpofe to deter our Merchants from Mofl earneftly therefwearing Fidelity to us, we impute not to your City. fore we intreat and conjure ye (for it is not now the interefl of Trade, but the honour of the Republick it felf that lies at Itake) not to fuffer any one among ye, who can have no reafon to concern himfelf in this Affair, to intcrpofe his Authority, whatever it be, with that Supremacy which we challenge over our own Subjefts, not by the judgment and opinion of Foreigners, but by the Laws of our Country i for who would not take it amifs, if wc fhould
:
ioxhiA yo\xv Hamburgers, refiding here, tofwearFidelity to you that are their Magiftrates at Home ? Farewel.
Jan. 4.
549.
To
^6i )
To
and Potent Prince Philip the Fourth^ J(Jng of Spain. Parliament The of the Commonwealth of England, Greetings
the moft Serene
fend to your Majefty Anthony Afcham^ a perfon of Integrity, Learned, and defcended of an ancient Family, to treat of matters very advantageous, as we hope, as vitW to the Spani/Jj^ as to the Engliflj Nation. Wherefore in friendly manner, we defire that you would be pleas'd to grant, and order him a Safe and Honourable Paflage to your Royal City, and the fame in his return from thence, readily prepar'd to repay the kindnefs when Or if your Majefty beothervvife inclin'd, that it may be figoccafion offers. is in this nify'd to him with the fooneft, what your Pleafure particular, and moleftation. to without that he may be at liberty depart
Feb. 4.
1
WE
549.
To
and Potent Prince, Philip the Fourth, Kjng of Spain^ Parliament The of the Commonwealth of England, Greeting,
the moft Serene the Condition of our Affairs, and by what heinous Injuries our provok'd and broken, at length we began to think of
is
recovering Liberty by force of Arms i what conltituted form of Government we now make ufe of, can neither be conceal'd from your Majefty, nor any other Perfon who has but caft an impartial Eye upon our Writings publifh'd on thefe Neither ought we to think it a difficult thing, among fit and Occalions. proper judges of things, to render our Fidelity, our Equity, and Patience, manifell to all men, and juflly meriting their Approbation ; as alfo to defend our Authority, Honour, and Grandeur, againft the infamous Tongues of Now then, as to what is more the concern of foreign Exiles and Fugitives. after fubdu'd and vanquifh'd the Enemies of our Country having Nations, the miraculous Affiftance of Heaven, we openly and cordially prothrough fefs our felves readily prepar'd to have Peace and Friendfhip, more defirable than all enlargement of Empire, with ou/ Neighbour Nations. For thefe reafons we have fent into Spain to your Majefty, Anthony Afcham^ of approv'd Dexterity and Probity, to treat with your Majefty concerning Friendfhip, and the accultom'd Commerce between both Nations j or elfc, if it be your PleaOur fure, to open a way for the ratifying of new Articles and Alliances.
WH
AT
Requcft therefore
is, that you will grant him free Liberty of Accefs to your and fuch Order that care may be taken of his Safety and Ho^ give Majefty, nour, while he relides a Publick Minifter with your Majefty j to the end he may freely propofe what he has in charge from us, for the Benefit, as we hope, of both Nations and certify to us with the fooneft, what are your Majefty's
,
fentiments concerning thefe matters.

Weflminjier, Feb. 4.
i
^49.
To the
moft Serene Prince, John the fourth, Kjng of Portugal. liament of the Commonwealth of England, Greeting.
The Par-
AFTER Peace,
lefs
we had
and
fuffer'd
many, and thofe the utmoft Mifchiefs of a
faith-
reduc'd to thofe Exigencies, that if we had any regard to the fafety of the Republick, there was a neceffity of altering for the chiefeft part the form of Government, is a thing which we make no queftion is well known to your Majefty, by what we have both publickly written and declar'd in juftification of our Proceedings. To which, as it is but reafon, if credit might be rather given than to the moft malicious Calumnies of loofe and wicked menj perhaps we fhould find thofe Perfons
inteftine
War, Our being
more
( 662 ) more amicably inclin'd, who now abroad have the worft fentiments of our For as to what we juftify our felves to have juflly and ftrenuoully Aftions. of our Anceftors, in purfuance of our perfornfd after the Example Rights, and for recovery of the native Liberty of wf///Z)WTO, certainly it is not the work of Ht'Tian force or wit to eradicate the perverfe and obltinate Opinions of People wickedly inclin'd concerning what we have done. But after all, in reference to what is common to us with all foreign Nations, and more for the we are willing to let the World know, that there general Intereft on both fides, is nothing which we more ardently defire, than that the Friendfhip and Commerce which our People have been accuftom'd to maintain with all our Neighbours, fhould be enlarg'd and fettled in the moft, ample and folemn manner. And whei-eas our People have always driven a very great Trade, and gainful to both Nations, in your Kingdom i we Ihall take care, as much as in us not meet with any Impediment to interrupt their deallies, that they may we forefee that all our Induftry will be in vain, if, as it is ings. However, the Pyrates and Revolters of our Nation Ihall be fufFer'd to have reported, in refuge your Ports, and after they have taken and plunder'd the laden Vcffels of the EngUfl)^ (hall be permitted to fell their Goods by publick Outcries at Lisbon. To the end therefore that a more fpeedy Remedy may be apto this growing Mifchief, and that we may be more clearly fatisfy'd plyM concerning*the Peace which we defire, we \\^\tknt to Tour MajeflythQ moft Doble Charles rane, under the Charafter of our Agent, with Inftruftionsand a Commiflion, a plenary Teftimonial of the Truft we have repos'd, and the Employment we have conferr'd upon him. Him therefore we mofl earneitly defire your Majefty gracioufly to hear, to give him Credit, and to take fuch Order that he may be fafe in his Perfon and his Honour, within the bounds of will be moft acceptable to us, fo we your Dominions. Thefe things, as they the fame Offices of kindnefs to your that occafion whenever offers, promife, on all our parts. be obferv'd ihall mutually Majefty
Weflminjler^ Feb. 4.
1649.
To
?no{i Serene Prince^ John Fourth^ Kjng of Portuga]. Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, Greeting.
the
the
The
daily and moft grievous Complaints are brought before us, that certain of our Seamen and Officers who revolted from us the laft Year, and treacheroully and wickedly carry'd away the Ships with the Command of
ALmoft
which they were entrufted, and who having made their efcape from the Port of Ireland., where being blockt up for almoft a whole Summer together, they very narrowly avoided the Punilhment due to their Crimes, have now betaken themfelves to the Coaft of Portugal., and the mouth of the River Tagus 5 that there they pradife furious Piracy, taking and plundering all the Englijh VefFels they meet with failing to and fro upon the account of Trade j and that all the adjoining Seas are become almofl impafTable by reafon of their To which increafing Mifchief, unlefs a notorious and infamous Robberies. who not fee but that there will be a final end be does fpeedy Remedy apply'd, of that vaft Trade fo gainful to both Nations, which our People were wont to drive with the PorfM^Mc/fi ? Wherefore we again and again requeft Tour Majefty, that you will command thofe Pyrates and Revolters to depart the
Territories of Portugal : And that if any pretended EmbalTadors prefent * that themfelves from ^ you will not vouchfafe to give them Audience but that you will rather acknowledg us, upon whom the Supream Power of England., by the confpicuous Favour and Affiftance of the Almighty, is devolv'd and that the Ports and Rivers of Portugal., may not be bar'd and
*****
:,
:,
defended againft your Friends and Confederates Fleet, no your Emolument, than the Trade of the ^//yZi.
lefs
ferviceable to
To
660
To
Philip the Fourth, I\jng of Spain.
HOw
heinoufly, and with what Detellation your Majefty refented the villanous Murder of our Agent, Anthony ylfcham^ and what has hitherto
been done
in the profecution and punifliment of his Allafllnates, we have been to underftand, as well by your Majelly's own Letters, as from your given Embaflador Don yllphonfo dc Cardenas. Neverthelefs, fo often as we conlider
the horridnefs of tiiat bloody Faft, which utterly fubverts the very Foundations of Correfpondence and Com.mcrce, and of the Privilege of Embadadors moft facred among all Nations, fo villanoufly violated without feverity of
cannot but withutmoll importunity repeat our moft urgent Punifhment, fuit to your Majefty, That thofe Parricides may with all the fpeed imaginable be brought to Juftice, and that you would not fufFer their merited Pains to be For tho moft fufpended any longer by any delay or pretence of Religion. the of we value a Potent Prince Friendfhip certainly highly ^ yet it behoves us to ufe our utmoft endeavours, that the Authors of fuch an enormous Parricide fliould receive the deferved Reward of their Impiety. Indeed, we cannot but with a grateful Mind acknowledg that Civility, of which by your Command, our People were not unfcnfible, as alfo your furpa{Iing,Afteftion for us, which lately your Embaflador at large unfolded to us Nor will it be difpleafing to us to return the fame good Offices to your Majefty, and the Neverthelefs, if Juftice be Spanifh Nation, whenever opportunity offers. not fatisfy'd without delay, which we ftill moft earneftly requeft, we fee not upon what foundations a fincere and lafting Friendfliip can fubfift. For the prefervation of which, however, we Ihall omit no juft and laudable octo which purpofe we are likewife apt to believe that the prefence of cafion does not a little conduce. EmbafTador your
:
,
We
To
the Spanifli Emhaffador.
Moft Excellent Lord, He Council of State, fo foon as their weighty Affairs would permit 'em, having carried into Parlament the four Writings, which it pleas'd your Excellency to impart to the Council upon the ipth of December laft, have receiv'd in Command from the Parlament to return this Anfwer to the firft Head of thofe Writings, touching the villanous Affaftinates of their late
Agent, Anthony Afchaoi. The Parlament have fo long time, fo often, and fo juftly demanded iheir being brought to deferved Punifhment, that there needs nothing further to be faid on a thing of fo great importance, wherein (as your Excellency well obferv'd) his Royal Majefty's Authority it felf is fo deeply concern'd, that unlefs Juftice be done upon fuch notorious Offenders, all the foundations of Human Society, all the ways of preferving Friendfliip among Nations, of neceflity muft be overturn'd and abolifh'd. Nor can we apprehend by any Argument drawn from Religion, that the Blood of the Innocent, flied by a propenfely malicious Murder, is not to be aveng'd. The Parlament therefore once more moft urgently preflTes, and expedts from his Royal Majefty, according to
their
firft
Demands, That
Satisfaction be given
'em
effedtually,
and fincerely
in this matter.
To
the moft Serene Prince Leopold,
the Spanifli
Low
Archduke of Auftria, Governor of under Countries, Kjng Philip.
us, not without a moft grievous Coiiiplaint, an Heirefs of an illuftrious and opulent Family, while yet by reafon of her Age, flie was under Guardians, Hot far from the Houfe
foon as
SOthat
word was brought
"âne Puckering,
forc'd from the Hands Houfe wherein Ihe then livM at Greenwich, was violently m a VeQel to that a fudden of and Attendants purand Embraces of her off into Flanders by the Treachery of one IVal/h, carri'd pofe ready prepar'd, who has endeavour'd all the ways imaginable, in contempt of Law both Human and Divine, to conflrain a wealthy Virgin to Marriage, even by terrifyof prefent Death. We deeming it proper to apply ing her with menaces fome fpeedy Remedy to fo enormous and nnheard-of piece of Villany, gave of Newport and Oflend order to fome Perfons to treat with the Governours of thofe two places ) one in landed be to was faid for the unfortunate
;,
Captive of the Ravilher. Who, about refcuing the free-born Lady out of the Hands lent their aflifting of and Iqve Vertue, both out of their fmgular Humanity Aid to the young Virgin in fervitude, and by down-right Robbery rifl'd her imperious Mailers, from lier Habitation So that to avoid the violence of to the charge committed and a in were it Nunnery, as (lie was depofited to fame IVal/h get her again of the Govcrnefs of the Society. Wherefore the
:
into his Clutches, has
commenc'd
of theBifhop
her.
pretending Contradl^between and the Ravi/h'd Perfon, are Naregard that both the Ravijher their Oaths abundantly aptives of our Country, as by the WitnefTes upon after which moil certainly Inheritance the fpkndid pears ; as alfo for that Territories our within ^ fo that we conceive lies the Crimioal chiefly gapes, this Caufe of determination and belongs folely to that the whole cognizance who calls himfelf the Hufhe him let Therefore our felves: repair hither, and demand the delivery of the Perband, here let him commence his Suit, fon whom he claims for his Wife. In the mean time, this it is that we molt which is no more then what we have earneftly requefl from your Highnefs, at Brujfels, that you will permit an already requeued by our Agent rcCiding mifus'd Virgin, born of honeft Parents, but pyafflifted and
of' 2]rf,
a Suit againft her in the Ecclefiallical Court him and a Matrimonial
Now
in
many ways
rated out of her Native Country, to return, as far as lies in your Power, upon all opportuwith freedom and fafety home again. This not only and Kindnefsto fame Favour the return to nities ofFer'd, as readily prepar'd hatred of Infamy, that fame and it alfo but felf, Humanity your Highnefs, all Perfons of Vertue and Courage in defending to which
We
the
accompany ought Honour of the Female Sex, feem altogether

iVepminJler,
jointly to require at
your
Jiands.
March
22.
1650.
To
the mojl Severn
Prime, John the Fourth ^ Kjng of Portugal.
that Tour Majejly had both honourably receiv'd our Agent, we thought it begiven him a favourable Audience, came us to alTure your Majefty without delay, by fpeedy Letters from us, that that there is nothing which we nothing could happen more acceptable to us,and have decreed more facred, than not to violate by any word or deed of ours, notfirll provoked, the Peace, the Friendfliip and Commerce, now for fome time fettl'd between us and the greatell number of other Foreign Nations,
and immediately UNderllanding
and amongft the reft with the Portuguefes. Nor did we fend the Englijl] Fleet to the mouth of the River Tagm with any other intention or defign, then in to flight, and for recovery of our VelTels, purfuit of Enemies fo often put which being carry'd away from their Owners by Force and Treachery, the fame Rabble of Fugitives conduced to your Coafts, and even to Lisbon it felf, But we are apt to as to the moft certain Fairs for the fale of their Plunder.
believe that by this time almollzrll the Portuguefes are abundantly convinc'd, from the fiagitit)us manners of thofe People, of their Auda-cioufnefs, their and their Madnefs. Which is the reafon we are in hopes that wefhall
Fury
from your Majefty, Firft,That you will, as far as in you lies, moft illuftrious Edward Popham, whom we have made Admiral of our new Fleet, for the fubduing thofe detefted Freebooters, and that you will no longer fuIFer 'em, together with their Captain, not Guefts, but and Violaters of the Pyrats, not Merchants, but the Pefts of Commerce,
be
eafily obtain alTiftant to the
more
LavY
^^5 )
Law of Nations, to harbour in the Ports and under the fhelter of the FortrelTes of your Kingdom , but that where-ever the Confines of Portugal extend Or themfelves, you will command 'em to expell'd as well by Land as by Sea. if you are unwilling to proceed to that extremity, at leaft that with your leave it may be lawful for us with our proper Forces to afTail our own Rcvolters and Sca-Robbers ; and if it be the pleafure of Heaven, to reduce 'em into our Power. This, as we have earneftly defired in our former Letters, fo now again with the greatelt ardency and importunity we requeft of your Majefty. By this, whether Equity, or ad of Kindnefs, you will not only enlarge the fame of your Juftice over all well govern'd and civil Nations,; but alfo in a greater meafure bind both us and the People of England^ who never yet had other than a good opinion of the Portuguefts^ to your felf and. ro your Subjeds. Farewel.
Weflminfler^ 27 April, 1550.
To
the
Hdmburghers,
we have written concerning the Controverfies of the and forae other things which more nearly concern the But underftandDignity of our Republick, yet no Anfwer has been return'd. that that can be Affairs of nature Letters determin'd ing hardly by only, and that in the mean time certain feditious Perfons have been fent to your City by ****-x-*^ authoriz'd with no other Commifnon than that of Malice and Audacioufnefs, who make it their bufinefs utterly to extirpate the ancient Trade of our People in your City, cfpecially of thofe whofc fidelity to their Country is mpft confpicuous ^ therefore we have commanded the worthy and moll eminent Richard Bradjhaxo to refide as our Agent among ye, to the end he may be able more "at large to treat and negotiate with your Lordlhips fuch Matters and Affairs, as are interwoven with the Benefit and Advantages of both Republicks. Hin\ therefore we requefl ye, with the fooneft to admit to a favourable Audience and that in all things that Credit
More Merchants,
then once
.,
be given to him, that Honour paid him, as as is ufual in all Countries, and among all Nations paid to thofe that bear his CharaSer. Farewel.
may
IVeflmlnfier, April 2.
1550.
To
Mofl Nohk^ Magnificent^ and
the Humburghers.
lUuflrious^ our dearejl Friends
',
Reception of our Agent were fo cordial and fo we both egregious, gladly underftand, and earneftly exhort ye that you would perfevere in your good Will and AfTedtion toward us. And this wc do with fo much the greater vehemence, as being inform'd that the fame Exiles of ours, concerning whom we have fo frequently written, now carry themfelves more infolently in your City than they were wont to do, and that they not only openly affront, but give out threatning language in a moft defpiteful manner againft our Refident. Therefore once more by thefe our Letters we would have the fafety of his Perfon, and the Honour due to his Quality, recommended to your Care. On the other fide, if you inflidt fevere and timely Punifhment upon thofe Fugitives and Ruffians, as well the old ones as the new comers, it will be moft acceptable to us, and becoming your Authority and Prudence.
THat
your Sedulities in the
Wejlminjier^
May
31.
1^50.
CLqqq
To
666 )
'
To
Plillip the Fourth,
Kjng of
Spain.
'TpO
i.
our infinite forrow we are given to underftand, That Anthony Afchani^ to your Majefty, and under that Charader by us lately fent our Agent moft civilly and publickly receiv'd by your Governours, upon his firft coming to your Royal City, naked of all defence and guard, was moft bloodily murder'd in a certain Inn, together with John Baptijla de Ripa hh Interpreter, Wherefore we moft earneftly requeft your Mabutcher'd at the fame time. be fpeedily inflifted upon thofe Parrijefty, That deferved Punifhment may
cides already apprehended, as it is reported, and committed to cuftody, who have not only prefum'd to wound our felves through his fides, but have alfo dar'd to ftab as it were to the very Heart, your Faith of Word and Royal
So that we make no queftion but what we fo ardently defire, would neverthelefs be done efTeiîually, by a Prince of his own accord fo juft and it. As to what remains we make it our farpious, though no body requir'd Carcafs. That the breathlefs ther may be deliver'd to his Friends and
Honour.
Attendants to be brought back and inter'd in his own Country, and that fuch care may be taken for the fecurity of thofe that reraainalive, as is but retill having obtain'd an Anfwer to thefe Letters, if it may be done, q'uilite , return to us the Witnefles of your Piety and Juftice* fhall vhey
iVeJlminJler,
iuit,
June 28. 1550.
To
the
moft Excellent Lord,

Celi,
Medina
Anthony John Lewis dela Cerda, Duke of Governor of Andalufia. The Council of State confti-
tuted bj Authority of Parliament, Greeting,
WE
have receiv'd Advice from thofe mofl accomplilh'd Perfons, whom lately fent with our Fleet into Portugal in purfuit of Traitors, and for the recovery of our VefTels, that they were moft civilly receiv'd by your Excellency, as often as they happen'd to touch upon the Coaft of G^W^cia^ which is under your Government, and afGfted with all things necellary This Civility of yours, as it was always to thofe that perform long Voyages. moft acceptable to us, fo it is now more efpecially at this time, while we are fenfible of the ill will of others in fome places towards us without any juft Therefore we make it our requeft to your llluftrious caufe giv'n on our fide that in the fame good Will and AfFeftion to will you perfevere Lordflnp, us, and that you would continue your Favour and Affiftance to our People, according to your wonted Civility, as often as our Ships put in to your Harbours and be aftur'd that there is nothing which we defire of your Lordfhip in tlie way of Kindnefs, which we Ihall not be ready to repay both to you and yours, whenever the like occafion Ihall be offer'd us.
we
Seal'd with the Seal of the Council,

Weftm'mfier, Nov. 7. I 6 $0.
J. Brad/haw, Prefident.
To
the.
llluftrious
and Magnificent Senate of the City of Dantzick.
Magnificent and moft Noble Lords, our deareft Friends ; Letters are brought us from our Merchants trading upon the Coaft of Boruffia, wherein they complain of a grievous Tribute impos'd upon 'em in the Grand Council of the Polanders, enforcing 'em to pay the tenth part of all their Goods for the Relief of the King of Scots, our Enemy. Which in regard it is plainly contrary to the Law of Nations, that Gnefts and Strangers fliould be dealt withal in fuch a manner ; and moft unjuft that
MAny
they
( (>^1 ) t6 (hould be pay publick Stipends ia a Foreign Commonwealth compell'd they to him from whom they are, by God's Afliflance, deliver'd at home j we make no queftion but that out of rcfpeft to that Liberty, which as we underftand you
felves enjoy, you will not fufFer fo heavy a Burden to be laid upon Merchants in your City, wherein they have raaintain'd a continual Amity and Commerce, to the extraordinary Advantage of the place for many years toIf therefore you think it convenient to undertake the Proteftion of gether. our Merchants trading among ye, which we alTuredly expefl: as well from your Prudence and Equity, as from the Dignity and Grandeur of your City Wefliall take that care, that you fhall be fenfible from time to time, of our often as the Dantz.ichers Ihall have grateful acceptance of your Kindnefs, as
your
any dealings within our Territories, or their Ships, as frequently put into our Ports.
Wejiminjler, Fcbr,
<J,
it
happens,
1550.
To
Mofl
Illujlrioiis
the Portugal Agent.
Lord,
recciv'd your Letters dated from HiawptoM the 1 5th of this Month, wherein you fignify. That you are fent by the King of Portugal to the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England ^ but fay not under what Charafter, whether of Embaflador, or Agent, or Envoy, which we would willingly underftand by your Credential Letters from the King, a Copy of which you may fend us with all the fpeed you can. would alfo further a whether with to come Commiffion, know, Plenary you give us Satisfaftion for the Injuries, and to make Reparation for the Damages which your King has done this Republick, protefting our Enemy all the lalt Summer in his Harbours, and prohibiting the Englijh Fleet, then ready to alTail Rebels and Fugitives, which our Admiral had purfu'd fo far ^ but never reflrraining the Enemy from falling upon ours. If you return us word that you have ample and full Commiffion to give us Satisfaftion concerning all thefe Matters, and fend us withal a Copy of your Recommendatory Letters, we fhall then take care, that you may with all fpeed repair to us upon the Puhlkk Faith : At which time, when we have read the King's Letters, you fiiall have liberty freely to declare what further Commands you have brought along with you.
WE
We
The ParUmcnt of the Common-rvealth of England, to the moji Serene Prime D. Ferdinand, Grand Duke of Tufcany, &c.
have received your Highnefs's Letters, dated April 12. 1551. and deliver'dto us by your Refident, Signor Almerick Salvetti, wherein we readily perceive how greatly your Highnefs favours the Engli(h Name^ and the Value you have for this Nation , which not only our Merchants, that for many Years have traded in your Ports, but alfo certain of our young Nobility, either travelling through your Cities, or refiding there
for the
as they
WE
Which their Studies, both teftify and confirm. moft grateful and acceptable to us j we alfo on our parts make this Requeft to your Highnefs^ That your Serenity will perfevere in your accuftom'd good Will and Affcdtion towards our Merchants, and other Citizens of our Republick, travelling through the Tufcan Territories,
improvement of
are things
undertake, as to what concerns the be wanting which may any way conduce to the Confirmation and Eftablifhment of that Commerce and mutual Friendfhip that now has been of long continuance between both Nations, and which it is our earneft wi(h and defire fhould be preferv'd to perpetuity by all Offices of Humanity, Civility, and mutual Obfervance,
the other
fide,
On
we promife and
fhall
Parliament, That nothing
Weftminfter,
jan.2o.i(55i.
Sealed with the Seal of the Parlament, and fubfcribed by IViliiatn Lenthall Speaker of the Parlament of the Com-
monwealth of England.
Q.qqq
The
( 668 )
The Farlament of
the
Commonwealth of England,
the City of
to the Illufiriom
and
Maomfcent Senate of
Hamborough.
,
THE
our deareji Friends Moji TVoWe, Magnificent^ and llluftr'mu, Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, out of their earnefl defire to continue and preferve the ancient triendfliipand mutual Commerce between the Eniltfl) Nation and your City, not long fince fent thither Richard Brad/haw E^q-., with the Charader of our Refident ^ and among other Inftrudions tending to the fame purpofe, gave him an exprefs Charge to demand Juftice againfl: certain Perfons within your Jurifdidion, who endeaveur'dto murder the Preacher hdongmg to the Bi^/z/?) Society, and who likewife laid impious hands upon the Deputy-Prelident, and fome of the princiof the fame Company, and hurri'd 'em away aboard a Privapal Merchants teer. And although the aforefaid Refident, upon his firlt Reception and Auin a particular manner the Commands dience, made known to your Lordfliips it was cxpeded that you would have which us which he receiv'd from upon a fevere this ere Example of your Juftice : yet when made thofe Criminals were not aniwer'd, confidering with our our we underllood Expedations their Eftates were in, if fufficient and our both what People felves
,
danger
Provifion were not made for their Security and Protedion againit the Malice of their Enemies, again fent Orders to our aforefaid Refident, to reprefent to your Lordfliips our Judgment upon the whole Matter ^ as alfo to exhort and perfwade ye, in the Name of this Republick, to be careful of precontradted between this Commonwealth fervingthe Friendlhip and Alliance and Commerce no lefs advantagious for Traffick the and your City, as alfo that that to and end, the Interelt of both , you would not fail to proted our
We
from all Violation, and more parMerchants, together vith their Privileges, of one Garmcs, who has carry'd himfelf conInfolencies the ticularly againfl: and publickly cited to the Chamber of tumelioully toward this Republick, of the Englifh Company refiding in your City, to the Merchants certain .yj);Vf, and trouble of our Merchants \ for great contempt of this Commonwealth, which we expeftfuch Reparation, as fliall be confentaneous to Equity and Juftice.
and whatever elfe more largely belongs to the both common Friendfliipof Republicks, we have order'd our Refident aforeattend faid to your Lordfliips, requefting that ample Credit maybe given to him in fuch Matters as he fiiall propofe relating to thefe Affairs.
To
treat of thefe Heads,
Weflmlnfier^
Seal'd with the
Parlament
Seal,
and
fubfcrib'd
^r. 12. 65
1
1.
Speaker^ &c.
The Parlament of
ftiana,
the
Commonmalth of England, to the mofi
Serene Chri-
Goths êf<5/?/ê. Swedes,
^W Vandals,
&c. Greeting.
Mofi Serene êen j have receiv'd and read your Majefty's Letters to the Parlament of Stockholm the 26th of September laft, and deliEngland, dated from Silvercroon Peter ; and there is nothing which we more vehevered by Spering that the ancient Peace, Traffick and Comthan and cordially defire, mently merce of long continuance between the Englifh and Swedes, may prove diuNor did we queftion but that your Majefty's turnal, and every day encreafe. Embaflador was come amply inftruded to make thofe Propofals chiefly which ftiould be moft for the Intereft and Honour of both Nations, and which we werenolefsreadilyprepar'd to have heard, and to have done efi^dually that which fliould have been thought moft fecure and beneficial on botli fides. But it pleas'd the Supreme Moderator and Governour of afl things, that before he had defir'd to be heard as to thofe Matters which he had in charge from your Majcfty to propound to the Parlament, he departed this Life, ( whofe lofs
WE
we
( 6^9 ) and that hcavinefs with forrovv, as became Perfons whom it no lefs we took the Almighty) whence it comes to pafs Will the of in to behov'd acquiefcc that wc are prevented hitherto from knowing your Majefty's Pleafure, and Wherefore we that there is a ftop at prefent put to this Negotiation. no leis then by thefe our Letters, which we have given do could we thought to our Mellenger on purpofe fent with thefe unhappy Tydings, to iignify to how grateful your publick Miniyour Majefty, how acceptable your Letters, the Parlammt CommonvDcalth to the of England , as alfo how earof iter were how and we highly we fhall value the Amity expeft your Friend(hip, neftly ot fo great a Princefs \ alTuring your Majefty, that we have tiiofc Thoughts of encreafing the Commerce between this Republick and your Majefty's Kingdom, as we ought to have of a thing of the highcft Importance, which for that reafon will be moft acceptable to the Parlament of the Comtmnwealth of And fo we recommend your Majefty to the protection of the DiEngland. vine Providence.
March
Wejlmmjier^ 1651.
Seal'd
with the Parlament Seal, and Subfcrib'd, Speaker , &c.
The Par lament of the Commonrvealth of England, to the mofl Serene Potent Prime, WvXv^ the fourth^ Kjg of Sîn, Greeting.
And,
TH
juries
Territories,
E Merchants of this Commonwealth, who trade in your Majefties make loud Complaints of extraordinary Violence and InofFer'd 'em, and of new Tributes impos'd upon 'em by the Gover-
and Places where they traffick, and this agai;ift the Articles, of and on the account of Trade j both ratifi'd Nations the League folemnly by And they the truth of which Complaints they have confirm'd by Oath. make it out before us, that unlefs they can enjoy their Privileges, and
nours and other
Officers of your Ports particularly in the Canary Iflands,
that their Loffes be
repair'd laftly. That except they may have forae certain Safeguard and Protedtion for themfelves and their Eftates againft thofe Violences and Injuries, they can no longer traffick in thofe PlaWhich Complaints of theirs being duly weigh'd by us, and believces. the unjuft Proceedings of thofe Minifters, either not at all to have
,
ing reach'd your Knowledg, or clfe to have been untruly reprefented to your Majefty, we deem'd it convenient to fend the Complaints themfelves, togeNor do we queftion but that ther with thefe our Letters, to your Majefty. as for the fake of that Comof well out of love as Juftice, your your Majefty, merce no lefs gainful to your Subjeds than our People, will command your
Governours to
order
it,
unjuft Oppreftions of our Merchants, and fo obtain fpeedy Juftice, and due Satisfaftion for thofe Injuries done 'em by Don Pedro de Carillo de Guz.man,and others , and that your Majefty will take care that the Merchants aforefaid may reap the Fruit of thofe Articles i and be fo far under your Proteftion, that both their Perfons and their Eftates may be fecure and free from all manner of Injury and Vexation. And, this they believe they Ihall for the greateft part obtain, if your
defift
from thofe
that they
may
Majefty will be pleas'd to reftore 'em that Expedient, taken from 'em, of a Judg Confervator, who may be able to defend 'em from a new Confulfhip more uneafie to 'em; left if no ftielter from Injuftice be allowM 'em, there fiiould follow a necefGty of breaking off that Commerce which has hitherto brought great Advantages to both Nations, while the Articles of the League are violated in fuch a manner.
Wefim. Aug.
1551.
To
670 )
To th
the Duke of Venice, moji Strene Frince, moji IllujlrioM Senate.
md
the
Mofi Serene Prince., moji lUuJlrious Senate^ our dearejl Friends j of our Merchants, by name Jbhrt Didins, and Job Throkmorton^ with others, have made their Complaints unto us. That upon the aSt/j CErtain of November 1651, having feiz'd upon a hundred Butsof Caveare in the Veffel called the Swallom, riding in the Dorvns^ Ifaac Taylour Mafber, which were their own proper Goods, and laden aboard the fame Ship in the Mufcovite Bay of Archangel, and this by the Authority of our Court of Admiralty ^ in which Court, the Suit being there depending, they obtain'd a Decree for the delivery of the faid Huts of Caveare into their poirefTion, they having firll the Sentence of that Court And that the faid given Security to abide by the Suit faid might be brought to a Conclufion, having Court, to the end written Letters, according to cuftom, to the Magiilrates and judges of reto cite John Piatti to appear by his Provice-j wherein they requefted liberty ftor in the ^J^/;/^ Court of Admiralty, where the Suit depended, and prove Neverthelefs that the faid Piatti., and one David Rtuts a Hollanhis Right this Caufe depends here in our Court, put the faid John Dickins, and while der.^ thofe other Merchants, to a vafl deal of trouble about the faid Caveare, and All folicite the Seizure of their Goods and Eftates as forfeited for Debt. which things,and whatever elfe has hitherto been done in our forefaid Court, is more at large fet forth in thofe Letters of Requeft aforemention'd ; which after we had view'd, we thought proper to be'tranfmitted to the moll Serene Republick of rtmce, to the end they might be afTiftant to our Merchants in this Caufe. Upon the whole therefore, it is our earneft Requeft to your the moft llluilrious Senate, That not only thofe Letters may and Highnefs, their due Force and Weighty but alfo that the Goods and Eftates of obtain the Merchants, which the forefaid Piatti and David Rutts., have ende3Vour''d to. make liable to Forfeiture, may be difcharg'd j and that the faid Defendants may be referr'd hither to our Court, to try what Right they have in Wherein your Highnefs, and the moft Serene their Claim to this Caveare. Republick will do as well what is moft juft in it felf, as what is truly becoming the fpotlefs Amity between both Republicks And laftly, what will gratefully be recompenc'd by the good Will and kind Offices of this Republick,
: : :
whenever Occafion offers.

Whitehall., Feb.
1
552.
Seal'd with the Seal of the Council,' Preftdent of the Council.
and Subfcrib'd
To
Mofi Excellent Lord^
the
Spanifli Embaflador.
THE
Council of State, according to a Command from the Parlament, dated the id of March, having taken into ferious deliberation your Excellencies Paper of the i %th of February., deliver'd to the Commiflloners of this Council, wherein it feem'd good to your Excellency to propofe that a Reply might be given to two certain Heads therein fpecify'd as previous, returns the following
Anfwer to your Excellency.
The Parlament when they gave an Anfwer to thofe things which were propos'd by your Excellency at your firft Audience, as alfo in thofe Letters
which they wrote to the moft Serene King of Spain, gave real and ample Demonftrations how grateful and how acceptable that Friendftiip and that mutual Alliance which was ofFer'd by his Royal his Majefty, and by your felf in them would be as how to 'em ; and in Name, fully they were refolv'd, as far lay, to make the fame Returns of Friendfhip and good Offices. After that, it feem'd good to your E-xcellency, at your firft Audience in Council upon the ipffc of December Oldflile^ to propound to this Council, as
a certain
your
Ground or Method for an aufpicious Commenceraent of a ilrider fome of their Body might be nominated, who might hca/s what that Amity, Excellency had to propofe j and who having well weigh'd the benefit
that might redound from thence, iTiould fpeedily report the fame'to the CounTo which requeft of yours that fatisfadion might be given, the Council cil. number to attend your Excellency, which was done appointed certain of their inftead of thofe things which were expefted to have bin But accordingly. no more than the abovemention'd Papropounded, the Conference produc'd : To which the Anfwerof the Council is this.
, '
per
theParlament (hall have declared their Minds, and your Excellenc7 have made the Progrefs as above expeded, we Ihall be ready to confer with your Excellency, and to treat of fuch Matters as you Ihall propofe ia the Name of the King your Mafter, as well in reference to the Friendfhip already concluded, as the entring into another moe llrid and binding , or as to any thing elfe which Ihall be offer'd by our felves in the Name of this Rewe defcend to Particulars, we fhall return fuch Anfwers publick: And when as are moll proper, and the Nature of the thing propos'd Ihall
Ihall
When
require.
Whitehall^
March
21. 1552.
The
of the Common-malth of England, to the mofl Serene Prince Frederick the Third, Kjng of Denmark, &c. Greeting.
Parlaffie/tt
Mofi Serene and Potent King, have receiv'd your Majefly's Letters, dated from Copenhagen the 2 ifi of December laft, and deliver'd to the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England by the Noble Henry IVHlemfem Rofenwyng de Lynfacker, and moll gladly perus'd 'em, with that affeftion of mind which the Matters therein propounded juftly merit, and requeft your Majefty to be fully perfwaded of this. That the fame Inclinations, the fame Defires of continuing and pre~ ferving the ancient Friendfhip, Commerce, and Alliance for fo many Years maintain'd between England and Denmarky which are in your Majefty, are alfo in us. Not being ignorant, that though it has pleas'd Divine Providence, beholding this Nation with fuch a benign and favourable Afpeft, to change for neverthe better the receiv'd Form of the former Government among us on both Interefts the fame the fame common that fides, thelefs, Advantages, the fame mutual Alliance and Free Traffick which produc'd the former Leagues and Confederacies between both Nations, ftill endure and obtain their former Force and Virtue, and oblige both to make it their common ftudy, by rendring thofe Leagues the moft beneficial that may be to each other, to eftaAnd if your blifh alfo a nearer and founder Friendfliip for the time to come. Majefty (hall be pleas'd to purfue thofe Counfels which are raanifelled in your Royal Letters, theParlament will be ready to embrace the fame with all Ala* crity and Fidelity, and to contribute all thofe things to the utmoft of their power, which they fliall think may conduce to that end. And they perfwade
WE
this reafon, will take thofe Counfels in reference to this Republick, which may facilitate the good fuccefs of thofe things propounded by your Majefty to our felves fo defirous of your Amity. In the mean time the Parlament wiflies all Happinefs and Profperity to your Majefty
themfelvesthatyour Majefty for
and People.
tVeftminfter, April
Under the Seal of the Parlament, and
fubfcrib'd
it,
1652.
initsName, and by the Authority of
Speaker,
8tt
the
70
The PAfUmem of the Common-mdth of England, to the mofi IHufiriotti and MagKifcent^ the Proconfuls and Senators of the Hanfe-Towns,
Greeting.
our dearefi Friends Mofi Nobk^ Magnificent^ and lllufir ions, Parlatnent of the Common-wealth of England, has both receivM and \6thof January hH, deliver'dby your Pubperus'd your Letters of the and lick Miniftcr Leoab Ayfema, by their Authority have given him Audience ; at what time he declar'd the cordial and friendly Inclinations of your Cities toward this Republick, and defir'd that the ancient FriendJhip might ftill remain on both fides. The Parlament therefore, for their parts, declare and
,
THE
Thaf'they deem nothing more grateful to themfelves, than that the fame Friendfhip and Alliance which has hitherto bin maintain'd between this Nation and thofe Cities, fliould be renew'd, and firmly ratify'd ; and that they will be ready upon all occafions fitly ofFer'd, what they promifc in Words, folemnly to perform in real Deeds ^ and expeft that their ancient Friends and Confederates Ihould deal by them with the fame Truth and IntealTure your Lordlhips,
as to thofe things which your Refident has more particularly in entire to the Council of State, and in regard they were by us referred charge, his Propofals were to be there confider'd, they tranfafted with him there, and him fuch Anfwers, as feem'd moft confentaneous to Equity and
grity,
But
gave an Account ; whofe PruReafon, of which your Refident is able to give you dence and confpicuous Probity proclaim Jiim worthy the publick Charader by you conferr'd upon him.
Wefiminfier, April
1652.
Under the Seal of the Parlament, in the Name, and by the Authority of it,
Subfcrib'd, Speaker, &c.
The Parlament of
'
the
Common-wealth of England, to the
llluflrious
and
the Citj of Magnificent Senate of
Hamborough,
Greeting.
'
Moft Noble, Magnificent, and lUuftrious, our deareft Friends ; E Parlament of the Common-wealth of England has receiv'd and perus'd your Letters, dated from Hamborough the 1 5^^ of January lall, and deliver'd by the 'Noble Leo ab Ayfema, yours and the reft of the Hanfeatic Cities Refident, and by their own Authority gave him Audience ; and as to what other particular Commands he had from your City, they have referr'd 'em to the Council of State, and gave 'em Orders to receive his Propofals, and to treat with him as foon as might be, concerning all fuch things as feem'd to be Juft and Equal which was alfo done accordingly. And as the Parlament has made it manifeft, that they will have a due regard to what Ihall be propos'd by your Lordfhips, and have teftify'd their Angular Goodwill toward your City, by fending their Refident thither, and commanding his Abode there ; fo on the other fide they exped and defervedly require from your Lordfliips, that the fame Equity be return'd to them, in things which are to the Benefit of this Republick, either already propos'd, or hereafter to be propounded by our faid Refident in their Name to your City, anciently our Firiend and Confederate.
TH
Hêfiminfier, April
1^524
Under the Seal of the Parlament, in the Name, and by the Authority of it;*
Subfcrib'd, Speaker., &c.
The
^n
The Council of
State of tht Republick of England, to the mojl Serene the Prince Ferdinand Second, Grand Duke of Tufcany, Greeting.
who THE
Council of State being inform'd by Letters from Charles Longland^ takes care of the Affairs of the Englijh in your Highneffes Court of Leghorn^ that lately fourteen Men of War, belonging to the Vnited Provinces^ came into that Harbour, and openly threatned to fink or burn the
were riding in your Port \ but that your S<:renny^ whofc Proteftionand Succour the English Merchants implor'd, gave Command to the Governour of Leghorn^ that he (hould aflift and defend the Englifl} V-effels,
Englijh Ships that
they deem'd it their Duty to certify to your Highnefs how acceptable that Kindnefs and Proteftion which you fo favourably afforded the EngUP) Nation, was tothis Republick-, and dopromife your Highnefs that they will always keep in remembrance the Merit of fo deferving a Favour, and will be ready upon all occalions to make the fame returns of Friendlliip and good Offices to your People, and to do all things elfe which may conduce to the prefervation and continuance of the ufual Amity and Commerce between both Nations. And whereas the PwfffcMenof War, even in the time of Treaty offer'd by themfelves, were fo highly perfidious, as to fall upon our Fleet in our own Roads, (in which foul Attempt, God, as mofl juft Arbiter, fhew'd himfclf offended and oppofite to their Delign ) but alfo in the Ports of Foreigners cndeavour'd to take or fink our Merchant Vcffels; we thought it alfo neceflary to fend this Declaration alfo of the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England^ to your Highnefs, the publifhing of which was occafion'd by the Controverfies at prefent arifen between this Republick and the Vnited Provinces. By which your Highnefs may eafily perceive how unjuft and contrary to all the Laws of God and of Nations thofe People have aded againft this Republick j and how cordially the Parlament labour'd, for the fake of pnblick Tranquillity, to have retain'd their priftin Fricndfhip and Alliance.
Whitt-Halt, July 29.
*
<^
In the
5 *
Name, and by the Authority of the Council, fubfcrib'd, Prefident.
To
Moji Excellent Lord^
the Spanifh Embajfador.
np
*
HE
Council of
State.,
upon mature deliberation of that Paper which
they receiv'd from your Excellency, 'l^%^g i<^S2.. as alfo upon that which your Excellency at your Audience the -4 of this Month deliver'd to the Council, return this Anfwer to both thofe Papers That the Parlament,6'c. was always very defirous of preferving the firm Friendfhip and good Peace
:
Republick and his Royal Majefly of Spain, your Excellency fignify'd the tendency of his Majefty's Inclinations that way, and was always ready to ratify and confirm the fame to the benefit and And this the Council of State in advantage of both Nations. the Name, and in their Papers oftimes made of the Command Parlament, by known to your Excellency ; and particularly, according to your Excellency's defire, made choice of Commiffioners to attend and receive from your ExAt which cellency fuch Propofals as might conduce to the fame purpofe. meeting, inftead of making fuch Propofals, it feem'd good to your Excellency only to propound fome general Matters, as it were previous to a future Conference, concerning which it feem'd to the Council that the Parlament had in former Papers fully made known their Sentiments. Neverthelefs, for more ample and accumulative fatisfadion, and to remove all Scruples from your Excellency concerning thofe Matters which they at that time propos'd, the Council in that Paper, dated dedar'd themfelves .ready to come V^'jZ'i',
fettled at prefent
between
firit
this
from the time that
Rrrr
to
^74
thofe things which you had to a Conference with your Excellency concerning to the prir-;.i Amity, in reference well as in charge from his Royal Majefty, .a oe exMatters fuch as alfo thcr touching as to any faf Negotiation i wi when ^me to fuch and this of name ^ in hibited by s, Republick l;he of the .iiing requir'd, the nature and to the were as Particulars purpofe, then to give convenient Anfwers. To which it feem d good to your Fxcelto proceed any farther in that Affair for;, moft lency to make no Reply, nor two Months, About that time the Council receiv'd fro:- your Excellency
^
Propofal, you only yourfirft Paper, dated ^^ .}!;;',' the Articles of Peace and League between the late Kin Charles and your be revicv'd, and that the Maftcr, dated the -^-J of November fi30. might or left out be either enlarged feveral Heads of it might .-ccording to the late the Alteration and and times of Government. things, prefent condition of and felves our we than what no more briefly clearly (ignify'd Which being the Council expeded that fome particuin our forefaid Paper of the ;^
i
wherein
made
this
That
7^"',^'
lar Articles
plifications
is
would have bin jiropounded out of that League, with thofe Amand Alterations of which you made mention-, lince otherwife it
other Anfwer concerning this matter than impoHible for us to return any And whereas your Excellency in your laft Paus with delay, the ouncil therefore took a fecond review per fcems to charge of the forefaid Paper of the '^^f ;V.,\ and of what was therein propounded,
what we have already given.
and are flill of opinion, that they have fully fatisfy'd your Excellency in that former Paper to which they can only farther add. That fo foon as your Excellency fhallbe plcas'd, either out of the Leagues already made, or in any other manner, to frame fuch Conditions as fhall be accommodated to the prefent ftate of Things and Times, upon which you delire to have the foundations of Friendfhip laid on your lide, they will immediately return you futh Anfwers as by them (hall be thought juft and reafonable, and which iliall be fufficient Teftimoaials that the Parlament ftill perfeveres in the fame delires of preferving an untainted and firm Amity with the King your Mafter, and that on their parts they will omit no honefl; Endeavours, and worthy of themfelves, to advance it to the highefl Perfeftion. Furthermore the Council deems it to be a part of their Duty, that your Excellency fhould be put in mind of that Paper of ours, dated Jan. 30. 165 1. to which in regard your Excellency has return'd no Anfwer as yet, we prefs and expcft that fatisfaftion be given to the Parlament, as to what is therein
:
mention'd.
The Anfwer of
the Council of Si ate to the Reply of the Lords Embctjfddors Extraordinary from the Kjng of Denmark and Norway, deliver'' d to
the Conmiffioners of the Council, to the Anfwer which the Council gave
to their fourteen
Demands.
TO
the end that Satisfaftion may be given to tha forefaid Lords Embalfadors in reference to the Anfwer of the Council to the fifth, fixth, feventh, eighth and ninth Article, the Council confents that this following Claufe fhall be added at the end of their Anfwers: That is to fay, belides fuch Colonies, Iflands, Ports and Places under the Dominion of either Party, to which it'is by Law provided that no body fliall refort upon the account of Trade or Commerce, unlefs upon fpecial leave firfl obtain'd of that Party to which that Colony, Ifland, Port or Places belong. The receiving of any Perfon into any Ship that (hall be driven in by ftrcft of Weather into the Rivers, Ports or Bays belonging to either Party, fliall not render that VefTel liable to arty trouble or fcarch, by the Anfwer of the Council to the eleventh Article, as the forefaid Lords Emballadors in their Reply feem to have underftood, unlefs it be where fuch a receiving fliall be againft the Laws, Statutes, or Cuftom of that Place where the Veflel put in, wherein it fcems to the Council, that there is nothing of feverity ordain'd,' but v/hat equally conduces to the fecurity of both Republicks.
As
( 675 ) the the to As Property of fuch Ships and Goods as fliall be caf^ proving dfhore by Shipwrack, the Council deems it ncceflary that an Oath be adminiltrcd in thofe Courts which are already, or (hall hereafter be conftituted, wheie thcClaiiners may be feverally heard, and every body's Right be deterftrictly done by written whence many Scruples and Doubts may arife,and many Frauds and Deceits creep into that fort of Proof, which it concerns both Parties to prevent. The Council alfo deems it juif, that a certain time beprefix'd, before which time, whoever does not prove himfelf the lawful Owner of the faid Goods, fli-Ul be excluded to avoid Suits. But as to the manner of putting are call aOiore by Shipwrack, the Council thinks perilhablc Goods to fale that it meet to propofe the way of felling by inch of Candle^ as being the moft true Value of the Goods for the belt probable means to procure the advantage of the Proprietors. Neverthelefs, if tlie forefaid Lords Embafladors fliall propofe any other method already found out which may more the Council will be no hinderance, but that properly conduce to this end, what is JBft may be put in praftice. Neither is it to be underltood, that the
mined and adjudg'd, which cannot be fo clearly and
Tertificates,
Confidcration of this matter fhall put any ftop to the Treaty. As to the Punilhment of thofe who fliall violate the propounded Treaty, the Council has made that Addition whichis mention'd in their Anfwer to the fourteentli Article, for the greater force and efficacy of ihat Article, and
firm and lafting. thereby to render the League it felf more fourteenth the of As to the lafl; Claufe Article, we think it not proper to and to thofe our AlTent Alliances, of which mention is made in Leagues give the aforefaid Anfwers, and which are only generally propounded, before it be more clearly apparent to us what they are. But when your Excellencies fhall be pleas'd to explain thofe Matters more clearly to the Council, we may be able to give a
more exprefs Anfwer to thofe
Particulars.
bnjf.xdors, cil
the Council of State to the Anfver of the forefaid Lords, EmReply of which rvasreturn'd to the fix Articles propounded by the Counaforefaid,
in the
Name
of the Republick of England.
the Commifllons of the forefaid Lords Enitranfacf with the Parlament or their bafladors, all things expedient tobe tranfafted in order to Commiflioners, concerning the reviving the old Leagues or adding new ones, believ'd indeed the forefaid Lords to have bin furnifhd with that Authority as to be able to return Anfwers, and negotiate all things, as well fuch as fliould be propounded by this Republick, as on the behalf of the King of Denmark and Norway^ and fo did not expeft the Replies which it has pleas'd the forefaid Lords Embafladors to give to the firft, fecond^ third and fifth Demand of the Council, whereby of neceflity a flop will be put to this Treaty, in regard it is but juft in it felf, and fo refolvM on in Council to comprehend the whole League, and to treat at
TH
E Council having view'd
giving them Power to
the fame time as well concerning thofs as thofe other Matters which concern Wherefore it is the earnefl: defire of would be pleas'd to return an Anfwer
things which regard this Republick, the King of Denmark and Norway.
the Council, that your Excellencies to our firll, fecond, third and fifth
Demand. As to the fourth Article concerning the Cuftoms of Gluckjladt, in regard they are now abolifli'd, as your Excellencies have mention'd in your Anfwer, the Council prelTes that their Abrogation may be ratifi'd by this Treaty, left
they fliOuld be re-impos'd hereafter. As to the fixth Article concerning Pyracy, the Council inferted it, as to the benefit of both, and to the eftablifiiing of Trade equally appertaining And in common, which is much difturb'd by Pyrates and Sea-Robbers. whereas the Anfwer of the Lords Embafladors, as to this Article, relates only to Enemies, but makes no mention of Pyrates, the Council therefore defires a more diftinft Reply to it. And Rrrr X
676 )
Reply to the Anfwer of the Council have pafs'd over both their tenth Article, and the Anfwer of the Council to it, the Council have thought it neceflary to add this following Article to their following Demands That the people and Inhabitants of the Republick of England trading into any Kingdoms, Regions, or Territories of the King of Denmark and Nor:
And whereas the
forefaid Lords EmbalTadors in their
way, fhall not for the future pay any more Cufloms, Tribute, Taxes, Duties or Stipends, or in any other manner than the People of the Vnited Provinces^ or any other Foreign Nation that pays the leaft, coming in or going out of Harbour i and fiiall enjoy the fame and as equally ample Freedom, Privileges
and Immunities, both coming and going, and folong as they Ihall refide in the Country, as alfo in fifhing, trading, or in any other manner which any other People of a Foreign Nation enjoys, or may enjoy in the forefaid Kingdoms, and throughout the whole Dominions of the faid King of Denmark and Norway: Which Privileges alfo the Subjefts of the King of Denmark and Norway
fhall equally enjoy throughout of the Republick of England.
all
the Territories and Dominions
The Council of $tate of the Refublick of England, to the mofi Serene Prince, Ferdinand the Second^ Grand Duke of Tufcany, Greeting.
Mofi Serene Prince, our
dearefi Friend
;
of State underfbanding, as well by your Highnefs's Agent here refiding, as by Charla Longland, chief Faftor for the EngUJh at Leghorn, with what Affeftion and fidelity your Highnefs undertook the Protedtion of the Englifh VefTels putting into the Port of Leghorn for fhelter, tlie Dutch Men of War threatning 'em with nothing but Ranfack and againfl their Leters of the 19th of July ( which they hope are Deflrudtion, by by this time come to your Highnefs's hands) have made known to your Highnefs how grateful and how acceptable it was to 'em j and at the fame time fenc to your Serenity a Declaration of the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England concerning the prefent Differences between this Republick and the United Provinces. And whereas the Council has again bin inform'd by the fame Charles Longland, what further Commands your Highnefs gave for the fecurity and defence of the Englifh VefTels, notwithltanding the oppofite Endeavours of the Dutch, they deem'd this opportunity not to be over
TH
Council
pafs'd
highly they efleem your Juftice and lingular Conftancy in defending their VefFels, and how acceptable Which being no mean tellimony of they took fo great a piece of Service. your folid Friendfhip and AfFeftion to this Republick, your Highnefs may alTure your felf, that the fame Offices of Kindnefs and good Will towards your Highnefs fhall never be wanting in us ; fuch as may be able to demonllrate how firmly we are refolv'd to cultivate both long and conftantly, to the utmofl of our Power, that Fiiendfhip which is between your Serenity and this Republick. In the mean time we have expreOy commanded ail our Ships upon their entrance into your Ports, not to fail of paying the accuftom'd Salutes by firing their Guns, and to give all other due Honours to
to let your Highnefs underffand once more,
how
your Highnefs.
Seal'd
Wh;te.HulI,Sei,
with the Council- Seal,

Prefident.
1552.
and fubfcrib'd,
To the Spanifh
Mofi Excellent Lord,
Emhaffadorj Alphonfo de Cardenas.
of November 16^2. deliver'd by youi^ together with two Petitions inclos'd, concerning the Ships, the Sampfon and Sun Salvadore., were read in Council. To which the Council returns
-t-.
Excellency's Letters of the
YOiir Secretary,
returns this Anfwer, That the Englifh Man of War meeting with the aforefaid Ships, not in the Dorvns^ as your Excellency writes, but in the
open
Sea, brought 'em into Port as Enemies Ships, and therefore lawful Prize ; and the Court of Admiralty, to which it properly belongs to take cogni-
zance of
Where all difpute. and you may heard,
Caufes of this nature, have undertaicen to determin the Right in Parties concern'd on both fides (liall be fully and freely be allur'd that Right fhall take place. have alfo fent your Excellency's requeft to the Judges of that Court, to the end we may more certainly undcrftand what progrefsthey have made in their proOf which fo foon as we are rightly informed, we fliall ceeding to Judgment. take c;ire thatlbch Orders fhall be given in this matter, as fliall correfpond with Juftice, and become the Friendlhip that is between this Republick and your King. Nor are we lefs confident, that his Royal Majefty will by no means permit the Goods of the Enemies of this Commonwealth to be conceal'd, and efcape dueConfifcation under the flicker of being own'd hi^
all
We
by
Subjefts.
White-Hall, NoV.
SeaPd with the Council-Seal, and fubfcrib'd,

1 1.
1652.
William Ma/ham, Prefident.
To
Aiofi Excellent Lord,
the Spanifll Emhajfador.
lately the Council has bin inform'd by Captain ^îi/Vey, Admiral of the Fleet of this Republick in the Streights^ that after he himfelf, together with three other Men of War, had for two days together engag'd eleven of the Dutch, put into Porto Longone, as well to repair the Damages he had receiv'd in the Fight, as alfo to fupply himfelf with Warlike Ammunition; where the Governour of the Place perform'd all the good Offices of a moft as well towards his own, as the refl; of the Alen of jiift and courteous Perfon,
BUT
War
under
his
Conducl.
Now in regard
that that fame Place
is
under the
Dominion of the moil Serene King of
Spain, the Council cannot but look upon the fingular Civility of that Garifon to be the copious fruit of that flirider mutual Amity fo aufpicioully comnênc'd \ and therefore deem it to be a part of to return their Thanks to his Majefty for a Kindnefs fo their
Duty
opportunely
receiv'd, and defire your Excellency to (ignify this to your mofl; Serene King, and to afliire him that the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England will be always ready to make the fame returns of Friendfliip and Civility upon all
occafions ofFer'd.
Seal'd with the Council-Seal,
lj'f/?min/?cc,
and fubfcrib'd,
PrefidenJ:.
Nov. 11.
I
(5
5 2;
WiUiam Ma/ham,
The Par lament of the Commonwealth of England, to the mofl Serene Frince, Ferdinand the Second, Grand Duke of Tufcany, Greeting.
Mofl Serene Prince, our
dearefi Friend
,
TH E
Parlament of the Commonwealth of England has received your Letdated from Florence, Augufl 1 7- concerning the rellitution of a certain Ship laden with Rice, which Ship is claim'd by Captain Cardi of And though the Judges of our Admiralty have already pronounc'd Leghorn. Sentence in that Caufe againft the forefaid Cardi, and that there bean Appeal depending before the Delegates ; yet upon your Highnefs's Requeft, the Parlament, to tefl:ify how much they value the good Will and Alliance of a Prince fo much their Friend, have given order to thofe who are entrufted with this Affair, that the faid Ship, together with the Rice, or at leaft the full Price of it be refl:or'd to the forefaid Captain Cardi ; the fruit of which
ters
Command
his
Proftor here has
effeftually already reap'd.
And
your Highnefs
as
678 )
Higlmefs by favourably affording your Patronage and Proteftion to fhc SliipS of the Englifh in your Port of Leghorn, has in a more efper; ; manner ty'd the Parlament to your Serenity ^ fo will they, on the other lide, take care^ as often as opportunity offers, that all their Offices of f.ncere Friendfhip and good Will towards your Highnefs may be folidly efleftual and permanent; withal recommending your Highnefs to the Divine Benignity and Protedion of the Almighty. Seal'd with the Seal of the CommonNov. wealth, and fubfcrib'd, 1652. Wellmiiifter, speaker^ &c.
The Parlmient of
Potent Prince,
Aiofi Serene
the
Commomvedth of England, Kjng of Denmark, &c.

King.,
to the mofi Serene And,
and Potent
TH
your
Parlatncnt of the Cvmmonxvcalth of England have receivM Information from their Admiral of that Fleet fo lately fent to Copenhagen^ your
Majefty's Port, to convoy our Merchants homeward bound, that the forefaid Ships are not permitted to icturn along with him, as being dctain'd by your
Majefty's
Command
and upon
his
Juflifications of the matter of fad, the Parlament denies chat the fons laid down in thofe Letters for the detaining of thofe Ships are any
producing your Royal Letters declaring Rea-
way
fatisfaclory to 'era. in a matter of fo
Therefore that fome fpeedy Remedy may be appli'd and fo highly conducing to the profperity great moment,
of both Nations, for preventing a greater perhaps enfuing mifchief, the Parlament have fent their Refident at Hamhorough^ Richard Bradfkaxo, Efquire, a Perfon of great Worth and known Fidelity, with exprefs Commands to treat with your Majefly, as their Agent alfo in Denmark, concerning this
Affair
And therefore we entreat your Majefty to give him a favourable Audience and ample Credit in whatever he Ihall propofe to your Majefty on our behalf, in reference to this matter;, in the mean time recommending your Majefty to the Protedion of Divine Providence.
:
lVeJfm'mfter,Nov.6.
1652.
Under
the Seal of the Parlament, and
in their
Name, and by
their
Au-
thority, fubfcrib'd,
Speaker^
&c.
The Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, Prince the Duke of Venice, Greeting.
to
the fnoft Serene
THE
Parlament of the Commonwealth of England has receiv'd your Highdated jMwei. 1552. and delivered by Lorenzo PaHutioî wherein they not only gladly perceive both yours, and the cordial Inclinations of the Senate toward this Republick, but have willingly laid hold of this opportunity to declare their fingular Affedion and good Will towards the moft Serene Republick of Venice , which they fhall be always ready to make To whom manifeft both really and fincerely, as often as opportunity offers. alfo all the ways and means that Ihall be propounded to 'em for the preferving or encreafing mutual Friendfhip and Alliance, fhall be ever moft acceptable. In the mean time we heartily pray that all things profperous, all things favourable, may befal your Highnefs and the moft Serene Republick.
nefs's Letters,
Wcllminfter,
December, 1552.
Seafd with the Parlament-Seal, and fubfcrib'd,

Speaker,
*
5c c.
"
The
( (>19 )
The ParUmeni of
to the mojl Serene Prince, Refullick of England, Vt\:A\n:{V\A the Second, Grmd Duke of Tukany, Greeting.
the
Parlamcnt of the Rcpublick of England tomt time fince reCommands to all the chief Captains and Mailers of Ships to your Highnefs, to carry thcmfclves peacearriving in the Ports-beloiiging vvich and becoming obfcrvance and Duty to a molt Serene tiilly and civilly, this whofe Republick fo earnellly endeavours to preferve, Friendfhip Prince, an Accident altogether as having bin oblig'd by fo many great Kindnelles the Infolence, as they Iiear, of Captain has fallen out, througli unexpecled wjio offer'd Violence to the Sentinel then doylpphtvA in the Port of Leghorn^ .the Faith and Duty which he owes this; the his Mole, againfl Duty upon ing in contempt of the Reverence and Honour which is juftly and Rcpublick, owing to your Highnefs: the relation of which Action, as it was really committed, the Parlament lias undcrftood by your Letters of the 7ti and prfcof December., dated from f/t-ccKce ^ as alfo more at large by the moft Worthy AlAnd they have fo fincerely laid to b.eart vttric Salvctti., your Refidcnt here. the main concern of this Complaint, that is which your Highnefs's Hononr, it to the Council of State, to take care that Letters be fenc referred have they toCapt. W/.|)/ero;7, to come-away without Iloporlfayby Land, in order to his giving an Account of this unwonted and extraordinary AcT: (a Copy of which Letters is fent herewith enclos'd) who fo foon as he fliall arrive, and be accused of the Fad, we promifc that fuch a courfe fhall be taken with him, as may brook the violation of your Right, fufficiently teftify that we no lefs heinoufly of our own the than Authority. Moreover, upon mature Deinfringement bate concerning the recovcr'd Ship, call'd the Phoenix o{ Leghorn, which Affair is alfo related and prefs'd by your Highnefs and your Refident here, to have bin done by Captain v^]|'/tro?j, contrary to promile given, whereby he was oblig'd not to fall upon even the Hollanders themfelves within fight of the Lanthorn ; and that your Highnefs, trulling to that Faith, promis'd fecurity to and therefore that we ought to take care for the Holbndtrs upon your word the fatisfaction of thofc who fuffer damage under the Proteciion of your Promife i the Parlament begs of your Excellency to be ailur'd, That this Faft, as it was committed without their Advice or Command, fo it is molt remote from their Will and Intention that your Highnefs fhould undergo any Detriment or Diminution of your Honour by it. Rather they will make it their bulinefs that fome Expedient may be found out for your Satisfaftion, accordwhole matter. Which ing to the nature of the Facl upon Examination of the
tl:e
doubrd ALtliough
their
-^
;,
that they
underftand, they deem it necelTary that Captain Jppkton himlelf fhould be heard, who was bound by the fame Faith, and is thought by your Excellency at leall to have confented to the violation And fo foon as the of it^ efpecially lince he is fo fuddenly to return home. with your Reficonferr'd at and have more has heard Parlament large himj dent concerning this matter of no fmall moment, they will pronounce that
may
fo
much
the
more
faliy
Sentence that fhall be juft, and confentaneous to that extrcam good-will which they bear to your Highnefs, and noway unworthy the favours by you con Of which, that your Highnefs might not make the leaft ferr'd upon 'em. in the mean time, we were willing to certify your Highnefs by this queftion
Exprefs on purpofc fent, that wc greatly we value your Friendfhip.

WejlminficY,
fhall
omit no opportunity to
tellify
how
Dccemh.
1652.
Scal'd with the Parlamcnt Seal,
14.
and
S'jbfcrilrd,
Speaker,
&c.
The
6$o)
The Council of
State of the Republiek of England, to the moft Serene
Prince, Frederick, Heire of

ing.
Norway, Duke of
Stormaria, Ditmarfh, Count in Oldenburgh and Delmenhort, Greet-
Slefwick, Holfatia,
has pleas'd the moft wife God, and mq/t merciful Moderator of things, belidesthc Burden which he laid upon us in common with our Anceftors, to wage moft juft Wars in defence of our Liberty againft
Hough
all
it
Tyran-
withthofe Aufpices and that Divine AlTiftance, beyond what he afforded to our Prcdeceflbrs. that we have bin able notonly to extinguifh a Civil War, but to extirpate the Caufes of.it for the future, as alfo to repel the unexpected Violences of Foreign Enemies j nevenhelefs, with grateful minds, as much as in us lies, acknowledging the fame Favour and Benignity of the fupreme Deity towards us, we are not lb pjft up with the fuccefs of our Affairs, but that rather inftru(fted in the lingular Juliice and Providence of God, and having had long experience our felves we jbominate the thoughts of War, if pofTiblc to be avoided, and raoft eagerTherefore as hitherto we never were the ly embrace Peace with all men.
nical Ufurpation, fignallyalfotofuccour us
fn fl; that violated or defir'd the violation of that Friendfhip, or thofe antient Privileges of Leagues that have bin ratify 'd between us and any Princes or People whatever i fo your Highnefs, in confideration of your antient Amity with the ^//yZi, left usby our Anceftors, may with a moil certain
Aflurance,
promifeboth your felf and your People all things equitable, and ail things friendly from us. Laftly, as we highly value, which is no more than what Is and juft reafonable, the teftimoniesof your AfFedtion and good Offices offer'd
wc fhall make it our bufinefs that you may not at any time be fenfible of the want of ours, either to your lelf or yours. Andfo we moft heartily recommend your Highnefs to the Omnipotent Protection of the Almighty
us, Co
God.
Whitehall,
Seal'd with the
Council-Seal,
Prefident.
Jn!y~i6$i.
and Subfcrib'd,
To
Moft Wuftrious Lord,
the
Count of Oldenburgh.
Parlamentof the Commonvoealth of England have receiv'd an extraordinary Congratulation from your Excellency, moft kindly and courteoufly delivered to us by word of mouth by Herman Myliiis, your Counfellor and Dodtor of Laws , who wifh'd all things lucky and profperous, in your Name, to the Parlament and Englifl) Intereft, and defir'd that the Friendfhip of this Republiek might remain inviolable within your Territories. He alfo defir'd Letters of fafe Condud, to the end your Subjedrs may the more fecurely trade and fail from place to place \ together with our Orders to our publick Minifters abroad, to be aiding and aftifting to your Excellency and your Jntcrefts with their good Offices and Counfels. To which Requefts of his we willingly confented, and granted both our Friendfhip, the Letters defir'd, and our Orders to our Publick Minifters under the Seal of the Parliament.
THE
And
though
it
be fome Months ago fince your Publick Minifter
firft
came to
from any unwillingnefs on our part to requeft your Excellency's Name, or that your Deputy was at any time wanting in his Sedulity (whofe Solicitations were daily and carneft with all the Diligence and Importunity that became him, to the end he might be difpatch'd) but only it happen'd fo, that at that time the greatelf and moft weighty Affairs of the Republiek were under Debate and ferious Of which 'ê thought meet to certify your Illuftrious Negotiation. Lordfhip, left any body through a falfe conllruaion of this delay, fhould think thofe
Favours
us, however that delay neither arofe aftent to the made in
Favours unwillingly or Iiardly obtain'd, which were molt gl'adly granted by In whofe Name thefe are the Parlament of the Coniinonwealth of England. commanded to be Sign'd,
Henry
Scobel, Cleric
of the Parlament.
To
Noble Senators, Scultets, Landam, aîd Senttrthe mofl llluflriom tors of the Enjangelick Cantons of Switzerland, Zurick, Bern, Claris,
Bale,' Schafthuren,
mi
Appenzel,
alfo
in the Country of the GnônSy Religion our dearejl Friends. and Bienne len ;
of the Confederates of the fame 0/ Geneva, St. Gall, Mulhau-
Letters, nioffc III uflrious Lords and deareft Confederates, dated December ij,. full of civility, good-will, and fingular afFeftion towards us and our Republick, and what ought always to be greater and more facred to and truly Chriftian Charity, we have receiv'd. And us, breathing Fraternal in the firft place we return Thanks to Almighty God, who has rais'd and eftablifh'd both you and fo many noble Citks^ not fo much intrench'd and fortifi'd
YOUR
with thofe enclorures1)f Mountains, as with your innate Fortitude, Piety, moft prudent and juft Adminiftration of Government, and the Faith of mutual Confederacies, to be a firm and inaccelTible Ihelter for all the truly Orthodox. Now'then that you, whoever all fwrope were the firft of Mortals who after deluges of barbarous Tyrants from the North, Heaven profpering your Vafor fo many Years have prelour, recover'd your Liberty, and being obtain'd, ferv'd it untainted with no lefs Prudence and Moderation ^ that you fhould have fuch noble fentinients of our Liberty recover'd j that you, fuch Cncere Worfhippers of the Gofpel, fhould be fo conftantly pcrfwaded of our Love and Affeftion for the Orthodox Faith, is that which is molt acceptable and welcome to us. But as to your exhorting us to Peace, with a Pious and Affedionate intent, as we arc fully alTurM, certainly fuch an Admonition ought to be of great weight with us j as well in refpeft of the thing it felf which you perfvvade, and which of all things is chiefly to be defir'd, as alfo for the great Authority which is to be allow'd your Lordfliips above others in this particular, who in the midft of loud tumultuous Wars on every fide, enjoy thefweetsof Peacebothat home and abroad, and have approv'd your felves the befl: example to all others of embracing and improving Peace ^ and laltly, for that you perfwade us to the very thing which we our felves of our-own acas well our own, as theintercft of cords, and that more than once, confulting the whole Evangelical Communion, have begg'd by Embafladors, and other and a mofl; Uriel League with the Vn'tpublick Minifl:ers, namely, Friendfliip But how they treated our Embafladors fcnt to 'em to negotited Provinces. and molt ftrict League^ what ate, not a bare Peace, but a brotherly Amity Provocations to War they afterwards gave us, how they fell upon us in our own Roads in the raidit of their Embafladors Negotiations for Peace and Alliance, little dreaming any fuch Violence, you will abundantly undcrftand by our Declaration fet forth upon this fubjeft, and fent you together with thefe our Letters. But as for our parts, we are wholly intent upon this, by God's we may Aflifliance, though profperous hitherto, fo to carry our felves, that neither attribute any thing to our own Strength or Forces, but all things to God alone, nor be infolently puft up with our Succefs^ and we ftill retain the fame ready Inclinations to embrace all occafions of making a juft apd hoIn the mean time your felves, lliujlrious and mofi excellent Lords., nelt Peace. in whom this pious and noble Sedulity, out of meer Evangelical AfFedion, exerts it felf to reconcile and pacify contending Brethren, as ye are worthy of all applaufe among men, fo doubtlefswill ye obtain the Celeltial Reward of Peace-makers with God ; to whofe fupreme Benignity and Favour we heartino lefs ready to make returns ly recommend in our Prayers both you and yours, of all good Offices both of Friends and Brethren, if in any thing we may be ferviceable to your Lordfliips. Seal'd with the Parliament Seal, and Subfcrib'd, We'Jlmmfter.,
OSob. idsj.
Speahr., &:c.
Sfff
To
"
( 682 )
To
Mofi
lllufiriom Lord^
the Spanifh Embajfador.
before us by Philip Nod, John Godal, grievous Complaints brought the Society of Merchants of Foy in England^ that a certain Ship of theirs call'd the Ann of Foy^ an EngUih Ship by them fitted out, and laden with their own Goods, in her return home to the Port of Foy about Michaelmas caufe fet upon and taken by a certain Prilaft, was unjuftly, and without any vateer of Ojlend^ Erafmtis Bruer Commander, and the Seamen unworthily and barbaroufly us'd The Council of State wrote to the Marquis of LUa conwe alfo fend enclos'd to your Excellency) cerning it (a Copy of which Letter from him, that without delay Orders would have bin given for and
and UPON
expefted Neverthelefs after all this, the forefaid the doing of Juftice in this matter. Noel, together with the faid Company make further heavy Complaint, that altho our Letters were deliver'd to the Marquefs, and that thofe Merchants from that time forward betook themfelves to Bruges to the Court there held for Maritim Caufes, and there alTerted and prov'd their Right, and the Verity of their Caufe, yet that Juffice was deni'd 'em i and that they were fo hardly dealt with, that though the Caufe had bin ripe for Trial above three Months, neverthelefs they could obtain no Sentence from that Court, but that their Ship and Goods are ftill detain'd, notwithftanding the great Expences they
have bin at in profecuting their Claim. Now your Excellency well knows it to be contrary to the Law of Nations, of Traffick, and that Frienddiip which is at prefent fettl d between the Englijh and Flemings, that any Ofiender Ihould take any Englifh VelTel, if bound for England with Engli/Jj Goods ; and that whatever was inhumanly and barbaroufly done to the Englifh Seamen by that Commander, deferves a rigorous Punifhment. The Council therefore recomto your Excellency, and makes it their requell that you would write into ftoc^tn concerning it, and take fiich fpeedy care that this bullnefs may no longer be delay'd, but that Juftice may be done in fuch a manner that the forefaid Ship, together with the Damages, Cofts and Intereft, which the Englifh have fuftainM and bin out of Purfe, by reafon of that illegal Seizure, may be reftorM and made good to 'em by the Authority of the Court, or in fome other way , and that care be taken that hereafter no fuch Violence may be committed, but that the Amity between our People and the Flemings may be preferv'd without any Infringment.
mends the whole matter
Sign'd in the
Name, and by the Command of the Council of State, appointed by Authority of Parlament.
To
the Marquifs of Leda.
Complaints are brought before us by Philip Noel, John Godal, and the Company of Foy Merchants, concerning a Ship of theirs, cali'd ths Ann oi Foy, which being an m^///Z) Velfel by them fitted out, and laden with their own Goods, in her return home to her own Port about Michaelmas laft, was taken unawares by a Freebooter of O/fM^, Erafmus Bruer CommandIt is alfo further related, that the Oflenders, when the Ship was in their er. Power, us d the Seamen too inhumanly, by fetting lighted Match to their Fingers, and plunging the Mafter of the Ship in the Sea till they had almoft drown"d him, on purpofeto extort a falfe Confeffion from him, that the Ship and Goods belong'd to the French. Which though the Mafter and the reft of
GREAT
the Ships Crew refolutely deni'd, neverthelefs the Oflenders carri'd away the Thefe things, upon ftrict enquiry and Ship and Goods to their own Port. examination of bin have made manifeft in the Admiralty Court in it'nedes, England, as will appear by the Copies of the Affidavits herewith fent your Now in regard that that fame Ship, cali'd the Ann of Foy, and Lordlhip. all her lading of Merchandize and Goods belong truly and properly to the
Englifh^
fo that there
is
no apparent reafon why the
Ofiender Ihould
feize
by
( 6S3 ) by force either the one or the other, much lefs carry away the Mailer of the and whereas according to the Law Ship, and ufe the Seamen fo unmercifully of Nations, and in refpeft to the Fricndfhip between the Flemings and ////%, that Ship and Goods ought to be reftor'd, we make it our earneft
:
to your Excellency, that the m^///2?
requeft
and that Satisfadtion may be given for their LoITes, to the end the TrafEck and Fricndfhip which is between the EttÛ/h and Flemings may be long and inviolably
Juftice done,
may havQ fpeedy
prcferv'd.
To
the Spanifh Embaffador.
Parlament of the Commonwealth of ^/^Mi,underIlanding that feveral of the People of this City daily refort to the Houfes of your Excellency and other Embafladors and Publick Minillers from Foreign Nations here re-
THE
meerly to hear Mafs, gave Order to the Council of State to let your Excellency underftand. That whereas fuch Refort is prohibited by the Laws of the Nation, and of very evil Example in this our Republick, and extreamfiding,
they deem it their duty to take care that no fuch thing be permitted henceforward, and to prohibit all fuch Aflemblies for the future. Concerning which, 'tis our defire that your Excellency Ihould have a fair Advertifment, to the end that henceforth your Excellency may be more careful of admitting any of the People of this Republick to hear Mafs in your Houfe. And as the Parlament will diligently provide that your Excellencies Rights and Privileges lliall be preferv'd inviolable, fo they perfwade themfelves that your Excellency, during your abode here, would by no means that the Laws of this Republick Ihould be violated by your fcif or your Attendants.
ly fcandalous, that
A Summary of
pany, in
the particular real Damages fujlai/i'd by the Englifh many Places of the Eaft- Indies, from the Dutch
Comirt
Company
Holland.
TH
2.
in the fixteen Articles, and formerly ex to which is of our hibited, amounting 298555 Royals I, Money
,
E Damages comprehended
Satisfadion to be given for the incomes of the Ifland of Pularon^ from the year 1622. to this time, of two hundred thoufand Royals l, befides the future Expence, till the right of Jurifdiftion over that Ifland be reftor'd in the fame Condition as when it was wrefted out of our Hands, as was by League agreed to, amounting of our Money to 50000/. 00 s. 00 d. for all the demand Satisfadtion and FurniProvifion 3. Merchandize, ture taken away by the Agents of the Dutch Company in the Indies, or to
We
74638
/.
5 J.
00
d.
demand
We
them deliver'd, or to any of their Ships bound thither, or returning home j which Sum amounts to 80635 Royals, of our Money 20158/. 00 s. 00 d. 4. We demand Satisfaftion for the Cuftoms of Dntcb Merchandize laden on board their Ships in Pcrfia, or landed there from the year 1624, as was granted us by the King of lefs than fourfcore thouPerfta, which we cannot value at fand Royals, 2000/. 00s. ood. We demand Satisfadion four Houfes for 5. malicioufly and unjuftly burnt at Jocatra, together with the Warehoufcs, Magazines and Furniture, occafion'd by the Dutch Governor there, of all which we had Information from the Place it felf, after we had exhibited our firft Complaints j the Total of which Damage we value at 50000/. 00 s. ood.
demand Satisfadion for 32899 pound of Pepper taken out of the Ship Endymion in 1 649, the Total of which Damage amounts to 5ooo /. 00 s. oc d. ._c j. 220795 15 J. ood.
We
Sfff2
(6S4)
A Summary of fome particular damages fufiain'd alfq from the Dutch EaftIndia Company.
fuflain'dbythofe who befieg'd Bantam, whence it came lix years together we were excluded from that Tr idfe, X. and confequently from an opportunity of laying out in Pepper fix h'-udred thoufand Royals, with which we might have laden our homeward bo' uU Ships ; for want of which lading they rotted upon the Coalt oi India. In ihc mean time our Stock in India was wafted and confumM in Mariners Wages, P ovifion and other Furniture ^ fo that they could not value their Lofs at lefs ihaa 600000 /. 00 s. 00 d. twenty hundred and four thoufand Royals 2. More for Damages by reafon of our due part loft of the Fruits in the Molucca Iflands, Banda and Amboyna^ from the rime that by the flaughter of our men we were thence expelFd, till the time th ir we (hall be fatisfi'd for our which fpace ot time from the year 1622, to this prefent Lofs and Expences i for the year 650, yearly Revenue of iôooolib. amounts in 28 years to
i.rTOR Damages
to pafs that for
-^
CO d. 700000 3. We demand Satisfaftion for one hundred and two thoufand nine hundred fifty nine Royals, taken from us by thfe Mogui's People, whom the Dutch proteded in fuch a manner, that wc never could repair our LolTes out of the Money or Goods of that People which lay in their Junh., which we endeavour'd to do, and was in our Power had not the Dutch unjuftly defended 'era. Which loft Money we could have trebled in Europe, and value at
/.
GO
S.
77020/.
COS.
cod.
bound to pay fince i529, which up the Sum of -
Perfia, the half part of which was by the King of Which to the year 1619, is valued Perfia granted to the Englijh, Anno 1 624. at eight thoufand Royals ; to which add the four thoufand Lib. which they are
4.
For the Cuftoms of
is
now one and twenty

.
84000/,
Years, and it makes qos. cod.

22079(5'
1
1
From
the firji
Account
/.
5 X.
Sum
Total
68 996/.
5 J.
The
Intereft
from that time
will
far exceed the Principal.
LET-
LETTERS
Written
in the
685 )
Name of
OLIVER
To
j[4ofl
the
Protector.
the
Count of Oldenburgh.
lUuJirkui Lords J
your Letters
Adittii
January lo. 1654.
have bin given to under-
BY
nnp
ftand, That the noble Frederick Matthias Wolifog^ and Chrijlopher Grip^ hiander were fent with certain Commands from your Illuftrious Lordwho when they came to us, not only in your Name coninto
England
-^
gratulated our having taken upon us the Government of the Engli/h Repviblick, but alfodcfir'd that you and your Territories might be comprehended in the Peace which we are about to make with the Loxv-Countrics^ ajid that we would confirm by our prefent Authority the Letters of fafe Condudi: lately granted your Lordfhipby theParlament. Therefore in the firft place we return your Lordfhip our hearty thanks for your friendly Congratulation, as it becomes us j and thefe will let you know that we have readily granted your two Re-
Nor Ihall you find us wanting upon any opportunity, which may at time make manifell our Affection to your Lordlhip. And this we are apt any more at large from your Agents, whofe Fideto believe you will|||derftand iSi^his of yours, in our Court, has bin Affair and lity Diligence eminently we molt heartily wifh the Bleffrngs of Proto w hat As remains, confpicuous. fperity and Peace, both upon you and your Affairs.
quells.
Your
Illuflrious Lordihip's moft AfFeftionate, Oliver Protector of England^ Scotland^ and Ireland^ he.
To
Mofl
Illujlrious
the
Count of Oldenburgh,
Lord,
\7\7^ V come
from Oldenburgh^ moft welone as than more account well for that they were full i upon of fmgular Civility and Good-will towards us, asbecauie they were deliver'd by the hand of the moft llluftrious Count ylntony^ your beloved Son ^ which we look upon as fo much the greater Honour, as not having trufted to Report, but with our own Eyes, and by our own Obfervation difcernM his Vcrtues becoming fuch an illuftrious Extraftion, his noble Manners and Inclinations, and toward our felves. Nor is it bequeftion'd laftly his extraordinary AfFedion the fame fair hopes at home, that he will aphis own but he difplaysto People prove himfelf the Son of a molt worthy and moft excellent Father, whofe fignal Vertue and Prudence has all along fo manag'd Affairs, that the whole Territory
recciv'd your Letters, dated Afay 1.
of Oldenburgh for many years has enjoy'd a profound Peace, and all the blelhngs of Tranquillity in the raidft of the raging confufions of War thundr ing on every
fide.
What reafon therefore why we fhould not value fuch a Fricndfhip that can fo wifely and providently fhun the Enmity of all men ? Laftly, Molt lllu^ Prefent that we return ftrious Lord, 'tis for your Magnificent you Thanks j and Merits but 'tis of Right, claim, that we are cordially your
Weftminfter,
June 2^. 1654-
7";
^>'''<:>'
birn on
Your
llluftrious Lordihip's
moft AfFedtionate,
Oliver
co^'*
&C.
in
Supcrfcrib'd, To the mofl
lllujlriottf
Lord,
hi
Antony Gunthcr, Count
Ol-
denburgh, and Delmenhqrlt, Lord
Jehvern (?/jrfKniphaufen..
OUvei"
( 686 ) Oliver ProteBor of the Conmiomvealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, &c. To the mofi Serene Prince Charles Gullavus Kjffg of the Swceds, Goths, and Vandals, Great Prince of Finland, Duke of Efthonia, Carelia, Breme, Verden, Stettin in Pomerania, CafTubia 4^ Vandalia ; Prince of Kn^vA^ Lord of Ingv'm, Wifmaria ; as
aljb
Count Palatine of the Rhine,
and Duke of Bavaria,
Cleves,
and
Monts, &c. Greeting.
Mop Serene King^

it be already divulg'd over all the World that the Kingdom of the Smdes is tranflated to your Majefty with the extraordinary App'aufe and Delires of the People, and the free Suffrages of all the Orders of the Realm ; yet that your Majefty fliould rather chufe that we fhould underftand the welcome News by your moft friendly Letters, than by the common voice
Hough
of Fame, we thought no fmall Argument both of your good will toward us, and of the Honour done us among the firft. Voluntarily therefore, and of Right we congratulate this acceflion of Dignity to your egregious Merit?, and the moft worthy guerdon of fo much Vertue. And that it may be lucky and to the to of Nation the your Majefty, profperous Swedes^ and the true ChriItian Intereft, which is alfo what you chiefly wilh, with joint Supplications we implore of God. And whereas your Majefty allures us,. That the preferving entire the League and Alliance lately concluded between, this Republick and
Kingdom of Sweden fhallbe fofar your care, that the prefent Amity may not only continue firm and inviolable, but if polTible, every day encrcafeand grow to a higher Perfedion, to call it into queftion, would be a piece of Impiety, after the Word of fo great a Prince once inter posM, whofe furpaffing Fortitude has not only purchas'd your Majefty a hereditary Kingdom in a Foreign Land, but alfo could fo far prevail, that the moft auguft Queen, the Daughter of Guftavtis, and a Heroefs fo matchlefs in all degrees of Praife and mafculine Renown, that many Ages backward have not produc'd her equal, furrender'd the moft juft poIFeftionof her Empire to your Majefty, neither expeding nor willing to accept it. Now therefore 'tis our main defire, your Majefty ftiould be every way aflin'd, that your fo lingular AfFedion toward us, and fo eminent a fignification of your Mind can be no other than moft dear and welcome to us and that no Combat can offer it felf to us more glorious, than fuch a one wherein we may, if poflible, prove viftorious in out-doing your Majefty's Civility by our kind Offices that never fhall be wanting.
,
the
Wejlminfler^ July 4. 1554.
Your
Majefty's moft AfFedtionate,
Oliver^ Protedor of the Commonwealth of England^ Scotland^ and Ireland, &c.
To
the moft iSuftriotts Lordy
Lewis Mendez
de Haro.
we have underftood by your Letters, moft Illuftrious Lord, that there is an Embaffador already nominated and appointed by the moft Serene King of 5p<?/, on* purpofe to come and congratulate our having undertaken the Government of the Republick, is not only defervedly acceptable of it felf, but render'd much more welcome and pleafing to us by your fingular AfFeftion, and the fpeed of your Civility, as being defirous we fhould underftand it firft of all from your felf For, to be fo belov'd and approved by your Lordfhip, who by your Vertue and Prudence have obtain'd {o great Authority with your Prince, as to prefide, his equal in Mind, over all the moft important Affairs of that Kingdom, ought to be fo much the more pleafing to us, as well underftaiidingthat the Judgment of a furpafling Perfon cannot but be much to our Honour and Ornament. Now as to our cordi-
WHAT
al
( ^8? ) the toward of al Inclinations King Spain^ and ready Propenfity to hold Friendand it to a Itrider PerfeQion, we with encreafe that Kingdom, fhip hope we have already fatisfi'd the prefent EmbalTador, and fliall more amply fatisfy the As to what remains, Mofi lUuftnons Lord^ we other fo foon as he arrives.
heartily wifh the Dignity and Favour wherein you now flouriOi with your Prince, perpetual to your Lordfhip ^ and that whatever Affairs you carry on for the Publick Good, may profperoufly and happily fucceed.
Whitehall^ Sept.
Your
Illullrious Lordfhip's raoft
AfFedionate,
1654.
OLIVER,
To
the tof} Serene Prince
&c.
Sweeds, Goths,
^t//^
Charles Guftavus Adolphus, KJ^g of the Vandals, &c.
of your Majefty's good Will towards me by your laft in-anfwer to which I wrote back with the fame AfFedion, methinks I (hould do no more than what our mutual Amity requires, if as I communicate my grateful Tidings to reciprocal Joy, fo when contrary Accidents fall out, that I Hiould lay open the Senfeand Grief of my Mind to your Mafo well alFur'd
BEing Letters,
part this is my Opinion of my felf. degree in the Commonwealth, to the end I fhould confult in the firft place, and as much as in me lies, the common Peace of Proteftants. Which is the reafon, that of neceflity it behoves me more grievoufly to lay to heart what we are forry to hear concerning the bloody Conflicts and mutual Slaughters of the Brcmencrs and Swedes. But this I chiefly bewail, that being both our Friends, they fhould fodefpitefully combat one againll another, and with fo much danger to the Interefts of tlie Projefty,
as
That
my dearell Friend. am now advanc'd to
For
my
this
that the Peace of Munjlcr, which it was thought would have an prov'd Afylum and Safeguard to all the Proteftants, fliould be the occafion of fuch an unfortunate War, that now the Arms of the Svreeds are turn'd upon thofe whom but a little before, among the reft, they moft ftoutly defended for Religion's fake i and that this Ihould be done more efpecially at this time when the Papifts are faid to perfecute the Reformed all over Germany, and to return to their intermitted for fome time OpprefFions, and their priftin Vio-
teftants; and
Hearing therefore that a Truce for fome days was made at Breme, I could not forbear fignifying to your Majefty, upon this opportunity offer d, how cordially 1 defire, and how earneftly I implore the God of Peace, that this Truce may prove fuccefsfully happy for the Good of both Parties, and
lencies.
in a moft firm Peace, by a commodious Accommodation which purpofe, if your Majefty judges that my Alfiftance may any ways conduce, I moft willingly offer and promife it, as in a thing, without queftion, moft acceptable to the moft Holy God. In the mean time, fro'm the bottom of my heart, I befeech the Almighty to dired and govern all your Counfels for the common Welfare of the Chriftian Intereft, which I make no doubt but that your Majefty chiefly defires.
that
it
may conclude
fides.
on both
To
Whitehall^
Your
Majelty's moft Affeftionate,
Odtoh. 16. i<y54.
OLIVER,
To
the
&c.
Magnifcent and moft Noble, the Confuls and Senators of the City of
Breme.
BY
your Letters deliver'd to us by your Refident Henry Oldenhurgh, that is a difference kindled between your C ity and a moft potent Neighto what ftraits you are thereby reduc'd, with fo much the more and bour, Trouble and Grief we underftand, by how much the more we love and embrace
there
( 688 ) brace the City of Bretne^ fo eminent, above others, for their Profeffion of tlie Orthodox Faith. Neither is there any thing which we account morefacred in our wifhes, than that the whole Protellant Name would knit and grow toIn the mean time, moft certain it is gether in brotherly Unity and Concord. that the common Enemy of the Reformed rejoices at thefe our DilTenfions' and more haughtily every where exerts his Fury. But in regard the Controverfie which at prefent exercifes your contending Arms, is not within the
decilion, we implore the Almighty God, that the Truce begun obtain a may happy ilTue. Afluredly, as to what you defir'd, we have written to the King of the Swedes^ exhorting him to Peace and Agreement, as being moil chiefly grateful to Heaven, and have ofier'd our Allillance in fo pious a Work. On the other fide v;e likewife exhort your felves to bear an equal Mind, and by no means to reftife any honefb Conditions of Reconciliation. And fo we recomtnenc^ your City to Divine Proteftion and Providence.
power of our
Whitehall,
Your Lordihip's moft AfFedionate,
Oftob. 26.
654.
O/mr,
Prote(f.or,oi the
Commonwealth of H^/î, &c.
Oliver, Protector of the Kepublick of England,
To
the
mojl llltifiriom
Prime of Tarentum.
Love of Religion apparently made known in your Letters to us delivered, and your excelling Piety and fingular AfFeiftion to the Reformed Churches, more efpecially conlideringtlie Nobility and Splendor of your Charafter, and in a Kingdom too wherein there are fo many and fuch abounding hopes propos'd to all of eminent Qiiality that revolt from the Orthodox Faith, fo many Miferiesto be undergone by the refolute and conftant, gave us an occifion of great Joy and Confolation of Mind. Nor was it lefs grateful to us, that we had gain'd your good Opinion, upon the fame account of Religion, which ought to render your Highnefs moft chiefly belov'd and dear to our felves. We call God to vyitnefs, That whatever hopes or expectations the
YOUR
Churches, according to your relation, had of us, we may be able one day to give them fatisfaftion, if need require, oratleaftto demonftrate to all Men how much it is our defire never to fail 'em. Nor fliould we think any fruit of our Labours, or of this Dignity or Supream which we hold in Employment our Republick, greater than that we might be in a condition to be ferviceable to the Enlargement, or the Welfare, or which is more facred, to the Peace ~ of the Reformed Church. In the mean time, we exhort and' befeech your Lordfi.ipto remain ftedfaft to the laft minute in the Orthodox Religion, with the fame Refolution and Conftancy as you profefs it receiv'd from your Anceftors with Piety and Zeal. Nor indeed can there be any thing more worthy your fel.f, or your religious Parents, nor in confideration of what you have deferv'd of us, though we wifh all things for your own fake that we Can wifli more noble or advantagious to your Lordfhip, than that you would take fuch Methods, and apply your felf to fuch Studies, that the Churches, efpecially of your Native Country, under the Difcipline of which your Birth and Genius have render'd you Illuftrioudy happy, may be fenfible of fomuchthe more alTur'd Security in your Protedion, by hovv much you excel others in Luftre and Ability.
Whitehall^
April
KJ54.
Oliver
( 689 )
OJIver the Protecior, &c. To the moft Serene Prince^ Savoy, Prince of Piemont, Greeting.
Immamiel Duke
of
Mofi Serene Prince^ have been fent us from Geneva^ as alfo from the Dauphinate^ and LEtters many other Places bordering upon your Territories, wherein we are fuch of your Royal Highnefs's Subjedts as given to underftand, That profefs are commanded by your Edid, and by your AuthoriReformed th.e Religion, three days after the Promulgation of your Edift, to depart their ty, within native Scats and Habitations, upon pain of capital Punilhment, and Forfeiture of all their Fortunes andEftates, unlefs they will give Security to relinquifh their E.cUgion within twenty days, and embrace the Roman Catholick Faith. And that when they apply'd themfelves to your Royal Highnefs in a molt fupa Revocation of the faid Edidt, and that being repliant manner, imploring ceiv'd into prillin favour, they might be reftor'd to the Liberty granted 'era by your PredecelTors, a part of your Army fell upon 'em, moft cruelly flew
and compell'd the reft to fly into defert Places, and to the Mountains cover'd with Snow, where fome hundreds of Families
feveral, put others in Chains,
are reduc'd to fuch Diftrefs, that'tis greatly to be fear'd they will in a
fliort
time
miferably perifli through Cold and Hunger. Thefe things, when they were related to us, we could not chufe but be touch'd with extream Grief and Companion for the Sufferings and Calamities of this afflifted People. Now
all
we muft acknowledg our.felves link'd together not only by the fame of Humanity, but by joynt Communion of the fame Religion, we thought tye it impoflible for us to fatisfy our Duty to God, to brotherly Charity, or our Profefljon of the fame Religion, if we fliould only be afi"eted with a bare Sorrow for the Mifery and Calamity of our Brethren, and not contribute all our Endeavours to relieve and fuccour 'em in their unexpeded Adverfity, as much Therefore in a greater meafure we moft earneftly befeech and as in us lies. conjure your Royal Highnefs, that you would call back to your Thoughts the Moderation of your moft ferene Predeceflbrs, and the Liberty by them granted and confirm'd from time to time to their Subjeds the y'audovs. In granting and confirming which, as they did that which without all queftion was moft been pleased to referve the Jurifdidion and Power grateful to God, who has over the Confcience to himfelf alone, fo there is no doubt but that they had a due confideration of their Subjeds alfo, whom they found ftout and moft faithful in War, and always obedient in Peace. Ai)d as your Royal Serenity in other things moft laudably follows the Footfteps of your immortal Anbefeech your Royal Highnefs not to fwerve ceftors, fo we again and again from the Path wherein they trod in this particular ^ but that you would vouchfafe to abrogate both this Edid, and whatfoever elfe may be decreed to the Difturbance of your Subjeds upon the account of the Reform'd Religion ; that you would ratify to 'em their conceded Privileges and priftin Liberty, and command their Lofles to be repair'd, and that an end be put to their OpWhich if your Royal Highnefs flaall be pleas'd to fee perform'd, prefHons. you will do a thing moft acceptable to God, revive and comfort the miferafclc in dire Calamity, and moft highly oblige all your Neighbours that profefs the Reformed Religion, but more efpccially our felves, who fliaU be bound to look upon your Clemency and Benignity toward your Subjeds, as the fruit of otir earneft Solicitation. Which will both engage us to a reciprocal return of all good Offices, and lay the folid Foundations not only of eftablifliing, but encreafing Alliance and Friendftiip between this.Republick and your Dominions. Nor do we lefs promife this to our felves from your Juftice and Moderation i to which we befeech Almighty God to encline your Mind and Thoughts. And fo we cordially implore juft Heaven to beftow upon your Highnefs and your People the Blefhngs of Peace and Truth, and profperous Succefs in aU your Af&irs.
in regard
WhitehaU^
May
idss.
1 1
Oliver
( ^90 )
to the mofi Serene Prince Oliver, ProteEtor of the Kefuhl^k of England,
<3/^
Tranfiivania, Greeting.
Moft Serene Prince^
BY
your Letters of the
6th oi November^ 1554. you have
ill and AfFedion toward us ^ and your ble of your fingular good Envcy^ who deliver'd thofe Letters to us, more amply" declar'd your delire of conus. Certainly for our parts, we do not trading Alliance and Friendfhip with a little rejoyce at this Opportunity offered us to declare and make manifeft our Affeftion to Highnefs, and how great a value we jullly fet upon your
made
us fenli-
Perfon.
your But after fame had reported to us your egregious Merits and Labours undertaken in behalf of the Chriftian Republick, v/hen you were pleas'd that all thefe things^ and what you have farther in your Thoughts to do in the defence and for promoting the Chrijlian Intenft, Ihould be in friendly manner imparted to us by Letters from your felf, this afforded us a more plentiful occafion of Joy and Satisfadtion, to hear that God, in thofe remoter Regions, had rais'd up to himfelf fo potent and renowned a Minifter of his Glory and Providence And that this great Minifter of Heaven, fo fam'd for his Courage and Succefs, ihould be delirous to alTociate with us in the common Defence of the Proteftant Religion, at this time wickedly affail'd by Words and Deeds.
:
to be queftion'd but that God, who has infus'd into us both, though feparated by fuch a fpacious Interval of many Climates, the fame Defires and Thoughts of defending the Orthodox Religion, will be our Inftruftor and Au-
Nor is
it
thor of the ways and nleans whereby we may be afllftant and ufeful to our felvesand the reft of the Reformed Cities, provided we watch all Opportunities that God ftiall put into our hands, and be not wanting to lay hold of 'em. In the mean time we cannot without an extream and penetrating Sorrow forbear putting your Highnefs in mind how unmercifully the Duke of Savoy has perfecutcd his own Subjefts, profefling the Orthodox Faith, in certain he has not only conftrainM by a moft Valleys, at the feet of the Jlps. fcvereEdift, as many as refufe to embrace the Catholick Religion, toforfake their native Habitations, Goods and Eftates, but has fall'n upon 'em with his
Whom
feveral moft cruelly to the Sword, others more barbaroufly tormented to Death, and driven the greateft number to the Mountains, there to be confum'd with Cold and Hunger, expofing their Houfes to the Fury, and Thcfc things, as they have their Goods to the Plunder of his Executioners.
Army, put
already been related to your Highnefs, fo we readily afTure our felves, that fo much Cruelty cannot but be grievoufly difpleafing to your ears, and that you will not be wanting to afford your Aid and Succour to thofe miferable Wretches, if there be any that furvive fo many Slaughters and Calamities. For our parts, we have written to the Duke of Savoy^ befeeching him to remove his incens'd Anger from hisSubjeds; as alfo to the King of fmwce, that he would vouchfafe to do the fame and laftly, to the Princes of the Reformed Religion, to the end they might underftand our Sentiments concerning Which though firft begun upon thofe fo fierce and favage a piece of Cruelty. and all that however threatens poor helplefs People, profefs the fame Religiand a all therefore on, greater neceffity of providing for themimpofes upon fclves in general, and confulting the common Safety 3 which is the Courfe that we fliall always follow, as God (hall be pleas'd to direft us. Of which your Highnefs may be affur'd, as alfo of our Sincerity and Affedion to your Serenity, whereby we are engag'd to wifh all profperous Succefs to your Affairs, and a happy iffue of all your Enterprizes and Endeavours, in aflerting the Liberty of the Gofpel, and the Worfhippcrs of it.
',
Whitehall,
May
i(j55.
Oliver
691 )
Oliver Protector, to the mofi Serene Prince^ Charles Guftavus Adolphu^, the Swxdes, Kj>^g of Greeting.
no queftion but that the fame of that mofl: rigid Edifthas reach'd your Dominions ^ whereby the Duke of Savoy has totally luin'd his Froteftant Sub)e*!ts inhabiting the Alpne Valleys, and commanded 'em to be exterminated from their native Seats and Habitations, unlefs they will give fecurity to renounce their Religion receiv'd from their Forefathers, in exchange for the Roman Catholitk Superftition, and that within
V V''T
TE make
twenty
days at farthefl: ^ fo that many being kilFd, the reft ftript to their Skins, and cxpos'd to mofl; certain Deftruftion, are now forc'd to wander over dcfert Mountains, and through perpetual Winter, together with their Wives and Children, half dead with Cold and Hunger and that your Majefty has laid it to heart, with a pious Sorrow and companionate Confideration we as little doubt. For that the Proteltant Name and Caufc, although they differ among thcmfelves in fome things of little Confequence, is neverthelefs the fame in general, and united in one common Intereft, the hatred of our Adverfaries, alike incens'd againfl Proteftants, very cafily demonllrates. Now there is no of the be that the Swedes can have Kings ignorant, body always joyn'd with the Reformed, carrying their Victorious Arms into Germany in defence of the Proteftants without diftindtion. Therefore we make it our chief Rea more efpecial manner to your Majefty, that you would queflr, and that in folicit the Duke of Savoy by Letters, and by interpofing your intermediating Authority, endeavour to avert the horrid Cruelty of this Edift, if polfible, from People no lefs Innocent than Religious. For we think it fuperfiuous to admoniih your Majefty whither thefc rigorous Beginnings tend, and what But if he rather chufe to they threaten to all the Proteftants in general. to his Anger, than to our joint Intreaties and Interceffions ^ if there ^liftcn 'be any Tye, any Charity or Communion of Religion to be believ'd and regarded, upon Confultations duly firft communicated to your Majefty, and the chief of the Proteftant Princes, fome other courfe is to be fpeedily taken, that fuch a numerous multitude of our innocent Brethren may not miferably Which in regard wemakenoqueperifhfor want of Succour and Affiftance. ftionbut that it is your Majefty's Opinion and Determination, there can be nothing in our Opinion more prudently refolv'd, than to joyn our Reputation, Authority, Counfels, Forces, and whatever elfe is needful, with all the fpeed In the mean time we befeech that may be, in purfuance of fo pious a Defign.
:
,
Almighty God
to blefs your Majefty.
Oliver ProteBor^ &C. to the High ami Mighty Lords, the States of the United Provinces.
queftion but that you have already bin inform'dof the fet forth againft his Subjeds inhabiting the Valleys at the feet of the j4lps, ancient Profeflbrs of the Orthodox Faith j by which Edid they are commanded to abandon their Native Habitations, ftript of all their Fortunes, unlefs within twenty days they embrace the Roman Faith j and with what Cruelty the Authority of this Edid has rag'd againft a
T7"T TE
V V
make no
Dukeof SijwysEdid,
needy and harmlefs People, many being flain by the Soldiers, the reft plundcr'd and driven from their Houfes, together with their Wives and Children, to combat Cold and Hunger among defert Mountains, and perpetual Snow. Thefe things with what commotion of Mind you heard related, what a fellow-feeling of the Calamities of Brethren pierc'd your Breafts, we readily conjedure from the depth of our own Sorrow, which certainly is moft heavy and afflidive. For being engag'd together by the fame Tye oi: Religion, no wonder we fhould be fo deeply mov'd with the fame Affcdions upon the
dreadful and undeferved Sufferings of our Brethren. Belides, that your confpicuous Piety and Charity toward the Orthodox, wherever overborn and
T1
1 1
op-
( 692 ) in the moft bin frequently experiencM urging Straits opprefs'd, own unlefs my thoughts deFor Churches. the of my part, and Calamities ceive me, there is nothing wherein I (hould delire more willingly to be than in Good-will and Charity toward Brethren of the fame Relihas
overcome,
and wrong'd in their quiet Enjoyments ^ as being one that gion, afflifted would be accounted always ready to prefer the Peace and Safety of the ChurSo far therefore as hitherto lay in our ches before my particular Interefts. of the Duke to -we have written J'si/oy, even almolt to Supplication, admit into his Breafl: more placid Thoughts and befeeching him that he would toward his moft Innocent Subjeds and Supplihis of Favour kinder EfFedts the Miferable to their Habitations and Eftates, reftore would he ants ^ that and grant 'em their priftine Freedom in the Exercife of their Religion. Morechiefeft Princes and Magiftrates of the Proteftauts, over, we wrote to the whom we thought moft nearly concern'd in thefe Matters, that they would lend us their AlTiftance to intreat and pacify the Duke of Savoy in their beAnd we make no doubt but you have done the fame, and perhaps half.
For this fo dangerous a Precedent, and lately renew'd Severity of utmoft Cruelty toward the Reformed, if the Authors of it meet with to what apparent Dangers it reduces our Religion, we profperous Succefs, adraonifh need not your Prudence. On the other fide, If the Duke Ihall once but permit himfelf to be aton'd, and won by our united Applications, not but we our felves (hall reap the noble and aboundonly our afflided Brethren, But if he ftill perllft of this laborious Undertaking. reward and Harveft ing in the fame obftinate Refolutions of reducing to utmoft Extremity thofe Peowhom our Religion was either dilleminated by the firft Doftors ple, among of the Gofpel, and preferv'd from the Defilement of Superftition, or elfc reftorM to its priftine Sincerity long before other Nations obtain'd that Felitheir utter Extirpation and Ceftrudiion ; we are ready city, and determines and Counfels with your felves, in common with other Courfe fuch to take Friends and Confederates, as may be moft neceflaour Reformed of reft the of the for Juft and Good Men, upon the brink of inevitable prefervation ry himfelf fenfible, that we can no longer negleft the to make Duke and Ruin-, the heavy Oppreffions and Calamities of our Orthodox Brethren. Fare-
Power,
much more.
wel.
To
the
Evangelick Cities of Switzerland.
but the late Calamity of the Piemomovs, profefour reached Religion, hng your Ears before the unwelcome News of itarriv'd withus: Who being a People under the protedion and jurifdiftion of the Duke of Savoy ^ and by a fevere Edict of their Prince commanded to depart their Native Habitations, unlefs within three days they
T TT
V V
7 E make no queftion
gave Security to embrace the Roman Religion, foon after were afTail'd by armed Violence, that turn'd their Dwellings into Slaughter-houfes, while others, without Number, were terrifi'd into Banifhment, where now naked and afflidcd, without Houfe or Home, or any Covering from the Weather, and ready to perilh through hunger and cold, they miferably wander thorough defert Mountains, and depths of Snow, together with their Wives And far lefs reafon have we to doubt, but that fo foon as they and Children.
came to your knowledg, you

no
lefs fenftble
laid thefe things to heart, witha CompalTion of their multipli'd Miferies, than our felves i the more deeply imprinted perhaps in your minds, as being next Neighbours to the Sufferers. Befides, that we have abundant proof of your fingular Love and Affedion for the Orthodox Faith, of your Conftancy in retaining it, and your Fortitude in defending it. Seeing then, by the more ftrid Communion of that Religion, you, together with our felves, are all Brethreri alike, or rather one Body with thofe unfortunate People, of which no Member can be afflided without the feeling, without pain, without the detriment and hazard of the reft ^ we thought it convenient to write to your Lordlhips concerning this Matter, and let you underftand how much we believe it to be the general
(
ral Interefl: of us all, as
690
much as
in us lies, with our
common Aid and
Sue-
have written Letters to the Duke encourag'd by Example and Succefs. of Savoy^ wherein we have moll earneftly befought him, out of his wonted Clemency, to deal more gently and mildly with his moll faithful Subjeds, and to rellore 'em, almoll ruin'd as they are, to their Goods and Habitations. And we are in hopes, that by thefe our Intreaties, or rather by the united Interccnions of us all, the moft Serene Prince at length will be aBut if ton'd, and grant what we have requelled with fo much importunity. hisMindbeobflinately bent to other Determinations, we are ready to communicate our Confultations with yours, by what mofl prevalent means to relieve and re-eftablifli molt innocent Men, and our moll dearly beloved Brethren in Chrift, tormented and overlaid with fo many Wrongs and Opprefjions ; and preferve 'em from inevitable and undeferved Ruin. Of whofe Welfare and Safety, as I am alTur'd, that you, according to your wonted Piety, are moft cordially tender ^ fo, for our own parts, we cannot but in our Opinion prefer their Prefervation before our molt important Interefts, even the fafeguard of our own Life. Farewel.
IVeJlminJicr,
tour, to relieve our exterminated and indigent Brethren ; and not only to take care for removing their Miferies and Afflictions, but alfo to provide that the Mifchief fpread no farther, nor incroach upon our felves in general,
We
May
19.
Q p
165J.
Superfcrib'dy
To the molt llluftrious and

Swftzxrlandy Greeting.
Potent Lords, the Confuls and Senators of the Protcllant Cantons and Confederate Cities of
To
the
mojl Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis I(Jng of France.

,
Mofl Serene and Potent King
BY
your Majefty's Letters which you wrote
of May^
the inhuman the Reformed Religion in Savoy, perpetrated by fome of your Regiments, were the EfFeds neither of your Orders nor Commands. And it afforded us a Angular occafion of Joy, fo hear that your Majelty had fo timely fignifi'd to
in anfwer to ours of the 2 5f& readily underftand, that we fail'd not in our Judgment, that Slaughter, and barbarous Mallacres of thofe Men who profefs
we
Officers, whofe violent Precipitancy ingag'd 'em in thofc inhuman Butcheries without the encouragement of lawful Allowance, how that you had admonifh'd the Duks difplealing they were to your Majefty
your Colonels and
and that you had inrerpoi'd with and Humanity, all the high Veneration paid you in that Court, your near Alliance and Authority, for reftoring to their ancient Abodes thofe unfortunate Exiles. And it was our hopes. That that Prince would in fome meafure have condefcended to the good Pleafure and Interceffions of your Majefty. But finding not any thing obtain'd, either by your own, nor thelntreaties and Importunities of other Princes in the Caufe of the Diftrefled, we deem'd it not foreign from our Duty to fend this Noble Perfon, under the Charafter of our Extraordinary Envoy, to the Duke of Savoy, more amply and fully to lay before him, how deeply fcnilble we are of fuch exafperated Cruelties inflided upon the Profelfors of the fame Religion with our felves, and all this too out of a hatred of the fame Worfliip. And we have reafon to hope a Succefs of this Negotiation fo much the more profperous, if your Majefty would vouchfafe to employ your Authority and Affiftance once again with fo much the more urgent Importunity j and as you have undertaken for thofe Indigent People, that they will be Faithful and Obedient to their Prince, fo you would be gracioully pleas'd to take care of their Welfare and Safety, that no farther Opprelfions of this naturi;, no more fuch difraal Calamities may be the Portion of the Innocent and Peaceful. This
himfelf to forbear fuch
fo
Ads of
Cruelty
much
Fidelity
(694)
This being truly royal and juit in it felf, and highly agreeable to your Benigwhere proteds in foft fecnrity fo many of nity and Clemency, which every the fame Religion, we cannot but expeft, as it beyour Subjects profefllng hoves us, from your Majefty. Which Aft of yours, as it will more clofely bind to your Subjedlion all the Proteftants throughout your fpacious Domito your Predecejfors and your fclf in tnoTt imnions, rvhofe AffeQion and Fidelity bin often confpicuoujly made known , fo will it fully convince have portant Diftrejfes all Foreign Princes, that the Advice or Intention of your Majeity were no way contributory to this prodigious Violence, whatever inflam'd your MiMore efpecially, if your Majefty Ihall innifters and Officers to promote it. flift deferved Punifhment upon thofe Captains and Minillers, who of their own Authority, and to gratifie their own Wills, adventured the perpetrating
fuch dreadful Ads of Inhumanity. has alTurM us of your juftly merited Proceedings, we doubt not but you within your Kingdom to all thofe
In the mean while, fince your Majefty Averfion to thefe moft inhuman and cruel
will afford a fecure
Sanduary and Shelter miferable Exiles that fhall fiye to your Majefty for Protedion , and that you will not give permiffion to any of your Subjeds to aflift the Duke of Savoy to their prejudice. It remains that we make known to your Majefty, how highly we efteem and value your Friend: In teftimony of which, we farther affirm there Ihall never be wanting ftiip all occafions the real aflurances and efFeds of our Proteftation. upon
White-Hall,' ]\\\y 2^.
1^55.
Your Majefty's moft affedionate, Oliver Protedor of the Commonwealth of

England.,
&c.
To
the moji
Eminent Lord, Carding Mazarine.
HAving
Mofi Eminent Lord Cardinal^ deem'd it necelTary to fend this Noble Perfon to the King with Letters, a Copy of which is here enclos'd, we gave him alfo farther in charge to falute your Excellency in our Name, as having entrufted to his FiIn refedelity certain other matters to be communicated to your Eminency. rence to which Affairs, I intreat your Eminency to give him entire Credit, as being a Perfon in whom 1 have repos'd a more than ordinary Confidence.
White-Hall, July 39. kS?;.'
Your Eminency's moft affedionate, Oliver Protedor of the Commonwealth of England.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwe tilth of England, to the moJi Serene Prince^ Frederick III. Kjng of Denmark, Norway, &c.
of Piemont^ mous for embracing the Purity of Religion j and after a dreadful flaughter of fome nurtlbers, how he has expos'd the reft to the Hardfhips of thofe defert Mountains, ftript to their Skins, and barr'd from all Relief, we believe your Majefty has long fince heard, and doubt not but your Majefty is touch'd with a real Commiferation of their Sufferings, as becomes fo puiffant a Defender and Prince of the Reformed Faith For indeed the inftitutions of Chriftian Religion require, that whatever Mifchiefs and Miferies any part of us undergo, it fhould behove us all to be Nor deeply fenfible of the fame does any Man better than your Majefty forefee, if wc be thought able may to give a right conjedure of and what Prudence, dangers the fucyour Piety cefs and example of this Fad our in to felves portend particular, and to the whole
: :
With Men
what
a fevere
and unmerciful Edid Immanuel Duke of Savoy has
expeU'd from
their Native Seats his Subjeds inhabiting the Valleys otherwife harmlefs, only for many years remarkably fa-
( ^95 )
whole Protclbant
Name
Letters to the Duke of Savoy^ wherein we have moft importunately befought him to fpare thofe miferable People that implore his Mercy, and that he would no longer fuffer that dreadful Edift to be in force : Which if your of the Reformed Princes would vouchfafe to do, as we Majefty and the reft are apt to believe they have already done, there is fome hope that the Anger of the moft Serene Duke may be aflwagM, and that his Indignation will relent
to your felf, to the end your Majefty, that the fame Sorrow the Calamity of our moil innocent for conceiv'd have which we hope you the fame fame the Judgment you have of the whole Opinion, Brethren, We have therefore fent our our own. and is matter fincerely plainly
in general. we might alTure
We
have written the more willingly
and Importunities of his Neighbour Princes. Or if he perllft Determinations, we proteft our felves ready, together with the reft of our Confederates of the Reformed Religion, and your Majefty, to take fuch fpeedy methods as may enable us, as far as in us lies, to relieve the DiftrcfTes of fo many miferable Creatures, and provide for their Liberty and Safety. In the mean time we befeech Almighty God to blcfs yourJVIajefty with all Profperity.
upon the
IntercelTion
in his
White-hall, May-
1655.
Oliver ProteBor of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Noble the Confuls trnd Senators of the City of Geneva.
to
the
moji
farther trouble, that according to your wonted Piety and Prudence, you would take care that the faid Money may be diftributed equally to the moft: the Sum be fmall, yet there may be fomeneceffitous, to the end that though till we can afford 'em a thing to refrelh and revive the moft poor and needy,
in 'regard we are not ignoComfort and Succour. moft innocent People have of thofe and the Miferies rant how deeply Wrongs or Pains affefted your felves, and that you will not think amifs of any Labour commit the where you can be aflifting to their Relief, we made no fcruplc to and to this give ye and diftributing this Sum of Money to your Care^
had before made known to your Lordlhips our exceiTive Sorrow and unheard of Calamities of the Protcftants inhawhom the Duke of Savoy perfecutes with fo of the Pkmottt, Valleys biting much Cruelty, but that we made it our bufinefs that you Ihould at the fame time underftand that we are not only afFefted with the multitude of their of our Endeavours to relieve and comSufferings, but arc ufing the utmoft that To fort 'em in their DiftrefTes. purpofc we have taken care for a gato be made throughout this whole Republick-, which upon thering of Alms be fuch, as will demonftrate the AfFeftion of will we good grounds expeft this Nation toward- their Brethren labouring under the burden of fuch horrid Inhumanities ; and that as the Communion of Religion is the fame between both People, fo the fenfc of their Calamities is no lefs the fame. In the mean time while the Collections of the Money go forward, which in reand for that the Wants and gard they will require fome time to accomplilh, of no delay, we thought admit will Neceflities of thofe deplorable People of the Value of England^ Pounds thoufand it requifite to remit beforehand two as fhall be judg d to be moft fuch be to diftributed with all among
^ T^ TE
V V
for ^^^ heavy
poflible fpeed
in prefent need of
Now
paying
but you will take: making any doubt God to ftir befeech we Almighty good part the trouble impos'd upon ye, to refolve Orthodox the Religion, his the Hearts all of People profefting up the mutual Affiftance of each upon the common Defence of themfelves, and other againft their imbitter'd and moft implacable Enemies In the profecution of which we ftiould rejoyce that our helping hand might be any way fer-
more
in
plentiful Supply.
And
thus, not
viceable to the Church.
Farewel.
Fifteen hundred Pounds of the forefaid
tm
thoufand
mU be remitted
bt
Hench/row
ters
Paris,
from
the
and the Lord Stoup.
other five hundred Pounds wiU

'
tahn
by Gerard fare of by Let-
Junes. I5S5.
^^^"
(.696)
Oliver Protestor of the CommortmAlth of England, &c, to the moft Serene Prwce, the Duke of Venice.
Mojl Serene
Prince^
AS
late
has bin always a great occafion of rejoycing to us when ever any profperous Succefs attended your Arms, but more efpecially againft the common Enemy of the Chriflian Name ; fo neither arc we forry for the
it
Advantage gain'd by your Fleet, though as we underftand, it happen'd not a little to the Detriment of our People : For certain of our Merchants, William and Daniel Williams^ and Edward Beak, have fet forth in a Petition prefented to us, that a Ship of theirs, call'd the Great Prince, was lately fent by them with Goods and Merchandize to Conjlantinople, where the faid Ship was detain'd by the Minifters of the Port, to carry Souldiers and Provifions to Crete ; and that the faid Ship being conftrain'd to fail along with the fame Fleet of the Turks, which was fet upon and vanquifh'd by the Gallies of the
carri'd away to Venice, and there adjudg'd lawful the Admiralty. Now therefore in regard the faid of Prize by the Judges and forc'd into their Service without the the was Turh, Ship prefs'd by the Owners of or ConfenC diredly or indireftly obtain'd, and Knowledg that it was impoffible for her, being Ihip'd with Souldiers, to withdraw from the Engagement, we moft earneftly requeft your Serenity, that you will remit that Sentence of your Admiralty, as a Prefent to our Friendfliip, and take fuch care that the Ship may be reftor'd to the Owners, no way deferving the In the obtaining of Difpleafure of your Republick by any Aft of theirs. which requeft, more efpecially upon our Interceflion, while we find the Merchants themfelves fo well afTur'd of your Clemency, it behoves us not to queAnd fo we befeech the Almighty God to continue his profperous ftion it. Blefllngs upon your noble Defigns, and the Venetian Republick.
Venetians,
was taken,
Weftm'wjler,
Dccemb
1555.
Your Serenity's, and the Venetian Republick's

moft affeftionate, Oliver Protedor of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver Proteior of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Serene Prince, Lewis Kjng of France.
to
the
moft
Mo^
Serene King,
of our Merchants, by name Samuel Mico, William Coclain, George and feveral others, in a Petition to us have fet forth, That in the year 1650. they laded a Ship of theirs, call'd the Vnicorn, with Goods of a very confiderable Value and that the faid Ship being thus laden with Silk, Oil, and other Merchandize, amounting to above thirty four thoufand of our Pounds, was taken by the Admiral and Vice-Admiral of your Majefty's Fleet in the Mediterranean Sea. Now it appears to us, that our People who were then in the Ship, by reafon there was at that time a Peace between the Frfcfe and us, that never had bin violated in the leaft, were not willing to make any Defence againft your Majefty's Royal Ships, and therefore overrul'd befides by the fair Promifes of the Captains Paul and Terrery^ who faithfully engag'd to difmifs our People, they paid their Obedience to the Maritime Laws, and produc'd their Bills of Lading. Moreover, we find that the Merchants aforefaid fent their Agent into France to demand Reftitution of the faid Ship and Goods And then it was, that aftei above three Years flipt away, when the Suit was brought fo far that Sentence of Reftitution or Condemnation was to have bin given, that his Eminency Cardinal Ma^-arine acknowledg'd to their Faftor Hugh Morel, the Wrong that has bin done the Merchants, and undertook that Satisfaftion fhould be given, fo foon as the League between the two Nations, which was then under Negotiation,
CErtain Poyner,
Ihould
(697)
Nay, fincc that, his Excellency M. de Bouralfur'd us in exprefs EmbafTador, words, by the Comdcaux\ your Majefty's mand of your Majelty and your Council, That care fhould be taken of that Ship and Goods in a particular Exception, apart from thofe Controverfies, for the decilionof which a general Provifion was made by the League ^ of which promife, the Emballador, now opportunely arriv'd here to folicit fome Which being bufinefs of his own, is a 1 eltimony no way to be queftion'd. in redemanding their the of Merchants the and right Ship and Goods true,
Iliouid
be
ratlfi'd
and conrirm'd.
we raoll earneftly requeft your Majefty, that they in obtaining what is juftly their due, but that no with meet delay your may of this Favour, asthefirft fruits of ourreviv'd Majefty will admit the grant Amity, and the lately renew'd League between us. The rcfufal of which, as we have no reafon to doubt, fo we befeech Almighty God to blefs with all and your Kingdom. Profperity both your Majefty
fo undeniably apparent,
Wejiminfler^ Dec. 1655-
Your Majefty's
mofl: Affeftionate,
Oliver Proteftor of the

land-,
Commonwealth of Eng&c.
Scotland.,
and
Ireland.,
To
the Etangelic Cities of Switzerland.
Affairs ate, which is not the beft, we are abundantwell as by your publick Ads tranfmitted to us by our Agent at ly inform'd, as alfo by your Letters from Zurick., bearing date the i^jth of December. Geneva.,
IN
what Condition your
Whereby, although we are forry to find your Peace, and fuch a lafting League of Confederacy broken j neverthelefs fince it appears to have happen'd through no fault of yours, we are in hopes that the iniquity and perverfenefs of your Adverfaries arc contriving new occafions for ye to make known your long-ago in defence of the Evangelkk Faith. For experienc'd Fortitude and Refolution of who a of Canton account the it thofe for as Schwits, capital Crime for any Perfon to embrace our Religion, what they are might and main defigning, and whofe inftigations have incens'd 'em to refolutions of Hoftility againft the Orthodox Religion, no body can be ignprarit, who has not yet forgot that moft deteftable Slaughter of our Brethren in Piemont. Wherefore, moll beloved Friends, what you were always wont to be, with God's Afliftance ftill continue, Magnanimous and Refolute ; fufFer not your Privileges, your Confederacies, the Liberty of your Confciences, your Religion it felf to be trampled under foot by the worfhippers of Idols ; and fo prepare your felves, that you may not feem to be the Defenders only of your own Freedom and aid and fuccour, as far as in you lies, your Safety, but be ready likewife to more thofe moft deplorable Pkdmontuis ; Brethren, neighbouring eipecially as being certainly convinc'd of this, that a PaiTage was lately intended to have bin open'd over their flaughter'd Bodies to your fides. As for our part be alTur'd, that we are no lefs anxious and folicitous for your Welfare and Prohad broken forth in our Republick^ or as if fperity, than if this conflagration the Axes of the Schwits C^îtow had bin fliarpen'd for our Necks, or that their Swords had bin drawn againft our Breafts, as indeed they were againft the bofoms of all the Reformed. Therefore fo foon as we were inform'd of the Condition of your Affairs, and the obftinate Animofities of your Enemies, advifingwith fome fincere and honeft Perfons, together with fome Minil'ceis of the Church moft eminent for their Piety, about fending to your Affiftance fuch Succour as the prefent pofture of our Affairs would permit, we came to thofe In the Refults which our Envoy Pell will impart to your Coniideration. mean time we ceafe not to implore the Bleffing of the Almighty upon all your Counfels, and the Protection of your moft juft Caufe, as well in War as in
Peace.
Wejlminjler.,
Jtai.- i6ss.
Your Lo'rdfhips and Worfhips moft
Affetionate, Oliver
Protedor of the Commonwealth of England^ &c.
v VV
"""
Oliver
( 698 )
Oliver Proteôr of the Commonmdth of England, &c. To the mofl Serefie Prince Charles Guftavus, by the Grace ej God Kjng of the Swedes, Goths Ani Vandals, Great Prince of Finland, &c.
Moft Serene King,

it is
cation SEeing
it
known to all men,that there ought to be a Communiof Concerns among Friends, whether in Profperity or Adverfity ;
a thing well
cannot but be moll grateful to us, that your Majefty Ihould vouchfafe to and delightful part of your impart unto us by your Letters the moll pleafmg it is a mark of fingular Civility, and In is which regard your joy. Friendfhip, fo neither to rejoyce alone, truly Royal, as not to live only to a man's felf, unlcfs he be fenfible that his Friends and Confederates partake of his gladnefs. the Birth of a ybung Prince Certainly then, we have reafon to rejoyce for World to be the Heir of his the into born to fuch an excellent King, and fent a at fuch and this Father's Glory and Vertue lucky feafon, that we have no the memorable Omen that with Parent lefs caufe to congratulate the Royal time receiv'd the fydings fame at the who of befel the famous Philip Macedon, of Âlexander's Birth, and the Conqtieft of the lllyrians. For we make no the Kingdom of Poland from Papal Subjeftion, quellion, but the wrefling of as it were a Horn difmembred from the Head of the Beaft, and the Peace fo much defir'd by all Good men, concluded with the Duke of Brandedhurg^ will be mofl highly conducing to the Tranquillity and Advantage of the Church.
,
Heaven grant
a Conclufion correfpondent to fuch fignal beginnings ^ and may the Son be like the Father in Vertue, Piety, and Renown, obtain'd by great Atchievments. Which is that we wifh may luckily come to pafs, and which we beg of the Almighty, fo propitious hitherto to your Affairs.
Wejlminfier^
Your Majelly's moll
AfFcftionate, Olljc ?rc-
FeL
i6$s.
tcdlor of the Commonwealth of England, &c.

TT-ti'
To
the
iQtg of Denmark.
'
Mojl Serene and Potent Prince^ Freeman and Philif Travefs^ Citizens of this Republick, by a Petition John prefented to us, in their own and the Name of feveral other Merchants of London^ have made a Complaint, That whereas about the Month of March in
'
the year 1653. they {rcighted a certain Shi-p of Sunderburgh, call'd the Savtour, Nicolai Weinskinh Mailer, with Woollen Cloth, and other Commodities to the Value of above three thoufand Pound, with Orders to the Maflcr that he {honld ikW dire^ly u]) the Baltick for Dnntz.ich, paying the ufual Tri-
bute at Elfenore, to which purpofe in particular they gave him Money ^ neverthelefs that the faid Mailer, perfidioully and contrary to the Orders of the
faid Merchants, flipping by Elfenore without paying the ufual Duty, thought to have proceeded in his Voyage, but that the Ship for this reafon was imme-
After due conHdeiation of of the Merchants to your Majelly's EmbalTadorrefiding at London, who promis'd, as they fay, that as foon as he return'd to your Majelly, he would take care that the Merchants Ihould be taken into Confideration. But he being fenfto negotiate your Majefcy's Affairs in other Countries, the Merchants attended upon him in vain, both before and after his departure j fo that they were forc'd to fend their Agent to profecute their Right and Claim at Copenhagen, and demand Reflitution of the Ship and Goods j but all the benefit they reap'd by it, was only to add more expences to their former damages, and a great deal of labour and pains thrown away ; the Goods being condemn'd to Confifcation, and Itill detain'd : Whereas by the Law of Denmark, as they f^t forth in their Petition, the Mailer is to be punilh'd for his Offence, and the Ship is to be condemn'd, but not
diately feiz'd and detain'd with.all her Lading.
which Complaints, we wrote
in favour
( ^99 ) look upon this misfortune to lie the more heavy tbcy which is to be paid at Elfenon\ as tlicy tell the in t5uty us, regard upon 'em, Wherefore feeing our Merchants feem to have given no is but very fmall. caufe of Frofcription, and for that the iMaftefconfefs'd before his Death, that befel them only through his negleft \ and the Father of the Mafter this
not the Goods.
And
as we are given to underitand, by deceas'd, by his Petition to your Majcfty, has his Son, acquitted the Merchants, we could not layinjâll the blame upon the of faid the but believe Ship and Goods to be moft unjuR-^ and detaining
damage
are confident, that fo foonas your Majefty fhall be rightly inwhole matter, you will not only difapprove of thefc Oppreffithe form'dof ens of Minifters, but give command that they be call'd to an account,
therefore
we
your
that the
Goods be reflor'd to the Owners or their Faftors, and Reparation made 'em for the Lolles they have fullain'd. All which we moll; earneftly re-
no more than what is fo juft and confentanequeltof your Majefty, as being ous to reafon, that a more equitable demand, or more legal Satisfadlion cannot well be made, confidering the Jufticeof our Merchants Caufe,' and which but fair and honelt upon the like occafions. your own Subjects would thinlc
To
the moft Serene
Prime, John the Fourth, Kjng of Portugal,
(jc,
Mofl Scrme K'mg^ E Peace and Friendfhip which your Majefty defir'd, by your noble and us fome time fince, after certain Negotiations fplendid Embafiy fent to whom the Supream Power was veiled at that in the Parlament, begun by molt as it was affectionately vvifh'd for by us, with theafhltancc time, always of God, and that we might not be wanting in the Adminillration of the Government which we have now taken upon us, at length we brought to a happy ConcIuJion, and as we hope, as a facred Aft, have ratifi'd it to perpetuAnd therefore we fend back to your Majefty your extraordinary Emity. baflador, the Lord John Rodertgo de Sita Menefes^ Count of Pennaguiada, a Perfoa both approv'd by your Majefty's judgment, and by us experienc'd to excel in Civility, Ingenuity, Prudence and Fidelity, befides the merited apthe ends of his Embafly, plaufe which he has juftly gain'd by accomplifhing which is the Peace which he carries along with him to his Country. But as to what we perceive by your Letters dated trom Lisbon the fecond of April^ that is to fay, how highly your Majefty efceems our Amity, how cordially you favour our Advancement, and rejoice at our having taken the Government of
TH
the Republick upon us, Vvhich you are pleas'd to manifeft by lingular Teftimoniesof Kindnefsand Affection, we fhall make it our bufinefs, that all the World may underftand, by our readinefs at all times to ferve your Majefty^ Nor are we that there could be nothing more acceptable or grateful to us. lefs earneft in our Prayers to God for your Majefty's faftty, the welfare of and the profperous fuccefs of your Affairs. your
Kingdom,
Your
Majefty's moft Affedionate, Oliver^ &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Mighty States of the United Provinces.
To the High
anii
Mofl High and Mighty Lords, our dearejl Friends ; Merchants, our Country-men, Tfjornoi Baffel, Richard Beare, and others CErtain their Co-Partners, have made tlieir Complaints before us. That a certain Ship of theirs, the Edmund and John, in her Voyage from theCoaft of of Flujhing^ call'd the Red- Lyon, Brafjle to Lisbon^ was fet upon by a Privateer commanded by Lambert Barulfon^ but upon this condition, which the writing That the Ship and whatfoever Goods be^ fign'd by LaMjkrthimfelf teftifieis, at Flu/hing : where when the Veffel long'dto the m^//^ Ihould be reftor'd
Vrvv
arriv'dj
( 700 )
to the Seamen was rearfiv'd, the Ship indeed with what peculiarly belong'd detained and put forthwith to were Goods Merchants but the Engli/h HorM, For the Merchants who had receiv'd the i:)amage, when they had fu'd fale for their Goods in the Court of Flu/hing, after great Expences for five years of a molt unjuft Sentence againft together, loft their Suit by the pronouncing 'em by thofe Judges, of which feme being interefted in the Privateer, were both Judges and Adverfaries, and no lefs criminal altogether. So that now and uncorrupted Faith, to they have no other hopes but only in your Equity which which at laft they fly for Succour and they believ'd they Ihould find if adlfted 'em do the more inclinable to by our Recommendation, Juftice, of all afraid be to And men are furely things in fo greata ftrugpardonM, if, what mind to rather call their they have reafon to fear Eftates, they gle for from your Authority and high Power, than what they have to hope well of their Caufe, efpecially before fmcere and upright Judges Though for our but that induc'd by your Religion, your Jullice, parts we make no queftion, than rather by our Intreaties, you will give tliat Judgment your Integrity, which is juft and equal, and truly becoming your felves. God preferve both you and your Republick to his own Glory, and the defence and fuccour of his Church.
:
;,
iVeJlmitjJler^
Oliver Proteftor of the
Commonwealth of
AprUi.i&s6.
England, ^Q.
Oliver Proteffor of the Commottwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, &c. To the mofi Serene Prince, Charles Guftavus, Kjng of the Swedes, Goths and, Vandals, Great Prince of Finland, Duke of Efthonia, Carelia, Breme, Vcrden, Stettin, Pomerania, Caflubia and Vandalia, Prince of Rugia, Lord of Ingria and Wifmaria, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, Juliets, Cleves and Monts.
Mofl Serene
Prince^
PEter
Julius CoiSf having accomplifh'd the Affairs of his EmbalTy with us, and fo acquitted himfelf, that he is not by us to be difmifs'd without the
his
Ornament of
deferved Praifes,
as well
is
now
returning to your Majefty.
For he
was moft acceptable to us,

with us to be of quittal of his Truft.
chiefly for your own fake, which ought for his own deferts in the diligent acas high Confideration,
and
from you
in his behalf,
The Recommendation therefore which we receiv'd we freely teftify to have bin made good by him, and
defervedly given by your felf; as he on the other fide is able with the fame Fidelity and Integrity to relate and moft truly to declare our fingular AfFeftion and Obfervance toward your Majefty. It remains for us to befeech the moft merciful and all-powerful God to blefs your Majefty with all Felicity, and a perpetual courfe of Viftory over all the Enemies of his Church.
Weflminfier,
Your
Majefty's moft AfFeftionate,
April 17. 165^.

Oliver Protedor of the
England., &c.
Commonwealth of
Oliver,
701 )
Oliver, Protecfor of the Commonmdth of England, rene and Potent Prince^ Lewis Kjf'g of France.
&c. To
the mojl Se-
Moji Serene
Prince,
JOHN
Mayor of the City of London for tliis Year, and WiUiam have made their Addrefles to us by way of Petition, Merchant, Wakefield Off ofco-, 1649. they freighted a cercomplaining, That about the middle of of tain Ship calPd the JoMiJ6 /.o>2i:/o, Jonas Lightfoot M.di{\:&v, with Goods that which Veliel was taken in the Mouth of the River to were to be lent Ofiend \ of iVhite one Kcirking, a Py rate, robbing upon the Seas by virtue of Thames, by a Commiflion from the Son of King Charles deceased, and carry'd to Dunkirk, Now in regard that by yoîr Mathen under the jiuifdiction of the French. renew'd in and by fome other Decrees in the Edi(!t Year 1549. 1647, jefty's in favour of the Parlament of England, as they find it recorded, it was enafted, ThatnoVeflel or Goods taken from the k^/;/Z), in the time of that War, Ihould becarry'd into any of your Majelty's Ports to be there put to fale, they prefently fcnt their Faftor Hugh Morel to Dunkirk, to demand Reflitution of the faid Ship and Goods from M. Leftrade then Governor of the Town ; more efpecially finding them in the place for the mofl part untouch'd, and To which the Governor made anfwer, That the neither exchang'd or fold. Government had bellow'd that upon him of his free Gift for Service King done the King in his Wars, and therefore he would take care to make the bell of the Reward of his Labour. So that having little to hope from an Anfwer fo unkind and unjufl, after a great Expence of Time and Money, the Faftor So that all the remaining hopes which the Petitioners have, return'd home. feem wholly to depend upon your Majefty's Juftice and Clemency, to which they thought they might have the more eafy accefs by means of our Letters ; and therefore that neither your Clemency nor your Juftice may be wanting to People defpoil'd againft all Law and Reafon, and contrary to your repeated Wherein, if your Majefty vouchfafc Prohibitions, we makeitour Requeft. to gratify us, fince there is nothing requir'd but what is moft juft and equitable, we Ihall deem it as obtain'd rather from your innate Integrity, than any Intreaty of ours. Your Majefty's moft AfFeftionate,
Dethic,
May
Wepninfler, 1 6 55. ,
of the Oliver, Protector
Sec.
the Commonwealth of England, ^c. Oliver, Protecior of and Lordsy the States of the United Provinces.
To
the
High
Mighty
Mojl High and Mighty Lords, tur
dearcjl Friends
',
10HN
Brown, Nicholas Williams, and others. Citizens of London, have fet forth in their Petition to us, that when they had every one brought in their Proportions, and freighted a certain Ship call'd the Good-hope of London^ Orders to their Faftor to take up at bound for the
Eajl-Indics, they
gave
^m-
perdam two thoufand four hundred Dutch Pounds, to infure the faid Ship j that afterwards this Ship in her Voyage to the Coaft of India was taken by a which they who had engag'd Ship belonging to the Eajl-India Company ; upon to infure the faid VelTel refus'd to pay the Money, and have for this fix Years by various delays eluded our Merchants, who with extraordinary Diligence, and at vaft Expcnccs, endeavour'd the recovery of their juft Riglit. Which in regard it is an unjuft Grievance that lies fo heavy upon the Petitioners, for that fome of thofe who oblig'd themfelves are dead or become infolvent, therefore that no farther LofTes may accrue to their former Damages, we make it our earneft Requeft to your Lordfiiips, that you will vouchfafe your and Refuge for People tofs'd fo many Years, and Integrity to be the Harbour almoft fiiipwrack'd in your Courts of Juftice, and that fpeedy Judgment maybe given according to the Rules of Equity and Honefty in their Caufe, which they
702 )
all
In the mean time we wifh you they believe to be moft juft. the of his Church. Welfare of and the Glory God,
Profperity'to
May
Wejitniyifter^
,
Your High and Mighty Lordlhips molt

Oliver^
AfFeftionate,
1655.
Protedor of the Commonwealth oi England, &c.
Oliver, Profeôr of the Commofirvealth of England, &c. Mighty Lords, the States of the United Provinces.
To
the
High and,
Mofl High and Mighty Lords y our
deareji Friends
TH
E lame Perfons in whofe behalf we wrote to your Lordfhips in Septemkr the lafl; year, Thomas and IVilliam Lower, the lawful Heirs of JVii-
cfeoks Loircr deceas'd,
make grievous Complaints before us, that they are opby the Favour or Wealth of their Adverfaries, notwithftanding the Jiiftice of their Caufe; and when that would not fuftlce, although our Letters were often pleaded in their behalf,they have not been able hitherto to obtain Poflellion of the Inheritance left 'em by their Father's Will. From the Court of Holland^ where the Suit was fir ft commenc'd, they were fent to your Court, and from thence hurry'd away into Zealand, (to which three Places they carry'd our Letters) and now they are rcm.anded, not unwillingly, back again to your fupream Judicature;, for where the fupream Power is, there If that hope fail 'em, eluded and frustrated, they expeft fupream juftice. after being fo long tofs'd from poft to pillar for the recovery of their Right, where at length to find a refting place they know not.. For as for our Letters, if they find no benefit of thefethe fourth time written, they can never promife themfclves any advantage for the future from (lighted Papers. However it would be moft acceptable to us, if yet at length, after fo many contempts, the injur'd Heirs might meet with fome Relief by a fpeedy and juft Judgment, if not out of refpeft to any Reputation we have among ye, yet out of a reOf the laft of which we make no to gard your own Equity and Juftice. will allow the other to our Friendfhip. and queftion, confidently prefume you
prefs'd cither
Wejlminjler,
May-
Your High and Mighty Lordfhips moft

Oliver, Protedtor of the
AfFeftionate,
i6^6.
Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver, Protestor of the Commomvealth of England, &c. rene Prince, John Portugal.
To
the mofl Se-
Kjng of
Mojl Serene King,

there
is
a confiderable
WHereas gal Merchants of
Sum of Money owing from certain
Portu-
the Brafile Company to fcveral Englifh Merchants, of account the Freightage and Demorage, in the Years 1649 and 550, upon which Money isdetain'd by the faid Company by your Majefties Command,
1
the Merchants before- mention'd expefted that the faid Money fhould have been paid long fince according to the Articles of the laft League, but now they are afraid of being dsbarr'd all hopes and means of recovering their Debts ;
underftanding your Majefty has order'd. That what Money is owing to 'em by the Braftle Company, fhall be carry'd into your Treafury, and that no more than one half of the Duty of Freightage (hall be expended toward the Payment of their Debts ; by which means the Merchants will receive no more than tlie bare Intercft of their Money, while at the fame time they utterly
Which we conlldering to be very fevere and heavy upon 'em, and being overcome by their moft reafonable Supplications, have granted 'em thefe our Letters to your Majefty ^ chiefly rcquefting this at your hands,, to take care that the aforefaid Brafile Company may give fpeedy Satisfaiftion to the Merchants of this Republick, and pay 'em not only the Principal Molofe their Principal,
ney
( 70? )
to 'em, but the five Years Interefi: ; as being both juft in ney which owing to the League fo lately concluded between us ; which conformable it felf, and
is
on their behalf
From
minfter,
in
molt friendly manner we requeft from your Majelly.
our Palace at
Weft-
Your Majefly's moll AffedionatCj

Oliver^ Protector
July
1655.
c^
of
,.
tbjrComraonwealth,
crc
To the mofi Se^ Oliver, Protestor of the CommonmAlth of England, &c. rene Frince Charles Guftavus, Kfng of the Swedes, Goths, anci
Vandals, &c.
Moft Serene King^ it is but jufl: that
fo potent and fo renown'd for great Atchievments ; fo jelly, a Prince is it but equally reafonable that your Extraordinary EmbafTador, the moft iland Care a ftridt Alliance is luflrious Lord Cfcriy^ww 5ow(i, bywhofe Sedulity be moft acceptable to between fliould ratifi'd and us, moft facredly folemnly Him our efteem. in fix'd lefs therefore, having now moft deeply us, and no his Embaffy, we thought it became us to fend back to worthily accomplifh'd not without the high Applaufe which the reft of his finyour Majefty, though merit to the end, that he who was before confpicuous in your Vertues gular efteem and refpetH:, may now be fenfible of his having reap'd ftill more abundant fruits of his Sedulity and Prudence from our Recommendation. As for thofe things which yet remain to be tranfafted, wc have determin'd in a fliort time to fend an Embafly to your Majefty for the fettling of thofe Affairs. In
,
AS
we Ihould highly value the Friendfhip
of yoiir Ma-
the
mean time Almighty God preferve

Weft-
in
Safety fo great a Pillar of his
Church, and of ^wecie/aMd's Welfare.

From
ur Palace at
minfter, July
16 $6.
Your Majefty's moft Affedionate,
Oliver^ Protector of the
Commonwealth of England^ &c.
the Commo?tweahh of "Enghnd, &c. Oliver, ProteSfor of rem Prince Lewis KJng of France,
To themoJl,$e'
Mo^
Serene King^ our mofl dear Friend
and Confederate
n,
Merchants of London^ Richard Baker and others, have made theif

Petition to us. That a certain hir'd Ship of theirs, call'd the Endeavour^ William Jop Mafter, laden at Teneriff with three hundred Pipes of rich Canary, and bound from thence for London^ in her Voyage between P<j/w and that llland, upon the 2\ji of November^ in the Year i6^%. was taken by four French Veffels, feeming Ships of Burden, but fitted and mann'd like Privateers, under the Command of Giles dc la Roche their Admiral, and carriM with all her Freight, and the greateft part of the Seamen to t\\Q Eafl-hidies^ whither he pretended to be bound, (fourteen excepted, who were put afhore upon the Coaft of Guiney) which the faid Giles affirm'd he did
CErtain Complaint in a
with that intent, that none of 'em might efcape from fo remote and barbaFor he confefs'd rous a Country, to do him any harm by their Teftimony. he had neither any Commifhon to take the Englilli Veffels, neither had he taken any, as he might have done before, well knowing there was a firm Peace at But in regard he had dethat time between the French and our Republick he whence was driven from to revittle in by contrary Winds, Portugal, fign'd he was conftrain'd to fupply his necefTities with what he found in that Ve[fel ; and believ'd the Owners of his Ships would fatisfy the Merchants for their Lofs. Now the Lofs of our Merchants amounts to fixteen thoufand Englifh But if it Ihall Pounds, as will eafily be made appear by WitneflTes upon Oath. be
:
( .7<^4 )
lire
Excufes as thefe, for Pyrates to violate the moft remake a fport of Merchants for their particular and ligious Acts of Princes, the SanSity of Leagues muft fall to the ground, all Fîth Benefits, certainly will grow out of date, and be trampl'd under foot. of Princes and Authority Wherefore we not only requeft your Majefty, but believe it mainly to concern your Honour, that they who have adventur'd upon fo night a pretence to violate the League and. Pofl: facred Oath of their Sovereign, fhonld fuffer the Punilhment due to foVnuch Perftdioufnefs and daring Infolence and that in the mean time the Owners of thofe Ships, though to their Lofs, fliould be bound to fatisfy our Merchants for the vaft Detriment which they have fo wrongfully fuftain'd. So may the Almighty long preferve your Majefty, and the Interefl: of France againit the common Enemy of us both.
lawful,
upon fuch
trivial
fupport
From
minder,
our Fai.tce at
Aug
Wed-
Yotir
Ma jelly's mofl
AfFedtionate
1656.
Oliver^
Protedor
&c.
Oliver, Protector of the Commomvealth of England,
To
his
Eminency
Cardinal Mazarine.
Moft Eminent Lord., an occafion to fend Letters to the King, we thought it likewife an offer'd opportunity to write to your Eminency. For we could not think it the to of conceal our from the fole and only Perfubjedt proper writing fon, whofe lingular Prudence governs the raoft important Interefts of the French Nation, and the mofl; weighty Affairs of the Kingdom with equal FiNot without reafon we complain, in fliort, delity, Counfel and Vigilance. to-find that League by your felf, as it were a crime to doubt, moft facrcdly concluded, almofl: the very fame day contemn'd and violated by one Giles a French-man, a petty Admiral of four Ships, and his Adbciates equally concern'd, as your Eminency will readily find by our Letters to the King, and the Demands themfelves of our Merchants. Nor is it unknown to your Exit how concerns not much inferiour cellency, only Magifl:rates, but even Royal Majefby it that thofe firft Violators of folemn Alliances Ihouldbe fefelf, But they, perhaps, by this time being arriv'd in the Ea(lverely punifh'd. Indies^ whither they pretended to be bound, enjoy in undifturb'd pofleflion the Goods of our People as lawful Prize won from an Enemy, which they robb'd and pillag'd from the Owners, contrary to all Law, and the pledg'd Faith of our late facred League. However, this is that which we requefl; from your Eminency, That whatever Goods were taken from our Merchants by the Admiral of thofe Ships, as neceflary for his Voyage, may be reftor'd by the Owners of the fame Veflels, which was no more than what the Rovers themfelves thought juft and equal j which, as we underftand, it lies within your Power to do, confidering the Authority and Sway you bear in the King-
HAving
dom,
Your Eminencies molt

From our Palace at Weftminfter, Aug.
AfFeftionate,
(&<.
_,
1656.
O/mr,
Proteftor of the
Commonwealth,
Oliver,
( 705 )
Oliver ProteBor of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the'^^mofi High And Mighty Lords, the States of the United Provinces.
Mofl High and Mighty Lords^ our dear Friends and Confederates ; make no doubt but that all Men will bear us this Teltimony, That no Confiderations, in contrafting Foreign Alliances, ever fway'd us beyond thof'e of defending the Truth of Religion, or that we accounted of all the Friends and Proany thing more facred, than to unite the Minds tectors of the Proteftants^ and of all others who at leaft were not their EneW iientc it comes to pafs, that we are touchd with fo much the more mies. the Proteftant Princes and Cities, whom it fo grief of Mind, uo hear that to in live much behoves Friendfbip and Concord together, Ihould begin to be each of fo jealous other, and fo ill difpos'd to mutual Affection , more efpethat your Lordfhips and the King of Sweden^ than whom the Orthocially, dox Faith has not more magnanimous and couragious Defenders, nor our Re-
WE
publick Confederates more ftriftlyconjoin'd in Interells, fliouldfeemto remit of your Confidence in each other i or rather, that there Ihould appear fome too apparent Signs of tottering Friendfhip and growing Difcord between ye. What the Caufes are, and what Progrefs this Alienation of your AfFedion has made, we proteft; our felves to be altogether ignorant. However, we cannot but conceive an extraordinary trouble of mind for thefe beginnings of the
leafl;
Dillenlion arifen
the Proteftant Interefts.

dicial it
it
among Brethren, which infallibly mull greatly endanger Which if they (hould gather ftrength, how preju-
would prove to the Proteftant Churches, what an occafion of Triumph would afford our Enemies, and more efpecially the Spaniards, cannot be unknown to your Prudence, and moft induftrious Experience of Affairs. As for the Spaniards^ it has already fo enlivened their Confidence, and raised their Courage, that they made no fcruple by their Embalfador refiding in your Territories, boldly to obtrude their Counfels upon your Lordfhips, and that in reference to the higheft Concerns of your Republick , prefuming partly with Threats of renewing the War, to terrify ^ and partly with a falfe profpeft of Advantage to follicit your Lordihips to forfake your ancient and moft faithflil Friends, the Englijh, French and Danes, and enter into a ftrift Confederacy with your old Enemy, and once your domineering Tyrant, now feemingly aton'd ^ but whafis moft to be fear'd, only at prefent treacheCertainly he, who of an inveteroully fawning to advance his own Defigns. rate Enemy, lays hold of fo flight an occafion of a fudden to become your Counlelior, what is it that he would not take upon him? Where would his Infolency ftop, if once he could but fee with his eyes, what now he only ruminates and labours in his thoughts ^ that is to fay, Divifion, and a Civil
War among
the Proteftants?
We are not ignorant
that your Lordfhips, out

:
of your deep Wifdom, frequently revolve in your Minds what the Pofture of all Europe is, and what more efpecially the Condition of the Proteftants That the Cantons of Switz.erland adhev'ing to the Orthodox Faith, are in daily expeftation of new Troubles to be rais'd by their Country-men embracing the Popifb Ceremonies i fcarcely recovered from that War, which for the fake of Religion was kindled and blown up by the Spaniards, who fuppH'd their Enemies iJOth with Commanders and Money That the Councils of the the continue are R'll] Spaniards Slaughter aud Deftruftion of the contrivingto the laft Year was in execution which That the ProPiemonto'vs, cruelly put teftants under the Jurifdiftion of the Emperor, are moft grievoufly harafs'd, having much ado to keep pofietfjon of their native Homes That the King of Sweden, whom God, as we hope, has rais'd up to be a moft ftout Defender of the Orthodox Faith, is at prefent waging wirh all the Force of his Kingdom, a doubtful and bloody War with the moft Potent Enemies of the Reformed That your own Provinces are threatned with hoftile ConfederaReligion cies of the Princes your Neighbours, headed by the Spaniards ; and laftly, that we our felves are bufied in a War proclaim'd againft the King of Spain. In this pofture of Affairs, if any Contcft Ihould happen between your Lordfhips and the King of Sweden, how miferable would be the condition of all the XXXX Reformed
:
:
:
lo6)
Reformed Churches over all JSwfope, expos'd to the Cruelty and Fury of iinfandifi'd Enemies ? Thcfe Cares not llightly fei2e us-, and we hope your Sentiments to be the fame ; and that out of your continu'd Zeal for the common Caufe of the Proteftants,and to the end the prefent Peace between Brethren
profefling the
lable,
fame Faith, the fame hope of Eternity, may be preferv'd invio-
your Lordfhips will accommodate your Counfels to thefe Corifideratiothers ^. and that you will leave noons, which are to be preferr'd before all to the conduce that eftablifhing Tranquillity and Union may thing neglefted between your Lordfhips and the King of Sweden. Wherein if we can any the Favour you bear us waybeufeful, as far as our Authority, and willfway with your Lordlhips, we freely offer our utmoft Afliltance, prepared in like manner to be no lefs ferviceable to the King of Sweden^^ to whom we defign a fpeedy Embady, to the end we may declare our Sentiments at large conhope moreover, that God will bend your Minds cerning thele Matters. on both fides to moderate Counfels, and fo reftrain your Animofities, that no Provocation may be given, either by the one or the other, to feller your Differences to extremity But that on the other fide both Parties will remove Which if whatever may give offence or occalion of jealoufy to the other.
We
:
vouchfafe to do, you will difappoint your Enemies, prove the Conand in the bell manner provide for the Welfare of we befeech you to be fully convinced of, that we Andthis your Republick. fhall ufe our utmoft caie to make appear, upon all occafions, our extraordiAnd fo nary Affedion and Good- will to the 'itzttioi t\\Q United Provinces. we moft implore the Almighty God to perpetuate his Bleflings of
you
fhall
folation of your Friends,
earneftly
Peace,
Liberty, upon your Republick ^ but above all things to of theChriftian Faith, and the true prefei-ve it always fiourifhing in the Love at our Palace From of his Name. Weftminfter, Aug 1555. Worfhip
Wealth and
Your High and MightinefTes moft AfFeftionate, Oliver Proteiaor of the Commonwealth of England., &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commomvedth of England, to the moji Serene Prince, John Kjng of Portugal.
Mo^
Serene Prince-.,
the II th of 'July laft, Old-Jlile., we receiv'd by Thomas Maynard the Ratification of the Peace negotiated at London by your extraordinary Embaffador as alfo of the private and preliminary Articles, all now
UPON
conlirm'd by your Majefty And by oar Letters from Philip Meadows., our Athe fame at time, weunderftand that our Ratification alfo Zisfcow, dated gent of the fame Peace and Articles, was by him, according to our Orders fent him, deliver'd to your Majefty : And thus the Inftruments of the forcmention'd Ratification being mutually interchang'd on both fides in the beginning of June laft, there is now a firm and fettl'd Peace between both Nations. And this Pacification has given us no fmall occafion of Joy and Satisfadlion, as believing it will prove to the common Benefit of both Nations, and to the no flight detriment of our common Enemies, who as they found out a Means to difturb the former League, fo they left nothing negleded to have hindei'd the renewing of this. Nor dowequeftion in the leaft, that they will omit of creating new Matter for Scandals and Jealoufies between us. any occafion Which we however have conftantly determin'd, as much as in us lies, to remove at a remote diftance from our thoughts \ rather we fo earneftly delire, that this our Alliance may beget a mutual Confidence, greater every day than other, that we ftiall take them for our Enemies, who fhall by any Artifices endeavour to moleft the Friendfhipby this Peace eftablifh'd between our felves and both our People. And we readily perfwade our felves, that your And whereas it has plcas'd Majcfty's Thoughts and Intentions are the fame. your Majefty, by your Letters dated the z^th of June., and fomcdays after the delivery by our Agent of the interchang'd Inftrumen: of confirm^ Peace,
:
to
707
to mention certain Claufes of the Laague, of which you defir'd fome little Alteration, being of fmall moment to this Rcpublick, as your Majefty believes, but of great importance to the Kingdom of Portugal j we (liall be ready to enter into a particular Treaty in order to thofe Propofals made by your Majefty, or whatever elfe may conduce, in the judgment of both Parties, to the farther eftabliniment and more ftrongly faftning of the League vviicrcin we fh ill have thofe due Confidcrations of your Majefty and your Subjeds, as alfo of our own People, that all may be fatisfi'd ; and it fliall be in your choice, whether thefe things fhal! be negotiated at Lisiott, ov az London. However, the League being now confirm'd, and duly fcal'd with the Seals of both Nations, to alter any part of it, would be the fame thing as to annul tlie whole j which we are certainly allur'd your Majefty by no means defires to do.
:
We
our
heartily wi(h all things lucky, all things profperous to your Majefty. Palace at WcHminOiQVj îtignfl 1656.
From
Your Ma jelly's moft Affeftionate, Olrucr Protedor of the Commonwealth of England^ &c.
Oliver ProteBor of the Commonwealth of England, &c.

mofi Serene Prince^ John
To
the
Kjng of Portugal.
Moft Serene King
have receiv'd the unwelcome News of a wicked and inhuman Attempt to have murder'dour Agent Philip Meadows.^ refidiiig with your Majefty, and by us fent upon the blelTed Errand of Peace \ the hainouihefs of which was fuch, that his Prefervation is only to be attributed to the proteftion of Heaven. And we aregiventounderltand, by your Letters dated the i6th of May laft, and dcliver'd to us by Thomcvs Maynard, that your Majefty, juftly incens'd at the horridnefs of the Fad, has commanded enquiry to be made after the Criminals, to the end they may be brought to condign Punifhment: But we do not hear that any of the Ruffians are yet apprehended, or that your Commands have wrought any effed in this Particular. Wherefore we thought it our Duty openly to declare, how deeply we refent this barbarous Outrage in part attempted, and in part committed And therefore we make it our Requeft to your Majefty, That due Punilhment may be in:
WE
AfTociates, and Encouragers of this abominable to the end that this may be the more fpeedily accomplifli'd, we farther demand. That Perfons of Honefty and Sincerity, well-wilhers to the Peace of both Nations, may be entrufted with the Examination of this Bulibe made into the bottom of this malicious nefs, that fo a due Scrutiny
flided
upon the Authors,
Fad.
And
may
Contrivance, to the end both Authors and Affiftants may be the more fevereUnlefs this be done, neither your Majefty's Juftice, nor the ly punifh'd. Honour of this Republick can be vindicated ^ neither can there be any ftable alTurance of tfie Peace between both Nations. wiJh your Majefty all From our Palace at Whiteliall, Authings fortunate and profperous.
We
guft
1556'.
Your Majefty's molt Affedionate,
Oliver
Protedor of the Common<
wealth of England., &c.
Xxxx
Olivet
( 70S )
Oliver Prottcior of the Commomvealih of England, &c.

the lllufiriom Lord,
To
the
moft
Conde
d'
Odemira.
Afofi lllujlrious Lord^
towards us and this Republick, has laid no mean nor readiilightly ti'd us to acknowledgment. Obligation upon us, the of of as Letters it alfo 'June laft, z^rfc ly perceiv'd by thofe by your which we receiv'd from our Agent ?hili^ Meadows^ fent into Portugal to conclude the Peace in Agitation, wherein he inforniM us of your extraordinary Zeal and Diligence to promote the Pacification, of which we moft joyfully receiv'd the lall Ratification ; and we perfwade our felves, that your Lordof your Pains and Diligence in profhip will have no caufe to repent either curing this Peace, or of your Good-will to the EngUjh^ or your Fidelity to-
YOur
lingular Good-will
We
wards the King, your Sovereign
^ more efpeciallyconlidering the great hopes that this Peace will be of high Advantage to both Nations, and not The only Accident that fell out unfora little inconvenient to our Enemies. tunate and mournful in this Negotiation, was that unhallow'd Villany nefa-
we have
upon the Perfon of our Agent, Philip Meadows : The conwhich intended piece of Inhumanity, ought no lefs diligently to be fought after, and made Examples to Pofterity, than the vileil of moft openly detefted Allaffinates. Nor can we doubt in the leall of your King's Severity and juftice in the punifhment of a Crime fo horrid, nor of your Care and Sedulity to fee that there be no remifsnefs of Profecution, as being a Perfon bearing due Veneration to the Laws of God, and Sandfity among Men, and.no lefs zealous to maintain the Peace between both Nations which never can fublilt if fuch nhuman Barbarities as thefe efcape But your abhorrence and deteftation of the Fad unpuni/h'd and unreveng'd. is fo well known, that there is no need of inlifting any more at prefentupon this unpleafing Subjed. Therefore,' having thus declard our Good-will and AfFedion to your Lord/hip, of which we fliall be always ready to give apparioufly attempted ceal'd Authors of
;
of Divine Favour and Frotedion upon you, and
rent Demonftrations, there nothing remains, but to implore the Bleffings all yours.
QHY Palace at
From
ûg.
Weftminfter, \6^6.
Your Lordfhip's mofl affedionate, Oliver Protedor of the Commonwealth of

England^ &c.
Oliver ProteBor of the Commonwealth of England, &c. to the moft Serene Prince Charles Guflavus, Kjng of the Swedes, Goths and
Vandals, &c.
Aôft Serene King, our dearefi Friend
affur'd of "your Majefty's
and Confederate ^
Concurrence both in Thoughts and Coiinfor the defence of the Proteftant Faith againft the Enemies of it, if ever, now at this time moft dangeroudy vexatious j though we cannot but rejoyce at your profperous Succelles, and the daily tidings of yourVido-
BEing fels,
ries, yet on the other fide we cannot but be asdeeply afflided to meet with one thing that difturbs and interrupts our Joy;, we mean the bad News intermix'd with fo many welcome Tidings, that the antient Friendfhip between your Majefty and the States of the ZJntted Provinces, looks with a dubious
Afped, and that the Mifchief is exafperated to that height, efpecially in the Baltick We confefs our Sea, as feems to bode an unhappy Rupture,
felves ignorant of the Caufes
which God avert,
will be fatal
therefore, as well in Majefty, as out of that Affcdion and Love to the Reformed Religion, by which we all of us ought chiefly to be fway'd, we thought it our duty, as we
but we too ealily forefee that the Events, And to the Interefts of the Proteftants. refpedto that moft ftrid Alliance between us and your
,
have
79
have mofi: carneftly exhorted the States ofthcVnitcd Provinces to PeacS and Mdderation, fo now to pcrfwade your Majelty to the {ame. The Proteftants have Enemies every where enow and to fpare, iniiam'd with inexorable Revenge j they never were known to liave confpir'd more pernicioufly to our Deftruftion, witnefs the\'alleysof Pimiont^ ftill rcaking with the Blood and Slaughter of the niiferable-, witnefs yûjiria, lately turmoil'd with the Emperor's Hut to what purpofe is it in Edifts and Profcriptions j witnefs Switz.erland. to call back the bitter lamentations and remembrance of fo words many many Calamities ? Who fo ignorant, as nut to knowjhat the Counfels of the Spaniards, and the Roman Pontiffs for thefe two Years have fill'd all thefe Places with Conflagrations, Slaughter, and Vexation of the Orthodox > If to thefe Mifchiefs there ihould happen an accefs of Diflenfion among Protellant Brethren, more cfpecially between two Potent States, upon whofe Courage, Wealth and Fortitude, fo tar as human Strength may be reli'd upon, the Support and Hopes of all the Reformed Churches depend, of neceflity the Proteftant Religion mull be in great jeopardy, if not upon the brink of DeOn the other fide, if the whole Proteftant Name would but obftruftion. ferve perpetual Peace among themfelves with that fame brotherly Union as becomes their ProfefTion, there would be no occaflon to fear what all the Artifices or Puiflance of our Enemies could do to hurt us, which our fraternal Concord and Harmony alone would ealily repel and fruftrate. And therefore we moll earneftly reqneft and befeech your Majefty to harbour in your Mind propitious thoughts of Peace, and Inclinations ready bent to repair the Breaches of your priftin Friendfliip with the Vnited Provinces, if ia any part it may have accidentally fuffei'd the decays of Miftakes or MifconIf there be any thing wherein our Labour, our ftruftion. Fidelity and Diliufeful toward be this we offer and devote all to your may gence Com.pofure, And may the God of Heaven favour and profper your noble and fervice. pious Refolutions, which together with all Felicity, and a perpetual courfe of Vidory we cordially wifh to your Majefty.
From
our Palace at
Your
Majefty's moft affeftionate, Oliver
Weftminfter, i55<5. Aug.
Proteftor of the
Commonwealth of
England, ^c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. of Holland.
To
the States
Mofi High and Mighty Lords, our
dcareji Friends
IT
has bin reprefented to us, by William Cooler a Minifter of London, and our Country-man, that "John k Maire of Amflerdam, his Father-in-law, about three and thirty Years ago devis'd a Projeft, by which the Revenues of
your Republick might be very much advanced without any burden to the People, and made an Agreement with John Fandenhrook to (hare between 'em the Reward which they fhould obtain for their Invention, which was the to be made ufe of in all the Provinces of your Terrifetling of a Itttle Seal which for and your High and Mightinejfcs promis'd to pay the faid tories, Vandenbrook and his Heirs the yearly Sum of 3000 Gilders, or 300 Engli/Ji Pounds. Now although the ufe and method of this little Seal has bin found very eafy and expeditious, and that ever Cnce great Incomes have thereby accru'd to your High and Mightinejfes, and fome of your Provinces, rieverthelefs nothing of the faid Reward, tho with rrtuch importunity demanded, has bin paid to this day ; fo that the faid randenlrook and le Maire being tir'd out with long delays, the Right of the faid Grant is devolv'd to the forefaid who defirous to reap the fruit of his Wtlliam Cooper, our Country-man
-,
Father-in-law's Induftry, has petition'd us, that we would recommend his and Migkinejjes, which we thought not reafonable juft Demands to your High
to deny him. Wherefore, in moft friendly wife, we requeft your High and to hear the Petition of the faid William Cooler, and to Mightinejjes favourably >ake
( 7IO ) Reward and Stipend, Co well deferv'd, and by con trad agreed and granted, may be paid him annually from this time forward, Which not doubting of the Years already pafs'd. together with the Arrears
take fuch care that the
but your High and Mightinejfes will vouchfafe to perform, as what is no more than juft and becoming your Magnificence, we fhall be ready to fhew the fame favour to the Petitions of your Country-men upon any occalions of the fame nature, whenever prefented to us.
From
our Palace at
5ej(>-
Your High and

afFeftionate,
MightineiTes raoft
White-Hall,
tember
O/zwr Proteftor of
CTc.
1656.
the
Commonwealth,
Oliver Proteôr of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Serene Prince, Lewis Kjng of France.
To
the moji
and Confederate Moji Serene K'mg^ our dear eji Friend our will it is that we fo often trouble your Majefty with the AGainft Wrongs done by your Subjeds, after a Peace fo lately renew'd. But as wc are fully perfwaded that your Majefty difapproves their being committed, fo neither can we be wanting to the Complaints of our People. That the Ship Anthony of Dicpfie was legally taken before the League, maniof the judges of our Admiralry-Court. Part feftly appears by the Sentence of the Lading, that is to fay, four thoufand Hides, Robert Brown^ a Merchant of London^ fairly bought of thofe who were entrufled with the Sale, as they The fame Merchant, after the Peace was confirm'd, themfelves teftify. carried to Dieppe about two hundred of the fame Hides, and there having fold 'em to a Currier, thcjught to have receiv'd his Money, but found ic of his Fador , and a Suit being commenc'd ftopt and attach'd in the hands no favour in that Court obtain he could Wherefore, we againfb him, that the to matter may be whole it Majefty, requell your thought proper referr'd to your Council, that fo the faid Money may bedifcharg'd from an For if Afts done and adjudg'd before the unjuft and vexatious Adion. Peace, fhall after Peace renew'd be call'd into qneftion and controverfy, we Nor raufl look upon allurance of Treaties to be a thing of little moment. will there be any end of thefe Complaints, if fome of thefe Violators of Leagues be not made fevere and timely Examples to others. Which we hope your Majefty will fpeedily take into your Care. To whom God Almighty in the mean time vouchfafe his molt holy Protedion.
-,
From
our Palace at
Your Majefty 's mofl

Proteftor of the
afFeftionate, Oliver
White-Hall, September 16^6.
Commonwealth of
England, &c.
Oliver Proteôr of the Commoftwealth of England, &c. Serene Prince^ John Kjng of Portugal.
To
the moJi
Moji Serene King,
THE Kingdom
nard, from whom you will receive thefe Letters, to refide in your Dominions, under the Charafter and Employment of a Conful, and to take care of the Eftates and Interefts of our Merchants. Now in regard it may frequently fo fall out, that he may be enforc'd to defire the Privilege of free AdmiiTion to your Majefty, as well in matters of Trade, as upon other occalions for the Interell of our Republick, we make it our requefl to your Majefty, that
being happily concluded between this Republick and the of Portugal, and what refers to Trade being duly provided for and ratiii'd, wc deem'd it necefTary to fend to your Majelly Thomoi MayPeaflce
you
(7^0
him favourable Accefs and Audience,which we fhall acknow-* and tcllimony of your Majefties good Will toas a demonftration ledg fingular wards us. In the mean time wc befeech Almighty God to blefs your Majelty From our Court at WeitminHcr, Oiiob. with all Profpcrity. 1655. Your Majefty's mofl AfFeftionate, Oliver Proteftor of the
you
will vouchfafe
Commonwealth of England^
&:c.
To
the
KjtJg of the Swedes.
Moft Serene and Potent King^ your Majefty's wonted and fpontaneous Favour and Good-w'ill toward all dcferving men be fuch, that all recommendations in their beALthough half may feem fupcrfiiious, yet we were unwilling to difmlfs without our Letters to your Majelty, this noble Perfon, William Favajfour Knight, ferving under your Banners, and now returning to your Majefty Which we have done fo much the more willingly, being inform'd, that formerly following your Majefty's fortunate Condudt, he had loft his Blood in feveral Combats to alfert the noble Caufe for which you fight. Infomuch, that the fucceeding Kings of 5iFefi//(?Mfi in vemuneracion of his Military Skill, and bold Atchievements in War, rewarded him with Lands and Annual Penfions, as the Guerdons of his Prowefs. Nor do we queftion but that he may be of great ufe to
:
your Majefty in your prcfent Wars, who has bin fo long confpicuous for his 'Tis our delire therefore that he Fidelity and Experience in Military Affairs. to recommended maybe your Majefty according to his Merits and we alfo farther rcqueft, That he may be paid the Arrears due to him. This, as it will be moft acceptable to us, fo we fhall be ready upon the like occafion, whenever offer'd, to gratify your Majefty, to whom we wilh all Happinefs and Pro-,
fpcrity.
Your
the
Majefty's moft AfFeftionate, Oliver Protedor of
Oliver Protector of the

Prince^
Commomvedth of England, &c. To the mofl Serene
John Kj'^g of Portugal.

i,
Mofi Serene King^ our dearefi Friend and Confederate Evans, a Mafterof a Ship, and our Country-man, has prefented a Petition to us, wherein he fets forth, that in the years 1649, and 1550, heferv'd the i?nr/;/c Company with his Ship the Scipio^ being a VefTel of four hundred Tuns, and of which he was Mafter: that the faid Ship was taken from him, with all the Lading and Furniture by your Majefties Command by which he hasreceiv'd great Damage, befidesthe lofsof fix years gain arifing out of fuch a Stock. The Commidioners by the League appointed on both lides for the deciding Controverlies, valu'd the whole at feven thoufand of our Pounds, or twice as many Milrcys of Portugal Money, as they made their report to us. Which Lofs falling fo heavy upon the forefaid Tbomai, and being conftrain'd to make a Voyage to Lisbonfor the recovery of his Eftate, he humbly befought us that we would grant him our Letters to your Majefty in favour of his demands. We therefore, although we wrote the laft year in behalf of our Merchants in general to whom the Brafile Company was indebted, neverthelefs that we may not be wanting to any that implore our Aid, requeft your Majefty, in regard to that Friendftiip which is between us, that conlideration may be had of this man in particular, and that your Majefty would give fuch Orders to all your Minifters and Officers, that no obftacle may hinder him from demanding and recovering without delay, what is owGod Almighty ing to him from the >?/;/? Company, or any other Perfons. blefs your Majefty with perpetual Felicity, and grant that our Friendftiip may
THomas
long endure.
From
our Palace at
WcHminitev,
Offob.
1656.
Your
the
Majefty's moft Affeftionate, Oliver Proteftor of

Oliver
( 712 )
Oliver Pr&teBor of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the and Magnificent Senate of Hamborough.
lUujlriotts
and Right Worfhi^ful ; Moji Nobk^ Magnificent^ Ames and Patrick Hays^ Subjefts of this Commonwealth, have made grievous Complaint before us. That they being lawful Heirs of their Brother declar'd by a Sentence of your Court Alexander, who dy'd Inteftate, were fo Widow ; and the Eftates of their Brother's pronouncM in their behalf againft the with Profits, only the Widows Dowry, their deceas'd Brother, together of that Sentence ; neverthelefs, virtue them to by excepted, being adjudg'd of their Pains and Expences benefit never could to this very day they reap any id fa the in obtaining Judgment, notwithftanding their own declar'd Right, and Letters formerly written by King Cfc^r/w in their behalf^ for that the of Alhertvan Eyz,en, one of your Chief Magiflrates, great Power and Wealth and with whom the greateft part of the Goods was depofited, was an Oppofition too potent for them to furmount, whilfl he ftrove all that in him lay Thus difappointed and that the Goods might not be reftor'd to the Heirs. tir'd out with delays, and at length reduc'd to utmoll Poverty, they are become fuppliants to us that we would not for fake 'em, wrong'd and opprefsM We therefore believing it to be a chief as they are in a Confederated City. fufFer to not any Country-man of ours in vain to defire our part of our duty, in and Succour diftrefs, make this requell to your Lordlhips, Patronage which we are apt to think we may eafily obtain from your City, That the Sentence pronouncM in behalf of the two Brothers may be ratifi'd and duly executed according to the Intents and Purpofes for which it was given j and that you will not fufFer any longer delay of Juftice, by any Appeal to the Chamber of Spire, upon any pretence whatever: For we have requir'd the we have fent to your Lordfhips fairly writOpinions of our Lawyers, which But if intreaty and fair means will nothing avail, of necefliten and fign'd. ty (and which is no more than according to the cultomary Law of Nations, the feverity of Retaliatithough we are unwilling to come to that extremity) will take care to prePrudence we which its courfe on mull take hope your ^ i(5. Offoh. at Palace our From vent. WeiiminiteT, 1655.
Your Lordlhips moft Affedionate, Oliver Proteftor of the Commonwealth of Bngland, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonrvealth of England, &c. rene and Potent Lewis, Kjng of France.
To
the mojl Se-
Moji Serene and Potent King,
our dearejl Friend
and Confederate
are apt to believe that your Majefty received our Letters dated the T4tfcof A'fay, of the laft year, wherein we wrote ihn John Dethic, Mayor of London that year, and William Waterford, Merchant, had by their Petition fet forth, That a certain VelTel cail'd the Jonas^ freighted with Goods upon their Accompt, and bound for Dunkirk, then under the Jurifdidion of the French, was taken at the very Mouth of thzThames, by a Sea-Rover, pretending a Com mifTion from the Son of the late King Charles: Which being
direftly corttrary to your Edifts,
k^////)
WE
and the Decrees of your Council, That no Ship taken by the Enemies of the Parlament, fhould'be admitted into any of your Ports, and there put to fale, they demanded Reftitution of the faid Ship and Goods from M. Lejlrade, then Governour of the Town, who return'd 'em an anfwer no way becoming a Perfon of his Qiiality, or who pretended Obedience to
his
Soveraign , That the Government was conferr'd upin the Wars,, and therefore he would make his bell advantage of it, that is to fay, by right or wrong ; for that he feem'd to drive at: As if he had receivM that Government of your Majefties free Gift, to
on him for
his
good Service
(7iO
robbing your Confederates, and contemning your EFor what the King of France forbids his Subforth in their favour. that the King's Governor has not only fuffer'd a hand have to in, jefts any way to be committed in your Ports, but he himfelf becomes the Pirate, feizes the
to authorize him
in the
dids
fet
With this Anfwer therefore the Merthe Faft. Prey, and openly avouches chants departed, altogether baffl'd and difappointedi and this we lignifi'd by our Letters to your Majefty the laft year with little better lucccfs , for as yet we have receiv'd no reply to thofe Letters. Of which we are apt to believe the reafon was, becaufe the Governor was with the Army in Flanders ^ but now he rcfides at Par'vs^ or rather flutters unpunilh'd about the City, and at Court, Once more therefore, we make it cnrich'd with the Spoils of our Merchants.
our rcqueft to your Majefty, which it is your Majefty's Inter eft in the firft place to take care of. That no perfon whatever may dare to juftify the wrongs done Nor to your Majefty's Confederates by the contempt of your Royal Edids. can this caufe be properly referr'd to the Comrainioners appointed for decidon both fides , fince in this Cafe, not only the rights ing common Controverlies but of Confederates, your Authority it felf, and the Veneration due to the
Royal Name, are
And it would be a wonder, that Merchiefly in difpute. chants (hould be more troubled for their Lofles, than your Majefty provok'd Whicli while you difdain to brook, at Incroachments upon your Honour. with the fame labour you will deraonftrate that you neither repent of your conniv'd at the Injuries dona friendly Edids in favour of our Republick, nor to give due refped to our demands. nor From our Subjefts, ne^lefted by your
Court at Weftminfter, Nuvemb.
1656.
Your
bounden by Good-will, by Friendand Solemn Ihip League, Oliver ProteSor of the Com&c. monwealth,
Majefty's moft
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the mo[t Serene and Potent Prince, Frederick III. /C'^ 1?/^ Denmark, Norway, the Vandals and Goths ; Duke of Slefwic, Holfatia, Stormatia and Ditmarfii ; Count Oldenburgh and Dehnenhorft, &c.
and Confederate X /"T 7E receiv'd your Majefty's Letters, dated the \6th of February y from Copenhagen, by the moft worthy Simon de Pitkum, your Majefty's here Which when we had perus'd, the demonftrations of Agent reCding. Good-will towards us, and the importance of the Matter conyour Majefty's which cerning you write, affefted us to that degree, that we defign'd forthwith to fend to your Majefty fome Perfon, who being furnilh'd with ample Inftruftions from us, might more at large declare to your Majefty our Counfels in that Affair. And tho wc have ftill the fame Refolutions, yet hitherto we have not been at leifure to think of a Perfon proper to be entrufted with tbofc Commands which the weight of the matter requires , tho in a fhort time we hope to be more at liberty. In the mean while we thought it not convenient
Moji Serene and Potent
Kin^., our deareft Friend
V V
any longer to delay the letting your Majefty underftand, that the prefent Condition of Affairs in Europe has employ'd the greateft part of our Care and Thoughts ; while for fome Years, to our great grief, we have beheld the Froteftant Princes, and Supream Magiftrates of the Reformed Republicks, ( whom it rather behoves, as being engag'd by the common Tye of Religion and Safety, to combine and ftudy all the ways imaginable conducing to rautual Defence) more and more at weakning Variance among themfelves, and jealous of each other's Adtions and Defigns putting their Friends in fear, their Enemies in hope, that the pofture of Affairs bodes rather Enmity and Difcord, than a firm Agreement of mind to defend and aflift each other. And this follicitude has fix'd it felf fo much the deeper in our thoughts, in regard there feeras to appearfome fparks of Jealoufy between your Majefty and the King of Sweden j at leaft, that there is not that conjundtion of Af,
Yy
y y
feci ions,
7H)
feflion?, which ouf Love and good Will in general toward the Orthodox ReYour Majefty, perhaps, fufpecring that the ligion ib irtiportunatcly requires Trade of your Dominions will be prejudic'd by the King of Snuim - and on the other lide, the King of Sweden being jealous, that by yonr means the War, which he now wages, is made more difficult, and that youoppofehim 'Tis not unknown to in his contradtingthofe Alliances which he feeks. your how great the Danger is for eminent fo Wifdom, your profound Majefty,
:
that threatens the Proteftant Religion, Ihould fuch Sufpicions long continue be-
more efpecially, God avert, if any Symptom of Hoftility (hould break forth. However it be, for our parts, as we have earneftly exhorted the King of Swedtn^ and the States of the "United Provinces to Peace, and moderate Couni'els, (and are beyond expreflion glad to behold Peace and Concord renew'd between them, for that the Heads of that League are tranfmitted to us by their Lordfhips the States General) fo we thought it our Duty, and chiefly becoming our friendlhip not to conceal from your Majefty what our Sentiments are concerning thefe Matters, (more
tween two fuch potent Monarchs
,
which
being afFedionately invited fo to do by your Majefty's molt as a moft lingular Teftifriendly Letters, which we look upon, and embrace, but to lay before your eyes how toward Will of us) good mony your great a that profefs the Proteftant necefllty Divine Providence hasimpos'd upon us all Religion, to ftudy Peace among our felves, and that chiefly at this time, when our moft embittered Enemies feem to have on every fide confpir'd our Deftruftion. There's no neceffity of calling to remembrance the Valleys of Piemont ftill befmear'd with the Blood and Slaughter of the miferable Inhabitants j nor Aujlria^ tormented at the fame time with the Emperor's Decrees and Profcriptions \ nor the impetuous Onfets of the Popifh upon the Proteftant Who can be ignorant tiiat the Artifices and Machinations of the Switz.ers. for fome Years laft paft, have fill'd all thefe places with the conSpaniards, fused and blended havock of Fire and Sword ? To which unfortunate Pile of Mifcries, if once the Reformed Brethren (hould come to add their own Diifenefpecially
efpecially two fuch potent Monarchs, the of our Strength, and among whom fo large a provifion of the Proteftants Security and Puiifance lies ftor'd and hoarded up againft Times of Danger, moft certainly the Interefts of the Proteftants muft go to ruin, and On the other fide. If Peace contifuffer a total and irrecoverable Edipfe. nue firmly fix'd between two fuch powerfiil Neighbours, and the reft of the Orthodox Princes if we would but make it our main Study to abide in brotherly Concord, there would be no caufe, by God's affiftance, to fear neither the Force nor Subtilty of our Enemies ; all whofe Endeavours and laborious Toils our Union alone would be able to difllpate and fruftrate. Nor do we
fions
among themfelves, and more
chiefeft part
queftion but that your Majefty, as you are freely willing, fo your Willingnefs your utmoft Afllftance to procure this blefted Peace. To which purpofe we ftiall be moft ready to communicate and join
will be conftant in contributing
our Counfels with your Majefty j profefling a real and cordial Friendihip, and not only determin'd inviolably to obferve the Amity fo aufpicioufly contradted between us, but, as God Ihall enable us, to bind our prefent Alliance with a more ftrift and fraternal Bond. In the mean time, the fame eternal God grant all things profperous and fuccefsful to your Majefty.
From our Court at WhiteDecemb. , i6i6.
.
hall,
Your Majefties moft clofely united by Alliance and good Will,
Friendfhip,
Oliver^
Protedpr of the Commonwealth of England^ &c.
Oliver,
(715)
Oliver, FroteBor of the Commoftrveath of England, &c. To the mojl Se^ rene and lllufiriou-s Prince and Lord, the Lord William, Lantgrxve of
Hefs, Prince of Herefcldt, Count in Cutzenellebogen, Decia Ligenand Schaunburg, &c. hain, Widda
Mojl Serene Prince^ had return'd an Anfwer to your Letters fent us
which we beg your Highnels's Pardon, had not mathe thofe moll and important Affairs of the Republick under our care, ny, conftrain'd us to this unwilling Silence. For what Letters could be more grateful to us, then thofe which are written from a molt religious Prince, defcended from religious Anceftors, in order to fettle the Peace of Religion, and the Harmony of the Church ? Which Letters attribute to us the fame Inclinations, the fame Zeal to promote the Peace of Chriftendom, not only in your own, but in the Opinion and Judgment of almoft all the Chriftian World, and which we arc moll highly glad to find fo univerfally afcrib'd to our felves. And how far our Endeavours have been fignal formerly throughout thefe three Kingdoms, and what we have efFefted by our Exhortations, by our Sufferings, by our Condudl, but chiefly by Divine Affiflance, the greatefl part of our People both well know, and are fenfible of, in a deep Tranquillity of their Confciences. The fame Peace we have wiih'd to the Churches of Germany^ whofe Diffentions have been too fharp, and of too long endurance \ and by our Agent D>7, for many Years in vain endeavouring the fame Reconciliation, we have cordially offer'd whatever might conduce on our part to the fame flill perfevcre in the fame Determinations, and wifh the fame purpofe. But how difficult fraternal Charity one among another, to thofe Churches. a task it is to fettle Peace among thofe Sons of Peace, as they give out themfelves to be, to our extream Grief, we more then abundantly underlland. For that the Reformed, and thofe of the Aiiguflan Confelfion, fhould cement together in a Communion of one Church, is hardly ever to be expefted 'Tis wheimpoflible by Force to prohibit either from defei\ding their Opinions, For Force can never conther in private Difputes, or by publick Writings. This only were to be wiih'd, that they fillwith Ecclefiaflical Tranquillity. who differ, would fuffer themfelves to be entreated, that they would difagree more civilly, and with more jModeration \ and notwithllanding their Difputes, love one another , not imbitter'd againll each other as Enemies, but as Brethren, dilTenting only in Trifles, though in the Fundamentals of Faith* moll cordially agreeing. With inculcating and perfwading thefe things, we
WE
now
near a Twelve-
month
lince, for
We
fhall never be wearied \ beyond that, there is nothing allow'd to human Force orCounfels: God will accomplilh his own work in his own time. In the mean while, you, mofl Serene Prince, have left behind ye a noble Teflimony of your Affection to the Churches, an eternal Monument becoming the Vertue of your Anceftors, and an Exemplar worthy to be follow'd by all It only then remains for us to implore the merciful and great God Princes. to crown your Highnefs with all the Profperity in other things which you can wifh for ^ but not to change your Mind, then which you cannot have a better, fince a better cannot be, nor more pioully devoted to his Glory.
Weftminfler^
March,
1555'.
&c. Oliver, ProteHor of the Commonwealth of England, rene Prince, the Duke of Curland.
Mofi Serene
Prince^
To
the mofi Se-
WE
have been abundantly fatisfy'd of your Affection to us, as well at other times, as when you kindly entertain'd our Embaffador in his a flop in Journey to the Duke of Muj'covy^ for fome days together making
your Territories
:
Now we are no lefs
confident that your Highnefs will give us Yyyy 2
(7iO
obliging Tellimonies of your Juftice and Equity, as well out of your own good Nature, as at our Requeft. For we are given to underfland, That one John Johnfoir, a Scocchraan, and Mafter of a certain Ship of yours, having faithfully difcharg'd his Duty for feven years together in the Service of your Highnefs, as to your Highnefs is well known, at length delivered the faid Ship, call'd the Whale, in the Mouth of the River, according as the Cultom But it fo is, to one of your Pilots, by him to be carried fafe into Harbour. fell of his that the Pilot being ignorant Duty, though frequently warned out, and admonifh'd by the faid Johnfon, as he has prov'd by feveral Witncfles, the faid Ship ran aground and fplit to pieces, not through any fault of the Mafter, but through the want of Skill, or Obftinacy of the Pilot. Which being fo, we make it our earnell Requeft to your Highnefs, That neither the faid Shipwrack may be imputed to the foremention'd Johnfon the Mafter, nor that he may upon that account be depriv'd of the Wages due to him by the only enjoyment of which, he having lately fufFer'd another Misfortune at Sea, he hopes however to fupport and comfort himfelf in the extremity of his
us
Icfs
,
no
Wants.
Froin our Court at
minfter,
March
Wefl1557.
Oliver, Protecfor of the Commomveakh of England, &c. To the mojl ble the Conjuls And, Senators of the Republick of Dantzick.
No-
Noble and Alagnificent, our dearefl Friends ^ "V have always efteem'd your City flourilhing in Induftry, Wealth, and ftudious care to promote all ufeful Arts and Sciences, fit to be compar'd with any the moft noble Cities of Europe. Now in regard that in this War that has long been hovering about your Confines, you have rather chofen to fide with the Polanders, then with the Swedes ^ we are moft heartily defirous, that for the fake of that Religion which you embrace, and of your ancientCommerce with the Engliflo, you would chiefly adhere to thofe Counfels which may prove moft agreeable to the Glory of God, and the Dignity and Splendor of your City. Wherefore we intreat ye, for the fake of that Friendfhip which has been long eftablifh'd between your felves and the EngUfh Nation, and if our Reputation have obtain'd any Favour or Efteem among ye, to fet at liberty Count Conifmarh, confpicuous among the Principal of the Swedi/h Captains, and a Perfon fingularly fam'd for his Conduft in War, but by the Treachery of his own People furpriz'd at Sea ; wherein you will do no more then what the Laws of War, not yet exafperated to the heighth, allow ^ or if you think this is not fo agreeable to your Interefts, that you will however deem him worthy a more eafy and lefs fevere Confinement. Which of thefe two Favours foeveryou fhall determin to grant us, you will certainly perform an Aft becoming the Reputation of your City, and highly oblige bcJiloji
V V
ZTTE
lldes the
and
it
moft famous Warriers and moft eminent Captains of all Parties : upon our felves an Obligation not the meaneft ; and perhaps may be worth your Intereft to gratify us.
laftly, lay
our Court at Weftmia-
mm
fter,
Your
Lotdfliip's
moft Affedionate,
April,
1657.
OLIVER,
^c.
Oliver,
( 7^7 )
Commomvealtb of England, Scotland, dffd IreOliver, Froteôr of the the mojt Serene and Potent Prince and Lord, Emperor laud, &c. To and great Duke of ^//Ruflia, fole Lor^ 0/ Volodomaria, Mofcovv and
Aftracan and Syberia, Lord of VobNovograge, King of Cazzn, and other Duke Places. Lord Smolensko, fcow, great Tuerfcoy, of and the Lower Provinces and great Duke of Novogrod, of Chernigoy, all the Northern Climes Lord others. and ; alfo Lord of Rezanfco,
and many other Places. of Everfco, Cartalinfca,
Men know how ancient the Friendfliip, and how vaft the Trade has been for a long train of Years between the Englifh Nation and the PeoBut that lingular Vertue, molt Auguji Emperor^ which ple of your Empire in your Majelty far outlhines the Glory of your Anceftors ^ and the high Opinion which all the Neighbouring Princes have of it, more efpecially moves us to pay a more then ordinary Veneration and AfFeftion to your Majefty, and to delire the imparting of fome things to your Confideration, which may conduce to the Good of Chriftendom and your own Interefts. Wherefore, we have Tent the moft accomY>li(h''d Richard Bradfljaw^ a Perfon of whofe Fidelity,
ALL
in Affairs, we are well afTur'd, as having Integrity, Prudence, and Experience been imploy'd by us in feveral other Negotiations of this nature, under the Charader of our Agent to your Majelly i to the end he may more at large make known to your Majeity our lingular good Will and high Refpeft toward fo puiflant a Monarch, and tranfad with your Majefty concerning the Matters
above-mention d. Him therefore we requeft your Majefty favourably to receive in our Name, and as often as Ihall be requifite to grant him free Accefs to your Perfon, and no lefs gracious Audience j and laftly, to give the fame Credit to him in all things which he fhall propofe or negotiate, as to our felves,
And fo perfonally prefcnt. the and Ruflian Empire with your Majefty
if
we were
we
all
befeech Almighty
Profperity.
God
to blefs
From
fter,
our Court at
April
Weftmin-
Your
Majefty's moft AfFcftionate,
1657.
OUveYy Protedor of the Commonwealth of England, &Co
Oliver, Protector of the Commonrvealth of England, &c. To the moft St" rene and Potent Prince Charles Guftavus, KJng of the Swedes, Goths,
4W Vandals,
Serene
&c.
THE
and Potent King, our dearelt Friend and Confederate ; moft honourable William Jepfon, Colonel of Horfe, and a Senator in our Parlament, who will have the Honour to deliver thefe Letters to your Majefty, will make known to your Majefty, with what Difturbance and Grief of Mind we receiv'd the News of the fatal War broke out between your Majefty and the King of Danemark, and how much it is our cordial and real Endeavour, not to negled any Labour or Duty of ours, as far as God enables us, that fome fpcedy Remedy may be apply'd to this growing Mifchief, and thofe Calamities averted, which of necelTity this War will bring upon the common Caufe of Religion , more efpecially at this time, now that our Adverfaries unite their Forces and pernicious Counfels againft the ProfelTion and ProfefTors of the Orthodox Faith. Thefe and fome other Confiderations of great importance to the Benefit and Publick Interefts ot both Nations, have induc'd us to fend this Gentleman to your Majefty under the Charadcr of our Extraordinary Envoy. Whom we therefore defire your Majefty kindly to receive, and to give Credit to him in all things which he ftiall have to impart to your Majefty in our Name; as being a Perfon in whofe Fidelity and alfo farther requeft, That your Ma<. Prudence we very much conilde.
Moft
We
Jefty,
jcfty will
( 7i8 ) your felf of our Good-will and moft undoubted Zeal, as well toward your Majefty, as for the Profperity of your Af'Of which we (hall be readily prepar'd with all imaginable willingnefs fairs. of mind to give unqueftionable Teitimonies upon all occafions. From our
be pleasM
fully to afTure
Court
(ft
Weftrainlter, Ûujl
1557.
Your Majefty's Friend, and moft ftridly co-united Confederate, Oliver Protsftor of the Commonwealth of England^ &c.
To the ntofi Oliver Proieffor of the Commomiveahb of England, &c. Serene Prime, the Lord Frederick William, Marquefs of BrandenHigh Chamberlain of the Imperial Empire^ and, Prince Elecior^
burgh.
D)teo/. Magdeburgh, Prullia, Juliers, Cleves, Monts, Stettin, Pomerania, of the Calfiubiands and Vandals, as alfo of Silefia, Crofna /fWCarnovia, Norrinburgh, Prince of Halberdadt and
Burgrave^/
Minda,
Coi/nt of
Mark
and Ravensbergh, Lord in Ravenflein.

Friend and Confederate
;
Mojl Serene
Prince-, our dearejl
Fame of your Highnefs's Vertue and Prudence, both in Peace and War, and fo loudly fpread through all the World, that all the PrinSll
is
CH
the
ces round about are ambitious of your Friendlhip j nor does any one defire a more faithful or conftant Friend and AlTociate : Therefore to the end your
Highnefs may know that we are alfo in the number of thofe that have the higheft and moft honourable thoughts of your Perfon and Merits, fo well deferving of the Commonwealth of Chrifiendom ^ we have fent the moft Worthy Col. Will. Jepfon.) a Senator in our Parlament, in our Name to kifs your and withal to wifli the continuance of all Profperity to your Hignefs's hands Affairs, and in words at large to exprefs our Good-will and Affedion to your Serenity , and therefore make it our Requeft, That you will vouchfafe to give him Credit in thofe Matters concerning which he has Inftruftions to treat with your Highnefs, as if all things were atteftedand confirm'd by our perfonal
,
Prefence.
From our Court
at 'Whitehal],
ûguft
^1657.
Oliver ProteBor of the Commonxvealth of England, &c. To the moft Noble the Confuls and Senators of the City of Hamborough.
Moft Nolle, moft Magnificent and Worthy
accomplifli'd, Colonel William Jepfon^ a Senator in our Parlament, being fent by us to the moft ferene King of Sweden, is to travel through your City ; and therefore we have given him in command, not to pafs by your Lordlhips unfaluted in our Name j and withal to make it our Requeft, That you will be ready to ailift him upon whatfoever occafion he fiiall think it requifite to crave the Aid of your Authority and Counfel. Which the more willingly you fha 11 do, the more you fhall find you have acquir'd our Favour.
TH
E moft
From
our Court at
Weftm.
To
7^9 )
To the mofl: Noble
the Confuls
and Senators of the City of Breme.
great our AfFeftion is toward your City, how particular our Goodthe account of your Religion, as for the celebrated will, as well upon as of City, formerly you have found j fo when occalion offers, your Splendor At prefent, in regard the moft accomplifh'd fhall be further fenlible. you Colonel William Jepfon, a Senator in our Parlament, is to travel through Brewf with the Charafter of our Envoy Extraordinary to the King of Sweden, 'tis our pleafure that he falute your Lordfliips lovingly and friendly in our Name ^ and that if any Accident fall out, wherein your Afliftance and Friendbe ferviceable to him, that he may have free admilTion to defire fliip may it, Wherein we are confident you will the left fcore of our Alliance. the upon be wanting, by how much the more reafon you will have to be alTur'd of our
HO W
Angular Love and Kindnefs for your Lordfliips. 1657. Augufl
From
our Court at Whitehall,
To the mofi Oliver Protect or of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Noble the Senators and Conjuls of the City of Lubeck.
Moji Noble^ Magnificent, and Right Wor/hipful, our dearefi friends ; IVilliam Jepfon, a Perfon of great Honour, and a Senator in oyr Colonel Parlament, is to pafs with the Charadter of a Publick Minilter from your Wherefore we deCity to the King of Sweden, encamping not far from it. fire your Lordfliips, that if occafion require, upon the account of the Friendand Commerce between us, you will be afliftant to him in his Journey fliip through your City, and the Territories under your Jurifdiftion. As to what remains, it is our farther pleafure, that you be faluted in our Name, and that you be aflur'd of our Good-will and ready Inclinations to ferve your Trow owr Cowrr ^t Weftminflrer, Auguji ^-^ k^SVLordfliips,
Oliver Froteîor of the Commonti>ealth of England, &c. To the City of Hatnborough.
Mo/i Noble, Magnificent, and Right

Meadows, who
IVor/hipful
brings thefe Letters to your Lordfliips,
is
to travel
PHilip through your City with the Charafter of our Agent to the King of Denmark. Therefore we moll earnefl:ly recommend him to your Lordfliips, that if any occafion fliould happen for him to defire it, you would be ready to aid him with your Authority and Affiftance And we defire that this our Recommendation may have the fame weight at prefent with your Lordfliips as formerly it wont to have nor fliall we be wanting to your Lordfliips upon the fame Opportunities. From our Court at Whitch^W, Jluguft 1657.
:
,
To the moft Oliver Proteôr of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Serene Prince Frederick Heir of Norway, Duke of Slefwic, Holfatia,
and Ditmarfh, Count in Oldenburgh and Delmenhorft.

our deareft Friend
,
Moft Serene Prince,
William Jepfon, a Perfon truly noble in his Country, and a Senator in our Parlament, is fentby us, as our Envoy Extraordinary to the Colonel moft Serene King of Sweden ; and may it prove happy and profperous for the common Peace and Interefts of Cbrijlendom. have given him In-
We
ftruftions,
(
ftruftions,
Serenities
720 )
in his
among other things. hands in our Name, and
That
Journey, after he has
kifs'd
your
declar'd our former
Zeal for your Welfare, to requeft of your Serenity with your Authority, he may travel with fafety and convenience through which kind aft of Civility, your Highnefs will in a your Territories. By to returns of anfwerable kindnefs. From our Court at us meafure oblige greater 1657Wellminfler, Aug.
Good- will and conftant alfo. That being guarded
Olivet Proteôr of the'Commomvealth of Enghndj &c. Tothemoft Serene Prince^ Ferdinand Great Duke of Tufcany.
Friend ; Mofl Serene Great Diike, our dcarejl E Company of our Merchants, trading to the Eaftcrn Coafls of the Mediterranean Sea, by their Petition to us, have fet forth, That WilEllhs^
TH
liam
Mafter of a Ship call'd the Little Lewh^ being at Alexandria in of Afemphit^ to carry Rice, Sugar, and Coffee, Egy^t^ was hir'd by the Bajha oi either to Conftant ino^le Smyrna^ for the ufeof the Grand Seignior but that Promife given, he bore away privately from the and his Faith contrary to and 0o?Maji Fleet, brought his Ship and Lading to Leghorn^ where now he Which villanous Aft being of dangerous Exlives in pofTeffion of his Prey. Name to fcandal, and the Fortunes of our the Chriftian as ex-pofmg ample, under the Turks to violence and ranfack ; we therefore make Merchants
-,
it
our Requeft to your Highnefs, That you will give Command that the faid Mafter be apprehended and imprifon'd, and that the Veflel and Goods may remain under Seizure, till we fhall have given notice of our Care for the reftitutionof thofe Goods to the Sultan : AtTuring your Highnefs of our readinefs to make futable Returns of Gratitude whenever opportunity prefents it From our Court at Weltm, Se^temh. felf. 1657.
living
Your Highnefs's moft AfFeftionate, Oliver Protetor of the Commonwealth of England^ &c.
To the moll Oliver Proteffor of the Commonwealth of England, &c. the Lord Frederic William, Marquefs of BrandenSerene Prince,
burgh, &c.
Moft Serene Prince, our moft dear Friend and Confederate ^ our lafl Letters to your Highnefs, either already or fliortly to be deliver'd by our Embaffador WiUiamJejfon, we have imparted the Subwhich we could not do without ftance of our EmbalTy to your Highnefs fome mention of your great Vertues, anddemonftration of our own Goodwill and AfFedtion. Neverthelefs, that we may not feem too fuperficially to have glided over your tranfcending Defervings of the Proteftantlnterefts i we thought it proper to refume the fame Subject-, and pay our Refpeft and Veneration, not more willingly, or with a greater fervency of Mind, but fomewhat more at large to your Highnefs: And truly moft defervedly, when daily Information reaches our Ears, That your Faith and Confcience, by all manner of Artifices tempted and alTail'd, by all manner of Arts and Devices folicited, yet cannot be fhaken, cr by any Violence be rent from your ConfedeFriendfliip and Alliance with a moft magnanimous Prince and your rate: And this, when the Affairs of the 5ireâ are now reduc'd to that con-
BY
dition, that in adhering to their Alliance, 'tis manifeft that your Highnefs rather confults the common Caufe of the Reformed Religion, than your own Advantage. And when your Highnefs is almoft furrounded and befieg'd by Enemies, either privately lurking, or almoft at your Gates \ yet fuch is your Conftancy and Refolutionof Mind, fuch your Conduft and Prowefs becomand ing a great General, that the burden and raafTy Bulk of the whole Affair, the
(721)
Determination.
to refb and depend upon your fole Wherefore your Highnefs has no reafon to quefl'on but that our Friendfhip and unfeigned AfFedion ; who (hpuld think you may rely upon our felves worthy to be forfaken of all Mens good Word, (hould we.feera carelefs in the lealt of your unblemilh'd Fidelity, your Conftancy, and the
the Event of this important
War, feems
reft of
nefs
fcore of upon the common
your applauded
Vertues
or fhould
Religion.
we pay lefs refpect to your HighAs to thofe Matters

propounded
your Counfellor and Agent not return an we could hitherto if Anfwer, fuch as we defir'd here refiding, to do, though with all afllduity and diligence laboured by your Agent , we intreat your Highnefs to impute it to the prefent condition of our Affairs, and to be afTur'd, that there is nothing which we account more facred, or more be ferviceable and aflifting to your Interefts, fo bound earneftly defire, than to In the mean time we befeech the God of up with the Caufe of Religion. a fo Prowefs and Fortitude may never languilh that fignal Mercy and Power, Fruit and due Applaufe of all your pithe be nor or be opprefs'd, depriv'd at our Court From ous Undertakings. WcttminHety Sept. KJ57.
by the moft accomplifh'd John
Frederic Schlever^
Your Highnefs's moft AfFeftionate, Oliver Proteftor of th Cotnmonwealth of England^ &C.
To
de Boufdeaux, Extraordmarj the mofi Excellent Lordy the mofi Serene Kjng of France. Emhajfador from
M.
LVcas
Mojl Excellent Lord'-, Lucie Merchant of London^ has made his Complaint to the moft Serene Lord Protector, concerning a certain Ship of his, call'd the Mary } which in her Voyage from Ireland to Bayonne., being driven by Tempeft into the Port of St. John de Luz.^ was there detain'd by virtue of an Arreft, at the Suit of one Martin de Laz.an nor could Ihe be difcharg'd till the Merchants had given Security to ftand a Trial for the Property of the faid Ship and LadFor Martin pretended to have a great Sum of Money owing to him by ing. the Parlament for feveral Goods of his, which in the Year 1(^42, were feizM by Authority of Parlament, in a certain Ship call'd the Santa Clara. But it is manifeft. That Martin was not the Owner of the faid Goods, only that he the of the true Claim Owners Richard and profecuted In<jf, together with his Partner, whofe Name was Antonio Femendez. j and that upon the faid Martin and Antonio's falling out among themfelves, the Parlament decreed that the laid Goods Ihould be ftopp'd till the Law ftiould decide to which of the two they were to be reftor'd. Upon this, Antony was defirous that the Aftion Ihould proceed ; on the other fide, neither Martiny nor anybody for him, has hitherto appeared in Court : All which is evidently apparent by Lucoi's Petition hereto annex'd. So that it feems moft unreafonable. That he who refused to try his pretended Title with Antonio^ to other Mens Goods, in our own Courts, (hould compel our People, and the true Owners, to go to Law for their own in a Foreign Dominion. And that the fame is apparent to your Excellency's Equity and Prudence, the moft Serene Lord Protcftor makes no quefcLn j by whom I am therefore commanded in a particular manner to recommend this fair and honcft Caufe of Lucai Lucie to your Excellency's Confideration ^ to the end that Martin^ who negleds to try his pretended Right here, may not uijder that Pretence have an opportunity in the French Dominions to deprive othersof their 1557. Wefim. Octob rightful Claims.
.,
Your Excellency's moft
AfFeftionate.
Zzzz
Oliver
( 722 )
To the moft Oliver Protestor of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Serene Duke, and Senate of the Republick of Venice.
Moji Serene Duke and Senate^ our
deareft Friends
;
numerous are the Tydings brought us of your fortunate SuccelTes again!?; the Turks^ that there is nothing wherein we have more frequent occafion to employ our Pens, than in congratulating your Serenities for fome fignal Vidory. For this fo recently obtain'd, we give ye Joy, as being not only moft aufpicious and feafonable to your Republick but which is more glorious, fo greatly tending to the deliverance of all the Chrillians groaning un-
SO
der Turktjh Servitude. and the Senate Thomas
who for thefe five time we have interceded

as in a time of
particularly we recommend to your Serenity Mafter of the Ship call'd the Reftef., formerly Galily^ Years together has been a Slave ; tho thi be not the firit
More
in his behalf, yet
more than ordinary Exultation.
now we do it the more freely, He having receiv'd your
to ferve your Republick with his Ship, and engaging alone with feveralof the Enemies Gallies, funk fome, and made a great havock among the reft but at length his Ship being burnt, the brave Commander, and lb wrell deferving of the Venetian Republick, was taken, and ever fince for five Years together, has endur'd a miferable Bondage under the Barbarians. To redeem himfelf he had not wherewithal for whatfoever he had, that he makes out was owing to him by your Highnefs and the Senate, upon the account either of his Ship, his Goods, or for his Wages. Now in regard he may not want Relief, and for that the Enemy refufes to difcharge him upon any other condition, than by exchange of fome other Perfon of equal Value
Commands,
:
.,
and Reputation to himfelf j we moft earneftly entreat your Highnefs, and the moft Serene Senate ^ and the afflidted old Man, Father of the faid TfcowAs, full of Grief and Tears, which not a little mov'd us, by our IntercefDon That in begs. regard fo many profperous Combats have made ye Maiters of fo many Turkijh Prifoners, you will exchange fome one of their Number, whom the Enemy will accept for fo Itout a Seaman taken in your Service, our Countryman, and the only Son of a moft forrowful Father. Laltly, That whatfoever is due to him from the Republick, upon the fcore of Wages, or upon any other account, you will take care to fecit paid to
his Father, or to
firft
whom he fhall appoint to receive it. The EfFeft of our or rather of your Equity, was this. That the whole Matter Requeft, was examin'd, and upon an exaft ftating of the Accounts the Debt was agreed j but perhaps by reafon of more important Bufinefs intervening, no Paiment enfu'd upon it. Now the Condition of the miferable Creature admits of no longer delay ^ and therefore fome endeavour muft be us'd, if it be worth your while to defire his Welfare, that he may fpeedily be deliver 'd from the noyfom f tench of Imprifonment. Which, as you flourifh no lefs in Jultice, Moderation and Prudence, than in Military Fame and Vidorious Succefs, we are confident you will fee done, of your own innate Humanity and Free-will, without any Hefitation, without any Incitement of ours. Now that ye may long flourifh, after a moft potent Enemy fubour From our Court at Weftdu'd, daily Prayers implore of the Almighty.
rainfter,
Oiipb. 1657.
Your Highnefs's molt

of the
AfFeftionate, Oliver Proteaoc
Commonwealth of Fngldndy &c.
OKver
( 72? )
Oliver ProteBor df the
Commonmalth of England, &c. To the High and Mighty Lords^ the States of the United Provinces.
.
ff
Mofl High and Mighty Lords ^ our deareft Friends and Confederates j E moft Illuftrious William Nuport, your extraordinary EmbafTador for fome Years refiding with us, is now returning to your Lordlhips ^ but with this condition, that after this refpit obtain'd from your Lordfliips, he (hall return again in a fhort time. For he has remain'd among us, in the difhis with that of Truft, (!harge Fidelity, Vigilance, Prudence ajid Equity, that neither you nor we could defire greater Vertue and Probity in an Embalfador, and a Perfon of unbiemifhed Reputation^ with thofe inclinations and endeavours to preferve Peace and Friendfhip between us, without any fraud or dilTimulation, that while he officiates the Duty of your Emballador,
TH
we do not find what occafion of fcruple pr offence can arife in either Nation. And we (hould brook his departure with fo much the more anxiety of Mind, conlidering the prefent juncture of Times and Afiîirs, were we not airur'd,that no Man can better or more faithfully declare andreprefent to your Lordfhips,
either the prefent condition of Affairs, or our Good-will and Affeftion to your Government. Being therefore every way fo excellent a Perfon, and fo
well defcrving both of yours and our Republick, we requefl: your Lordlhips to receive him returning, fuch as we unwillingly difmifs him, laden with the realTcftimonials of our Applaufes. Almighty God grant all Profperity to your Afflii; s, and perpetuate our Friendfhip, to his Glory, and the fupport of
his
Orthodox Church.
Your High and Mightineffes molt devoted.

From our Court at WQdminHQV, November 1657.
Oliver ProteBor of the
Commonmalth of England, &c. To

United Provinces.
the
High and
Mighty
Lords., the States of the
Moft High and Mighty LordSy our dear eft Friends and Confederates-^ Downing is a Perfon of eminent Quality, and after a long trial of his Fidelity, Probity and GEorge Diligence, in feveral and various Negotiations, well approved and valuM by us. Him we have thought fitting to fend to the with Charafter of our Agent, and amply furyour Lordffiips, dignify'd nifh'd with our Inltrudtions. therefore delireyour Lordfliips to receive liim.kindly, and that fo often as he Ihall fignify that he has any thing to impart in our Name to your Lordfliips, you will admit him free Audience, and give the fame Credit to him, and entrufl: him with whatfoever you have to communicate to us , which you may fafely do, as if our felves were perfonally And fo we befeech Almighty God to blefs your Lordfliips, and prefent. your Republick with all Profperity, to the Glory of God, and the Support of his Church, Your High and Mightineffes mofl; From our Court at WhitQ-UaW, afFedtionate, Oliver, &c.
We
Decetnb.-
1657.
To
the States of Holland.
between our Republick and yours, and thofs that without an Agent and Interpreter, fent either by your felves, or from us, matters of fuch great moment can hardly be adjufled to the advantage of both Nations, we thought it
Affairs to be tranfaded on both fides, THere
being an Alliance
conducing to the coinraoq good of both Repnblicks to fend George 'Downing, a Perfon Zzzz 2
( 7^4 ) peifon of eminent Quality, and long in our Knowledg and Efteera for his undoubted Fidelity, Probity and Diligence, in many and various Negotiations, dignin'd with the Character of our Agent, to refide with your Lordfhips, and chiefly to take care of thofe things, by which the Peace between us may be preferv'd entire and diuturnal. Concerning which we have not only written to the States^ but alfo tiiought it requifite to give notice alfo of the fame to your Lordfhips, fupreme in the Government of your Province, and who make fo confiderable a part of the Vnited Provinces ; to the end you may give that reception to our Refident which becomes him, and that whatever he tranfadts with your High and Mighty States^ you may aflure your felves fhall be as firm and irrevocable, as if our felves had bin prefent in the NeNow the mofl merciful God dired all your Counfels and Adfions gotiation. to his Glory, and the Peace of his Church.
Wefiminjier^ Y^CQtmh
1557.
Oliver ProteBor of the Commonwealth of England, &c.

Serene Prince, Ferdinand
To
the mofi
Uren Duke of Tufcany.
Moft Serene Great Duke^ our much Honoured Friend , Our Highnefs's Letters, bearing date from F/orfwc the loth of Iôvemher, gave us no fmall occafion of Content and Satisfaftion ^ finding therein your Good-will towards us, fo much the more confpicuous, by how much Deeds than Words, Performances than Promifes, are the more certain marks of a cordial Affection. For what werequefted of your Highnefs, that you would command the Mafler of the Little Lervvs, William Ellis, who mofl ignominioufly broke his Faith with the Turks^ and the Ship and Goods to be feiz'd and detain'd, till Reflitution Ihould be made to the Turks, left the
Name fliould receive any Blemilh by Thieveries of the like nature ; thofe things, and that too with an extraordinary Zeal, as we moft gladly undcrftood before, your Highnefs writes that you have feen diligently perform'd. therefore return our Thanks for the Kindnefs receiv'd, and make it our farther requeft, that when the Merchants have given Security to fatisfie the Turks, the Mafter may be difcharged, and the Ship, together with
Cbrijiian
all
We
her Lading, be forthwith difmifs'd, to the end we may not feem to have had the Turks Intereft, than our own Country-men. In the this Favour done us by kindly furpafling your Highnefs, and moft acceptable to us, that we fliould not refufe to be branded with Ingratitude, if we fhould not ardently defire a fpeedy opportunity, with the iame promptitude of Mind, to gratifie your Highnefs, whereby we might be enabl'd to demonftrate our readinefs to return the fame good Offices to fo noble a Benefadtor upon all occafions.
more care perhaps of mean time we take fo
From our Court at WeHm'mitcT,

Decemh.
KJ57.
Your Highnefles moft

nate, 0/zwr, &c.
afFcftio-
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the mofl Serene and. Potent Prince, Charles Guftavus, Kjng of the Swedes, Goths, and. Vandals, &c.
and Potent Prince, our moft Invincible Friend and Confederate ; your Majefty's Letters, dated the 21ft of February from your Camp in Sdand, we found many reafons to be affefted with no fmall Joy, as well for our own in geparticular, as in regard of the whole Chriftian Republick neral. In the firft place, becaufe the an become King of Denmark, being
Afojl Serene
BY
Enemy, not induc'd thereto,
as
we
are apt to believe, by his
own
Inclinations
or
(7^5)
or
deluded by the Artifices of our common Adverfaries, is reduc'd to that condition by your fuddcn irruption into the very Heart of his Kingdom, with very Iktle blood fhcd on either ilde, that what was ieally be perfwaded that Peace would have bin more benetrue, he will at lengtli ficial to him, than the War which he has enter'd into againll your Majefty. Then again, when he (hall confider with himfclf, that he cannot obtain it by than by making ufc of our Afliflance, long lince any more fpeedy means,
Interells, but offer 'd
him to procure a Reconciliation, in regard your Majelly fo readily intreated by the Letters only delivered by our Agent, by fuch an eafy conccffion of Peace, mofl; clearly made it apparent how highly you efteemM the InterceHMi of our Friendfhip, he will certainly apply himfelf to us , and then our Interpofition in fo pious a work, will chiefly require, that we fhoiild be the fole Reconciler and almoft Author of that Peace, fo beneficial to the
Interefts of the Protcffants
, which, as we hope, will fuddenly be accomthe Enemies of Religion fhall defpair of breaking your when For plifh'd. united Forces by any other means than fecting both your Majefties at variance^ then their own fears will overtake 'em, left this unexpefted Conjunftion, which We ardently defire, of your Arms and Minds, Ihould turn to the deftrudtion In the mean time, moft Magof them that were the Kindlers of the War. on Prowefs and nanimous King, may your go profper , and the fame felicity which the Enemies of the Church have adrair'd in the progrefs of your Atchievements, and the fteady Career of your Victories againft a Prince, now Confederate, the fame by God's Afliflance, may you enforce 'em to be-
your hold once more
in their Subverfion.
From
our
PaUce
at
March
30.
Weftminfter, 165 S.
Oliver Protector of the Commomvealth of England, &t. rem Frince^ Ferdinand Great Duke of Tufcany.
To
the mofi Se-
Mofl Serene Prince ; E Anfwer which we have given to your Agent here refiding, we bewho but latelieve, will fully fatisfy your Highnefs as to our Admiral, In the mean time, 'John Hofm, Mafter of a Ship, Ports. into your ly put call'd the Owner^ has fet forth in a Petition to us, that in A^ril 1656. he hir'd out his Ship by a Charter-party Agreement, to one Jofefh Arman^ an broke all the Covenants therein contain'd fo that he Italian^ who manifeitly lofe his Ship and Lading, together with his whole (hould he "lefl: was enforc'd, to fet forth the fraud of his Freighter, after the principal Stock, openly manner of Merchants ^ and when he had caus'd it to be regifter'd by a Pubon the other fide, that he might lick Notary, to fue him at Leghorn. Jofeph^ make good one Fraud by another, combining with two other litigious TraPer jury,, feiz'd upon fix thoufand Pieces ders, upon a feign'd Pretence, by But as for his part, the Thomai one Clutterbuck. of of Fight, the Money and of lofs after time, could never obtain his iaid Hofier, great Ex'pences : durfl: he there Nor at Due appear in Court, being Leghorn Right and therefore rethreaten'd as he was, and waylay'd by his Adverfaries.
TH
We
that you would vouchfafe your Afllftance to this poor queft your Highnefs, to your wonted Juftice, reftrain the Infolence of and according oppreft Man, For in vain are Laws ordain'd for the Government of Cities his Adverfary.
if Wrong and Violence, when they cannot abThreats and Terror to frufirrate the Refuge and able by rogate, Ihall be we make no doubt, but that your Highnefs of the Laws. However, Sanftuary a to take care will fpeedily punilh daring Boldnefs of this nature ; befeeching to blefs your Highnefs with Peace and Profperity. God Almighty
by the Authority of Princes,
<
jyowoKJ- CoMrr
flt
Weflminftcr,
1658.
April 7.
To
(726)
To
the mofi Serene
and Potent Prince^ Lewis Kjng of France.
Your
and Confederate ; Moji Serene and Potent King, and mofi Augufi Friend Majefty may call to mind, that at the fame time, when the renewand no lefs aufpicioufly coning the League between us was in agitation, thence from the as accruing to both Nations, Advantages many cluded, and the many Annoyances thence attending the common Enemy, fufficiently befel the Picmontois, and that teftify thofe dreadful Butcheries that v^ recomon all and their Came of Mind mended with great fervency Companion, and Proteftion. Nor Commiferation and to fides forfaken your afflifted, was in a fo of that we believe do wanting your felf, Duty pious, your Majefty, that we may not fay, befeeming common Humanity, as far as your Authority, and the Veneration due to your Perfon, could prevail with the Duke of SaCertain we are, that neither our felves, nor many other Princes and njoy. Cities were wanting in our Performances, by the Interpofition of Embaffies, After a moft bloody Butchery of both Sexes, and Letters, and Intreaties. all Ages, at length Peace was granted, or rather a certain clandeftine Holliof Peace. The Conditions of Peace were lity cover'd over with the name but fuch as thofe mifeof Pignerol ; fevere and hard, agreed in your Town all that could be endur'd had fuffer'd after and rable they indigent Creatures, that was oppreflive and barbarous, would have been glad of, had they been but obferv'd, as hard and unjuft as ^hey were. But by falfe Conlfruftions, and various Evafions, the AfTurances of all thefe Articles are eluded and violated Many are thruft out from their ancient Abodes many are forbid the Exercife of their Religion, new Tributes are exacted, a new Cita:
,
is impos'd upon thera , from whence the Souldiers frequently making Add to all this, that Excurfions, either plunder or murder all they meet. and all that embrace the new Levies are privately preparing againft 'em, a to fo that all are commanded depart by prefix'd day Protefiant Religion of extermination thofe feem to the utter threaten deplorable'Wretches, things whom the former Mallacre fpar'd. Which I moft earneltly befeech and conwhich fign'd the jure ye, Mofi Chnfiian Kmg, by that
del
RIGHT
HAND
League and Friendlhip between us, by that fame goodly Ornament of your Title of CHRISTIAN, by no means to fuffer, nor to permit fuch liand Fury uncontroul'd, we will not fay, in any Prince, ( for of Rage berty certainly fuch barbarous Severity could never enter the Breaft of any Prince, much lefs fo tender in Years, nor into the female thoughts of his Mother) but in thofe fanftifi'd Cut-throats, who profefllng themfelves to be the Servants and Difciples of our Saviour Chrift, who came into this World to fave Sinners, abufe his meek and peaceful Name and Precepts to the moft cruel flaughter
MOST
of the Innocent. Refcue, you that are able in your towring Station, worthy to be able, refcue fo many Suppliants proftrate at your feet, from the hands of Ruffians, who lately drunk with Blood, again thirft after it, and think it But as their fafeft way to throw the Odium of their Cruelty upon Princes. for you, great Prince, fuffer not, while you reign, your Titles, nor the Confines of your Kingdom, to be contaminated with this fame Heaven-offending Scandal, nor the peaceful Gofpel of Chrift to be defifd with fuch abominabW Remember that they fubmitted themfelves to your Grandfather Cruelty. moft friendly to the Proteftants, when the viftorious Lefdiguieres purHenry, There is alfo an Inftrument of fu'd the retreating Savoyard o're the Alpes. that Submiffion regifter'd among the publick Ads of your Kingdom, wherein it is excepted and provided among other things, That from that time forward the Piemontovs fhould not be deliver'd over into the Power of any Ruler, but upon the fame Conditions upon which your invincible Grandfather receiv'd thcm'into his Protection. This Protedfion of your Grandfather, thefe
'Tis your Majefty's part, Suppliants now implore from you as Grandchild. to whom thofe People now belong, to give 'em that Proteftion which they have chofcn, by fome exchange df Habitation, if they defire it, and it may be done Or if that be a Labour too difficult, at leaft to fuccour 'era with your Patronage, your Commiferation, and your admittance into San:
duary.
ftuary. to refufe the Picmontovf a fafe ^fylum in your Kingdom : But I am unwilling that you, fo great a King, fliould be induc'd to the defence and fuccour of the
And
( 727 ) there are fome Reafons of State to encourage your Majefly not
miferable by any other Arguments than thofe of your Anceflor's pledg'd Thus the imFaith, your own Piety, Royal Benignity and Magnanimity. maculate and intire Glory of a moft egregious Aft will be your own, and of Mercy, and his Son, Kmg Chrijl^ whofe Name you will find the Father and Doiflrine you have vindicated from nefarious Inhumanity, fo much the more favourable and propitious to your Majefty, all your days. The God of Mercy and Power infufe into your Majefty's Heart a Refolution to defend and fave fo many innocent Ghriftians, and maintain your own Honour.
Wejintinjlery
May 1658.
To
the
Evmgelick
Cities
of the Switzers.
and moft Noble Lords^ our dearefl frienî ; heavy and intolerable the Sufferings of the Piemontovs^ yonr moll afflicted Neighbours, have bin, and how unmercifully they have been dealt with by their own Prince, for the fake of their Religion, by reafon of the fiercenefs of the Cruelties, We almoft tremble to remember, and thought it fuperfluous to put you in mind of thofe things, which are much better known We have alfo feen Copies of the Letters which your Emto your Lordfliips. balTadors, Promoters and Witnefles of the Peace concluded at Pigncrol, wrote to the Duke ot Savoy^ and the Prefident of his Council at Turin wherein that all the fet it the faid and Conditions of are make Peace forth, they out, a a were than to miferable rather Snare thofe and broken, Security People. Which Violation continu'd from the Conclulion of the Peace to this very moment, and ftill grows more heavy every day than others unlefs they patiently endure, unlefs they lay thejnfelves down to be trampl'd under foot, plalh'd like Mortar, or abjure their Religion, the fame Calamities, the fame Slaughters hangover their Heads, which three years fince made fuch a dreadfiil havock of them, their Wives and Children j and which, if it mult be undergone once move, will certainly prove the utter extirpation of their whole Race, What Ihall fuch miferable Creatures do ? in whofe behalf no Interceflion will avail, to whom no breathing time is allow'd, nor any certain They have to do with wild Beafts, or Furies rather, upon place of Refuge. whom the remembrance of their former Murders has wrought no Compaflion upon their Countrymen, no fenfe of Humanity, nor fatiated their ravenous thirft after Blood. Moft certainly thefe things are not to beendur'd, if we. dclire the fafety of our Brethren the Piemoyitoif, moft antient Profeffors of the Orthodox Faith, or the welfare of our Religion it felf. As for our felves, fo far remote, we have not been wanting to affift 'em as far as in us lay, nor (hall we ceafe our future Aid. But you, who not only liefo near adjoining, as to behold the Butcheries, and hear the outcries and Ihrieks of the DiftrelTed, but arc alfq next cxpos'd to the fury of the fame Enemies j confider for the fake of the Immortal God, and that in time, what it behoves ye now to do confult your Prudence, your Piety, and your Fortitude ; what fuccour, what relief and fafeguard you are able, and are bound to afford your Neighbours and Brethren, who muft elfe undoubtedly and fpeedily perilh. Certainly the fame Religion is the caufe, why the fame Enemies feek alfo your Perdition , why, at the fame time the laft year, they meditated your ruin, by inteftine Broils among your felves. It feems to be only in your Power, next under God, to prevent the extirpation of this moft antient Scien of the purer Religion, in thefe remainders of the Primitive Believers ^ whofe prefervation, now reduc'd to the very brink of utter ruin, if you negleft, beware that the next Turn be not your own. Thefe Admonitions, while we give ye freely, and out of broFor what lies only in our therly Love, we are not quite as yet caft down Power fo far diftant, as we have hitherto, fo fhall we ftill employ our utmoft
lllujlrious
HO
-,
'
Endeavours,
our Brethren upon the preciEndeavours, iiot only to procure the fafety of their Wants. alfoto relieve but May the Almighty God of danger, pice vouchfafe to both of us that Peace and Tranquillity at home, that fettlement of Times and Affahrs, that we may be able to employ all our Wealth and the defence of his Church againft the Force, all our Studies and Counfels in at White-Hall, May Rage and Fury of her Enemies. From our Court
1658.
To
Mofi Eminent Lord,
late mofl:
his
Emimncy Cardwal Mazarin.
THE
and moll bloody Slaughters pergrievous Cruelties, of the Valleys of Piemont, within the Duke the Inhabitants petrated upon of Savofs Dominions, occafion'd the writing of the indos'd Letters to his And as we make no doubt but Majelly, and thefe other to your Eminency. fo that fuch Tyranny, Inhumanities, rigoroufly inflifted upon harmlefs and and ofFenfive to the mofl: Serene King j indigent People, are highly difpleafing we requeft from his Majefty in what that our fo we readily perfwade felves,
behalf of thofe unfortunate Creatures, your Eminency will employ your enas an accumulation to our Interceffions. deavour, and your favour to obtain, is nothing which has acquired more good-will and afFedtion to there Seeing the French Nation, among all the neighbouring Profeflbrs of the Reformed Rewhich by publick Ads and Eligion, than that Liberty and thofe Privileges, And this among others difts are granted in that Kingdom to the Proteftants.
was one main Reafon, why
this Republick fo ardently defir'd the Friendfliip and Alliance of the French People. For the fetling of which we are now treatmade thofe progrefTes, that the ing with the King's Erabaflador, and have
is
brought to a Conclufion. Befides that, your Eminency's Angular Benignity and Moderation, which in the management of the moft imteftifi'd to the Proteftants portant Affairs of the Kingdom, you have always of France^ encourages us to expedt what we promife to our felves from your Prudence and Generofity ^ whereby you will not only lay the foundations of a ilricter Alliance between this Republick and the Kingdom oi France, but oblige us in particular to returns of all good Offices of Civility and Kindnefs : And of this we defire your Eminency to reft affur'd.
Treaty
almofl:
Your Eminency's moft AfFedionate.
Oliver FroteUor of the Commonwealth of England, &c. rene and Potent Prince^ Lewis K/ng of France.
To
the mofi
Se-i
IT
and Confederate j being the intention of Thoma/s Vifcount Fakonbridge, our Son-in-Law, to travel into France, and no lefs his defire, out of his profound Refped and Veneration to your Majefty, to be admitted to kifsyour Royal Hands ; though by reafon of his pleafing Converfation we are unwilling to part with him, neverthelefs not doubting but he will in a Ihort time return from the Court of fo great a Princ-e, celebrated for the refort of fo many prudent and couragious Perfons, more nobly prepar'd for great Performances, and fully accompliih'd in whatfoever may be thought moft laudable and vertuous, we did not think it fit to And though he be a Perfon, a to his put generous Rcfolutions. ftop his Recommendations fbout unlefs own we carries deceive our who, felves, fomewhat the more find wherefoe're he {hall hirafelf he if him, goes ^ yet favour'd by your Majefty for our fake, we Ihall think our felves honour'd and God Almighty long preferve your Majefty oblig'd by the fame Kindnefs. in fafety, and continue a between us, to the common Good of Peace lafting
Mofl Serene and
Potent King, our moft Auguft Friend
the Chriftian World.
From
our Court at Whitc-Jiall^
May
1(558.
Oliver
729 )
Oliver Protefior of the Commonwealth of England^ &c. nent Lord Cardinal Mazarin.
To the moft Emi"
Mofi Eminent
Lord.,
recommended to the moft Serene King, ThomoiViicount
Fakoti^
we could not but acquaint defirous to fee France bridge our Son-in-Law, in like manner to your felf, not him recommend and with it, your Eminency what moment and importance it will be to our Recommendation ignorant of For certainly, what benefit or advantage he fhall reap by rcfirft given him. which he hopes will not be fmall, he cannot but be bellding in your Country, holden for the greateft part of it to your Favour and Good-will ; whofe and Vigilancy fupports and manages the grand Affairs of fingle Prudence Whatever therefore grateful Obligation your Eminency fhall that Kingdom. be allur'd you lay upon our felves, and that we fhall lay upon him, you may number it many KindnelTes and Civilities already fhew'd us.
HAving
among your
Weflminjler^
May 1^58.
To
the mo/
Oliver Protector, &c.
Eminent Lord Cardinal Mazarin.
Moji Eminent
Lord.,
ThomM Bella/is, Vifcount Fakonhridge^ our to congratulate the King upon his arrival in the Camp at Son-in-Law, to attend and wifh your Eminency long Life and Order I him Dunkirk^ gave Health in our Name, and to return Thanks to your Eminency, by whofe Fideit chiefly comes to pafs, that the Affairs of lity, Prudence and Vigilancy, France are carri'd on with fuch Succefs in feveral parts, but more efpecially in near adjoining Flanders^ againft our common Enemy the Spaniard j from whom and armed Courage now will foon exaft a rigorous account we that
fent the moft illuftrious
HAving
hope
of
all his
fliall
Which that it may be fpeedily done, we Frauds and Treacheries. not be wanting, either with our Forces, as far as in us lies, or with our
open
Prayers to Heaven.
from o>-Coa>'t<Jt White-Hall, May
-1558.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis Kjng of France.
To
the
mofi
Mofl Serene and Potent

foon as the
Prince, dur inoft Augufl Friend
and Confederate
r,
News was brought us. That your Majefty was arriv'd in your was and fate down with fo confiderable an Army before Dunkirk, Camp, that infamous neft of Pyrates, and place of Refuge for Sea-robbers, we were
SO
alTurance that in a fhort time now, with God's greatly overjoy'd, in certain more will be open and lefs infefted by thofe plundering AfFiItance, the Seas that Rovers^ and your Majefty, by your Military Prowefs, will now take the Spani/h Frauds by whom one Captain was by Gold of fpeedy Vengeance to the betraying of Hefden, another treacheroufly furpriz'd at
,
corrupted
Ofiend.
therefore fend the moft Noble, Tbomai Vifcount Fakonbridge^ ourSoh-in-Law, to congratulate your Majefty's arrival in your Camp fo near from his own Lips, with what Afus, and that your Majefty may undcrftand fedion we labour the Profperity of your Atchievements, not only with our united Forces, but with our cordial Prayers, that God would long preferve
We
your Majefty, and perpetuate our of the Chrirtian World.
eftablifh'd Friendfhip, to the
common Good
From our Court
at
Weftminfter, Afay
5
1058,
( 730 )
To
fhe
fjiffjt
Serene Prince^ Ferdinand
GraniDuke of Tufcany.
Mofi Serene Great Duke^

regard your Highnefs in all your Letters has ever fignifi'd your extraordinary AfFedion toward us, we are not a little griev'd, that either it Ihould be fo obfcurely imparted to your Governors and Minilters, or by them fo ill or fign of it in your Port of interpreted, that we can reap no benefit Leghorriy where your Friendfhip toward us ought to be moft clearly and truly underftood Rather, that we Ihould find the Minds of your Subjefts daily more For how unkindly our Fleet averfe and hoftile in their demeanour toward us. was lately treated at Leghorn^ how little accommodated with neceflary Supmanner twice conftrain'd to depart the Harbour, we plies, in what a Hoftile as well from undoubted WitnefTes underftand are fufficientty given to upon the Place, as from our Admiral himfelf, to whofe Relation we cannot but give Credit, when we have thought him worthy to command our Fleet. Upon his firlt arrival in January^ after he had caus'd our Letters to be deliver'd to your Highnefs, and all Offices of Civility had pafs'd between our People and yours j when he defir'd the Accommodation of Porto Ferraro anfwer w^g made, it could not be granted, left the King, of Spain^ that is to fay our Enemy, fhoiild be offended. And yet what is there which a Prince in Friendfhip more frequently allows to his Confederate,th3n free entrance into his Ports and Harbours ? Or what is there that we can from a Friendfliip of this expedt nature, more ready to do us unkindnefs than befriend us, or aid us with the fniaHefb Alliftance, for fear of provoking the difpleafure of our Enemies ? At firfl: indeed, Prattick was aWovf'dj though only to two or three of our Seamen out of every Ship, who had the Favour to goafhoar. But foon after, it being nois'd in the Town, that our Ships had taken a Dutch Veffel laden with Corn for Spai-4j that little Prattick we had was prohibited ^ Longland^ the EngliJ]} Conful, was not permitted to go aboard the Fleet the liberty of taking in frefh Water, which is ever free to all that are not open Enemies, was not fuffcr'd, butunder armed Guards, at a fevere rate-, and our Merchants which refide in the Town, to the vaft emolument of your People, were forbid to vifit their Countrymen, or aflifb 'em in the leaft. Upon his lalt arrival, toward tiie latter end of March^ no body was fuffer'd to come afhoar. The fifth day after, when our Admiral had taken a fmall Neapolitan \ft^t\ which fell into our hands by chance, above two hundred great fhot were made at our Fleet ft-om the Town, thqugh without any damage to us. Which was an Arthat what Governors without a gument, caufe, as if the Rights provt^d your of your Harbour had bin violated, was done out at Sea, at a great dillance from your Town, or the Jurifdidion of the Caflle. Prefently our Long-boats fcnt to take in frefh Water, were afTail'd in the Port, and one taken and detain'd? which being redemanded, anfwer was made. That neither the Skiff nor the Seamen fhould be reftor'd, unlefs the Neapolitan Veffel were difmifs'd j though certain it is, that fhe was taken in the open Sea, where it was lawful to feize her. So that ours, after many Inconveniencies fufi'er'd, were forc'd at length to fet fail, and leave behind 'em the Provifion, for which they had Thefe things, if they were not done by your Highnefs's paid ready Money. Confent and Command, as we hope they were not, we defire you would make it appear by the punilhment of the Governour, who fo eafily prefum'd to viobut if they were done with your late his Mafber's Alliances Highnefs's Approbation and Order, we would have your Highnefs underftand, that as we
IN
always had a lingular value for your Friendfhip, fo between Injuries and adts of Kindnefs.
we
have learnt to diftinguilh
Frow
OKJ-
Coro-Mf Whitehall,
1658.
May
Your good Friend, fo far as we may, Oliver Proteftor of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver
750
Oliver Prottdor of ihe Commonwealth of England, 6^:. To tht mofi Serene ard Potent Prince^ Lewis Kjng of France.
Jugufc Confederate and Friend ; our fo fpeedily repaying profound Refpea: to your Majefty, with an accumulation of Honour, by lucli an illuftrious Embally to our Court j you iiave not only made known to us, but to all the People of England your and Generolity of xMind, but alfo how much lingular Benignity you tavour our Reputation and Dignity for which we return our moft cordial Thanks to your Majefty, as juftly you have merited from us. As for the Viftory which God has given, molt fortunate, to our united Forces againft our Enemies, we rejoice with your Majefty for it j and that our People in that Battel were not wanting to your Alllftance, nor the Military Glory of their Ancetheir own priftine Fortitude, is moft grateful to us. As for Dunftors, nor as your Majefty wrote, you werîn which kirk^ hope was near Surrender 'tis a great addition to our Joy to hear from your Majefty fuch fpeedy Tidit is abfolutely now in your viftorious hands that and we ^ ings, hope moreover, that the lofs of one City will not fuffice to repay the twofold Treachery of the Spaniard, but that your Majefty will in a fhort time write us the welcome News of the Surrender alfo of the other Town. As to your Prowill take care of our Interefts, we miftruft: it not in the niife, That you of a moft Excellent King, and our moft alTured Word the leaft, upon Friend, confirm'd withal by your EmbalTador, the moft accomplilhM Duke of Crequi. God to profper your Majefty and the Affairs Laftly, We befeech Almighty of France^ both in Peace and War. IVeJlminfier^ June 1658.
Moft Serene and
Potent PrvKc^ our moft
BY
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. mofi Eminent Lord, Cardinal Mazarine.
To
the-
Ahjl Eminent Lord; T" r T THile we are returning Thanks to the moft Serene King, who to honour and congratulate us, as alfo to intermix his Joy with ours for the late glorious Victory, has fent a fplendid Embafly to our Court , we (hould be ungrateful, Ihould we not alfo by our Letters pay our due Acknowledgments to your Eminency j who to teftify your Good-will towards us, and how much you make it your ftudy to do us all the Honour which lies within your Power, have fent your Nephew to us, a moft excellent and moft accomplifh'd young Gentleman i and if you had any nearer Relation, or any Perfon whom you valu'd more, would have fent him more efpecially to us, as you declare in your Letters , adding withal the Reafon, which coming from fo great a Perfonage, we deem no fmall advantage to our Praife and Ornament , that is to fay, to the end that they who are moft nearly related to your Eminency in in fhewing Refpeft and HoBlood, might learn to imitate your Eminency, nour to our Perfon. And we would have it not to be their meaneft ftrife to follow your Example of Civility, Candour, and Friendftiip to us j tince there are not more confpicuous Examples of extraordinary Prudence and Vertue from whence they may learn with eto be imitated than in your Eminency and manage the moft important Affairs qual Renown to govern Kingdoms, of the World. Which that your Eminency may long and happily adminiof France, to the common Good fter, to the profperity of the whole Realm of the whole Chriftian Republick, and your own Glory, we Ihall never be wanting in our Prayers to implore. From our Court at WlhxtthiiX, June
V V
1558.
Your Excellency's moft AfFedionate.
Oliver
( 732 )
To the mojl Oliver Protestor of the .Commonweakh of England, &c. Serene and Potent Prince, Charles Guftavus, Kjng of the Swedes,
Goths and Vandals, &c.
Mofl Serene and Potent Prince^ our dcarejl Confederate and Friend ; often as we behold the bufy Counfels, and various Artifices of the common Enemies of Religion, fo often do we revolve in our Minds how nethe Safety of the Chriftian World, that cefTary it would be, and how much for the Proteftant Princes, and moft efpecially your Majelly, fhould be united with our Republick in a moft ftrift and folemn Confederacy. Which how ardently and zealoufly it has been fought by our felves, how acceptable it would have been to us, if ours, and the Affairs of Sxveddand^ had been in that poIture and condition, if the faid League could have been facredly concluded to the good liking of both, and that the one could have been a feafonable Succour to the other, we declar'd to your Embafladors, when firft they enter'd Nor were they wanting in their Dointo Treaty with us upon this Subjeft. which were wont to fliew in other things, but fame the they prudence ty ^ the fame Wifdoni and Sedulity they made known in this Affair. But fuch was the perfidioufnefs of our wicked and reftlefs Countrymen at home, who being often receiv'd into our Protedtion, cea^; d not however to machinate new Difturbances, and to refume their formerly often fruftrated and diffipated Confpiracies with our Enemies the Spaniards^ that being altogether taken up with the prefervation of our felves from furrounding Dangers, we could not bend our whole Caie, and our entire Forces, as we wifh'd we could have Neverthelefs what lay in done, to defend the common Caufe of Religion. our Power, we have already zealoufly perform'd , and whatever for the future may conduce to your Majefty's Interefts, we (hall not only (hew our felves willing, but induftrious to carry on, in Union with your Majefty, upon all occafions. In the mean time we moft gladly congratulate your Majefty's Victories, moft prudently and couragioufly atchiev'd, and in our daily Prayers implore Almighty God long to continue to your Majefty a fteady courfe of Conqueft and Felicity, to the Glory of his Name. From our Court at Whitehall, June 1558.
AS
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. mofl Serene Prince, the
To
the
Kjng of
Portugal.
Mofi Serene King, our Friend and Confe-derate ; has fet forth in a Petition to us, That in Buffield of London Merchant, certain the Year hedeliver'd Goods to Anthony, John and Manuel 1549, John Ftrdinando Cajlaneo, Merchants in Tamira, to the end that after they had fold 'em, they might give him a juft Account, according to the Cuftom of Merchants: After which, in his Voyage for England, he fell into the hands of and being plunder'd by 'em, receiv'd no fmall Damage. Pirats Upon this News, Antony and Manuel, believing he had been kill'd, prefently look'd upon the Goods as their own, and ftill detain 'em in their hands, refufing to come to any Account covering this Fraud of theirs with a Sequeftration of So that he was forc'd the laft Year, in EngUfl} Goods that foon after enfu'd. the middle of Winter, to return to Portugal and demand his Goods, but all in vain. For that the faid John and Anthony could by no fair means be perfwaded, either to deliver the faid Goods, or to come to any Account j and which is more to be admir'd, juftifi'd their private detention of the Goods,
;,
,
by the Publick Attainder. Findin_g therefore that being a Stranger, he Ihould get nothing by contending with the Inhabitants of Tamira in their own Countrey, he betook himfelf for Juftice to your Majefty;, humbly demanded the Judgment of the Confervator, appointed to determine the Caufes of the EngUPj , but was fent back to the Cognizance of that Court, from which he had
(75?)
Which though in it felf not unjiift,. yet feeing it is evident had appeal'd. that the Merchants of Tamira make an ill ufe of your Publick Edift to juftify their own private Cozenage, we make it our earneft Requefc to your Majefty, that
according to your wonted Clemency you would rather refer to the in thefe Cafes, the Caufe of this poor Conftrvator^ being the proper )udg and reduc'd to utmoll Poverty, to the end Man, afflicted by many Cafualties from the faithlefs Partnerlhip his Fortunes of he may recover the Remainder the Bulinefs, we make underftand when U hicii of thofe People. you rightly will he no left pleafmg to your Majefty to fee done than to but noqueftion, From our Court at Weftminfter, ûg. 1658. our felves.
To
the mojl Serene Pr/wd' Leopold, Arch-Duke of Auftria, Governour the Low-Countries under Philip KJng of Spain.
of
Mojl Serene Lord \ Harks Harbord Knight, has fet forth in his Petition to us, that having fcnt certain Goods and Houlhold-ftufF out of Holland to Bruges under your JurifdidHon, he is in great danger of having them arrefted out of his hands by Force and Violence. For that thofe Goods were fent him out of England in the Year 1643, by the Earl of Suffolk^ for whom he ftood bound in a great Sum of Money, to the end he might have wherewithal to fatisfy himWhich Goods are now in the feU, (hould he becompcll'd to pay the Debt. Greenville Knight, who broke open the doors of the of Richard poirefTion in cultody, and made a violent feizure of the fame, place where they were under pretence of we know not what due to him from Theophilm Earl of Suffolk^ by virtue of a certain Decree of our Court of Chancery, to which thofe Goods, as being the Earl's, were juftly liable ^ whereas by our Laws, neither
the Earl now living, whofe Goods they are, is bound by that Decree, neither ought the Goods to be feiz'd or detain'd ; which the Sentence of that Court, now fent to your Serenity, together with thefe Letters, pofitively Which Letters the faid Charles Harbord has delir'd of declares and proves. would make it our Requell to your Flighnefs, that the faid end we the to us,
the violent Seizure, and no lefs unjuft Aftion of the faid Richard Greenville, in regard it is apparently againft the Cuftom and Law of Nations, that any Perfon (hould be allow'd the liberties to fue in a Foreign Jurifdidion upon a Plaint wherein he can have no relief in Therefore the Reafon of the Country where the Caufe of Adion firft arofe.
Juftice it felf,
Goods may be forthwith difcharg'd from
and your far celebrated Equanimity encourag'd us to recomCaufe to your Highnefs ; alluring your Highnefs, that whenever any Difpute fhall happen in our Courts concerning the Rights and Properties of your People, you fhall ever find us ready and quick in our Returns uf Fa-
mend
this
vour.
IVeJlminfter
Your Highnefs's mofl AfFedionate, Oliver ?rotcdtor of the
Commonwealth of
England.
LET
734 )
L E T T E R
Written
in the
S
To
Name of
RICHARD,
Pkotector.the moji
Richard, Prote&or of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis KJr>g of France.
AioFl Serme and Potent Kin^, our Friend and Confederate
I
foon as our molt Serene Father, Oliver, ProteClor of the Commonwealth of England, by the Will of God fo ordaining, departed this Life upon
the Third of September, we being lawfully declar'd his Succeflbr in the Supream Magiftracy, tho in the Extremity of Tears and Sadnefs, could do no lefs, than with the firft Opportunity by thefe our Letters make known a Matter of this Concernment to your Majefty by whom, as you have been a moft cordial Friend to our Father and this Republick, we are confident the mourn,
and unexpected Tidings will be as forrowfully received. Our bufmefs now is, to requeft your Majefty, that you would have fuch an Opinion of us, as of one who hasdetermin'd nothing more religioufly and constantly than to obferve the Friendflipand Confederacy contrafted between your Majefty and our Renowned Father and with the fame Zeal and good Will to confirm and eftablifh the Leagues by him concluded, and to carry on the fame Counfels and To which intent it is our pleafure that our EmInterefts with your Majefty. balTador rcfiding at your Court, be empower'd by the fame Coramiflion as formerly j and that you will give the fame Credit to what he tranfadts in our Name, as if it had been done by our felves. In the meantime we wi(h your
ful
,
Majefty all Profperity.

From
hall,
our Court at
5.
White-
Sept.
1658.
To
the moft
Eminent Lord Cardinal Mazarine.
THO
out more bitter and grievous to us, than to write of our moft Serene and moft Renowned Father's Death ^ neverthelefs, in regard we cannot be ignorant of the high Efteera which he had for your Eminency, and the great Value which you had for himi nor have any reafon to doubt, but that your Eminency, upon whofe Care the Profperity of France depends, will no lefs bewail the Lofs of your conftant Friend, and moft united Confederate, we thought it of great moment, by thefe our Letters, to make known this Accident fo deeply to be lamented, as well to your Eminency as to the King ^ and to affurc your Eminency, which is but Reafon, that we fliall moft religioufly obferve all thofe things which our Father of moft Serene Memory was bound by the League to and fhall make it our bufinefs, that in the midft of fee confirm'd and ratify'd your mourning for a Friend fo faithful and flouriftiing in all vertuous Applaufe, there may be nothing wanting to preferve the Faith of our Confederacy. For the confervation of which on your part alfo, to the good of both Natioins,
nothing could
fall
the mournful
News
may God Almighty long preferve your Eminency

Wejlminjler, Sept. 1558,
Richard,
<7?5)
Richard, Frotecior of the Commonvmdth of England, &c. To the ntoji Serene aftct Potent Prince Charles Guftavus, Kjng of the Swedes, Goths and. Vandals, &c.
and Confederate ^ we confider with our felves that it will be a difficult matter for us to be Imitators of our Father's Vertues, unlefs we fhould obferve and endeavour to hold the fame Confederacies which he by his Provvefsacquir'd, and c .1 of his fingular Judgment thought raoft worthy to be embrac'd and obferv'd vour Majefty has no reafon to doubt, but that it behoves us to pay the farpe Tribute of AiFeftion and good Will, which our Father of moft Serene Memory always paid to your Majefty. Therefore altho in this beginning of oar Government and Dignity I may not find our Affairs in that Condition, as at prefent to anfwer to fome Particulars which your EmbafTadors have our Fapropos'd, yet it is our Refolution to continue the League concluded by ther ''-ith your Majefty, and to enter our felves into a ftrider Engagement j and fo foon as we fhall rightly underftand the State of Aflairs on both fides, we fhall always be ready on our part, to treat of thofe things which fhall be molL chiefly for the united Benefit of both Republicks. In the mean time God long preferve your Majefty to his Glory, and the Defence a,nd. Safeguard of his Orthodox Chuich.
Jl'Iofi
Serene and Potent King, our Friend
WKen
'>.
From
our Court at
Weft-
minfter, Oftob.
1658.
Richard, Protestor of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the mofi Serene and Potent Prince Charles Guiiavus, I(Jng of the Swedes, Goths ii^ Vandals, &c.,
and Potent King, our Friend and Confederate ^ have receiv'd two Letters from your Alajefty, the one by your En. voy, the other tranfmitted to us from our Refident Phtlip Meadowsy whereby we not only underftood your Majefty 's unfeigned Grief for the Death of our raoft Serene Father, in Exprefiions fetting forth the real Thoughts of your Mind, and how highly your Majefty efteem'd his Prowefs and Friendfhip, but alfo what great hopes your Majefty conceiv'd of our felves advanc'd in his room. And certainly, as an Accumulation of paternal Honour in deeming us to fucceed him, nothing more noble, more illuftrious, could befal us worthy than the Judgment of fuch a Prince; nothing more fortunately aufpicious could happen to us, at our firft entrance upon the Government, than fuch a Congratulator \ nothing laftly that could more vehemently incite us to take poflêfFion of our Father's Vertues, as our lawful Inheritance, than the Encouragement of fo great a King. As to what concerns your Majefty's Interefts, already under Confideration between us, in reference to the common Caufe of the Proteftants, we would have your Majefty have thofe Thoughts of us, that fincewe came to the Helm of this Republick, thothe Condition of our Affairs be fuch at prefent, that they chiefly require our utmoft Diligence, Care, and yig'ilancy at home, yet that we hold nothing more Sacred, and that there is not any thing more determin'd by Us, than as much as in us lies, never to be wanting to the League concluded by our Father with your Majefty. To that end, we have taken care to fend a Fleet into the Baltic Sea, with thofe Inftrudions which our Agent, to that purpofeempower'd by us, will communicate to your Majefty, whom God preferve in long Safety, and profper with Succefs in the Defence of his Orthodox Religion.
Serene
Mofi
WE
From our Court at Weflminfter, Oftob. 13.
1658.
Richard,
Hichard, Protector, To the moft Serene and Potent Prince^ Charles Gufta'aW Vandals, &c. vus, kjng of the Swedes, Goths
Mcft Serene and moB Potent King^
our Friend
and Confederate
fend to your Majefly, nor could we fend a Prefent more worthy or mote excellent, the truly brave and truly noble Sir George yifiue Knight, not only fam'd in War, and m.ore efpecially for his Experience ia Sea Affairs, approv'd and try'd in many defperate Engagements, but alfo endu'd with fingular Probity, Modefty, Ingenuity, Learning, and for the Sweetnefs of his Difpofition carefs'd by all Men \ and which is the fum of all, now defirous to ferve under the Banners of your Majefty, fo renown'd o're all the World for your Military Prowefs. And we would have your Majefty be fully aflurM, thatwhatfoever high Employment you confer upon him, wherein Fiforth in their true Lullre, you candelity, Fortitude, Experience, may fhine
WE
not entruft a Perfon more faithful, more couragious, nor eafily more skilful. Moreover, as to thofe things we have given him in charge to communicate to your Majefty, we requeft that he may have quick Accefi, and favourable Audience, and that you will vouchfafe the fame Credit to him as to our felves, if
Laftly, that you will give him that Honour as you Ihall a Perfon dignify'd with his own Merits and our Recommendajudg becoming God Almighty profper all your Affairs with happy Succefs, to tion.
pcrfonally prefent:
Now
his
own Glory, and

our Court At
the Safeguard of his
Orthodox Church.
From
hail,
White-
Oftober, i6s8.
Richard, ProteBor of the Commonwealth <?/" England, &c. To the moft Serene and Potent Prince Charles Guftavus, Kjng of the Swedes, Goths and Vandals, &c.
MoB Serene and Potent King,
our deareB Friend
and Confederate
Piggot of London Merchant, in a Petition delivered to Us, fets forth, that he lately fent from London into France^ upon the account of Trade, Sj4muel two Veflels, the one call'd the Poi7, T'tddie Jacob Mafter, the other the WaterDog^ Garbrand Peters Mafter. That from France^ being laden .with Salt, they at Jmfierdam the one took in Ballaft only ; the other fail'd for Amjlerdam laden with Herrings, in Copartnerfhip with one Peter Heinhergh, fail'd away for Stettin in Pomerania^ which is under your Jurifdiftion, there to unlade her Freight ; but now he hears that both thofe VeiTels are detained fomewhere in the Baltic Sea by your Forces*, notwithftanding that he took care to fend a Writing with both thofe Ships, feal'd with the Seal of the Admiralty Court, by which it appcar'd that he alone was the lawful Owner of both the Veffels
'-,
and Goods, that part excepted which belong'd to Heinhergh. Of all which, in regard he has made full proof before us, we make it our Requeft to your Majefty (to prevent the Ruin and utter Shipwrack of the poor Man's Eftate by the lofs of two Ships at one time) that you would command your Officers God lon& preferve to take care for the fpeedy difcharg* of the faid Veflels. to own the his and of his Orthodox Church. Majefty Glory, Safeguard your
Richard,
(7J7')
Richard, Froteôrof the Commonmalth 0/ England, &c. and Mighty Lords^ the States of Weftfriezland. Moft High and Mighty Lords ^
our deareft Friends
To
the
High
and Confederates
MAry
Money,
Grinder
Widow,
in a Petition prefented to us, has
made a moft
that whereas Tibowa* Killegrew^ a Commander in grievous Complaint, for thefe eighteen Years a confidcrable Sum of her ow'd has your Service, fhe can by her Agents neither bring him to pay the faid Money, nor
'
Which that he may not to try his Title at Law to the fame, if he has any. be compell'd to do by the Widow's Attorney, he has petitioned your Highbe fufFcr'd to fue Ijim for any Money that he owes in ncfles, that no body may we But Ihould fignify no more than only this to your HighnefTes, England. fhe is in great want, the Mother of many fmall that a that (he is Widow, endeavours to deprive of almolt all that little Creditor her which Children, in this World, we cannot believe we need make ufc of have Support they to your Lordlhips, fo well acquainted with thofe Diany greater Arguments vine Precepts forbidding the Oppreflion of the Widow and the FatherlelB, to perfwade ye not to grant any fuch Privilege upon a bare Petition, to the fraudulent Subvcrter of the Widow's Right : and which for the fame reafon we aiTure our felves you will never admit.
From
our Court at
Weft-
minfter, Jan. 27.
1658.
Richard, Protestor of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis Kj^g of France.
To
the moji
our moji Augujl Confederate and Friend ; Mofi Serene and Potent Prince^ % have been given to underltand, and that to our no fmall Grief, That feveral Proteftant Churches in Provence were fo malicioufly affronted and difturb'd by a certain turbulent Huraourift, that the Magiftrates at Grenoble^ who are the proper Judges of fuch Caufes, thought him worthy of exemplary Punilhment But that the Convention of the Clergy which was held not far from thofe places obtain'd of your Majefty, that the whole matter Ihould be remov'd up to Parts, there to be heard before your Royal Council. But they not having as yet made any Determination in the Bufmefs, thofe to meet for the WorChurches, and more efpecially that oiTvoire, are forbid
V V
1\TE
Ihip of
iirft
Moft earneflly therefore we requeft your Majefty, That in the thofe from preaching in publick, whofe place you would not prohibit and the for to God Safety Profperity of your Kingdom, you are your Prayers fo free tofufFerj then that the Sentence given againlt that impertinent DiGod.
Iturber of Divine Service, by the proper Judges of thofe Caufes at Grenoble, may be duly put in execution. God long prcfervc your Majefty in Safety and of our Prayers, Profperity i to the end that if yon have any good Opinion or think 'era prevalent with God, you may be fpeedily induc'd to fufFcr the fame to b*e publickly put up to Heavea by thofe Churches, now forbid their
wonted Meetings.
Wejtminjler^ eh. i2. i6^2.
5B
TV
C73S)
To
the ntojl eminent
Lord Cardinal MazarlnCb
MoFi Eminent Lord Cardinal
an intention to relide there for fome time. We therefore moft earneftly reThat if any thing fall out, wherein your Authority, queft your Eminency, Favour and Patronage may beaflifting to 'em, as Strangers, you would vouchfafe to proted their Dignity, and to indulge the Recommendation of it not the meaneft, in fuch a manner, that if any addition can be made to your Ciall People, efpeciallyôf illuftrious Defcent, we may be feniible vility toward obtainM it. Withal, your Excellency may alTure your felf have our Letters whenever you require the like from us, fhall be d^ your Recommendation, Force and Value in our Eftecm and Care.
equal
Weftminjier^ Feb. 29. 1658,
TH
E moft illuftrious Lady, late Wife of the deceafed Duke of Richmond^ is now going into France^ together with the young Dulse her Son, with
Richard, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Serene and Potent Prince, John Kjfg of Portugal.
To
the
mojt
Aiofr Serene and Potent Prince^ our Friend and Confederate ; there are many things which we are bound to impart "by writing to a King our Friend, and in ftrid Confederacy with our Republick, yet there is nothing which we ever did more willingly, thanwhat wedoat this prefent, by thefe our Letters to congratulate this laft Viftory, fo glori-
ALthough
ous to the
niard.
but to there is no body but underftands.
Kingdom of Portugal^ obtain'dagainftour common Enemy the Spa' By which, how great an Advantage will accrue not only to your own, the Peace and Repofeof all Europe^ and that perhaps for many Years^^
,
But there is one thing more, wherein we muft acknowledg your Majefty's Juftice, the moft certain pledg of Vidtory That Satisfaftion has been given by the CommilFioners appointed at London, according to the 24th Article of the League, to our Merchants, whofe Veffels were hir'd by the Brajile Company. Only there is one among 'em ftill reBence of London jilexander maining, Merchant, whofe Ship caU'd the Three Brothers, John Wilh Mafter, being hir'd and laden, and having perform'd
two Voyages
for the faid Company, yet ftill they refufe to pay him his Wages according to their Covenants ; when the reft that only perform'd fingle VoyWhich why it fhould be done, we cannot underftand, ages are already paid. thofe unlefs People think, in their Judgment, that Perfon more worthy of his who did 'em only fmgle Service, than he who earn'd his Wages twice. Hire, therefore earneftly requeft your Majefty, that Satisfadion may be given for his Service truly perform'd, to this fame fingle y^kxander^ to whom a double Stipend is due ; and that by virtue of your Royal Authority you would prefix the Bra/ile Company as Ihort a day as may be, for the payment of his juftdue, and repairing his Lodes j feeing that their Delays have been the oci. cafion that the Lofs Ciftain'd by the Merchant has very near exceeded the Mo-
We
ney
it felf
which
is
owing for
his
Wages.
So
God
continue your Majefty's
profperous SuccelTcs againft the

From our Court
common Enemy.
atWeR-
minftcr, Feb. 23. 1658.
Richard,
7S9 )
Ricliard, ProteBor of the Commonrvealth of
Enghnd, &c. To
the moji
Eminent Lerd Cardinal Mazarin.
MoB
Eminent Lord
Letters to your Emincncy, about eight Months fince, dated June 1 3.' we recommended to your Eminemy the Caufe of Pcur Pet^ a Perfon of AnSciences moft ufeful both to us and our Regular Probity, and in all Naval call'd the Edvoard^ in the Year 1645. as we His Ship formerly publick. wrote, was taken in the mouth of the Thames by one Bafcon^ and fold in the
BY
Port of Boulogne j and though the King in his Royal Council, the 4^/; of November, 1647. decreed. That what Money the Council (hould think fitting to be given in recompence of the Lofs, (hould be forthwith paid in Satisfadtion to the Owner ; neverthelefs, as he fets forth, he could never reap the BeneNow in regard we make no queftion but that your Emifit of that Order. our at Defire, gave ftridt Command for the fpeedy execution of that nency, we it therefore our renew'd Requell, that you would vouchmake Decree; fafe to examine where the Impediment lies, or through whofe Negledt or Contumacy it came to pafs, that in ten Years time the Kings's E>ecree was not obey'd; and employ your Authority fo efFeduaily, that the Money .then decreed, which we thought long fince fatisfy'd, may be fpeedily demanded and Thus your Eminency will perform, an Aft moft gratepaid to our Petitioner. a fingular Obligation upon our felves. moreover and ful to Juftice, lay
From
our Court at
Weft-
minfter, Feb. 25.
1^58.
The two following Letters,

ten in the
Name
after the Depofal of Richard, were writof the Parlament Reftor'd.
The Par/ament of the Commompealth of 'Enghnd,

rene
&c.
To
the moJi Se^
and Potent Prince Chzxlts Guftavus, KJ^g of the Swedes, Goths /iW Vandals, &c.
our dedreft Friend
;
Molt Serene and Potent King,

it
has pleas'd the moft merciful and omnipotent God, at whofe Difpofal only the Revolutions of all Kingdoms and Republicks are, to reftore Since us to our priftin Authority, and the fupreara Adminiftration of the Englifh Affairs, we thought it convenient in the firft place to make it known to your
Majefty, and to iignify moreover as well our extraordinary Affeftion to your Majefty, fo potent a Proteftant Prince, as alfo our moft fervent Zeal to promote the Peace between your Majefty and the King of Denmark, another moft powerful Proteftant King, not to be reconcil'd without our Alfiftance and the good Offices of our Affeftion. Our Pleafure therefore is, that our Extraordinary Envoy Phtlip Meadows be continued in the fame Employment with your Majefty, with which he has been hitherto entrufted from this ReTo which end we impower him by thefe our Letters to make Propublick.
pofals, aft
ed him by
and negotiate with your Majefty, in the fame manner as was granthis laft Recommendations and whatfoever he fiiall tranfac^ and conclude in our Name, we faithfully promife and engage, by God's Alfiftance, to confirm and ratify. The fame God long fupport your Majefty, the Pillar and Support of the Proteftant Intcrefts.
:
Weflminfler,
May
15.
1559.
WtUiam Lenthal, Speaker of the Parlament of the Commonwealth of w^/<j/.
2!
The
( 740 )
The ParUment of the Commonmalth

rene Prince Frederick,
of
England, &c.
To
the moft Se-
Kjng of Denmark.
,
Mojl Serene King, and moji dear Friend

it
come to pafs, that by the Will and Plcafure of the molt powerful Go^, the fupream Moderator of all things, we are reftor'd to our priftin Place and Dignity, in the Adminiftration of the Publick Affairs, we thought it convenient in the firft place, that a Revolution of this Government fhould not be conceal'd from your Majefty's notice, a Prince both our Neighbour and Confederate and withal, to fignify how much we lay to heart your ill Succefs which you *vill cafily perceive by our Zeal and Diligence, that never fhall be wanting in us to promote and accomplifh a Reconciliation between your Majefty and the King of Sweden. And therefore wehavecbmmandedonr Extraordinary Envoy with the moft Serene King of Sweden, Philip Meadowes, to attend your Majefty, in our Name, in order to thefe Matters, and to impart, propound, aft and negotiate fuch things as we have given him in charge to communicate to your Majefty and what credit
is
now
merciful and SEeing
you give to him in this his Employment, we requeft your Majefty to believe it given to our felves. God Almighty grant your Majefty a happy and
fhall
joyful Deliverance out of all your Difficulties and afflifting Troubles, under which you ftand fo undauntedly fupported by your Fortitude and Magnani-
mity.
Weftminfler,
May
15.
1659.
William Lenthal, Speaker of the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England.
(741)
TREATISE
OF
Civil Power in Ecclefiaftical Caufes
:
SHEWING,
That
it is
not lawful for any Power on Earth to compel in Matters of Religion.
To
the
Parhmcjit
of
the
with the Dominions therof.

againft the much expected time of Treatife ; which, though to all Chriftian Magiitrates your to have bin written in the common and therefore belonging, equally Language of Chriftendom, natural Duty and AfFedion hath confin'd, and dedicated firll to my own Nation and in a feafon wherein the timely reading thereof, to the eafier accomplifhment of your great work, may fave you much labour and interruption of two parts ufually propos'd, Civil
Have prepar'd, fupream Councel,

fitting, this
I
and
Ecclefiaftical, recommending Civil only to your proper care, Ecclefiaftical Yet not for to them only from whom it takes both that Name and Nature. this caufe only do I require or truft to find acceptance, but in a twofold re-
fpeft befides
firft as bringing clear Evidence of Scripture and Proteftant : to the Parlament of England^ who in all their late Afts, upon occato afiert only the true Proteftant Chriftian Religion, as it fion, have profefs'd the in is contain'd holy Scriptures next, in regard that your Power being and a but for time, having in your felves a Chriftian Liberty of your own, which at one time or other may be opprefs'd, therof truly fenfible, it will concern you while you are in power, fo to regard other Mens Confciences, as would your own fliouldbe regarded in the power of others j and to confi-
Maxims
you
der that any Law againft Confcience is alike in force againft any Confcience, and fo may one way or other, juftly redound upon your felves. One advantage I make no doubt of, that 1 fliall write to many eminent Perfons of your number, already perfedt and refolv'd in this important Article of ChriftianiSome of whom I remember to have heard often for feveral Years, at a ty. Councel next in Authority to your own, fo well joining Religion with civil Prudence, and yet fo well diftinguifliing the different Power of either, and this not only voting, but frequently reafoning why it ihould be fo, that if any there prefent had bin before of an opinion contrary, he might doubtlefs have departed thence a Convert in that point, and have confefs'd, that then both Commonwealth and Religion will at length, if ever, fiourifti in Chriftendom, when either they who govern difcern between Civil and Religious, or they only whofo difcern fhall be admitted to govern. Till then nothing but Troubles, Perfecutions, Commotions can be expeded i the inward decay of true Religion among our felves, and the utter overthrow at laft by a common Enemy. Of Civil Liberty 1 have written hertofore by the appointment, and not without the approbation of Civil Power of Chriftian Liberty I write now, which others long fince having don with all freedom under Heathen Em:
perors,
( 742 ) to do wrorig fufpeO:, that I now fhall with lefs, under Chriftian perors, and fuch efpecially as profefs openly their defence of Chriftian Governors, 1 write this, not otherwife appointed or inducM, than by Liberty j although an inward perfwafion of the Chriftian Duty, which I may ufefully difcharge herin to the common Lord and Mafter of us all, and the certain hope of his to be fought In the hand of whofe Providence approbation, firft and chiefefl; and I remain, praying all fuccefs good event on your publick Councels, to the Civil Rights. and our defence of true Religion
I fliall
:
^ Treatife of Civil Fonder in Ecclejiaftical Caufes,

,s
TW
as
I
things there be which have bin ever found working much Mifchief to the Church of God, and the Advancement of Truth j
fide reftraining, and Hire on the other fide corrupting Few Ages have bin fince the Afcenfion of our the Teachert thereof. of one thefe two, or both together have not prevaird. Saviour, wherin the to fpeak of thefe things ; fince time therfore unfeafonable be at no It can is either in continual Detriment and the Church them Oppreflion, or in by The former fliall be at this time my Argument ^ the latter continual danger.
Force on one
fliall
What I argue, difpofing me, and opportunity inviting. the Scripture onlyj and therinfrom true fundamental And if the Principles of the Gofpel, to all knowing Chriftians undeniable. Governors of this Commonwealth fince the rooting out of Prelats have made
fhall find
God
be
drawn from
leaft ufe
of Force in Religion, and moft have favour'd Chriftian Liberty of any in this Hand before them fince the firft preaching of the Gofpel, fof which we are not to forget our Thanks to God, and their due Praife they may, I doubt not, in this Treatife find that which not only will confirm them
,
to defend ftill the Chriftian Liberty vvfhich we enjoy, but will incite them alfo to enlarge it, if in aught they yet ftraiten it. To them who perhaps hcrafter, lefs experienc'd in Religion, may come to govern or give us Laws, this or other fuch, if they pleafe, may be a timely inftrudion however to at leaft fome difthe Truth it will be atall times nounneedful Teftimony charge of that general Duty which no Chriftian but according to what he hath receiv'd, knows is required of him if he have aught more conducing to the advancement of Religion then what is'ufually endeavour'd, freely to
:
;,
impart
it.
no great labor of Expofitlon to unfold what is here meant by matters of Religion , being as foon apprehended as defin'd, fuch things as belong chiefly to the Knowledg and Service of God and are either above the reach and light of Nature without Revelation from above, and therfore liable to be varioufly underftood by human Reafon, or fuch things as are enjoin'd or forbidden by divine Precept, which els by the Light of Reafon would feem indiff'erent to be don or not don , and fo likewife muft needs appeer to every Man as the Precept is underftood. Whence I here mean by Confcience or Religion, that full perfwafion wherby we are afllir'd that our Belief and Pradice, as far as we are able to apprehend and probably make appear, is according to the Will of God and his holy Spirit within us, which we ought to follow much rather than any Law of Man, as not only ^ffs his Word every where bids us, but the very Diftate of Reafon tells us. be in the Whether it to hearken to more than to of 4. 19. God, right fight God, you That for Belief or Praftice in Fleligion according to this confcieniudgye. tious Perfwafion, no Man ought to be punifli'd or molefted by any outward Force on Earth whatfoever, I diftruft not, through God's implor'd Alliftance, to liiake plain by thefe following Arguments. Firft, it cannot be deni'd, being the main Foundation of our Proteftant Religion, that we of thefe Ages, having no other divine Rule or Autority from without us warrantable to one another as a common ground but the holy Scripture, and no other within us but the Illumination of the holy Spirit fo
It will require
:
inter-
C74?
interpreting that Scripture as warrantable only to our fclves, and to fuch whofe Confciences we can io perfwade, can have no other ground in matters And thefe being not poflible to of Religion but only from the Scriptures. be underftood without this Divine Illumination, which no Man can know at all times to be in himfelf, much lefs to be at any time for certain in any other, it follows cleerly, that no Man or body of Men in thefe times can be the infallible Judges or Determiners in matters of Jleligion to any other Mens And therfore thofe Bereans are commended, Confciences but their own. the who after II, y45s 17. preaching even of S. Paul^ feanhPd the Scriptures Nor did they more than what God himfelf mhether thofe things mre fo.
daily,
in many places commands us by the fame Apoftle, to fearch, to try, to judg of thefe things our felves And gives us reafon alfo, Gal. 6. 4, 5. Let every Man prove h'vs own Work, and then /hall he have rejoycin^ in himfelf alone, and not If then we count it fo in another : for every Man /hall bear bis own burden. ig:
norant and irreligious in the Papift to think himfelf difchargM in God's ac* count, believing only as the Church believes, how much greater Condemnation will it be to the Proteftant his Condemner, to think himfelf jullified,
believing only as the State believes ? With good caufe therfore it is the-general ccmfent of ail found Proteftant Writers, that neither Traditions, Councils nor Canons of any viiible Church, much lefs Edifts of any Magiftrate or Civil SelTion, but the Scripture only can be the final Judg or Rule in matters
of Religion, and that only in the Confcience of every Chriftian to himfelf. Which Proceftation made by the firll publick Reformers of our Religion againft the Imperial Edifts ot'Charks the fifth, impofing Church-Traditions without Sciiptiire, gave firft beginning to the name of Proteftant; and with that name hath ever bin receiv'd this Do&rine, which prefers the Scripture before the Chinch, and acknowledges none but the Scripture fole Interpreter For if the Church be not fufficient to be imof it felt to the Confcience. as we hold it is not, what can there els be nam'd of more plicitly believ'd, Autority than the Church but the Confcience, than which God only is greater, I Job. 3. 20.'^ But if any Man fhall pretend, that the Scripture judges to his Confcience for other Men, he makes himfelf greater not only than the Church, but alfo than the Scripture, than the Confciences of other Men; a. Prefumption too high for any Mortal, fince every true Chriftian, able to give a reafon of his Faith, hath the Word of God before him, the promis'd Holy within him, i Cor. 1. 16. a much better and Spirit, and the Mind of Chrift fifer guide of Confcience, which as far as concerns himfelf he may far more certainly know than any outward Ruleimpos'd upon him by others whom he inwardly neither knows nor can know ; at leaft knows nothing of them more i Cor. fiire than this one thing, that they cannot be his Judges in Religion.
.
"2. 15.
Thefpiritual Man judgetb all things^ but he himfelf is judged of no Man. Chiefly for this caufe do all true Proteftants account the Pope Antichrift, for
that he affumes to himfelf this Infallibility over both the Confcience and the Scripture ; fitting in the Temple of God, as it were oppofite to God, and ex-all that is called God, or is That wor/hipped, 2 Theff. 2. 4. alting himfelf above is to fay not only above all Judges and Magiftrates, who though they be call'd Gods, are far beneath infallible, but alfo above God himfelf, by giving Law both to the Scripture, to the Confcience, and to the Spirit it fclf of God within us. Whenas we find, James 4. 1 2. Tliere is one Lawgiver, who Is able to fave and to de/lroy : Who art thou, that judge/l another ? That Chrift is the only Lawgiver of his Church, and that it is here meant in religious matters, no well-grounded Chriftian will deny. Thus alfo S. Paul, Rora. 14. 4. Who art thou that jitdgeft the Servant of another? to his own Lord he flandetb or faUeth : As therfore of one behut he Piall (land ; for God is able to make him fiand. both bold thefe and Apoftles demand, Who art prefumptuous, yond expreffion thou that prefum'ft to impofe other Law or Judgment in Religion than the only Lawgiver and Judg Chrift, who only can fave and deftroy,. gives to the Confcience ? And the forecited place to the Theffalonians by compar'd EfFedts. refolves us, that be he or they who or wherever they be or can be, they are of far lefs Autority than the Church, whom in thefe things as Proteftants they receive not, and yet no lefs Antichrift in this main point of Antichriftianifm, no
lefs
a Pops or
Popedom than he
at
Rome,
if
not much more
by
fettiitg
744 )
fetting up fuprcam Interpreters of Scripture either thofe Doftors whom they follow, or, which is far worfe, themfelves as a civil Papacy afiuming unaccountable Supremacy to themfelves not in Civil only but in Eccleliaftical Caufes. Seeingthen that in matters of Religion, as hath been prov'd, none can jugd or determin here on Earth, no not Church-Governors themfelves, againft the Confcicnces of other Believers, my Inference is, or rather not mine but our Saviour's own, that in thofe matters they neither can command nor ufe Conftraint, left they run ra'fhly on a pernicious Confequence, forewarn'd in that Parable, Mat.i^. from the 26th to the 3 ft Verfe Left while ye gather Let both grow together until the up the Tares^ ye root up alfo the Wheat with them.
1
:
Harveft
firft the Tares^ &c. nifters nor any els
I will fay to the Reapers^ Gather ye together this work neither his own Mithat he declares Whereby can difcerningly anough or judgingly perform without his own immediat direftion, in his own fit feafon ; and that they ought til! then not to attempt it. Which is further confirm'd 2 Cor. 1.24. Not that we have If Apoflles had no Doiiominion over your Faith., hut are helpers of your Joy. minion or conftraining Power over Faith or Conscience, much lefs have ordi:
and
in the time of
Harveft
nary Minifters, i Pft. 5.2, 3. feed the Flock of God not by conftraint., Si:c. neither as being Lords over God'^s Heritage. But fome will objed, that this overthrows
Church-difcipline, all Cenfure of Errors, if no Man can determin. that what they hear is plain Scripture, which forbids not Churchis, fentence or determining, biit as it ends in violence upon the Confcience unconvinc'd. Let whofo Will interpret or determin, fo it be according to true
all
Wy
Anfwer
Church-difcipline, which is exercis'd on then* only who have willingly join'd. themfelves in that Covenant of Union, and proceeds only to a reparation from the reft, proceeds never to any corporal inforcement or forfeiture of Money, which in fpiritual things are the two Arms of Antichrift, not of the true Church ; the one being an Inquifition, the other no better than a temporal indulgence of Sin for Money, whether by the Church exafted or by the
Magiftrate j both the one and the other a temporal Satisfadion for what Chrift hath fatisfied eternally ; a popifh commuting of Penalty, corporal for fpiritual i a fatisfaftion to Man, efpecialjy to the Magiftrate, for what and to whom we owe none thefe and more are the Injultices of force and fining in Religion, befides what I moft infift on, the violation of God's exprefs Commandment in the Gofpel, as hath bin *fhewn. Thus then if Church-Governors cannot ufe Force in Religion, though but for this reafon, becaufe they cannot infallibly determin to the Confcience without convinceraent, much lefs have Civil Magiftrates autority to ufe Force where they can much lefs judg, unlefs they mean only to be the civil Executioners of them who have no Civil Power to give them fuch Commifllon, no nor yet Ecclefiaftical to any force or violence in Religion. To fum up all in brief, if we muft believe as the Ma-* giftratc appoints, why not rather as the Church? If not as either without' Convincement, how can Force be lawful? But fome are ready to cry out, whatfhall then be done to Blafphemy ? Them I would firft exhort not thus to terrify and pofe the People with a Greek word ^ but to teach them better what it is, being a moft ufual and common word in that Language to fignifie any flander, any malicious or evil fpeaking, whether againft Gdd or Man, or any thing to good belonging: Blafphemy or evil fpeaking againft God malicioufly, is far from Confcience in Religion, according to that of Mar. 9. 39. There is none who doth a powerful work in my name, and can likely [peak evil of me. If this fuffice not, I refer them to that prudent and well-deliberated Aft, Auguft 9. I (550. wher the Parlament defines Blafphemy againft God, as far as it is a Crime belonging to civil Judicature, plenivs ac melius Chryfippo if
:
Crantore
in plain Englifli,
more warily, more
judicioufly,
more orthodoxally
than twice their number of Divines have don in many a prolix Volume : although in all likelihood they whofe whole ftudy and profeflion thefe things are, fliould be moft intelligent and authentic therin, as they are for the moft Butwefliall part, yet neither they nor thefe unerring always, or infallible. not carry it thus^ another Greek Apparition ftands in our way, Hercfie and
Heretic
;
in like
manner alfo
They
fliould firft interpret

is
Language,
no word
rail'd at to the People as in a Tongue unknown. to them, that Herefie, by what it Signifies in that of evil note, meaning only the choife or following of
any
C 745 ) any opinion good or bad in Religion or any other Learning and thus not oil' ly in Heathen Authors, but in the New Teftament itfelf without cenfure or blame , Ads 5. 5. Certain of the Herefy of the Pharifes which believ'd and 16.
:
i
5.
ytftcr the exaiicft
Herefy of our Religion I liv'd a Pharife.

it
In which fenfi
feems to differ little from Schifm i Cor. u. j there k that hear 1 I Schifms among you, &c. for tliere mufl alfo Hcrefies be 8, 9. amoni you, Src. Though fome who write of Herefy after thir own Heads would make it far worfe than Schifm ^ when as on the contrary, Schifm fignifies divilion, and in the worft fenfe j Herefy, choife only of one Opinion before another, which may be without Difcord, In Apoftolic tinjes therfore ere the Scripture was written, Herefy was a. Dodrin maintain'd againft the Dodrin by them delivered \ which in thefe times can be no otherwife defin'd than a Doftrin maintain'd againft the Light, which we now only have of the Scripture. Seeing therefore that no Alan, no Synod, no Seflion of men, though cafl'd the Church, can jndg definitively the fenfe of Scripture to another mans Confcience, which is well known to be a general maxim of the Protcftant Religion j it follows plainly, that he who holds in Religion that belief, or thofe opinions which to his Confcience and utmoft underftanding appear with moft evidence or probability in the Scripture, though to others he feem erroneous, can no more be juftly cenfur'd for a Heretic than his cenfurers ^ who do but the fame For ask them, or any thing themfelves while they cenfure him for fo doing. Proteftant, which hath moft Autority, the Church or the Scripture'? They will anfwer, doubtlefs, that the Scripture and what hath moft Autority, that no doubt but they will confefs is to be foUow'd. He then who to his beftapprehenfion follows the Scripture, though againft any point of Dodrine by the whole Church receir'd, is not the Heretic; but he who follows the Church againft his Confcience and Perfwafion grounded on the To , Scripture. make this yet more undeniable, I fhall only borrow a plain fimily, the fame which onr own Writers, when they would demonftrate plaineit, that we rightly prefer the Scripture before the Church, ufe frequently againft the As the Samaritans believ'd Chrift, firft for the WoPapift in this manner. man's Word, but next and much rather for his own, fo we the firft Scripture on the Churches Word, but afterwards and much more for its own, as the Word of God ; yea the Church it felf we believe then for the Scripture. The inference of it felf follows if by the Proteftant Dodrine we believe the Scripture, not for the Churches faying, but for its own as the Word of God,then ought we to believe what in our Confcience we apprehend the Scripture to fay, tho the Vifible Church, with all her Dodors gainfay and being taught to believe them only for the Scripture, they who fo do are not Heretics, but the and by thir opinions, whatever they be, can hurt no Probeft Proteftants teftant, whofe Rule is not to receive them but from the Scripture \ which to interpret convincingly to his own Confcience, none is able but himfelf guided by the Holy Spirit ; and not fo guided, none than he to himfelf can be a worfe Deceiver. To Proteftants therfore whofe common Rule and Touchftone is the Scripture, nothing can with more Confcience, more Equity, nothing more Proteftantly can be permitted, than a free and lawful Debate at all times by Writing, Conference, or difputation of what Opinion foever, difputable by Scripture: concluding, that no man in Religion is properly d Heretic at this day, but he who maintains Traditions or Opinions not probable by Scripture, who, for ought I know, is the Papift only ; he the only Heretic, who counts all Heretics but himfelf Such as thefe, indeed, were capitally punifli'd by the Law of Mofes^ as the only true Heretics, Idolaters, pliin and open deferters of God and his known Law but in the Gofpel fuch are puniflid
it is
I : : :
:
Presbyterian or Independent mention'd with blame,
may without reproach be call'd a Herefy.
Where
'
after the firft and fecond But they who think not this heavy enough, and underHand not that dreadful aw and fpiritual Efficacy which the Apoftle hath exprefs'd fo highly to be in Church-difciplin, 2 Cor. 10. of which anon, and think weakly that the Church of God cannot long fubfift but in a bodily fear for want of other proof will needs wreft that place of S. Paul, Rom. 1 3! to fet up civil Inquifition, and give Power to the Magiftrate both of civil Judgment, and punifhment in caufes Eccleliaftical. But let us fee with what
by
Excoramunion only.
Tit.
3. 10.
j4n Heretic.,
j^dmonition, rejeff.
ftrengtli
(
,
74^)
Soul be fubjeii to the higher Powers. Firll, how ftrength of Argument Let every than fuch as they to whom Powers other means prove they thattheApoItle he writes were then under ^ who medl'd not at all in Ecclefiaftical Caufes, unlefs as Tyrants and Perfecuters ? And from them, I hope, they will not derive either the right of Magiftrates to judg in Spiritual things, or the duty of How prove they next, that he intitles them here to fpifuch our Obedience. ritual Caufes, from whom he withheld, as much as in him lay, the judging of If he himfelf appeal'd to Cefar^ it was to judg his Cor. 6. 1 , &c. Civil ? For Rulers are not a Terror to good Works., but to Innocence, not his Religion. to Confcience, which is the rule or judg terror a not : then are they the evil But Herefy, they fay, is recknM the on Works of good Scripture. grounded if all evil Works were to be punilh'd as Gal. evil 5.20. by Works, among the Magiftrate ^ whereot this place, thir ov/n Citation, reck'ns up befides Herefy a fufficient number to confute them, Vncleannefs^ Wantonnefs., Enmity., Emulations^ yittimofities. Contentions., Envyings j all which are far more
I
Strife.,
him than Herefy, as they define it j and yet I fuppofe manifejl to be judg'd by nor many more fuch like to his cognithey will not fubjed theie evil Works, be afraid of the Power ? Do that which then not thou Wilt zance and Punilhment.
and thou /halt have praife of the fame. This (hews that Religious matters not here meant wherin, from the Power here fpoken of, they could have are no praife For be is the Mnifier of God to thee for good: True ; but in that thofe means which in this place muft be clearOffice, and to that end, and by intend to argue. And how, for thy good by from this if they place ly found, Confcience ? Many are the Minilters of and infnaring thy forcing, oppreffing, Cod, and thir Offices no lefs different than many ; none more different than Who feeks to govern both, muft needs be btate and Church-Government. worfe than any Lord Prelat, or Church-pluralift ^ for he in his own Faculty and Proteffion, the other not in his own, and for the moft part not throughly or Pope of the Church, as far as his underftood, makes himfelf fupream Lord Civil Jurifdiftion ftretches ^ and all the Minifters of God therin, his Minifters, or his Curates rather in the Funftion only, not in the Government ; while he himfelf affumes to rule by Civil Power things to be rul'd only by Spiritual:
vs
good-,
Chapter rtr. 6. appointing him his peculiar Office, which reforbids him this worfe than Church-plurality from utmolt attendance, quires that full and weighty Charge, wherin alone he is the Minifler of God., attending To little purpofe will they here inftance Mofes., continually on this wry thing. diredtion ^ no nor yet Afa., Jehofafhat, or immediate Divine all who did by when who both they pleas'd, receive anfwer from God, and had might Jofia^ a Commonwealth by him deliver'd them, incorporated with a National Church, exercis'd more in bodily, than in fpiritual Worffiip i fo as that the Church might be call'd a Commonwealth, and the whole Commonwealth a Church: nothing of which can be faid of Chriftianity, deliver'd without the help of Magiftrates, yea in the midft of thir oppofition ; how little then with any reference to them, or mention of them, fave only of our Obedience to thir Civil Laws, as they countenance Good, and deter Evil ? which is the proper work of the Magiftrate, following in the lame Verfe, and Ihews diftindly wherin he is the Minifter of God, a revenger to execute Wrath on him that doth evil. But we muft firft know who it is that doth Evil the Heretic they fay among the firft. Let it be known then certainly who is a Heretic ^ and that he who holds opinions in Religion profeffedly from Tradition, or his own Inventions, and not from Scripture, but rather againft it, is the only Heretic ^ and yet though fuch, not always punifliable by the Magiftrate, unlefs he do evil againft a Civil Law, properly fo call'd, hath been already prov'd without need of Repetition But if thou do that which it evil., be afraid. To do by Scripture and the Gofpel, according to Confcience, is not to do evil if we therof ought not to be afraid, he ought not by his judging to give caufe caufes therforc of Religion are not here meant j For he beareth not the Sword in vain. Yes altogether in vain, if it fmite he knows not what if that for Herefy which not the Church it felf, much lefs he can determin abfolutely to be fo , if Truth for Error, being himfelf fo often fallible, he bears the Sword not in vain only, but unjuftly and to evil. Be fub]eli not only for wrath., but for Confcience fake ; How for Confcience fake, againft Confcience ? By all thefe reafons it appears
when
as this very
;,
plainly
747
planely that the Apoitle in this place gives no Judgment of coercive Powei^ to Magiltrates, neither to thofe then, nor thefe now^ in matters of Religion ; and exhorts us no otherwife than he exhorted thofe Romans. It hath now
twrice befain
me
vexd Place of Scripture
to afTert, through God's Anillance, this molt wrelled and heretofore againft SalmaJiuSf and regal Tyrany i
over the State j now againft Eraflm^ and State-tyrany over the Church. If from fuch uncertain, or rather fuch improbable Grounds as thefe, they endue Magiftracy writh fpiritual Judgment, they may as well inveft him in the fama fpiritualkind with power of utmoft Punilhment, Excommunication ; and then turn Spiritual into Corporal, as no worfe Authors did then Chryfojlom., Jerottty and u4ujlin, whom Erafrntis and othersîn thir notes on the New Teftament have cited to interpret, that cutting off which S. Paul wifh'd to them v? ho had brought back the Galatians to Circumcilion, no lefs then the amercement of thir whole Virility: and Grotius adds, that this concifmg punilhment of Circumcifers, became a Penal Law therupon among the lîfigothes : a ^ngerous example of beginning in the Spirit to end fo in the Flefli ^ wheras that cutting off much likelier feems meant a cutting off from the Church, not unufually fo^ term'd in Scripture, and a zealous imprecation, not a command. But I have mention'd this Padagc, to (hew how abfurd they often prove, who have noc How learned to diftinguifh rightly between Civil Power and Ecclefiaftical. and Perfecutions then, Imprifonments, Banifhments, Penalties, many Stripes*, how much bloodfhed have the forcers of Confcience to anfwer for, and Proteftants rather than Papilh For the Papift, judging by his Principles, puniflies them who believe not as the Church believes, though againft the Scripture ; but the Proteftant, teaching every one to believe the Scripture, though againft the Church, counts Heretical, and perfecutcs againft his own Principles, them who in any particular lb believe as he in general teaches them i them who moft honour and believe divine Scripture, but not againft it any human Interpretation though univerfal j them who interpret Scripture only to themfelveSj which by his own porition,none but they to themfelves can interpret them vvho ufe the Scripture no otherwife by his own Dodtrine to thir Edification, than he himfelf -ufes it to thir punifhing and fo whom his Doftrine acknowledges The Papift exafts our a true Believer, his Difcipline persecutes as a Heretic. belief as to the Church due above Scripture ^ and by the Church, which is the whole People of God, underftands the Pope, the general Councils, prelatical only, and the furnam'd Fathers but the forcing Proteftant, though he deny fuch belief to any Church whatfoever, yet takes it to himfelf and his Teachers, of far Icfs Autority than to be call'd the Church, and above Scripture believ'd i which renders his praftice both contrary to his belief, and far worfe than that Belief which he condemns in the Papift. By all which well conhe hath to anlider'd, the more he profefles to be afrue Proteftant, the more fwer for his perfecnting than a Papift. No Proteftant therfore, of what Seft foever, following Scripture only, which is the common Seft wherin they all agree, and the granted r.ule of every mans Confcience to himfelf, ought, by
!
the common Doftrine of Proteftants, to be forc'd or raolefted for Religion, But as for Popery and Idolatry, why they alfo may not hence plead to be toThir Religion the more confider'd, the lerated, I have much lefs to fay. but a Roman Principality rather, enlefs can be acknowledg'd a Religion deavouring to keep up her old univerfal Dominion under a new name, and mcer Ihadow of a Catholick Religion j being indeed more rightly nam'd a Catholick Herefy againft the Scripture, ftipported mainly by.a Civil, and, except in Rome, by a forein Power juftly therefore to be fufpefted, not tolera-* ted by the Magiftrate of another Country. Befides, of an implicit FaitH
-,
and fo by voluntary profefs, the Confcience alfo becoms implicit, then can plead fervitude to mans Law, forfeits her Chriftian Liberty. for fuch a Confcience, as being implicitly enthrald to man inftead of God, almoft becoms no Confcience, as the Will not free, becoms no Will ? Neverthelefs if they ought not to be tolerated, it is for juft reafon of State, more than of Religion ; which they who force, though profefllng to be Proteftants,
which they
Who
deferve as little to be tolerated themfelves, being no lefs guilty of Popery, in the moft Popilh Point. Laftly, for Idolatry, who knows it not to be evitheriall dently againft Scripture, both of the Old and New Teftament, and
5
foi^*
( 748 )
fore a true Herefy, or rather an Impiety, wherein a right Confcience can have naught to do ^ and the Works therof fo manifeft, that a Magiftrate can hardly- err in prohibiting and quite removing at lealb the- publick and fcaada. lous life therof ? From the riddance of thefe Objeftions, I proceed yet to another Reafon why it .is unlawful for the Civil Magiftrate to ufe Force in Matters .of Reliwhich is, becaufe to judg in thofe things, though we (hould grant him gion able, which is prov'd he is not, yet as a Civil Magiftrate he hath no right. Chrift hath a Government of his own, fufEcient of it felf to all his Ends and Purpofesin governing his Church, but much different from that of the Civil
,
and the difference in this yery thing principally confifts, that it Magiftrate not by outward Force j and that for two Reafons. Firft, Becaufe it governs deals only with the inward Man-and his Adions, which are all Spiritual, and to outward Force not liable, ziy. To (hew us the Divine Excellence of his Spiritual without worldly Force, to fubdue all the Powers and Kingdoms Kingdoqâble, of this World, which are upheld by outward Force only. That the inward Man is nothing els but the inward part of. Man, his Underftanding and his
,
and that his Adions thence proceeding, yet not fimply thence, but Will from the Work of Divine Grace upon them, are the whole Matter of Religion under the Gofpel, will appear plainly by confidering what that Religion is , whence we ihall perceive yet more plainly that it cannot be forc'd. What Evangelic Religion is, is told ia two words, pMh and Charity, or Belief and Practice. That both thefe flow, either the one from the Underftanding, the other from the Will, or both jointly from both once indeed naturally free, but now only as they are regenerate and wrought on by Divine Grace, is in
,
-,
part evident to common Senfe and Principles unqueftioned, the reft by Scripture: Concerning our Belief, Mat. \6. 17. Fkjh and Blood hath not revealed it unto thee, but my Father which is in Heaven. Concerning our practice, as it is religious, and not meerly civil, Gal. 5.22,23. and other places, declare it to be the Fruit of the Spirit only. Nay, our whole praftical Duty in Reliis contain'd in or the of God and our Neighbour, no way Love gion Charity, to be forc'd, yet the fulfilling of the whole Law ; that is to fay, our whole praftice in Religion. If then both our Belief and Pradtice, which comprehend our whole Religion, flow from Faculties of the inward Man, free and unconftrainable of themfclves by Nature, and our Practice not only from Faculties enduM with freedom, but from Love and Charity befides, incapable of Force, and all thefe things by TranfgrefFion loft, but renewed and regenerated in us by the Power and Gift of God alone , how can fuch Religion as this admit of Force from Man, or Force be any way appli'd to fuch Religion, efpecially under the free Offer of Grace in the Gofpel, but it muft forthwith fruftrate and make of no efFet, both the Religion and the Gofpel ? And that to compel outward Profelhon, which they will fay perhaps ought to be corapell'd, though inward Religion cannot, is to compel Hypocrify, not to advance Religion, fhall yet, though of it felf clear enough, be ere the concluCon further manifeft. The other reafon why Chrift rejefts outward Force in the Government of his Church, is, as I faid before, to fhew us the Divine Excellence of his Spiritual Kingdom, able without worldly Force to fubdua all the Powers aind Kingdoms of this World, which are upheld by outward Force only By which to uphold Religion otherwife than to defend the Religious from outward Violence, is noêrvice to Chrift or his Kingdom, but rather a Difparageijient, and degrades it from a Divine and Spiritual Kingdom, to a Kingdom of this World which he denies it to be, becaufe it needs not Force to confirm it Job. 18. 36, If my Kingdom were of this IVorld^ then would my Servants fight, that I fhould not be delivered to the Jews. This proves the Kingdorii of Chrift not governM by outward Force, as being none of this World, whofe Kingdoms are maintained all by Force only: and yetdifproves not that a Chriftian Commonwealth may defend it felf againft outward Force, in the Caufe of Religion as well as in any other , though Chrift himfelf coming purpofely to dieforus, would not be fo defended, i Cor. 1.27. God hath chofen the weak things of the World^ to confound the things which are mighty. Then f^Jrely he hath not chofen the Force of this World to fubdue Confcience, and con: :
fcientious
Men, who in
this
World
,;
;
are counted wealiefti but rather
Con-
fcience,
749 )
fcience, as being weakefl, to fudue and regulate Force, his Adverfary, not liis Aid or Inftrument in governing the Church : 2 Cor. 10. 3, 4, 5, 6. For though we walk in the Fl^/h, rve do not war after the Flejh : For the Weapons of our War-
fare are not carnal^ but mighty through God to the pilling down of Jhong holds^ cajiand every high thing that exalts it fclf againjl the knowing down Imaginations^ into captivity every and bringing tboi^ht to the obedience of Chnfi : ledgof God, It is evident u^nd having in a readinejs to avenge all difobcdience. by the firffc and fccond Veries of this Chapter, tbat the Apoftle here fpeaks of that Spiritual Power by which Chrift governs his Church, how allfufRcient it is, how to reach the Confcience, and the inward Man with whom it
deals,
is
powerful and
whom
no Power
els
can deal with.
chiefly In coniparifon of which, as it
here thus magnificently defcrib'd, how unefFecirual and weak is outward Force with all her boiftrous Tools, to the fhame of thofe Chriftians, and ewho to the exerciling of Church Difcipline-, nefpccially thofe Churchmen, ver ceafe calling on th'e Civil Magiftrate to interpofe his fleflily Force ? an Arall true minifterial and fpiritual Power is dead within them ^ the Gofpel, which both began and fpread over the whole World for above three hundred Years, under heathen and perfecuting Emperors, cannot (land or continue, fupported by the fame Divine Preience and Protettion,tn the World's end, much eafier under the defenfive Favour only of a Chriftian Magiftrate, unlefs it be enacted and fettled, as they call it, by the
gument
that
who think
and underftand not that the Church it the State, fettle or impofe one tittle of Religion upon our Obedience implicit, but can only reco'mmend or propound it to our free and confcientious examination: unlefs they mean to fet the State higher than the Church in Religion, and with a grofs Contradidion give to the State in their fettling Petition, that command of our implicit Belief, which they deState, a Statute or a State-Religion
;,
felf cannot,
much
lefs
in their fettled Confeflion, both to the State and to the Church. Let them ceafe then to importune and interrupt the Magiftrate from attending to his own Charge in Civil and Moral things, the fettling of things Juft, things
ny
Honeft, the defence of things Religious, fettled by the Churches within themfelvesj and the repreffing of their Contraries determinable by the common-Light of Nature ^ which is not to conftrain or to reprefs Religion, proba-blc by Scripture, but the Violaters and Perfecutors therof Of all which for which things he hath anough and more than anough to do, left yet undon the Land groans, and Juftice goes to wrack the wJiile. Let him alfo forbear Force wher he hath no right to judg, for the Confcience is not his Province, left a worfe Woe arrive him-, for worfe offending than was denounced by our Ye have forc'd the ConSaviour, Afa/j. 23. 23. againft the Pharifees fcience, which was not to be forc'd , but Judgment and Mercy ye have not tliis ye (hould have done, and the other let alone. executed And fince it is the Counfel and fet Purpofe of God in the Gofpel, by fpiritual Means which are countedweak, to ovcrcom all Power which refifts him ; let them not go about to do that by worldly flrength, which he hath decreed to do by thofe means which the World counts Weaknefs, left they be again obnoxious to that Saying which in another place is alfo written of the Pharifees, Lukei. 30. The main Plea is, and iirg'd with that they frujlrated the Counfel of God. much vehemence to their imitation, that the Kings of Juda, as I touch'd before, and efpecially Jo/j^, both jtidg'd and us'd Force in Religion* iChron.^^. 33. He made all that were prefent in Ifrael to ferve the Lord their Gdd : an Argument, if it be well weighed, worfe than that us'd by the falfe Prophet Shemaia to the High Prieft, that in imitation of Jehojada^ he ought to put Jeremiah'm the Stocks, Jcr. 29. 24,26, &c. for which he received his due Denouncement from God. But to this befides I return a threefold Anfwer : Firft, That the State of Religion under the Gofpel is far differing from what then was the State of Rigour, Childhood, Bondage it was under the Law and Works, to all whjch Force was not unbefitting now is the State of Grace, Manhood, Freedom and Faith, to all which belongs Willingnefs and Reafon, not Force The Law was then written on Tables of Stone, and to be pcrform'd accorfling to the Letter, willingly or unwillingly ^ the Gofpel, our New Covenant, upon the Heart of every Believer, to be interpreted onThe Law had no diftinft ly by the fenfe of Charity and inward Perfwafion
:
,
Govern-
( 7$<3 ) and Commonwealth, but the Priefts of Governors Church or Government and Levites judg,'d in all Caufes, not Ecclefiaftical only, but Civil, Deut. 7. forbidden to all Church-Minifters, as a 8, &c. which under the Gofpel is his Miniftry difclaim'd, Luke ! 2. 14. as a their in Mafter which Chrift thing as to them thing beneath them, i Cor. 6. 4. and by many of our Statutes, who have a peculiar and far differing Government of thir own. If not,why different the Governours? why not Church-minifters in Slate- affairs, as well as State-minifters in Church-afFairs ? If Church and State fhall be made one Flelh again as under the Law, let it be withal confidcr'd, that God who that which, he fo ordaining, was then join'd them, hath now fever'd them then a lawful Conjundtion, to fuch on either fide as join again what he hath fever'd, would be nothing now but thir own prefumptuous Fornication. Secondly, The Kings of J^da^ and thofe Magiftrates under the Law might have recours, as I faid before, to divine Infpiration which our Magiftrates under the Gofpel have not, more than to the fame Spirit, which thofe whom they force have oft-times in greater meaiure than themfelves ""and fo, inftead of forcing the Chriftian, they force the Holy Ghoft and, againft that of God. wife forewarning Thirdly, Thofe Kings Gamalld^ fight againft and Magiftrates us'd Force in fuch things only as were undoubtedly known and forbidden in the Law of yl/o/h, Idolatry and direft Apoftacy from that wlierof the corporal Puniflinational and ftridt enjoin'd Worfhip of God ment was by himfelf exprefsly fetdown But Magiftrates under the Gofpel, our free, cleftive and rational VVorfliip, are moft commonly bulieft to force thofe things which in the Gofpel are either left free, nay fomtimes abolifh'd v/hen by them compell'd, or els controverted equally by Writers on both that fide which is againft them. By which jides, and fomtimes with odds on to favour and which either that means they proted, or that they ought punifh with corporal Punifhment, and of thir own inventing, which not they but the Church hath receiv'd command to chaftife with a fpiritual Rod only. Yet fome are fo eager in thir Zeal of Forcing, that they refufe not to defcend at length to the utmoft ftiift of that parabolical Proof, Luke 14. 16, &c. As if Compel them to come in : Therfore Magiftrates may compel in Religion. a Parable were to be ftrain'd through every Word or Phrafe, and not expounded by the general fcope therof which is no other here than the earneft exprelTion of God's Difpleafure on thofe Recufant Jews, and his purpofe to exprefs\l here by the word prefer the Gentiles on any.terms before them ? doubtlefs no otherwife than he draws, how he withBut Com^d. compels out which no Man can come to him, 'John 6. 44. and that is by the inward perfwafive Motions of his Spirit, and by his Minifters , nor by the outward comThe true People of Chrift, as is pulfions of a Magiftrate or his Officers. then much foretold Pfah 110. 3. are a willing People in the day of hif Power more now when he rules all things by outward weaknefs, that both his inward Power and thir Sincerity may the more appear. God loveth a chearful Giver : then certainly is not pleas'd with an unchearful Worlhipper ^ as the very words declare of his Evangelical Invitations, Efa. 55. i. Ho, every one that thirjlethy come. John 7. 37. If any Mitnthirfi. Rev. 3. 18. 1 counfel thee. And 12. 17. IVhofoever will, let him take the Water of Life freely. And in that grand Commiflion of Preaching, to invite all Nations, Mark \6. \6. as the Reward of <hem who come, fo the Penalty of them who come not, is only But they bring now fome Reafon with thir Force, which mult Spiritual. not pafs unanfwer'd, that the Church of Thyatira was blam'd. Rev. 2. 20. for fufFcring the falfe Prophetefs to teach and to feduce. I anfwer. That Seducement is to be hinder'd by fit and proper means ordain'd in Chufch-difcipline, by inftant and powerful Demonftration to the contrary ; by oppofing Truth to Error, no unequal match j Truth the ftrong, to Error the weak, though flie and ftiifting. Force is no honeft Confutation, but unefFedtual, and for the
1
,
,
;,
-^
Sound Dodrine, unfuccefsfiil, oft-times fatal to them who fe it and and of herfelf (if is of her felf both diligently fufficient, duly taught, fomefecret Judgment of God hinder not.) always prevalent againft Seducers. This the Thyattriam had neglefted, fufFering, againft Church-difcipline, that Woman to teach and feduce among them Civil Force they had not then in thir Power, being the Chriftian part only of that City, and then efpecialiy undef
moft part
: :
(750
under one of tliofe ten great Pevfecutions, wherof this the fecond was rais'd by Domitian : Force therfore in thefe Matters could not be requir'd of them who were then under Force themfelves, I have (hewn that the Civil Power hath neither Right, nor can do right, by
:
I will now fliew the wrong it doth, by violating the forcing religious things of the fundamental Privilege Gofpel, the new birth-right of every true Be2Cor. 3, 17. Where the Spirit of the Lord is^ there is leever, Chriftian Liberty 26. Gal. 4. Jerufalem, which is above, is free ; which is the Mother of Liberty. And 1;. 31, We are not Children of the Bond'tvoman, but of the free It wall.
:
.
no more of Chriftian Liberty, than that it fets us free not only from the Bondage of thofe Ceremonies, but alfo from the forcible inipofition of thofe Circumftances, Place and Time, in the Worfliip which though by him commanded in the old Law, yet in refpeft of ot God that Verity and Freedom whicJi is Evangelical, St. Paul comprehends both kinds alike, that is to fay, both Ceremony and Circumftance, under one and the fame contemptuous name of weak and beggarly Rudiments, Gal. 4. 3, 9, 10. Col. 2. 8, with 16. conformable to what onr Saviour himfelf taught, John/\. In Spirit and in Truth j 21,23. Neither in this Mountain, nor yet at ]tv\i^z\tmhint: to is to that the Father worfhip fay, not only fincere of for feekcth fuch ever but as the fuch he words here chiefly import,* for j alfo, Heart, fought not compeird to Place, and by the fame reafon, not to any fet time j as his Apoftle by the fame Spirit hath taught us, Rom, 14. d, &c. One Man efteemeth Te obferve Days, and A'fonths, &c. one d.iy above another, another, &c. GaL 4. 1 o. of other Ccl. 2. \6. and fuch Thefe places Scripture the belt and learnedefl reformed Writers have thought evident anough to inftrud us in our Freedom, not only from Ceremonies, but from thofe Circumftances alfo, though impos'd with a confident Perfwafion of Morality in them, which they hold iraBy what warrant then our Opinions and Prapodible to be in place or time. ctices herin are of late turn'd quite againft all other Proteftants, and that which is to them Orthodoxal, to us become fcandalous and punifhable by Statute, I wifh were once again better confider'd \ if we mean not to proclame a Schifm in this point from the beft and raoft reformed Churches abroad. They who would feem more knowing, confefs that thefe things are indifferent, but for that very caufe by the Magiftrate may be commanded. As if God of his end us his the had to freed own Commandin this from Grace fpecial Gofpel ments in thefe things, that our Freedom ftiould fubjeft us to a more greevous Yoke, the Commandments of Men. As well may the Magiftrate call that common or unclean which God hath cleans'd, forbidden to St. Pfter, Ads 10. 15. as well may he loos'n that which God hath ftrait'nd, orftrait'n that whicliGod hath loos'nd, as he may injoin thofe things in Religion which God. hath left free, and lay on that Yoke which God hath taken off". For he hath not only given us this Gift as a fpecial Privilege and Excellence of the free Gofpel above the fervile Law, but ftriftly alfo hath commanded us to keep it i Cor. 7. and enjoy it. Gal. 5. 13. Tou are call'd to Liberty, 23. Be not made
will be fufficient in this place to fay
:
the Servants of Aien.
Gal.
;
Christ hath
made
us free
Neither
is this a meer placesaccompaniedwith the very waightieft and inmoft Reafons of Chriftian Rom. 1 4. 9, i o. For to this end Chrili both dy\i, and rofe, and reviv'd, Religion But why dcFt thoujudg thy Brothat he might be Lord both of the dead and living. ther a &c. How prefum'ft thou to be his Lord, to be whofe only Lord, at iVe fhall all leaft in thefe things, Chrift both dy'd, and rofe, and liv'd again
:
''
14. Stand faH: therfore in the Liberty xvherxvith be not intangfd again with the Take of Bondage. Command, but for the molt part in thefe forecited
5.
and
then doft thou not only judg, fland before the Judgment-feat of Chrift. but persecute in thefe things for which we are to be accountable to the Tribunal of Chrift only, our Lord and Law-giver ? i Cor. 7.23. Te are bought with
Why
a price ; be not made the Servants of Aden. Some trivial price belike, and for Ibme frivolous pretfences paid in thir opinion, if bought and by him redeemed who is God from what was once the Service of God, we ftiall be enthral'd Gal. 4. 3 1 again, and forc'd by Men to what now is but the Service of Men. with 5. I. We are not Children of the Bond-woman, &c. fland fait therefore.. &c. Col. 2. 8. Beware left any Man fpoil you, &c. after the Rudiments of the World, and not after Chrift. Solid Reafons wherof are continu'd through the whole
Chap-
( 752 )
is the head of aU ViY. \ Chapter. Principality and the or made more therfore : Power Not completed religious by thofe Ordinances of Civil Power, from which Chrift thir Head hath difcharged us ; Ordinances that was again^ iw, which was to blotting out the hand-writing of
o. te are complete in hint^ which
contrary
and took it out of the way^ nailing it to his Crofs^ ver. 14. blotting out Ordinances written by God himfelf, much more thofe fo boldly written over again Ordinances which were againft us, that is, againfl our Frailty, by Men much more thofe which are againfl; our Confcience. Let no Man therfore judg Gal. 4. 3, (ire. Evenfowe^ when we were Children^ youinrefpeiiof^ &C. f. 16. were in bondage under the Rudiments of the World : But when the fulnefs of Time was come^ God fent forth his Son^ &c. to redeem them that were under the Law^ that we Wherfore thou art no more a Servant^ but might receive the Adoption of Sons^ &c. a Son, &c. But now, &c. how turn ye again to the weak and beggarly Rudiments, Hence it planely wheruntoye deftre again to be in bondage ? Te obferve days, Sec. free we not we be are butftill not Servants if that Sons, appecrs, unadopted ,
us
j
:
if we turn again to thofe weak and beggarly Rudiments, we are not free ; yea though willingly, and with a mifguided Confcience, we defire to be in bondage to them how much more then if unwillingly and againfl; our Confcience? II] was our Condition chang'd from Legal to Evangelical, and fmall Advantage gotten by the Gofpel, if for the Spirit of Adoption to Freedom if our promis'd us, we receive again the Spirit of Bondage to Fear Fear, which was then fervile towards God only, muft be now fervile in Religion to-
and
wards Men: Strange alfo and prepofterous Fear, if when and whcrin it hath attain'd by the Redemption of our Saviour to be filial only towards God, it Who by fubjefting us to his Puinufc be now fervile towards the Magiftrate. nifliment in thefe things, brings back into'Religion that Law of Terror and Satisfaftion belonging now only to civil Crimes ; and therby in effed abolilhes the Gofpel by efcablilhing again the Law to a far worfe Yoke of ServiIt will therefore not misbecome the meaneft Chritude upon us then before. ftian to put in mind Chriftian Magiftrates, and fo much the more freely by how much the more they defire to be thought Chriftian, (forthey will be therby, as they ought to be in thefe things, the more our Brethren and the Jefs our Lords) that they meddle not rafhly with Chriftian Liberty, the and outward of left while our Birthright Adoption Teftimony they little think it, nay think they do God Service, they themfclves, like the Sons of that Bond-woman, be found perfecuting them who are free-born of the Spirit ^ and by a Sacrilege of notthelcafl: aggravation, bereaving them of that facied Liberty which our Saviour with his own Blood purchased for them. A fourth Reafon why the Magifl;rate ought not to ufe Force in Religion, I bring from the Confideration of all thofe ends which he can likely pretend to the interpofing of his Force therin: and thofe hardly can be other than Jirlt the Glory of God , next either the fpiritual Good of them whom he forces, or the temporal Puniflimentof thir Scandal to others. As for the promoting of God's Glory, none, I think, will fay that his Glory ought to be promoted
:
by unwarrantable means, much lefs by means contrary to what he hath commanded. That outward Force is fuch, and that God's Glory in the whole Adminift;ration of the Gofpel according to his own Will and
in religious things
Counfel oughttobe fulfiird by Weaknefs, at leafl: fo refuted, not by Force-, or if by Force inward and fpiritual, not outward and corporeal, is already That outward Force cannot tend to the Good of him who piov'd at large. is forc'd in Religion, Is unquefl;ionable. .For in Religion, whatever we do under the Gofpel, we ought to be therof perfwaded without fcruple ^ and are jullifiedby the Faith we have, not by the Work we do Rom. 14. 5. Let The other Reafon which follows every Man be fully perfwaded in his own Mind. neceflarily is obvious. Gal. 2. kJ. and in many other places of St. Paul, as the Ground-work and Foundation of the whole Gofpel, that we are juflified by the Faith oj Chrift, and not If not" by the Works of by the Works of the Law. God's Law, how then by the Injundtions of Man's Law ? Surely Force cannot work Perfwafion, which is Faith ; cannot therfore juftify nor pacify the Confcience ; and that which not only juftifies not in the Gofpel, condemns; is not good, but finful to do is Sin. It is not Faith of Rom.i^. 23, Whatfoever concerns the Magifl;rate then to take heed how he forces in Religion confcien: :
tious
C750
tjous
by compelling them to do that wherof they cannot be perfwaded, that wheiin they cannot find themfelves juftified, but by thir own Confciencescondetnn'd, inftead of aiming at their fpiritual Good, he force them to do Evil \ and while he thinks himfelf ^fa, Jofia, Nehcmiah^ ht be iound Jeroboam, who caus'd Iffael to Cn ; and therby draw upon his own head all thoie Sins and Shipwracks of implicit Faith and Conformity, which he hathforc'd, and all the Wounds given to thok little ones^ whom to offend he will find worfe one day than that violent drowning mentioned yl/t. 1 8. 5.
Men
lefl:
Laftly, as a Preface to force, it is the ufual pretence. That although tender Confcicnces fliall be tolerated, yet Scandals therby given Ihall not be unpuand licentious Men ihall not be encourag'd to negled the nifh'd, prophane
performance of religious and holy Duties by color of any Law giving Liberty to tender Confciences. By which contrivance the way lies ready open to them herafter who may be fo minded, to take away by little and little that Liberty which Chrift and his Gofpel, not any Magiftrate, hath right to give: though this kind of his giving be but to give with one hand, and take away with the other, which is a deluding, not a giving. As for Scandals, if any Man be offended at the confcientious Liberty of another, it is a taken ScanTo heal one Confcience we muft not wound another and dal, not a given. Men muff be exhorted to beware of Scandals .in Chriftian Liberty, not forc'd by the Magiftrate i left while he goes about to take away the Scandal, which is uncertain whether given or taken, he take away our Liberty, which is the certain and the facred Gift of God, neither to be touch'd by him, nor to be parted with by us. None more cautious of giving Scandal than St. /"^m/. YeC while he made himfelf Servant to all, that he might gam the more, he made himfelf fo of his own accord, was not made fo by outward Force, teftifying atthefarae time that he n'^M/ree/rowa// ^/uw, i Cor. 9. 19. and therafter exhorts us alfo. Gal. 5.13. Tenêre calPd to Liberty, &c. but by Love ferve one anoAs for that Fear, left prophane and licentious Men ther: then not by Force. ihould be encourag'd to omit the performance of religious and holy Duties, how can that care belong to the Civil Magiftrate, efpecially to his Force i For if prophane and licentious Perfons muft not negleft the performance of religious and holy Duties, it implies, that fuch Duties they can perform, which no Proteftant will affirm. They who mean the outward performance, may fo explain it ; and it will then appeer yet more planely, that fuch performance of religious and holy Duties, efpecially by prophane and licentious Perfons, isa difhonoring rather than a worfhipping of God ; and not only by him not requir'd, but'detefted Prov. 21. ij. The Sacrifice of the wicked is an uibominatton ; how much more when he bringeth it with a wicked Afind ? To compel therfore the prophane to things holy in his Prophanenefs, is all one under the Gofpel, as tohavecompell'd the unclean to facrifice in his Uncleannefs under And I add withal, that to compel the licentious in his Licentioufthe Law. tends nefs, and the confcientious againft his Confcience, comes all to one not to the Honor of God, but to the multiplying and the aggravating of Sin read not that Chrift ever exercisM Force but once ; and to them both. that was to drive prophane ones out of his Temple, not to force them in : and if thir being there was an Offence, we find by many other Scriptures that thir praying there was an Abomination: and yet to the Jewifh Law that Nation, as a Servant, was oblig'd , but to the Gofpel each Peribn is left voluntary, call'd only, as a Son, by the preaching of the Word ^ not to be driven in byEdidtsand force of Arms. For if by the Apoftle, Rom.ii.i. we are hefeecb'd as Brethren by the Mcrcie^ of God to prefcnt our Bodies a living Saenable 5t'"z/;ceor Worlhip, then to God, which is our re af crifice, holy, acceptable is no Man to be torc'd by the compulfive Laws of Men to prefent his Body a dead Sacrifice, and fo under the Gofpel moft unholy and unacceptable, becaufe it is his unreafonable Service, that is to fay, not only unwilling but unconfcionable. But if prophane and licentious Perfons may not omit the performance of holy Duties, why may they not partake of holy things ? why are they prohibited the Lord's Supper, fince both the one and the other Adion may be outward ; and outward performance of Duty may attain at leaft aa outward participation of Benefit? The Church denying them that Communion of Grace and Thankfgiving, as it juftlydoth, why doth the Magiftrate
: :
-,
We
compel
754 )
compel them to the Union of performing that which they neither truly can, is both hateful to being thenifelves unholy, and to do feemingly God, and
perhaps no lefs dangerous to perform holy Duties irreligioufly, than to receive holy Signs or Sacraments unworthily ? All prophane and licentious Men, fo known, can be confider'd but either fo without the Church as never yet within it, or departed thence of their own Accord, or excommunicate : If never yet within the Church, whom the Apoftle, and fo confequently the "Church, have naught to do to judg, as he profefles, i Cor. 5, 12. then
what Autority doth

tion to the
the Magiftrate judg
or,
which
by
is
worfe, compel in rela.
Church ? If departed of his own Accord, like that loft Sheep, Luke 1 5. 4, iyc. the true Church either with her own or any borrowM Force worries him not in again, but rather in all charitable manner fends after him ; bears him, yea bears and if file find him, lays him gently on her Shoulders
:;
any way tolerable, fo fulfilling the Law of chrifl^ Gal. 6. 2. If excommunicate, whom the Church iiath bid go out, in whofe name doth the Magiftrate compel to go in ? The Church indeed hinders none from hearing in her publick Congregation, for the doors are open to all: nor excommunicates to Deftruftion ^ but, as much as in her lies, toafinal faving. Her meaning therfore muft needs be, that as her driving out brings on no outward Penalty, fo no outward Force or Penalty of an improper and only a deftruftive Power fhould drive in again her infeftious Sheep ; therfore fent out becaufe infeftious, and not driven in but with the danger not only of the whole and found, but alfo of his own utter perilhing. Since
his Burdens,
his Errors,
his Infirmities
Force neither inftrufts in Religion, nor begets Repentance or Amendment of Life, but on the contrary, Hardnefs of Heart, Formality, Hypocrifie, and, as 1 laid before, every way increafe of Sin, more and more alienates the Mind from a violent Religion, expelling out and compelling in, and reduces it to a condition like that which the Brkaim complain of in our Story, driven to and fro between the Piils and the Sea. If after Excommunion he be found intradtable, incurable, and will not hear the Church, he becomes as one never yet within her pale, a Heathen or a Publican., Mat. 18. 17. not further to be judg'd, no not by the Magiftrate, unlefs for civil Caufes ^ but left to the final Sentenceof that Judg, whofe coming Ihall be in flames of fire; that Maran atha., 1 Cor. 16. 22. than which to him fo left nothing can be more dreadful and oft-times to him particularly nothing more fpeedy, that is to fay, the Lord cometh In the mean while deliver'd up to Satan, i Cor. 5. 5. i Ttm. i 2o. that is, from the Fold of Chrift and Kingdom of Grace to the World again, which is the Kingdom of Satan ; and as he was received from Darknefs to Light., and from the Voxver of Satan to God., Adts 26. 18, fo now deliver'd up again from Light to Darknefs, and from God to the Power of Satan yet fo as is in both places manifefted, to the intent of faving him, brought fooner to Contrition by fpiritual than by any corporeal Severity. But grant it belonging any way to the Magiftrate, that prophane and licentious Perfons omit not the performance of holy Duties, which in them were odious to God even under the Law, much more now under the Gofpel ; yet ought his Care both as a Magiftrate and a Chriftian, to be much more that Confcience be not inwardly violated, than that Licenfe in thefe things be made outwardly conformable : Iince his part is undoubtedly as a Chriftian, which puts him upon this Office much more than as a Magiftrate, in all refpeds to have more care of the confcientious than of the prophane j and not for thir fakes to take away (while they pretend to give) or to diminifti the rightful Liberty of religious Con:
fciences.
thefefour fcriptural Reafons,*as on a firm fquare, this Truth, the of Chriftian and Evangelic Liberty, will ftand immovable Right againft ail thofe pretended Confequences of Licenfe and Confufion, which for the moft part Men moft licentious and confus'd themfelves, or fuch as whofe Severity would be wifer than Divine Wifdom, are ever apteft to object againft the ways of God as if God without them, when he gave us this Liberty, knew not of the worft which thefe Men in their Arrogance pretend will follow yet knowAs to ing all their worft, he gave us this Liberty as by him judg'd belt. thofe Magiftrates who think it thir work to fettle Religion, and thofe MiniIter? or others, who fo oft call opon them to do fo, I truft, that having well con: :
On
755
To which end, that which I premis'd in the beof more at large, I defire now treated ginning, and in due place concluding, conlider fcrioully what Religion is: and they will find it to thatthey would be, in fum, both our Beleef and our Pradice depending upon God only. That there can be no place then left for the Magillrate or his Force in the
monwealth
better tended.
confidei'd what hath been here argu'd, neither they will continue in that intention, northefein that expectation from them: when they fhall find that the Settlement of Religion belongs only to each particular Church by perfwafivc and fpiritual means within it felf, and that the Defence only of the Church belongs to the Magillrate. I iad he once learnt not further to concern himfclf with Chiirch-Aifairs, half his Labor might be fpar'd, and the Com-
Settlement of Religion, by appointing either what we fhall beleeve in divine things, or pradf ife in religious, (neither of which things are in the power of Man either to perform himfclf, or to enable others) I perfwade me in the Chriftian Ingenuity of all religious Men, the more they examin ferioufly, the more they will find cleerly to be true and find how falfe and deceivable that common faying is, which is fo much rely'd upon, that the Chriftian Magillrate of both Tables, unlefs is meant by is cujlos utriufque tahulte^ Keeper Keeper the Defender only: neither can that Maxim be maintain'd by any Proof or Argument which hath not in this Difcourfe firft or laft been refuted. For the two Tables, or ten Commandments, teach our Duty to God and our Neighbour from the Love of both ^ give Magiftrates no Autority to force either
:
'
they feek that from the judicial Law, though on falfe grounds, efpecially in the firft Table, as I have Ihewn; and both in firfl and fecond execute that Autority for the mofl part, not according to God's judicial Laws but thir own. As for civil Crimes, and of the outward Man, which all are not, no not of thofe againit the fecond Table, as that of coveting in them what Power they have, they had from the beginning, long before Aiofa or the two Tables were in being. And whether they be not now as little in being to be kept by any Chriftian as they are two legal Tables, remanes yet as undecided, as it is fure they never were yet deliver 'd to the keeping of any Chriftian MaBut of thefe things perhaps more fome other time ^ what may gillrate. ferve the prefent hath been above difcours'd fufficiently out of the Scripture and to thofe produc'd might be added Teflimonies, Examples, Experiences of all fucceeding Ages to thefe times afierting this Doftrine but having herin the Scripture fo copious and fo plane, we have all that can be properly call'd true Strength and Nerve , the reft would be but Pomp and incumbrance. Pomp and Oftentation of reading is admir'd among the Vulgar butdoubtlefs The brevity I ufe, not in Matters of Religion he is learnedeft who is planeft. exceeding a fmall Manual, will not therfore, I fuppofc, be thought the lefs confidfrable, unlefs with them perhaps who think that great Books only can determin great Matters. I rather chofe the common Rule, not to make much ado where lefs may ferve. Which in Controverfies, and thofe efpecially of Religion, would make them lefs tedious, and by confequcnce read ofter by many more, and with more Benefit.
,
CO H-
(757)
CONSIDERATIONS
HIRELINGS
.
Touching the
likelieft
Means
to
remove
Out
of the Church*
Wherein
is
alfo difcours'd
r Tithes, Of ) Church' Fees
(^Church-êyemes
And
whether any Maintenance of MInifters can
be
fettl'd
by
Lau^.
To
the
Tarlament of
the
H>ith the
Vominlons therof.
to your Protedion, fupream Senate, this liberty of wriI have us'd thefe eighteen Years on all occafions to ad'ert the jull Rights and Freedoms both of Church and State, and fo far approv'd, as to have bin trufled with the reprefentment
ting which
Owing
and defence of your Aftions to all Chriftendom againfl an Adverfary of no mean repute , to whom Ihould I addrefs what I ftill publifh on the fame Argument, but to you, whofe magnanimous Councels firft open'd and unbound the Age from a double Bondage under Prelatical and Regal Tyranny ; above our own hopes heartning us to look up at laft like Mea and Chriftians from the flavifh Dcjedion, wherin from Father to Son we were bred up and
taught
and therby deferving of thefe Nations, if they be not barbaroufly the Authors and belt Patrons ingratfeful, to be acknowledg'd, next under God, of Religious and Civil Liberty, that ever thefe Hands brought forth ? The care and tuition of whofe Peace and Safety, after a Ihort, but fcandalous night of Interruption, is now again by a new dawning of God's miraculous Providence among us, revolv'd upon your fhoulders. And to whom more appertain thefe Confiderations which I propound, than to your felves, and the Debate before you, though I truft-of no difficulty, yet at prefent of great expectation, not whether ye will gratifie, were it no more then fo, but whether ye will hearken to the jafl: Petition of many thoufands befi: affefted both to Religion and to this your Return, or whether ye will fatisfie, which you never can, the covetous Pretences and Demands of infatiable Hirelings, whofe Difaffeftion ye well know both to your felves and your Refolutions ? That I^ though among many others in this common concernment, interpofe to your Deliberations what my Thoughts alfo are, your own Judgment and the fucccfs therof hath given me the confidence: which requefts biit this, that if I have profperoufly, God fo favouring me, defended the publick Caufe of this
J
Common-
(758)
would not think the reafon and ability,wheron Commonwealth and tnifted repent not, your whole Reputation to the world, either once, ye more lefs maturity and longer ftudy, or lefs available in EngU/h by grown then in another tongue: but that if it fuffic'd fom years pafl to convince and
to Foieiners, ye
the uningag'd of other Nations in the judice of your doings, though then held paradoxal, it may as well fuffice now againft weaker oppofition in matters, except here in England with a fpiritualitie of Men devoted to thir temporal Gain, of no Controverfie els among Proteftants. Neither do I doubt, find who in thir Petitions venture to feeing daily the acceptance which they of models a Commonwealth, but that you will inalfo and new advice bfing a Chriftian to offer what his Confcience terpret it much more the duty of to the freedom and better conftituting of of moment be him may perfwades the Church fmce it is a deed of highelt charity to help undeceive the People, and a work worthieft your Autority, in all things els Authors, AfFertors and now Recoverers of our Liberty, to deliver us, the only' People of all Proteftants left ftill undeliver'd, from the OpprefTions of a fimonious decimating Clergy, who Ihame not, againft the judgment and practice of all other Churches reform'd, to maintain, though very weakly, thir Popifli and oft refuted Pofitions, not in a point of Confcience, wherin they might be blamelefs, but in a point of Covetoufnefs and unjuft Claim to other mens Goods ; a Contention foul and odious in any Man, but moft of all in Minifters of the
fatisfie
. :
Gofpel,
Till
in whom Contention, though for thir own right, fcarce is allowable. which Grievances be remov'd, and Religion fet free from the monopoly of Hirelings, I dare affirm, that no Model whatfoever of a Commonwealth and fo perfwaded, implore Divine Afliwill prove fuccefsful or undifturb'd ftance on your pious Councels and Proceedings to unanimity in this and all
-,
other Truth.
C G
N-
( 759 )
CONSIDERATIONS
TOUCHING
The
liJêlieft
meam
to
remove
H V K.C
Hirelings out of the
H.
E former Treatife, which leads in this, began with two things ever found working much mifchief to the Church of God, and the advancement of Truth j Force on the one fide reftraining, and Hire on the other fide corrupting the Teachers theiof The latter of for under Force, though no thank to thefe is by much the more dangerous the Forcers, true Religion oft-times belt thrives and flourifhes ; but the Corruption of Teachers, moft commonly the EfFeft of Hire, is the very bane of Truth in them who are fo corrupted- Of Force not to be us'd in matters of Religion, I have already fpoken , and fo ftated matters of Confcience and Religion in Faith .-md Divine Worlhip, and fo fever'd them from Blafphemy and Herefy, the one being fijch properly as is defpiteful, the other fuch as Hands not to the Rule of Scripture, and fo both of them not matters of Religion, but rather againft it, that to them who will yet ufe Force, this only choife can be left, whether they will force them to believe, to whom it is not given from above, being not forc'd therto by any Principle of the Gofpel,which is now the only Difpenfation of God to all Men ^ or whether being Protellants, they will punifh in thofe things wherin the Proteftant Religion denies them to be Judges, either in themfelves infallible, or to the Confciences of other Men j or whether, laftly, they think fit to punifh Error, fijppofing they can be infallible that it is fo, being not wilful, but confcientious, and, according to the befl light of him who errs, grounded on Scripture: which kind of Error all Men religious, or but only reafonable, have thought worthier of pardon, and the growth thereof to be prevented by fpiritual Means and Church-difcipline, not by civil Laws and outward Force, fince it is God only who gives as well to believe aright, as to believe at all and by thofe means which he ordain'd fufiiciently in his Church to the full exeIt remains now to fpeak of cution of his divine Purpofe in the Gofpel. Hire, wherof I promis'd then to fpeak the other evil fo mifchievous in Religion
TH
fiirther, when I
Ihould find
God
portunity
find
,
now
inviting-,
difpofing me, and opportunity inviting. Opand apprehend therin the concurrence of
fince the Maintenance of Church-Minillers, a thing not prodifpofing perly belonging to the Magiftrate, and yet with fuch importunity call'd for, and expected from him, is at prefent under publick debate. Wherin left any thing may happen to be determined and eftablifh'd prejudicial to the right and freedom of Church, or advantagious to fuch as may be found Hirelings therin, it will be now moft feafonable, and in thefe matters wherin every Chriftiah hath his free Suffrage, no way misbecoming Chriftian Meeknes to offer freely, without difparagement to the wifelt, fuch Advice as God fhall incline him and inable him to propound. Since hertoforc in Commonwealths of moft fame for Government, Civil Laws were not eftablifhM till they had been firlt for certain days publifli'd to the view of all Men, that whofo pleas'd might fpeak freely his Opinion therof, and give in his Exceptions, ere the Law could pafs to a fiiU eftablifhment. And where which the is this to have more than in liberty ought unfeparable Equity place, from Chriftian Religion ? This, I am not ignorant, will bea work unpleafing tofome: but what Truth is not hateful to fome or other, ksthis, in likelihood, will be to none but Hirelings. And if there be among them who hold it thir duty to fpeak impartial Truth, as the work of thir Miniltry, though not performed without Money, let them not envy others who think the fame no lefs thir duty by the general office of Chriltianity, to fpeak truth, as in all
God
reafon
may be
thought, more impartially and unfufpeftedly without Money. Hire
7ô
Hire of
nifying
it
felf is neicher
no more
a thing unlawful, nor a word of any evil note, figas when our Saviour than a due Recompence or Reward
,
faith, the Labourer

is
That which raakes it fo dangerous in the Church, and properly makes the Hireling a word always of evil Signifiis
worthy of his Hire.
cation,
it.
either the excefs therof, or the undue manner of giving and taking What harm the excefs therof brought to the Church, perhaps was nop
found by experience till the days of Conftantine ^ v^ho out of his zeal thinking he could be never too liberally a nurfing Father of the Church, might be not or choak'd it in the Nurfing. Which unfitly faid to have either overlaid it was foretold, as is recorded in Ecclefiaflical Traditions, by a Voice heard from Heaven on the very day that thofe great Donations and Church-revenues were the Church. Which the event given, crying aloud, Tl/W day vs Poijon pour'dinto foon after verifi'd, as appears by another no lefs antient Obfervation, That and the Daughter de-vour''d the Another. But long Religion brought forth Wealthy
ere Wealth came into the Church, fo foon as any Gain appear'd in Religion, Hirelings were apparent j drawn in long before by the very fcent therof. Judas rherforc, the firft Hireling, for want of prefent Hire anfwerable to his coveting, from the fmall number of the meannefs of fuch as then were the Religious, fold the Religion it felf with the Founder therof, his Mafter. Siwo //iTffz<5 tlie next, in hope only that preaching and the Gifts of the Holy Ghoft would prove gainful, offered beforehand a Sum of Money to obtain them. Not long after, as the Apoflle foretold. Hirelings like Wolves came in by 20. 29. For I know l/jw, that after my departing /hall grievous Wolves Herds ;
Ms
not fparing the Flock'. Tit. i 1 1. Teaching things which they 2. 2 Pet. 3. yind through Conjetoufnefs /hall they ought not^ for filthy with feigned words ?nake Merchandtfe of you. Yet they taught not fals Doftria
enter tn
among you^
lucres fake.
Neither only, but fceraing Piety ^ 1 Tim. 6. 5. Supfofing that Gain is Godlinefs. came they in of themfelves only, but invited oft-times by a corrupt Audience : 2 Tim. 4. 3. For the timewilt come when they will not endure found Doitrin., but afown Lujls they will heap to themfelves Teachers., having itching Ears : and they on the other fide, as fall heaping to themfelves Difciples, î}s 20. 30. doubtles had as itching Palms; 2 Pet. 2. 15. Following the way of Balaam, the Son of Bofor, who lovd the wages of Vnrighteoufnefs. Jude 1 Tloey ran greedily Thus we fee that not only the excefs of after the error of Balaam for reward. Hire in wealthieft times, but alfo the undue and vitious taking or giving it, though but fmall or mean, as in tlie Primitive times, gave to Hirelings occafion, though not intended, yet fufficient to creep at firft into the Church. Which argues alfo the difficulty, or rather the impofiibility, to remove them quite, unlefs every Miniltcr were, asSt. /-"^m/, contented to teach ^r^fw ^ but few fuch arc to be found. As therfore we cannot juftly takeaway all Hire in the Church, becaufe we cannot otherwife quite remove all Hirelings, fo are wenotfor the impoffibility of removing them all, to ufe therfore no endeavor that fevveli: may come in ^ but rather, in regard the Evil, do v>fhat we can, will always be incumbent and unavoidable, to ufe our utmofl diligence how it may be leaft dangerous which will be likeliell efFeded, if we confider, firft, what recompence God hath ordain'd (hould be given to Minifters of the Church , (for that a Recompence ought to be given them, and rnay by them; juftly be received, our Saviour himfelf from the very light of Reafon and of Equity hath declar'd, Luke 10, 7. Tl)e Labourer is worthy of his Hire) j next by whom \ and laftly, in what manner. What Recompence ought be given to Church- minifters, God hath anfwerably ordain'd according to that difference which he hath m.anifeftly put between thofe his two great Difpenfations, the Law and the Gofpel. Under the Law he gave them Tithes \ under the Gofpel, having left all things in his Church to Charity and Chriftian Freedom, he hath given them only what is juftly given them. That, as well under the Gofpel, as under the Law, fay our Englifh Divines, and they only of all Proteftants, is Tithes \ and they fay true, if any man be fo minded to give them of his own the tenth or twentieth % but that the Law therfore of Tithes is in force under the Gofpel, all other
ter thir
1 , :
Proteftant Divines, though for alequally concern'd, yet conftantly deny, though Hire to the Labourer be of moral and perpetual Right, yet that fpecial kind of Hire, the tenth, can be of no Right orNecefllty, but to that
fpecial
0'5i ) for which God ordain'd it. Labor That fpecial Labor was the Levif|)ectal ticaland Ceremonial fervice of the Tabernacle, Numb. 18.21,31. which is now abolifh'd the right therfore of that fpecial Hire muft needs be withal aThat Tithes were Ceremonial, is plain, bolifii'd, as being alfo Ceremonial. not being given to the Levites till they had been firft ofFer'd a heav Offering He then who by that Law brings Tithes into the to the Lord, rer. 24, 28. Gofpel, of necelTity brings in withal a Sacrifice, and an Altar ^ without which Tithes by that Law were unfanftifi'd and polluted, rer. ^1. and therfore never thought on in the firft Chriftian times, till Ceremonies, Altars, and ObAnd lations, by an antienter Corruption were brought back long before. yet the Jem ever fince thir Temple was deftroyd, though they have Rabbles and Teachers of thir Law, yet pay no Tithes, as having no Levites to whom, no Temple where to pay them, no Altar wheron to hallow them which argues that the Jews themfelves never thought Tithes Moral, but Ceremonial That Chriftians therfore fhould take them up, when Jews have laid only. them down, muft needs be very abfurd and prepolterous. Next, it is as clear in the fame Chapter, that the Priefts and Levites had not Tithes for thii' labor only in the Tabernacle, but in regard they were to have no other Part nor Inheritance in the Land, rer. 20, 24. and by. that means for a Tenth, loft a Twelfth. But our Levites undergoing no fuch Law of Deprivement, can have no right to any fiich compenfation nay, if by this Law they will have Tithes, can have no inheritance of Land, but forfeit what they have. Befides this, Tithes were of two forts, thofe of every Year, and thofe of every third Year of the former, every one that brought his Tithes, was to eat his fhare i Deut. 14. 23. Thou /halt eat before the Lord thy God, in the place which he fhall chufe to place his name there, the Ttthe of thy Corn, of thy Wine and of thine Oil, &c. Nay, though he could not bring his Tithe in kind, by reafon of his diftant dwelling from the Tabernacle or Temple, but was therby forc'd to turn it into Money, he was to beftow that Money on whatfoever plcas'd him. Oxen, Sheep, Wine, or ftrong Drink ; and to eat and drink therof there before the Lorcf, both he and his Houfliold, rer. 24, 25, 25. As tor the Tithes of every third year, they were not given only to the Levite, but to the Stranger, the Fatherles, and the Widow, rer. 28, 29. and Chap. 16. So that ours, if they will have Tithes, muft admit of thefe fliarers .12,13. with them. Nay, thefe Tithes were not paid in at all to the Levite, but the Levite himfelf was to come with thofe his fellow Guefts, and eat his (hare of them only at his Houfe who provided them ; and this not in regard of his minifterial Office, but becaufe he had no Part nor Inheritance in the Land. Laftly, the Priefts and Levites, a Tribe, were of a far different Conftitution from this of our Minifters under the Gofpel in them were Orders and Degrees both by Family, Dignity, and Office, mainly diftinguifh'd ; the High Frieft, his Brethren, and his Sons, to whom the Levites themfelves paid Tithes, and of the beft, were eminently fuperior, Numb. 1 8. 28, 29. No Proteftant, I fuppofe, will liken one of our Minifters to a High Prieft, but rather to a com:
mon
Levite. llnlefs then, to keep their Tithes, they mean to bring back again Bifhops, Archbifhops, and the whole gang of Prelatry, to whom will they
themfelves pay Tithes, as by that Law it was a fin to them if they did not, Ver. 32. Certainly this muft needs put them to a deep demurr, while the defire af holding faft thir Tithes without fin, may tempt them to bring back again Bifliops, as the likenefs of that Hierarchy that fhould receive Tithes from them ; and the defire to pay none, may advife them to keep out of the Church all Orders above them. But if we have to do at prefent, as I fuppofe we have, with true reformed Proteftants, not with Papifts or Prelates, it will not be deni'd that in the Gofpel there be but two minifterial Degrees, Presbyters and Deacons which if they contend to have any fucceffion, reference, or conformity with thofe two degrees under the Law, Priefts and Levites, it muft needs' be fuch wherby our Presbyters or Minifters may be anfwerable to Priefts, and our Deacons to Levites ; by which rule of Proportion it will follow, that we mufl pay our Tithes to the Deacons only, and they only to the Minifters. But if it be truer yet that the Priefthood of Aaron typifi'd a better reality, i Ptt. 2. 5. fignifying the Chriftian true and holy Priejlhood, to offer ;
:
up fpiritual Sacrifice
it
follows hence, that
we are now
juftly
exempt from paying Tithes to any Who S E
(
vv
7^2
)
is
ho claim from v^^j'oh,

a fliadovv.
fince that
Priefthood
in us
now
real,
which
in
him
Seeing then by all this which hath bin (hewn, that the Law of Tithes is partly Ceremonial, as the work was .for which they were given, partly judicial, not of common, but of particular right to the Tribe of Levi, nor to them alone, but to the owner alfo and his Houfhold, at the time of thir Offering, and every three year to the Stranger, rhe Fatherles, and the Widow, thir appointed Sharers, and that they were a Tribe of Priefts and Deacons improperly compar'd to the conftitution of our Miniflry and it follows that our the Tithes given by that People to thofe Deacons only Miniftersat thisday, being neither Priefts nor Levites, nor fitly anfwering to either of them, can have no juft title or pretence to Tithes, by any coadrawn from the Law of Adofts. But they think they have yet a betfequence ter Plea in the example of Mdchifedtc^ who took Tithes of ylhram ere the Law was given ; whence they would infer Tithes to be of Moral right. But they ought to know, or to remember, that not Examples, but exprefs Commands oblige our obedience to God or man next, that whatfoever was don in Religion before the Law written, is not prefently to be counted Moral, when as fo many things were then don both Ceremonial and Judaitally judicial, that we need not doubt to conclude all times before Chrift, moire or left under the Ceremonial Law. To what end ferv'd els thofe Altars and Saciificcs, that diftinction of clean and unclean entring into the Ark, Circuitiand the raifmg up of Seed to the elder Brother? G'f. 38. 8. If ciljon, thefe things be not Moral, though before the Law, how are Tithes, though in the example of Abram and Mekhifcdec ? But this inftance is fo far from the juft ground of a Law, that after all Circumftances duly weigh'd being both from ocn. 14. and Neb, 7. it will not be allow'd them fo much as an example. A^dchifedcc, befides his Prieftly Benediftion, brought with him Bread
was but
-,
;,
fufficient to refrefh yibram and his whole Army ^ incited to do fo, the fecret Providence of God, intending him for a Type of Chrifl by firft, and his Priefthood ^ next by his due thankfulnes and honor to Abram, who had freed his borders of Salem from a potent Enemy Abram on the other fide honors him with the tenth of all, that is to fay (for he took not fure his whole Eftate with him to that War) of the Spoils, Heb. 7. 4. Incited he alfo by the fame fecret Providence, to lignify as Grandfather of Levi, that the. Levitical Priefthood was excell'd by the Priefthood of Chrift. For the giving of a Tenth declar'd it feems in thofe Countreys and Times, him the greater who receiv'd it. That which next incited him, was partly his gratitude to requite the Prefent, partly his Reverence to the Perfon and his Benediftion to his Perfon, as a King and Prieft ; greater therfore than Abram , who was a Prieft alfo, but not a King. And who unhir'd will be fo hardy as to fay, that Abram at any other time ever paid him Tithes, either before or after ; or had then, but for this accidental meeting and obligement , or that els A/dihifedec had demanded or exafted them, or took them otherwife than as the voluntary gift of Abram ? But our Minifters, though neither Priefts nor Kings more than any other Chriftian, greater in thir own efteem than Abraham and all his Seed, for the verbal labor of a feventh days Preachment, not bringing, like Afclchifedcc, Bread or Wine at thir own coft, would not take only at the willing hand of Liberality or Gratitude, but require and exaft as due the tenth, not of Spoils, but of our whole Elfates and Labors ; nor once, but yearly. then it feems by the example of Abram, muft pay Tithes to thefe Ahlchifedecs : but what if the Perfon of Abram can neither no way reprefent us, or will oblige the Minifters to pay Tithes no lefs then other men ? Abram had not only a Prieft in his Loins, but was himfelf a Prieft, and gave Tithes to If as Afikhifedec either as Grandfather of Levi, or as Father of the faithful. Grandfather (though he underftood it not) of /.ew, he obligM not us but Lcni
: :
and
Wine
We
only, the inferior Prieft, by that Homage (as the Apoftle to the Hebrews clearAnd they who by Aidehily enough explanes) to acknowledg the greater.
fedec claim from Abram as Levi's Grandfather, have none to feek thir Tithes of but the Levites, where they can find them. If Abram as Father of the Faithful paid Tithes to then certainly the Minifters alfo, if they
A/dc/?//e^fc,
be of that number, paid in him equally with the

to believe, that as both
reft.
Which may
induce us
Abram and
Aêlchifedec, fo
Tithes alfo
in that
adion
Typical
Y^l )
Typical and Ceremonial, fignifl'd nothing els but that fubjeftion which all the Faitliful, both Minilleis and People, owetoChriH, our High Prielt and KingIn any literal Scnfe, trom this Example, they never will be able to extort that the People in thofe days piid Tithes toPrielts^ but this only, that one Priell once in his Life, oi Spoils only, and in requital partly of a liberal Prc-
1 ithes, not to a greater Priell fent, partly of a Benediction, gave voluntary than himfclf, as far as Ahram could then underftand, but rather to a Priefl and King join'd in one Perfon. They will reply, perhaps, that if one Priell needs be underllood that the paid Tithes to another, it mull People did no But I Ihall ealily remove that NecelTity, by remembring lefs to the Prieft. them that in thofe days was no Priell, but the Father, or the firil-born of each Family , and by confequence no People to pay him Tithes, but his own Children and Servants, who had not wherwithal to pay him, but of his own. Yet grant that the People then paid Tithes, there will not yet be the like reafon to enjoin us ^ they being then under Ceremonies, a meer Laity, we now under Chrill a Royal Prielthood, i Tex. 2. 9. as we are Coheirs, Kings and Priells with him, a Priell for ever after the order or manner of A'felchtAs tlierfore Ahram paid Tithes to Mtlchifedec becaufe Levi was in fedec. fo we. ought to pay none becaufe the true Mekhifcdcc is in us, and we ia him, him who can pay to none greater, and hath freed us, by our Union with himand Taxes in his Church. Neither doth felf, from all compullive Tributes the collateral place, Hcb. 7. make other ufe of this Story, than to prove Verf. 4. Now Chrift, perfonated by /1/(/tfc//erffc, a greater Prieft than ^(Tro conjidtr how great tlm Man wM^ &c. and proves not in the leaft manner that Tithes be of any right to Miniflers, but the contrary firft, the Levites had a Commandment to take Tithes of the People according to the Law.^ that is, of
.
thir Brethren,
though th^y cotne out of the Loins of Abraham.) Verf.

it
'^.
The Com-
mandment
then was,
ing to the Law. That other fort of Miniflers, as they mull needs be another fort under another Prieflhood, can receive that Tribute ot Tithes which fell with that Law, unlefs renu'd by another exprefs Command, and according to another Law ^ no fuch Law is extant. Next, Melchifedec not as a Miniller, but as Chrift hirafelf in Perfon, blefs'd Abraham v^\io had the Promifcs., Verf. 6. and in him blefs'd all both Miniflers and People, both of the Law and Gofpel ThatBIefTrng declar'd him greater and better than whom he blefs'd, rer. 7. receiving T ithes
:
feems, to take Tithes of the Jews only, and accordLaw changing of neceflity with the Prieflhood, no
not as a Maintenance, which /J/dc/^z/i-c/fc needed not, but as a and Subjeftion to thir King and Priell: wheras Miniflers bear fignof Homage not the Perfon of Chrift in his Prieflhood or Kingfhip, blefs not as he bklTes, are not by thir Blelling greater than Abraham , and all the Faithful with themfelves included in him, cannot both give and take Tithes in Abra>n, cannot claim to themfelves that fign of our Allegiance due only to our Eternal Kmg and Priefl, cannot therfore derive Tithes from Melchifedec. Laflly, The
from them
all,
eighth Verfe hath thus
Here
Men
that die receive Tithes:
There he received,
them., of ofFer'd himfelf once for us, fo he received once of us in
whom
it is
that he liveth. xvitneffed
Which words
intimate, that as he Abraham, and in that
place the typical acknowledgment of our Redemption: which had it been a perpetual annuity to Chrift, by him claim'd as his due, Levi mufl have paid it yearly, as well as then, f^'crf 9. and our Minifters ought Hill, to fome But that Chrill neA'felchifcdec or othQY, as well now as they did in ^tr-dttf^M. ver claim'd any fuch Tenth as his annual Due, much lefs refign'd it to the Miniflers, his fo officious Receivers, without exprefs Conimillion or Aflignment,
Thus much may at length allure us, that will be yet clearer as we proceed. this Example of Abraham and Melchifedec, though 1 fee of late they build moll upon it, 'can fo little be the ground of any Law to us, that it will no
lb
much
is
nence
join'd
them as to the Autority of an Example. Of like impertiExample of Jacob, Gen. 28. 22. who of his free choice, not enby any Law, vow'd the Tenth of all that God fhould give him wliich,
avail
that
for ought appears to the contrary, he vow'd as a thing no lefs indifferent before his Vow, than the foregoing part therof That the Stone which he had fet there for a Pillar, fliould be God's Houfe. And to whom vowM he this
:
Tenth, but to God
:"
not to any Priefl, for

5
we
read of none to him greater

thari
(
:
7^4)
tiianhimfelf and to God, no doubt, but he paid what he vow'd, both in the and the expence of his conbuilding of that Bethel^ with other Altars elfewhere, ofter. to but he had However therfore he paid none tinual Sacrifices,which right unlefs fuch an occafion as befel his Grandno in could likelihood, by hisTenth,it yill the Tithe of the be to Prieft. But, fay they, Land.^ whether of the Seed any father, unto the Lord, Lev.27.30. the vs the Lord's, the or Fruit the of of Tree, holy Land, of
And
was given to the Levites ; therfore lince they ceas'd. No the whole Earth is the Lord^s, and the fulncs thereof^ Pfal. 24. i For queftion and the Light of Nature Ihews us no lefs But that the Tenth is his more tlian the reft, how know I, but as he fo declares it ? He declares it fo here of
this before it
,
the Land of Crtrt:W only, as by all Circumftances appears, and pafTes, by Deed of Gift, this Tenth to theLcvite ; yet fo as offer'd to him firft a Heavoffering,
and confecrated on his Altar, Numb. 8. all which I had as little but by that Evidence. The Levites are ceas'd, the Gift returns to known, How tiien can we know that he hath given it to any other ? or the giver. how can thefe Men prtfurae to take it unotFer'd firft to God, unconfecrated,
1
without another clear and exprefs Donation, wherof they Ihew no Evidence who can waror Writing? Bchdes, he hath now alienated that holy Land rantabiy affirm, that he hath lince hallow'd the tenth of this Land, which none but God hath Power to do or can warrant ? T hir laft proof they cite out of the Gofpel, which makes as little for them, Mat. 23.23. where our Saviour deto the Scribes and Pharifees, who paid Tithe fo exaftly, and nouncing omitted weightier Matters, telsthem, that thefe they ought to have done, For our Saviour fpake then to thofewho obthat is, to have paid Tithes. ferv'd the Law of Mofes, which was yet not fully abrogated, till thedeftruftionof the Temple. And by the way here we may obferve, out of thir own proof, that the Scribes and Pharifees, though then chief Teachers of the People, fuch at leaftas were not Levites, did not take Tithes, but paid them So much lefs covetous were the Scribes and Pharifees in thofe wprft times then ours at this day. This is fo apparent to the Reformed Divines of other Countries, that when any one of ours hath attempted in Latin to maintain this Argument of Tithes, though a Man would think they might fuffer him, without oppofition, in a Point equally tending to the advantage of all Minifters, yet they forbear not to oppofe him, as in a Doftrin not fit to pafs Which fhews the Modcfty, the Contentednefs unoppos'd under the Gofpel. of thofe Forein Paftors, with the Maintenance given them, thir fincerity alfo in the Truth, though lefs gainful, and the Avarice of ours ; who through the love of their old Papiftical Tithes, confider not the weak Arguments, or On the rather Conjectures and Surmifes which they bring to defend them. other fide, although it be fufficient to have prov'd in general the abolilhing of Tithes, as part of the judaical or Ceremonial Law, which is abolifh'd all, as well that before as that after A/o/ey i yet I fha 11 further prove them abrogated by an exprefs Ordinance of the Gofpel, founded not on any Type, or that Municipal Law of Mofes, but on moral and general Equity, given us inftead i Cor. 9. 13, 1 4. Know ye not, that they who mimflcr about holy things, live of the things of the Temple ; and they which wait at the ylltar, are partakers with the Altar ? So alfo the Lord hath ordain d, that they who preach the Gofpel, fJwuld Ue faith not, fhould live on things which were of the Temlive of the Gofpel. of which were Tithes, for that had given them a clear the or of Altar, ple, Title : but abrogating that former Law of Mofes, which determin'd what and how much, by a later Ordinance of Chrift, which leaves the what and how much indefinit and free, fo it be fufficient to live on he faith. The Lord hath fo ordain^4, that they who preach the Gofpel, fhould live of the Gofpel ; which hath neither Temple, Altar, nor Sacrifice: Heb. 7. 13. For he ôf whom thefe
;,
Wo
gave attendance at things are fpoken, pertaineth to another Tribe, of which no the Altar : His Minifters therfore cannot thence have Tithes. And where the
Man
more than one Evangelift Luke : and drinking fuch things 06 they give fame houfe remain, eating j^nd into whatfoever City you enter, and For the labourer is worthy of h'vs hire, &c. To which Ordinance of thty receive you, eat fuch things cvs are fct before you. Chriltitmay feem likelieft, that the A poftle refers us both here, and i Tim. 1 he cites this as the Saying of our Saviour, Tfiat the labourer k wcn-thy 5. 8. where
Lord hath
fo ordain'd,
the
we may
find eafily in
10.7,8. In
of
(7^5)
both by this place of Z.iJ<:f, and that of J/rt/-. 0.9,1 o,i i. it evidently appears that our Saviour ordain'd no certain Maintenance for his Apoflles or Miniftcrs, publicly or privately, in HoufcorCity receiv'd,butthat,whaLever it \vcre,which might fujlice to live on and this not commanded or proportion'd by Alram or by Mofts^ whom he might ealily have here cited, as his manner was, butdeclar'donly by a Rule of common Equity, which proportions the Hire as well to the Ability of him who gives, as-to the labour of him who as worthy, not invefts him with a receives, and recommends him only legal And mark wheron he grounds this his Ordinance ^ not on a perpeRight. tual right of Tithes from AhichiJ'jdcc, as Hirelings pretend, which he never claim'd, either for himfelf, or for his Minifters, but on the plane and common equity of rewarding the Laborer i worthy fomtimes of lingle, fomtimes And the Apoltle in this of double Honor, not proportionable by Tithes. forecited Chapter to the Corinthians^ Verf. 11. affirms it to be no great Recompbnce, if carnal things be rcapM tor fpiritual fown , but to mention Tithes, neglefts here the fitteltoccalion that could be offered him, and leaves the relt free and undetcrminM. Certainly if Chrill or his Apoftles had apwould have, either by Writing or Tradition, recomprov'd of Tithes, they that foon would have appeard in the praand to the Church mended them But for the firfl three hundred ctice of thofe Primitive and the next Ages. Years and more, in all the Ecclclialtical Story, 1 find no fuch Doftrin or Example though Error by that lime had brought back again Prielts, Altars and and in many other Points of Religion had miferably judaiz'd the Oblations Church. So that the defenders of Tithes, after a long pomp, and tedious preparation out of Heathen Authors, telling us that Tithes were paid to Hercules and y^polh^ which perhaps was imitated from the Jems^ and as it were befpeakingour Expeflation, that they will abound much more with Autorities out of Chriilian Story, have nothing of general Approbation to begin with from the firft three or four Ages, but that which abundantly ferves to the Confutation of thir Tithes , while they confefs that Churchmen in thofe Ages liv'd meerly upon free-will Offerings. Neither can they fay, that Tithes were not then paid for want of a civil Magiftrate to ordain them, for Chriftians had then alfo Lands, and might give out of them what they pleasM and yet of Tithes then given we find no mention. And the firfl Chriftian Emperors, who did all things as Bifhops advisM them, fupply'd what was wanting to the Clergy not out of Tithes, which were never motion'd, but out of thir own imperialRevenues j as ismanifeflin j(/tfen, Theodoret^ and
efh'vsh'rre.
r
:
,
And
:,
-,
Hence thofe ancienteft reformed Sr>z.o>ncn, from Conftantlne to Arcadius. Churches of the IValdenfts, if they rather continu'd not pure fince the Apollles, deny'd that Tithes were to be given, or that they were ever given in the primitive Church, as appeers by an ancient Traftate inferted in the Bohemian Hillory. Thus far hath the Church bin always, whether in her prime or nor without in her ancienteft Reformation, from the approving of Tithes Reafon for they might eafily perceive that Tithes were fitted to the Jeip^ only, a national Church of many incomplete Synagogues, uniting the Accomplifhment of divine Worfhip in one Temple; and the Levites there had thir Tithes paid where they did thir bodily NA^'ork ; to which a particular Tribe was fct apart by divine Appointment, not by the Peoples Election but the Chriftian Church isuniverfali not ty'd to Nation, Diocefs, or Parifh, but confifting of many particular Churches complete in themfelVes, gather'd not by compulfion, or the accident of dwelling nigh together, but by free ConWhcrfent, chufing both thir particular ChurclT and thir Church-Officers. as if Tithes be fet up, all thefe Chriftian Privileges will be difturb'd and foori loft, and with them Chriftian Liberty. The firft Autority which our Adverfaries bring, after thofe fabulous Apoftolic Canons, which they dare not infift upon, isaprovindal Councelheld at Cullm^ where they voted Tithes to be God's Rmt^ in the year three hundred at the fame time perhaps when the three Kings reignM fifty fix there, and of like Autority. For to what purpofe do they bring thefe trivial Teftimonies, by which they might as well prove Altars, Candles at noon, and the greateftpart of thofe Superftitions fetch'd from Paganifm or jewifm, which
:
, :
the Papift
invcigl'd by this fond
Argument of Antiquitv,
retains to this
day
( of I know not what Bifhops, to a Parlament and People who have thrown out both I'i lops and Altars, and promis'dall Reformationby the Wordof God? And that Altars brought Tithes hither, as one Corruption begot another, is evident by one of thofeQueftions which
79M
To what purpolethofc Decrees
ferings of the faithful
propounded to the Pope, comtrning thofc things^ which by Ofcame to the Altar \ as Bcda writes, I. i.e. 27. If then by thefe Teitimonieswe milft have Tithes continued, we mult again have Altars. Of Fathers, by cuftom fo cali'd, they quote Amhrofe, Augujlin., and fome whofe Ali'ertion, without other ceremonial Doftors of the lame Leven can an Church admit what they vouch no reformed ; pertinent Scripture, is founded on the Law of yWo/a, with which, every where pitifully raiftaken,
the
Aujlin
:
Monk
Prynn.
they again incorporate the Gofpel^ as did the reft alio of thofe titular Fathers, perhaps an Age or two belore them, by many Rights and Ceremonies, both Jewifh and Heathenifli, introduc d j whcrby thinking to gain all, they loft all: and inftead of v\ inning Jews and Pagans to be Chriftians, by too much condefcending they uiin'd Chiikians into jews and Pagans. To heap fuch unconvincing Citations aS theie in Religion, wherof the Scripture only is our Rule, argues not much Learning nor Judgment, but the loft Labor of much unprofitable reading. And yet a late hot Querift for Tithes, whom ever belide him in the Margin, to be ever bej-e may know by his Wits lying iide his Wits in the Text, a herce Reformer once, now ranckl'd with a contrary heat, would fend us back, very refonnedly indeed, to learn Reformation
from Tyrdarus and
Rcbujjia.,
two canonical
1
Proraooters.
They produce
and, Saxon Laws, Edidfs of Kings, and their Councils, from Athtljlan, in the year nine hundred twenty eight, that Tithes by Statute were paid: and might produce from Ina., above two hundred years before, that Romifcot., or Ptter's Penny, was by as good Sta-
next the ancient Conftitutions of this
paid to the Pope , fiom feven hundred twenty five, and almoftas continu'd. And who knows not that this Law of Tithes was enacted by long thofe Kings and Barons upon the opinion they had of thir divine Right ? as
tute
Law
the very Words import ot Edward the Confelfor, in the clofe of that Law : For fo bkfjld Auftin preach'd and taught ; meaning the Monk, who firft brought the Romifli Religion into England from Gregory the Pope. And by the way I add, that by thefe Laws, imitating the Law of Mofes., the third part of Tithes only was the Priefts due ^ the other two were appointed for the Poor, and to adorn or repare Churches \ as the Canons of Ecbert and Elfric Concil. Brit. v/itnefs If then thefe Laws were founded upon the Opinion of divine Autority, and that Autority be found miftaken and erroneous, as hath bin fully manifefted, it follows, that thefe Laws fall of themfelves with thir falfe Foundation. But with what Face or Confcience can they allege Mofes or thefe Laws for Tithes, as they now enjoy or exadt them ? wherof Mcfes ordains the Owner, as we heard before, the Stranger, the Fatherlefs, and the Widow, Partakers with the Levite ; and thefe Fathers which they cite, and thefe though Romifti rather than Englifh Laws, allotted both to Prieft and But thefe our Proteftant thefe our new reformed Bifhop the third part only.
:
ftiame of
Presbyterian Divines, againft thir own cited Authors, and to the thir pretended FvCformation, would engrofs to themfelves all Tithes by Statute-, and fupported more by thir wilful Obftinacy and Defire of filthy Lucre, than by thefe both infufficient and impertinent Autorities, would perfwade a Chriftian Magiftracy and Parlament, whom we truft God hath reftor'd for a happier Reformation, to impofeupon us a Judaical Ceremonial Law, and yet from that Law to be more irregular and unwarrantable,
Englifli
more complying with a covetous Clergy, than any of thofe Popifti Kings and Parlamcnts alleg'd. Another fhift they have to plead, that Tithes maybe moral as well as the Sabbath, a tenth of Fruits as well as a feventh of Days, lanfwer, that the FYelats who urge this Argument have leaft reafon toufeit, denying Morality in the Sabbath, and therin better agreeing with Reformed Churches abroad than the reft of our Divines. As therfore the feventh day isnot moral, but a convenient Recourfe of Worfhip in fit feafon, whether feventh or other number, fo neither is the tenth of our Goods, but only a convenient Subliftence morally due to Minifters. The laft and lovveft fort of thir Arguments, that Men purchas'd not thir Tithe with thir Land, and fuch
like
(
like Pettifoggery,
I
7^7 )
by others: lomitaifo thir related no lefs credibly; thir feiiing of have as good right to Tithes as they j
omit
as refuted fiifficiently
violent and irreligious Enactions,
Pots and Fans from tlic Poor, who from fome, the very Beds ; thir fuing and imprifoning ; worfe than when the Canon Law was in force j v.-orfc than when thofc wicked Sons of EH were Prielts, whofe manner was thus to feife thir pretended prieftly Due by i Sam. l. i force 2, &c. IVhcrchy Men abborr'd the Offering of the Lord. And it may befear'd that many will as much abhor the Gofpel if fuch Violence as this befuftcr'd in her Minifters, and in that which they alfo pretend to be the Offering of the Lord. For tiipfe Sons of Belial within fome Limits made fciilu c of what they knew was thir own by an undoubted Law j but thefe from whom there is no Sanduary, feife out of Mens Grounds, out of Mens Houfcs, thir other Goods of double, fometimes of treble value, for that which, did not Covetoufnefs and Rapine blind them, they know to be not thir
;,
own
thus fcverely
look to thir
Of fome more tolerable than thefe by the Gofpel which they preach. God hath fpoken ; Ij'a. 45. 10, &c. They are greedy dogs ; they all
own rvay., every one for his gain., from his quarter. With what Anger then will he judg them who ftand not looking, but under colour of a divine Right, fetch by Force that which is not thir own, taking his Name not in vain, but in violence? Nor content, as Gchazi was, to make a cunning, but a conftrain'd Advantage of what thir Mailer bids them give freely, how can .they but return fmicten, worfe than that (harking Miniller, with a fpirituaJ Leprofy ? And yet they cry out Sacrilege, that Men will not be gulPd and baffl'd the tenth of thir eftates by giving credit to frivolous Pretences of divine Right. Where did God ever cleerly declare to all Nations^ or in all Lands, (and none but Fools part with thir Eftates without cleereft Evidence, on bare Suppofals and Prefumptions of them who are the Gainers therby) that he requir'd the tcntli as due to him or his Son perpetually and in all places? Where did he demand it, that we might certainly know, as in ail claims of temporal Right is juft and reafonable? or if demanded, where did hcalTign it, or by what evident conveyance to Minifters? Unlefs they candemonftrate this by more than Conjeftures, thir Title can be no better to Tithes than the Title of Gehaz.i was to thofe things which by abuling his Mafter's name he rook'd from Naaman. Much lefs where did he command that Tithes fhould be fctch'd by force, where left not under the Gofpel whatever his Right was, to the Freewill-offerings of Men ? Which is the greater Sacrilege, to bely divine Autority, to make the name of Chrift acceffory to Violence, and robbing him of the very Honor which he aim'd at in beftowing freely the Gofpel, to commit Simony and Rapin, both fecular and eccleliaftical i or on the other fide, not to give up the tenth of Civil Right and Propriety to the Tricks and Impoftures of Clergy-men, contriv'd with all the Art and Argument that thir Bellies can invent or fuggeft ; yet fo ridiculous and prefuming on the Peoples Dulnefs or Superftition, as to think they prove the divine Right of thir Maintenance by yibram paying Tithes to A-/clcbsfedec^ when as Aiekhiftdec in that pailage rather gave Maintenance to yîo.jw ; in whom all, both Priefts and Minifters, as well as Lay-men, paid Tithes, not received them. And becaufe I affirm'd above, beginning this firft part of my hath given to Minifters of the Gofpel that Maintenance that God Difcourfe, only which is juftly given them, let us fee a little what hath bin thought of that other Maintenance befides Tithes, which of all Proteftants our Englilli Divines either only or moft apparently both require and take. Thofe are
Fees for Chriftnings, Marriages, and Burials: which, though whofo will may give freely, yet being not of Right, but of free Gift, if they be exacted or eftablifhM, they becom unjuft to them who areotherwife maintainM 5 and of fuch evil note, that even the Council of Trent., I. 2. p. 246. makes them liable to the Laws againft Simony, who take or demand Fees for the
adminiftring of any Sacrament: Che la finodo volcndo kvare gli abufi intro&c. And in the next Page, with like Severity, condemns the giving dottt., or taking for a Benefice, and the celebrating of Marriages, Chriftnings, and nor counts-it lefs Simony toYell the Burials, for Fees exafted or demanded Ground or Place of Burial. And in a State- Affembly at Or/crti, 1561. it
:
was decreed, Chenotiffôtejleeffigcrco[aakuna,&:c.
J).
429. fbat nothing fhouU

lie
( 768 )
any other fpiritual Fundion. of the moil all others Thus much that Councel, Popifh, and this Aflembly thir in own of Papifts, though, by bondage to the Clergy, were Principles, reafon or thir own and either fliame, by the light of Reformainduc'd, by tion then fhining in upon them, or rather by the known Canons of many Councels and Synods long before, to condemn of Simony fpiritual Fees demanded. For if the Minifter be maintain'd for his whole Miniftry, why fhould he be twice paid for any part therof ? Why Ihould he, like a Servant, feek Vails over and above his Wages ? As for Chriftnings, either they if Minithemfelves call Men to Baptifm, or Men of themfelves com
be
exaBedfoY
the adtninillring of Sacraments^ Burials ^w
becom'd John theBaptifl to demand Fees for his fters invite, how ill his for or Chrift chriftnings ? Far lefs becoms it thefe now, with a baptizing, of Tradefmen calling PalFengers to thir Shop, and that than lower greedines ask to again for doing that which thofe thir Founders yet paid beforehand, did freely. If Men of themfelves com to be baptiz'd, they are either brought by fuch as already pay the Minifter, or com to be one of his Difciof whom to ask a Fee as it were for entrance, is a ples and Maintainers Bupiece of paltry craft or caution, befitting none but beggarly Artifts. rials and Marriages are fo little to be any part of thir Gain, that they who confider well, may find them to be no part of thir Fundtion. At Burials thir attendance they alledg on the Corps i all the Guefts do as much unhir'd. But thir Prayers at the Grave, fuperftitioufly requir'd yet if requir'd, thir But the Funeral Sermon, laft performance to the deceas'd of thir own Flock. at thir choife, or if not, an occafion ofFer'd them to preach out of feafon, which is one part of thir Office. But fomthing muft be fpoken in praife j if due, thir duty , if undue, thir corruption a peculiar Simonie of our DiBut the ground is broken, and efpecially thir unvines in England oiily.
had
it
:
:
:
To fell that will not only raife up in judgrighteous Poflefllon, the Chancel. ment the Council of Trent againft them, but will lofe them the belt Champion of Tithes, thir zealous Antiquary, Sir Hen. Sêlman^ who in a Book written to that purpofe, by many cited Canons, and fom even of times corrupteft in the Church, proves that Fees exafted or demanded for Sacraments, Marriages, Burials, and efpecially for interring, are wicked, accurfed, fimoniacal and abominable : Yet thus is the Church, for all this noife of Reformation, left flill unreform'd, by the cenfurc of thir own Synods, thir own Favourers, a den of Thieves and Robbers. As for Marriages, that Minifters Ihould meddle with them, as not fanftifi'd or legitimat without thir Celebration, I
find
no ground in Scripture either of Prfecept or Example. Likelieft it is (which our Seldenhzth. well obferv'd, /. 2. c. 28. ux. Eb.) that in imitation of Heathen Priefts who were wont at Nuptials to ufe many Rites and Ceremonies, and efpecially, judging it would be profitable, and the increafe of their Autority, not to be Spedators only in bufinefs of fuch concernment to the Life of Man, they infinuated that Marriage was not holy without thir Benediction, and for the better colour, made it a Sacrament j being of it felf a Civil Ordinance, a houlhold Contraft, a thing indifferent and free to the whole race of Mankind, not as religious, but as Men bell, indeed, undertaken to religious ends, and as the Apoftle faith, i Cor. 7. In the Lord. Yet not therefore invalid or unholy without a Minifter and his pretended necelTary hallowing, more than any other Aft, Enterprife or Contrad of civil Life, which ought all to be don alfo in the Lord and to his Glory All which, no lefs than Marriage, were by the cunning of Priefts her: :
Our Divines detofore, as material to thir Profit, tranfadted at the Altar. ny it to be. a Sacrament; yet retain'd the Celebration, till prudently a late Parlament recovered the Civil Liberty of Marriage from thir incroachment,
and transferr'd the ratifying and 'regiftring therof from the Canonical Shop to the proper cognifance of Civil Magiftrates. Seeing then, that God hath to that the Minifters under given Gofpel, only which is jiiftly given them, that is to fay, a due and moderat Livelihood, the hire of thir labor, and that the heav-oftering of Tithes is abolifti'd with the Altar, yea though not
aboliflid, yetlawles, as they enjoy them ^ thir Melchifedecian Right alfo trivial and groundles, and both Tithes and groundles, and both Tithes and
Fees, if exadted or eftablilh'd, unjuft
and fcandalous
we may
hope, with
thetn
them remov'd,
ting Baits, by
to
C 7^9 ) remove Hirelings in fom good mcafure,
whom
thefe" tempis
Law
The
ne;xt thing
it fljould
efpecially to be lecover'd, allure into the Church. to be coniider'd in the maintenance of Minifters,
whom
by
be given.
ciently inform us, it that is taught in the word.,
the Light of Reafon might fuffiwill be beft to confult the Scripture Gal. 6. 6. Let lotm
:
Wherin though
that is to fay in all have fown unto you fptritual things., if it a great matter if we reap your carnal hath not bin fown, from him wherfore fliould be things ? To whom therfore reap'd ? i Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well., be counted worthy of double honour ; efpecially they who labour in word and doilrin. By thefe places we fee,
that Recompcnce was given either by every one in particular who had bin inftrufted, or by them all in common, brought into the Church-Treafury, and dillributed to the Minifters according to thir feveral labors and that was
:
commumcafc to him that teacheth, in all good things : manner of Gratitude, to his ability, i Cor, 9. 11, // we
judg'd either by
fom extraordinary Perfon,
as Timothy.,
who by
was then
deputed
the Church Evangelift at Epheftis., 2 Tim.^.<^. or by fom to that cace. This is fo agreeable to reafon and fo clear, that any one
left
whom
the Apoftle
perceive what Iniquity and Violence hath prevail'd fince in the Church, it hath bin fo order'd, that they alfo fhall be compell'd to recompencc the Parochial Minifler, who neither chofe him for thir Teacher, nor have receiv'd Inftruftion from him, as being either infufficient, or not refident,
may
wherby
or inferior to whom they follow wherin to bar them thir Choife, is to violate Chriftian Liberty. Our Law-books teftifie, that before the Councel of Lateran, in the year 1 79, and the fifth of our Henry 2. or rather before a.decretal Epiftle of Po^pz Innocent the Third, about 1200, and the firft: of
,
John., any Man might have given his Tithes to what fpiritual Perfon he would : and, as the L. Coh notes on that place, Injlit. part 2. that this decretal bound not the Subjects of th'vs Realm., but as it feem'd jufi and reafonable/ The Pope took his reafon rightly from the above cited place, i Cor. 9. 11. but falfly Whether this were fuppos'd every one to be inftrucled by his Parifh-Prielt. then firll fo decreed, or rather long before, as may feem by the Laws of Edgar and Canute., thjit Tithes were to be paid, not to whom he would that paid them, but to the Cathedral Church or the Parilh Prielt, it imports not^ fince the reafon which they themfelves bring, built on fals fuppoiition, becomes alike infirm and abfurd, that he fhould reap from me, who fows not to me, be the caufe either his defeft, or my free choife. But here it will be readily objefted, What if they who are to be inftrufted be not able to maintain a Minifter, as in many Villages ? I anfwer, that the Scripture fhews in many places what ought to be don herin. Firft I offer it to the reafon of any Man, whether bethink theknowledg of Chriftian Religion harder than any I other Art or Science to attain. fuppofe he will grant that it is far eafier, both of it felf, and in regard of God's affifting Spirit, not particularly promised us to the attainment "of any other Knowledg, but of this only lince it was preach'd as well to the Shepherds of Bethleem by Angels, as to the Ealiern Wifemen by that Star and our Saviour declares himfelf anointed to preach the Gofpel to the poor, Luke 4. 1 8. then furely to thir Capacity. They who after him firft taught it, were otherwife unlearned Men they who before Hus and Luther firft reform'd it, were for the meannes of thir condition call'd, the poor Men of Lions : and in Flanders at this day, les gueus., which is to fay, Beggars. Therfore are the Scriptures tranflated into every vulgar Tongue, as being held in main matters of Belief and Salvation, plain and eafie to the pooreft and fuch no lefs than thir Teachers have the Spirit to guide them in all Truth, foh. 14.25. and 16. 13. Hence we may conclude, if Men be not all thir life-time under a Teacher to learn Logic, natural Philofophy, Ethics or Mathematics, which are more difficult, that certainly it is not necelFary to the attainment of Chriftian Knowledg that Men Ihould fit all thir life long at the feet of a pulpited Divine j while he, a lollard indeed over his elbow-culhion, in. almoft the feventh part of forty or fifty years teaches them fcarce half the Principles of Religion \ and his Sheep ofttimes fit the while to as little purpofe of benefiting as the Sheep in thir Pues at Smithfield y and for the moft part by fom Simony or other, bought and fold like them or, if this Comparifon be too low, like thofe Women, i Twu 3.7. 5 F
King
^7
,
3.7. yet not fo much through thir own fault Icirniyig and never attaining as through the unskilful and immethodical teaching of thir Paftor, teaching here and there at random out of this or that Text, as his eafe or fanfie and
t.my
oft-times as his Health guides him. Seeing then that Chriftian Religion may be fo eahly attain'd, and by meanefi: Capacities, it cannot be much difficult to find ways, both how the poor, yea all Men may be foon taught what is to be known of Chriftianity, and they who teach them,recompenc'd. Firfb if
Minifters of thir own accord, who pretend that they are call'd and fent to preach the Gofpel, thofe efpecially who have no particular Flock would imitate our Saviour and his Difciples who went preaching through the Villages, not only through the
Cities, Matth. 9. 35. A<fark6.6. Luke 13. 22. and there 25. preach'd to the poor as well as to the rich, looking for no recompence but in Heaven John 4. 3 5,3^). Look on the fields^ for they arehhite already to Harvefl : and he that reapcth^ rcceiveth wages^ and gathereth fruit unto This was thir Wages. But they will foon reply, we our felves Life eternal. have not wherwithal who Ihall bear the Charges of our Journey ? To whom
^Sts
8.
be anfvver'd, that in likelihood they are not peorer than thev who did thus and if they have not the fame Faith which thofe Difciples had to trull in God and the Promife of Chrift for thir Maintenance as they did and yet intrude into the Miniftery without any livelihood of thir own they call themfelves into a miferable hazard or temptation, and oft-times into a more miferable necefllty, either to ftarve, or to pleafe thir Paimallers ra-' "ther.than God j and give Men juft caufe to fufpeft, that they came neither call'd nor lent from above to preach the Word, but from below, by the inftinct of thir own Yet grant it needful hunger, to feed upon the Church. to allow them both the Charges of thir Journey and the Hire of thir Labor it will belong next to the Charity of richer Congregations, where molt commonly they abound with Teachers, to fend fome of thir number to the Villages round, as the Apoftles from'êra/a/aw fent Peter and John to the City and Villages of Samaria^ A^s%. 14,25. or as the Church at Jerufalem Cent Barnahws to Anuoch^ chap. 11. 22. and other Churches joining fent Luke to travail with Paul, 2 Coc. 8. 19. though whether they had thir.Charges born by the Church or no, it be not recorded. If it be objefted that this itinerary preaching will not ferve to plant the Gofpel in thofe places, unlefs they who are fent, abide there fom. competent time^ I anfwer, that if they ftay there a year .or two, which was the-longeft time ufually ftaid by the Apoflles in one place, it may fuffice to teach them, who will attend and learn, all the Points of Religion neceflary to Salvation^ then forting them into feveral Congregations of a moderat number, out of the ableft and zealoufelt them
it
may
as foon
to create Elders, who, exerciling and requiring from themfelves what they have learn'd (for no Learning is retain'd without conftant exercife and
among
me-
thodical re-petition) may teach and govern the reft: and fo exhorted to continue faithful and ftedfaft, they may fecurely be committed to the Providence of God and the guidance of his holy Spirit, till God may offer fom opportunity to vifit them again, and to confirm them 'which when they have don, they have don as much as the Apoftles were vvont to do in propagating the Gofpel, îJi.14. 23. And when they had ordain d them Elders in every Church
:
with fajling, they commended them to the Lord^ on whom they hein the fame Chapter, rerf. 21,22. When they had freacVd the Gofpel to that City, and had taught many, they returned again to Lyftra and to Iconium and Antioch, confirming the Souls of the Difciples, and exhortin" them to continue in the Faith. Chap.,i%. 36. Let us go again and'vifit %ur BrelieiTd.
and had pray'd
And
And
went thorow Syria and Cilicia, confirming the Churches. might add other helps, which we enjoy now, to make more eafie the attainment of Chriftian the 'entire Scripture Religion by the meaneft tranfiated into Englifh with plenty of Notes and fom where or other, I truft, may be found fom wholfom body of Divinity, as they call it, without School Terms and Metaphyfical Notions, which have obfcur'd rather than explan d our Religion, and made it feem difficult without caufe. Thus taught once for all, and thus now and then vifited and confirm'd, in the moft deftituteand pooreit places of the Land, under the Government of thir own Elders performing all Minifteriai Offices among them, they muy be trufted
thren.
And
I
To
rerf 41
He
thefe
-,
( 771 )
to meet aiid edifie one another whether in Church or Chappel, or, to fave them the trudging of many miles thither, neerer home, though in a Houfe or Barn. For notwithllanding the gaudy Superftition of fom devoted ftill ignorantiy to Temples, we may be well aflur'd that he who difdain'd not to be laid in a Manger, difdains not to be preach'd in a "Barn ; and that by
fuch meetings as thefe, being indeed molt Apoftolical and Primitive, they will in a (hort time advance more in Chriftian Knowledg and Reformation of of fuch an Incumbent, I may fay, Life, than by the many years preaching fuch an Incubus oft-times, as will be meanly hir'd to abide long in thofe They have this left perhaps t9 objedt further, that to fend thus, and
places.
places, Cities round about.
to maintain, though but for a year or two, Minifters and Teachers in fevewould prove chargeable to the Churches, though in Towns and ral
To whom again 1 anfwer, that it was not thought fo by thus propagated the Gofpel, though but few in number to us, and much lefs able to fuftain the Expence. Yet this Expence would be much lefs than to hire Incumbents, or rather Incumbrances, for life-time ^ and a great means (which is the fubje<ft of this Difcourfe) to diminifli Hirelings.
them who
firfl:
But be the Expence lefs or more, if it be found burdeflfom to the Churches, they have in this Land an eafie remedy in thir rccourfe to the Civil Magiflrate ; who hath in his hands the difpofal of no fmall Revenues, left, perbut meant undoubtedly to good anci bellhaps, anciently to fuperftitious, made once ufcs j and therfore, publick, appliable by the prefent Magiftrate or folid Reafon from whomfoever, fhall conthe as ufes to fuch Church, And thofe ufes may be, no doubt, much rather than vince him to think belt. as Glebes and Augmentations arc now beftow'd, to grant fuch requefts as thefe of the Churches , or to eredt in greater number all over the Land Sciiools, and competent Libraries to thofe Schools, where Languages and Arts may be taught free together, without the necdlefs, unprofitable and inconSo all the Land would be foon better venient removing to another place. civiliz'd, and they who are taught freely at the publick Coft, might have thir Education given them on this condition, that therwith content, they Ihould not gad for Preferment out of thir own Country, but continue there thankful for what they receiv'd freely, bellowing it as freely on thir Country, without foaring aiove the meannes wherin they were born. But how they ihall live when they are thus bred and difmis'd, will be ftill the lluggifh ObTo which is anfwer'd, that thofe public^^ Foundations may be fo injection. ftituted, as the Youth therin may be at once brought up to a competence of Learning and to an honelt Trade j and the hours of teaching fo order'd, as This was thir lludy may be no hinderance to thir labor or other calling. no born of a mean free Citizen of of the breeding S. Paul^ though Parents,
fo little did his Trade debafe him, that it rather enabl'd ufe that magnanimity of preaching the Gofpel through Jfia and Europe at his own charges: thus thofe Preachers amonf^ths poor IValdenfes, the
the
Roman Empire
him to
ancient ftock of our Reformation, without thefe helps which I fpeak of, bred up themfelves in Trades, and efpecially in Phyfic and Surgery, as well as in the fludy of Scripture ( which is the only true Theology ) that they might be no
burden to the Church; and by the Example of Chrilt, might cure both Soul and Body, through induftry joining that to thir Miniftery, which he Thus relates Peter Gilies in his Hiftory of join'd to his by gift of the Spirit. our think fcorn to ufe a Trade, and in Piemont. But Minifters the Waldenfes count it the reproach of this Age, that Tradefmen preach the Gofpel. Ic were to be wilh'd they were all Tradefnuen , they would not then fo many of them, for want of another Trade, make a Trade of thir preaching : and yet tfiey clamor that Tradefmen preach and yet they preach, while they As fcjr Church-Endowments and themfelves are the worft Tradefmen of all. before Conflanune, but the Houfds PoirelFions, I meet with none confiderable and Gardens where they met, and thir places of burial and I perfwade mej that from them the ancient Waldenfes, whom defervedly I cite fo often, held. That to endow Churches is an evtl thing and, that the Church then fell off and turn'd Whore fitting on that Beaft in the Revelation^ when under Pope SylSo the forecited Traftat of Donations. vejlcr fhe received thofe Temporal This alfo thir own Traditions of tliat heavenly Voice thir Doftrin tcftifics. 5 F i witnefs'd,
,
( 772 ) ancient Fathers then living forefaw and deplor'd. the of fom and vvitncfs'd, thrive better with the Endowments And indeed, how could thefe Church, without thofe fufFrage of the People, out Emperors, being unjuftly taken by of the Tributes and publick Lands of each City, wherby the Peo]J!e became liable to be opprefs'd with other Taxes. Being therfore given for the and fo likelieft out of other and Perfons, nioft part by Kings publick the Publick, and if without the Peoples confent, unjuftly, however to ends of much concernment, to the good or evil of a Common-
publick wealth, and in that regard made publick though given by private Perfons, or which is worfe, given, as the Clergy then perfwaded men, for thir Souls truth was, oft-times a bribe to God, or to Health, a pious Gift ^ but as the then taught, for Murders, Adulteries, were Chrift for Abfolution, as they be found hertofore given by Kings or what fliall and other hainous Crimes Princes out of the publick, may juftly by the Magiftrate be recall'd and reapwhat by privat or publick Perfons out of thir propriased to the Civil Revenue own the price of Blood or Luft, or to fom fuch purgatorious and fuperftitious Ufes, not only may but ought to be taken off from Chrift, as a foul dilhonour laid upon him, ot not impioufly given, nor in particular to any one, but in general to the Churches good, may be converted to that ufe which Thus did the Prinftiall be judg'd tending more direftly to that general end. and defended thir fo doces and Cities of Germany in the firft Reformation at large in Skidan^ Lib. 6. j4nno ing by many reafons, which are fet down But that the Maand II. Lib.i^. ^mo 1 540. ^Koi537, 1526, and Z,/fc. remains Revenue that Church out of which yet in his hand, or giftrate either of Ihould take into his own inftead other Maintenance Tithe, eftablifhing any Power the ftipendiary maintenance of Church-minifters, or compel it by Law, can ftand neither with the Peoples right, nor with Chriftian liberty, but would fufpend the Church wholly upon the State, and turn her Miniftets And for the Magiftrate in Perfon of a nurfing Father into State-Penfioners. to make the Church his meer Ward, as always in Minority, the Church, to whom he ought as a Magiftrate, Efa. 49. 23. To bow down with his face toward the Earthy and lick up the duft of her Feet ^ her to fubjeft to his political Drifts or conceiv'd opinions, by maftering her Revenue ; and fo by his examinant committies to circumfcribe her free eletion of Minifters, i neither juft nor no honor don to the Church, but a plain dilhonor and upon her Pious whofe only head is in Hgavep, yea upon him, who is her only Hea4, fets another in effeft, and which is moft monftrous, a human on a Heavenly, a carnal
,
;,
on
a Spiritual, a political Head on an Ecclefiaftical Body j which at length by fuch heterogeneal, fuch inceftuous conjunftion, transforms her oft-times into a Beaft of many Heads and many Horns. For if the Church be of all Societies theholieft on Earth, and fo to be reverenced by the Magiftrate, not to truft her with her own Belief and Integrity ^ and therfore not with the keeping,
at leaft with the difpofmg of what Revenue Ihall be found juftly and lawfully her own, is to count the Church not a Holy Congregation, but a pack of giddy or diihoneft Perfons, to be rul'd by Civil Power in Sacred Affairs. But to
proceed further in the Truth yet more freely, feeing the Chriftian Church is not National, but confiftingof many particular Congregations, fubjeft to many changes, as well through Civil Accidents, as through Schifm and various Opinions, not to be decided by any outward judg, being matters of Confcicnce, wherby thefe pretended Church Revenues, as they have bin ever, foare like to continue endles matter of Diflention both between the Church and Magiftrate, and the Churches among themfelves, there will be found no better remedy to thefe evils, otherwife incurable, then by the incorrupteft Council of thofe IVdldenfis, or firft Reformers, to remove them as a Pell:, an apof difcord in the Church, (for what els can be the efFeft of Riches, and ple the fnare of Money in Religion ? ) and to convert them to thofe more profitable Ufes above exprefs'd, or other fuch as ftiall be judg'd moft neceifary confi.dering that the Church of Chrift was founded in Poverty rather than in Revenues, ftood pureft and profper'd beft without them, receiv'd them unlawfully from them who both erroneoufly and unjuftly, fomtimes impioufly, gave them, and fo juftly was enfnar'd and corrupted by them. And left it be thought that thefe Revenues withdrawn and better imploy'd, the Magi,
ftrate
( 77? ) ftrate ought inftead to fettle by Statute fom maintenance of Minillers, let thi^ be confider'd firft, that it concerns every mans Confcience to what Religion he contributes ; and that the Civil Magiftrate is intrufted with Civil Rights only, not with Confcience, which can have no Deputy or reprefenter of itfelf, but one of the fame Mind next, that what each man gives to the Minifter, he gives either as to God, or as to his Teacher ; if as to God, no Civil Power can jultly confecrate to religious Ufes any part either of Civil Revenue, which is the other Taxes, or of any mans propriety, but Peoples, and muft fave them from God by fpecial command, as he did by Mofes^ or tiie owner himlelf by voit to God, Forc'd Confeluntary intention and the perfwafion of his giving then forc'd Vows, hateful to better no are crations out of another mans Eitate
:
mens rvho loves a chearful giver \ but much more^hatcful, wrung Purfes to maintain a difapprov'd Miniftry againlt thir Confcience ^ however unholy, infamous, and difhonorable to his Minifters, and the free Gofpel If he maintain'd in fuch unworthy manner as by Violence and Extortion.
God,
out of
give it as to his Teacher,what Juftice or Equity compels him to pay for learning that Religion whiciv leaves freely to his choice, whether he will learn it or no, whether of this Teacher or another, and efpecially to pay for what he never the wound of his Confcience, he learn'd, or approves not j wherby, befides true Teacher ? Thus far hath bin enbecoms the lefs able to recompence his to be maintain'd, and hath bin prov'd quir'd by whom Church-minifters ought
moll natural, mofl equal and agreeable with Scripture, tobeby them who receive thir Teaching \ and by whom, if they be unable ? Which ways well obferv'd, can difcourage none but Hirelings, and will much lellen thir number in the Church. ^ It remains laftly to confider, in what manner God hath ordain'd that Recompence be given to Minifters of the Gofpel and by all Scripture it will apy
pear that he hath given it them not by Civil Law and Freehold, as they : claim, but by the Benevolence and free Gratitude of fuch as receive them receive as Luke I o. 7, 8. Eating and drinking fuch things If they they give you. Matth. o. 7, 8. As ye go^ preachy you^ eat fuch things as are fet before you. The of God is at hand^ &c. Freely ye have received, freely give.
i
faying.,
Kingdom
Minifters to preach freely, whetjêr they receive recomor then no, certainly he hath forbid both them to compel it, and others pence But freely given, he accounts it as given to hirafelf : to compel it for them. : Not 1 8. Te 1 5, 1 hecaufe I defire 4. fent once and again to my necefftty Philip. 7, a Gift i hut I defire Fruit that may abound to your account. Having received of a faEpaphroditus the things which were fent from you., an odor of fweet fmell., force or be from unwil: Which cannot to God well plcafing trifice acceptable J The fame is faid of Alms, Heb. 13. 16. To do good and to eommuni-' lingnes. God is weU pleas'd. Whence the Primicate., forget not ; for with fuch Sacrifices tive Church thought it no fhame to receive all thir maintenance as the Alms of thir Auditors. Which they who defend Tithes, as if it made for thir fet down at large ^ proving caufe, when as it utterly confutes them, omit not to to our hands out of Origen., TertuUian., Cyprian, and others, that the Clergy liv'd at firft upon the mcer benevolence of thir Hearers ; who gave what they out of which the Clergy had gave, not to tkc Clergy, but to the Church were thence call'd fportularti., baskefthir Portions given them in Baskets, and mean ckrks : that thir Portion was a very allowance, only for a bare liveliour of hood ; according to thofe Precepts Saviour, Matth. 10.7, &c. the out of Profper^ the difciple alfo cite reft was diftributed to the Poor. They of St. Aujlin., that llich of the Clergy as had means of thir own, might not not receiving thereby food without lin partake of Church-maintenance which they abound with, but feeding on the fins of other men that the Hoand that a eat the fins of my People ly Ghoft faith of fuch Clergy men, they or either not Prieft Council at Antioch., in the year 340, fuffer'd Bilhop to live themfelves have far Tithers Thus on Church-maintenance without Necefiity.
if
God have ordain'd
-.,
contributed to thir
mitively
own confutation, by confeDing thnt the Church liv'd prion Alms. And I add, that about the year 359, Conjlantitis the Emto
Italy^ peror having fummon'd a general Council of Bifliops and provided for thir fubfiftence thecc, the Britifh and French Bifhops judging it not decent to live on the Publick, chofe rather to be at thir own charges.
Ariminum
in
Three
( 774 ) Three only out of Britain conftrain"d through want, yet refufing ofFer'd affiftance from the reft, accepting the Emperor's Provifionj judging it more convenient to fubfift by publick than by private fuftenance. Whence we may this then in had that Hand thir livelihood Bi/hops conclude, only from benevolence ^ in which regard this relater Sulpitm Scverus^ a good Author of the fame time, highly praifes them. And the Waldmfi:s^ our firfl Reformers, both from the Scripture and thefe Primitive examples, maintain'd thofe among them who bore the Office of Minifters, by Alms only. Take thir very words from the Hiltory written of them in French^ Parts. Lib. 2. Chap. 2. La
nouniture
fommes couvertSy &c. Our Food and Clothing is fuffiand ciently adminifler'd given to us by way of gratuity and yllrns, by the good People whom we teach. If then by Alms and Benevolence, not by legal force, not by tenure of Freehold or Copyhold: for Alms, though juft, cannot be compeird , and Benevolence forc'd, is Malevolence rather, violent and inconfiftent with the Gofpel ; and declares him no true Minifter therof, but a rapacious Hireling rather, who by force receiving it, eats the bread of Violence and Exaftion, no holy or juft livelihood, no, not civilly counted honeft ^ much lefs befecming fuch a fpiritual Miniftry. But, fay they, our Maintenance is our due. Tithes the right of Chrift, unfeparable from the Prieft, no wrhere repeaPd , if then, not otherwife to be had, by Law to be recover'd for though Paul were pleas'd to forgo his due, and not to ufe his Power, i Cor. I anfwer 9. 1 2. yet he had a Power, Fer. 4. and bound not others. firft, becaufe 1 fee' them ftill fo loth to unlearn their decimal Arithmetic, and ftill grafp thir Tithes as infeparable from a Prieft, that Minifters of the Gofpel are not Priefts \ and therfore feparated from Tithes by thir own exdufion, being neither cail'd Pricfts in theNcwTeftament, nor of any Order known in not of Jaron^ as they Scripture: not of MdchifedeCy proper to Chrift only themfelvcs will confefsj and the third Priefthood only remaining, is common to all the Faithful. But they are Minifters of our High Prieft. True, but not of his Priefthood, as the Levites were to yiaron \ for he performs that whole Office himfelf incommunicably. Yet Tithes remain, fay they, ftill unand to whom payable, but to his Minifters ? I releas'd, the due of Chrift no that fo underftand them, unlefs Chrift in fom place fay again, niai^can or other fo claim them. That example of Abram argues nothing but his voluntary ad ^ honor once only don, but on what confideration, whether to a Prieft or to a King, whether due the honor, arbitrary that kind of honor or not, will after all contending be left ftill in mcer conjedure: which mufc not be permitted in the claim of fuch a needy and futtle fpiritual Corporation, pretending by divine right to the Tenth of all other mens Eftates nor can it be allow'd by wife men, or the verdit of common Law. And the tenth part, though once declar'd Holy, is declar'd now to be no holier than the other nine, by that command to Pettr^ Ails \o. 15,28. whereby all diftindion of Holy and Unholy is remov'd from all things. Tithes therfore and under the are now releas'd and quitted though claim'd, Holy Law, yet both by that command to Petir^ and by this to all Minifters abovecited, Luke 10. eating and drinking fuch things as they give you: made Holy now And therfore S. Paul^ Cor. 9.4. afierts his Power by thir free Gift only. indeed ; but of what ? not of Tithes, but, to eat and drink fuch things as are given in reference to this command j which he calls not Holy things, or things of the Gofpel, as if the Gofpel had any confecrated things in anfwer to things of the Temple, Ver. 13. but he calls them ôm*- Carnal things^ F'er. II. without changing thir And what Power had he? Not the property. Power of Force, but of Confcienceonly,'wherby he might lawfully and without fcruple live on the Gofpel ^ receiving what was given him, as the recompence of his Labor. For if Chrift the Mafter hath profefs'd his Kingdom to be not of this World, it fuits not with that profeffion, either in him or his
,
,
& ce de quoy nous
Minifters, to claim temporal Right from fpiritual Refpeds. Hewhorefus'd divider of an Inheritance between two cannot ^^. ^^^ Brethren, approve his Minifters, by pretended right from him, to be dividers of Tenths and Freeholds out of other mens Pofleffions, making therby the Gofpel but a cicftk of carnal Intereft, and, to the contradidion of thir Mafter, turning his heavenly Kingdom into a Kingdom of this World, a Kingdom of Force and Ra^
^?
pin:
(
:
775
To whom it: will be one day thunder'd more terribly than to Gehazi, for pin thus diibonoming afar gi cater Mafter and his Gofpel ^ is this a time to receive
Aloney, and
to
naive Ganmnts^ and
Oxen? The Leprofy of Naaman link'd with that Apoftolic curfe of m-ifhin<y imprecated on Simon Afagus, may be fear'd will cleave to fuch and to tliir fue^ fortvcr. So that when all i&don,and Belly hath us'd in vain all her cunning fliifts
I doubt not but all true Minifcers, conlidcring the demonftration of what hatii bin here prov'd, will be wife, and think it m&chmore tolerable to hear that nb maintenance of Minifters, whether Tithes or any other, can be fctti'd by Statute, but mufc be given by them who receive Inftrudion ; and freely given as God hath ordainM. And indeed what can be a more honorable Maintenance to them than fuch, whether Alms or willing Oblations, as thefe ; which being accounted bothalike as given to God, the only acceptable Sacrifices now remaining, mult needs reprefcnt him who receives them much in the care of God, and nearly related to him, when not by worldly force and conftraiTit, but with religions aw and reverence ^ what is given t6 God, is and what to him, accounted as given to God. This would be given to him well anough, fay they but how many will fo give ? I anfwer, as many, doubtles, as fhall be well taught, asmany as God fhall fo move. are
,
Olive-yards^ and Tineyards,
and Sheep, and
fo diftruftful, both of your without Purfc, and Scrips
own
Why
I
ye
in
Doftrin and of God's Promifes,

firft
fulfill'd
the experience of thofe Difciples
fent
Luke 22. 35. When
fent you
and Shoocs^ lacked ye any thing ? And they /aid Nothen came thing. ours, or who fent them thus deftitute, thus poor and' empty both of Furfe and Faith ? Who ftile themfelves Embalfadors of Jefns Chrili, and feem to be his Tithe-gatherers, though an Office of thir own Fating- up to his Difhonor, his Exacfers, his Publicans rather, not trufting that he. will maintain them in thir embafly, iinlefs they bind him to his Promifc by a Stature-law, that we fhall maintain them. Lay down for (hame that magnific Title, while ye feek Maintenance from the People It is not the manner of EmbafTadors to ask Maintenance of them to whom they are fent. But he who is Lord of all things, hath fo ordain'd truft him then , he doubtles will command the People to make good his Promifes of Maintenance more honorably iinask'd, unrak'd for. This they know, this they preach, yet believe not but think it as impofTible, without a Statute-law, to live of the Gofpel, as if by thofe words they were bid go eat thir Bibles, as Ez.ekiel and johndid thir Books ^ and fuch Doftrins as thefe are as bitter to thir Bellies but will ferve fo much the better to difcover Hii'elings, who can have nothing, though but in appearance, juft and folid to anfwer for themfelves againft what hath bin here fpoken, unlefs perhaps this one remaining Pretence, which we fhall quickly fee to be either fals or uningenuous.
How
They pretend that thir Education, either at School or Univerllty, hath bin very chargeable, and therfore ought to be repaired in future by a plentiful Maintenance Whenas ib is well known that the better half of them, and oft-times poor and pitiful Boys, of no merit or promifing hopes that might intitle them to the publick Provifion, but thir Poverty and the unjufl favour of Friends, have had the moft of thir breeding, both at School and UniverExhibitions and Fellowlhips at the Publick Coft, which fity, by Scholarfhips might engage them the'rather to give freely, as they have freely received. Or if they have mifs'd of thefe helps at the latter place, they have after twoi or three Years left the cours of thir ftudies there, if they ever well began them, ^nd undertaken, though furnith'd with little els. but Ignorance, Boldnefsand Ambition, if with no worfe Vices, a Chaplainflup in fom'Gentleman's houfe, to the frequent imballng of his Sons with illiterate and narrowOr if they have liv'd there upon thir own, who knows not that Principles. feven years Charge of living there, to them who fiy not from the Government of thir Parents to the licenfe of a Univerfity, but com ferioully to ftudy, is no more than may be well defraid and reimburs'd by one year's Reve-" nue of an ordinary good Benefice ? If they had then means of Breeding from thir Parents, 'tis likely they have more now j and if they have, it needs muft be mechanick and uningenuous in them, to bring a Bill of Charges for the learning of thofe liberal Arts and Sciences, which they have learn'd (if they liave indeed Icarn'd them, as they feldoni have) to thir own benefit and ac.
;,
complifb-
(770
CompUniment.
Proteilion,
we had betaken us to fom other Trade or had we not expected to find a better Livelihood by the Minillry. This is that which I look'd for, to difcover them openly neither true lovers of Learning, and fo very feldom guilty of it, nor true Minifters of the GofpeL Tim. 3. i If a Man defire a So long ago out of date is that old true faying, now he a work: for commonly he who defires to bfe a defires Bijhoprick, good and by that Lure or the Wages but at looks not at the Minifter, Work, But what can all the Town over. be from to Parifh toald Paridi Loubel, may be plainer Simony, than thus to be at Charges beforehand, to no other end than to make thir Miniftry doubly or trebly beneficial ? To whom it might be faid, as juftly as to that'SJmow, Thy A'fony pertfjj with thce^ becaufe thou haft
Butthey
will fay,
i .
,
thought that the Gift of nor lot in this matter.
though too much believ'd amakes a Minifter of the Gofpel ; the that to think Univerfity mong us, what it may conduce toother Arts and Sciences, I difpute not now lût that which makes fit a Minifter, the Scripture can beft inform us to be only from above, whence alfo we are bid to feek them i Mat. 9. 38. Pray ye therfore to the Lord of the Harveft, that he will fend forth Laborers into hvs Harveft. Ai:s 20. 28. The Flock, over which the Holy Ghoft hath made you Overfeers. Rom. 10. 15. How fhall they preach, tmlefsthey be fent f' By whom fent? by the Univerlity, or the Magiftrate, or thir Belly ? No furely, but fent from God And whether he be fent from only, and that God who is not thir Belly.
:
God may be Next, it is
purcbas'd with a fond Error,
Money
-^
thou haft neither part
God, or from Simon Magus; the inward fenfeof his Calling and fpiritual Aand that ftrong Obligation felt within him, bility willfufficiently tell him which was felt by the Apoftle, will often exprefs from him the fame.words : I laid upon me, yea, iVo if me if 1 preach not the GoCor. 9. 6. Nece/fity
,
i/s
fear'd otherwife of perpetual beggarly neceffity, and the want, but fuch a neceffity as made him willing to preach the Gofpel gratis, i Cor. 12.28. God and to embrace Poverty, rather than as a to fear it. .hath fet fom in the Church, firft Jpoftles, &c. Ephef 4. 1 1 , ^c He gave fom Jpoftles, &c. For the perfecting of the Saints, for the work of the Miniftry, for the edifying of the Body of thrift, till we all come to the Vnity of the Faith. Wherby we may know, that as he made them at the firft, fo he makes them and to the World's end.. 2 Cor. 3. (5. Who hath alfo made us fit or ftill,
fpel.
Not
Wo
Wo
Prophefy, and the laying on of the Hands of the PrefThefe are all the means which we read of required in Scripture to bytcry. the making of a Minifter. All this is granted, you will fay ; but yet that it is alfo requifite he fhould be train'd in other Learning ; which can be no where better had than at Univerfities. I anfwer, that what Learning, either Human or Divine, can be neceffary to a Minifter, may as eafily and lefs chargeHow deficient els, and to how little purably be had in any private houfe. are thofe of all Sermons, Notes, and Comments on all parts of pofe piles the Bible, Bodies and Marrows of Divinity, befides all other Sciences, in our Englifh Tongue ; many of the fame Books which in Latin they read at the Univerfity ? And the fmall neceffity of going thither to learn Divinity, I prove firft from the moft part of themfelves, who feldom continue there till they have well got through Logic, thir firft Rudiments ; though, to fay truth, Logic alfo may much better be wanting in Difputes of Divinity, than in the fubtile Debates of Lawyers and Statefmen, who yet fddom or never deal with Syllogifms. And thofe Theological Difputations there held by Profeffors and Graduates, are fuch as tend leaftof all to the Edification or Capacity of the People, but rather perplex and leven pure Doftrin with fcholaftical Trafti, than enable any Minifter to the better preaching of the Gofpel, Whence we may alfo compute, fince they com to reckonings, the charges of his needful Library which, though fome fhame not to value at 600/. may be competently furnifli'd for 60 /. If any Man for his own curiofity or delight be in Books further expenfive, that is not to be reckon'd as necefiary to his But Papifts and other Adverfaries, minifterial, either Breeding or Funftion, cannot be confuted without Fathers and Coifnoils, immenfe Volumes, and of vaft charges. I will (hew them therfore a ftiorter and a better way of confu:
able Minifters of the which was given thee by
New
Teftament.
Tim.
4.
4.
Tlê Gift that is in
thecj
tation
Tit. 1.9. Holding
faft
the faithful
Word,
Oi he hath bin taught,
that he
may
C 777 )
miy be able by found Do^r'm^ both to exhort and to convince Gainfayeri : confuted as foon a? heard, bringiag that which is either not in Scripture,
againfl:
it.
who
ar6
or
further through the obfcure and intangl'd Wood and Councils Fathers o^" fighting one againft another, is needlefs, Antiquity, in a and refus'd by the firft Reformers of our not Minilter, requillte endlefs,
To perfue them
And yet we may tê confident, if thefe things be thought needful, Religion. let the State but ercft in publick good ftore of Libraries, and there will not want men in the Church, who of thir own Inclinations will become able in 1 have thus at this kind againft Papifts or any other Adverfary. large exaof ufual Pretences colour'd the over moft commonroin'd Hirelings, caufe of Learning and Univerfities^ as if with Divines Learnly wich the and flood fell, whcrin for the moft part thir Pittance is fo fmall ing and, to
:
were much better there were not one Divine in the Univerfifpeak freely, no School-divinity known, the idle Sophiftry of Monks, the Canker of ty, Religion i and that they who intended to be Miniflers, were train'd up in the Church only by the Scripture, and in the Original Languages therof ac School without fetching the compafs of other Arts and Sciences, more than what they can well learn at fecondary leafure, and at home. Neither fpeak I this in contempt of Learning, or the Miniftry, but hating the common cheats of both \ hating that they who have preach'd out Bifhops, Prelats and Canonifts, fhould, in what ferves thir own ends, retain thir fals Opinions, thir Pharifaical Leven, thir Avarice, and clofely, thir Ambition, thir Pluraiities, thir Nonrefidences, thir odious Fees, and ufe thir legal and Popifh
it
,
'
'
Arguments
That Independents Ihould take that Name, as they may juflly from the true freedom of Chriftian Doftrin and Church-difciplin fubjeft tono fuperior JudgbutGodonly, and feek to be Dependents on the Magiftrate for thir Maintenance , which two things. Independence and Statehire in Religion, can never contift long or certainly together. For Magiftrates at one time or other, not like thefe at prefent our Patrons of Chriftian Liberty, will pay none but fuch whom by thir ômmitties of Examination, they find conformable to thir Intereft and Opinions : And Hirelings will foon frame themfelves to that Intereft, and thofe Opinions which they fee bell pleafingto thirPaymafters ^ and to feeol right themfelves, will force others
for Tithes
:
But moft of all they are to be revil'd and fhara'd, who cry as to the truth. outwiththediftind Voice of notorious Hirelings ^ that if ye fettle not our Maintenance by Law, farewel the Gofpel j then which nothing can be utI may fay, more blafphemous awho hath promisM, without this Condition, both his Hohis Church to the World's end ly Spirit, and his own prefence with Nothing more fals (unlefs with thir own Mouths they condemn themfelves for the un-
ter'd
more
fals,
more ignominious, and,

,
gainft our Saviour
v/orthieft and moft
mercenary of all other Minifters) by the experience of 300 Years after Chrift, and the Churches at this day in France, Auftria, Porthe contrary under an advers Ionia, and other places, witneffing Magiftrate, not a favorable nothing more ignominious, levelling, or rather undervaluFor if it muft be thus, how can any Chriftian ing Chrift beneath Mahomet. that his to a it Religion ftands by Force only j and not juftly objeft Turk, fear from him this Reply, yours both by Force and Money in the judgment of your own Preachers? This is that which makes Atheiftsinthe Land, whom they fo much complain of not the want of Maintenance, or Preachers, as they allege, but the many Hirelings and Cheaters that have the Gofpel in thir hands ; hands that ftill crave, and are never fatisfi'd. Likely Minifters indeed, to proclaim the Faith, or to exhort our truft in God, when they themfelves will not truft him to provide for them in the Meffage wheron, they fay, hefentthemv but threaten, for want of temporal means, todeferciti calling that want of means, which is nothing els but the want of thir own Faith ; and would force us to pay the hire of building our Faith to thir co,
vetous Incredulity. Doubtlefs, if God only be he who gives Minifters to his Church till the World's end ; and through the whole Gofpel never fent us fqr Minifters to the Schools of Philofophy, but rather bids us beware of fuch vain deceit., Col. 2. 8. (which the Primitive Church, after two or three Ages not remembring, brought her felf quickly to confufion) if all the Faithful be now a Holy and a Royal Priejlhood, i Pet. 2. 5, 9, not excluded from the Difr
5
penfttioft
7-8
of the Church, and ira pofition penfation of things holleft, after free eleftion of hands, there will not want Minifters elected out of all forts and orders of Men, for the Gofpel makes no difference from the Magiftrate himfelf to the meaneft Artificer, if God evidently favour him with Spiritual Gifts, as he can eafily, and oft hath done, while thofe Batchelor Divines and Dodors of Heretofore in the firft Evangelic Times, the Tippet have binpafs'dby. for Chriftendom if it were fo again") Minifters of the (and it were happy were by nothing els diftinguifh'd from other Chriftians, but by thir Gofpel Church elefted them fpiritual Knowledg and Sanftity of Life, for which the to be her Teachers and Overfeers, though not therby to fcparate them trom whatever calling fhe then found them following befides, as the Example of When once they afSt. Paul declares, and the firft times of Chriftianity. feded to be call'd a Clergy, and became, as it were, a peculiar Tribe of Levites, a Party, a diftinS Order in the Commonwealth, bred up fcr Divines in babling Schools, and fed at the Publick Coft, good for nothing els but what was good for nothing, they foon grew idle that Idlenefs, with fulnefs of Bread, begat pride and perpetual contention with thir Feeders the defpis'd Laity, through all Ages ever fince; to the perverting of Religion, and the
:
it never on the Church, on upheld undepending which alone they anciently depended, and are by the Magiftrate publickly raaintain'd a numerous Fadionof indigent Perfons, crept for the moft part out of extream want and bad nurture, claiming by divine right and freehold the tenth of our Eftates, to monopolize the Miniftry as thir peculiar, which is free and open to all able Chriftians, eleded by any Church. Under this pretence exempt from all other Imployment, and inriching themfelves on the publick, they laft of all prove common Incendiaries, and exalt thir Horns againlt the Magiftrate himfelf that maintains them, as the Priefl of i?owe did foon after againfl his Bene&dor the Emperor, and the Presbyters of late in Scotland. Of which hireling Crew, together with all the Mifchiefs, Diflentions, Troubles, Wars meerly of thir- kindling, Chriftendom might foon rid her felf and be happy, if Chriftians would but know thir own Dignity, thir Liberty, thir Adoption, and let it not be wonder'd if I fay, thir fpiritual Priefthood, wherby they have all equally accefs to any minifterial Funftion, whenever call'd by thir own Abilities, and the Church, though they never came near Commencement or Univerfity. But while Proteftants, to avoid the due labor of underftanding thir own Religion, are content to lodg it in the Brealt, or rather in the Books of a Clergyman, and to take it thence by fcraps and mammocks, as he difpenfes it in his Sundays Dole ^ they will be always learning, and never knowing ; always Infants ; always either his Vaffals, as Lay-papifts are to thir Priefts ^ or at odds with him, as reformed whence infinic Principles give them fom light to be not wholly conformable difturbances in the State, as they do, muft needs follow. Thus much I had
difturbance of
all
Chriftendom.
And we may
confidently conclude,
will be otherwife while they are thus
to fay J and, 1 fuppofe, what may be anough to them who are not avaricioufly bent otherwife, touching the likelieft means to remove Hirelings out of the Churchy then which nothing can more conduce to Truth, to Peace and
all If I be not heard nor believ'd, the Happinefs both in Church and State, Event will bear me witnefs to have fpoken Truth ^ and I, in the mean while, have born my Witnefs, not out of feafon to the Church and to my Coun-
trey.
( 779 )
LETTER
FRIEND,
Concerning the Ruptures of the Commonwealth^
Publifli'd
T O A
from the Manufcript.
SIR,
the fad and ferious Difcourfe which we fell into lafl night, concerning thefe dangerous Ruptures of the Commonwealth, fcarcc yet in her Infancy, which cannot be without fome inward flaw in her Bowels ) I began to confider more intenfly theron than hitherto I have bin wont, religning my felf to the Wifdom and Care of thofe who had the Government and not finding that either God, or the Publick requir'd more of me, than my Prayers for them that govern. And fince you have not only ftir'd up my thoughts, by acquainting me with the
.
UPON
of Affairs, more inwardly than I knew before ; but alfo havedefired me down my Opinion therof, truftingto your Ingenuity, I /hall give you /reely my apprehenfion, both of our prefent Evils, and what Expedients, if God in Mercy regard us, may remove them. I will begin with telling you how I was over-joy'd, when I heard that the Army, under the working of God's holy Spirit, as I thought, and ftill hope well, had bin fo far wrought to Chriftian Humility, and Self-denial, as to confefs in publick thir backfliding from the good Old Caufe, and to (hew the fruits of thir Repentance, in the righteoufnefs of thir reftoring the old famous Parliament, which they had without jufl: Authority diflblved: I call it the famous Parliament, tho not the harmles, fince none well-affedted, but will confes, they have defervcd much more of thefe Nations, than they haveundeferved. And I perfwade me, that God was pleas'd with thir Reftitution, figning it, as he did, with fuch a fignal Viftory, when fo great a part of the Nation were defperateSo much the more it ly confpir'd to call back again thir Egytian Bondage.
Itate
to fet
that they, whofe Lips were yet fcarce closed from giving for that Thanks great Deliverance, fhould be now relapfmg, and fo foon again backfliding into the fame fault, which they confeft fo lately, and fo fo-
now amazes me,
lemnly to God and the World, and more lately punifh'd in thofe Cinfoire Rebels that they fliould now dilTolve that Parliament, which they themfelves re-ellablifh'd, and acknowledg'd for thir Supreme Power in thir other days humble Reprefentation and all this, for no apparent caufe of publick Concernment to the Church or Commonwealth, but only for difcommilTioning nine great Officers in the Army which had not bin don, as is reported, but
,
;,
upon notice of
my
I
thir Intentions againfb the Parliament. I prcfume not to give Cenfure on this Aftion, not knowing, as yet I do not, the bottom of it.
{peak only what it appears to us without doors, till better caufe be declar'd, I am fure to all other Nations moil illegal and fcandalous, I fear me baror rather fcarce to be barous, exampl'd among any Barbarians, that a paid for no other fhould, caufe, thus fubdue the Supream Power that fet Army
and
them
by
Army,
This, 1 fay, other Nations will judg to the fad dilhonour of that; lately fo renown'J for the civilefl and belt order'd in the World, and us here at home, for the mofl confcientious. if the great
up.
S
Certainly,
Officers
( 7^0 ) the of and Souldiets OfTiceis Holland^ French or Venetian Forces, fliould thus iic in Council, and write from Garifon to Garifon againft their Superiors, they .might as ealUy reduce tlie King of France^ or Duke of renice, and put the United Provinces in like Diforder and Confulion. VVhy do they not, being moft of them held ignorant of true Religion ? becaufe the Light of Nature, the Laws of Human Society, the' Reverence of their Magiftrates, Covenants Engagements, Loyalty, Allegiance, keeps them in awe. How gfievous will it then be ? how infamous to the true Religion which we profefs ? how difhonorable to the Name of God, that his Fear and the power of his Knowledg in an Army profelling to be his, Oiould not work that Obedience, that Fidelity to thir Supream Magiftrates, that levied them, and paid them, when the Light of Nature, the Laws of Human Society, Covenants, and Contrafts, yea common Shame works in other Armies, amongfl the worft of them? Which will undoubtedly pulldown the heavy judgment of God among us, who cannot but avenge thefe Hypocrilies, Violations of Truth and Fjolines ; if they be indeed fo as they yet feem. For, neither do I fpeak this in re-
proach to the Army, but as jealous of thir Honour, inciting them to manifeft and publifh, with all fp eed, feme better caufe of thefe thir late Actions, than hath hitherto appear'd, and to find but the u4chan amongfl them whofe clofe Ambition in all likelihood abufes thir honeft Natures againft thir meaning to th'efe Diforders ; thir readiell way to bring in again the common Enemy, and with him. the Deftrudtion of true Religion, and civil
But, becaufe our Evils are now grown more dangerous and exLiberty. tream, than to be remedi'd by Complaints, it concerns us now to find out what Remedies may be likelielt to fave us from approaching Ruin. Being now in Anarchy, without a counfelling and governing Power; and the Army, 1 fappofe, finding themfelves infufficient to difcharge at once both Military and Civil Affairs, the firft thing to be found out with all fpeed, without which no Commonwealth can fubllff, mufl: be a Senate, or General Council of State, in whom mufl be the Power, firfl, to preferve the publick and laflly, to raife MoPeace, next the Commerce with Foreign Nations nies for the Management of thefe Affairs this mufl either be the Parliament' readmitted to fit, or a Council of State allow'd ofby the Army, fince they only now have the Power. The Terms to be flood on are. Liberty of Confcience to all profefiing Scripture to be the Rule of thir Faith and Worlhip ; and the Abjuration of a fingle Perfon. If the Parliament be again thought on, to falve Honour on both fides, the well-affeded- Party of the City, and the congregated Churches, may be induced to mediate by publick Addreffes, and brotherly befeechings, which, if there be that Saintlhip among us which is talk'd of, ought to be of highefl and undeniable Perfwafion to Reconcilement. If the Parliament be thought well difPolv'd, as not complying fully to grant Liberty of Confcience, and the neceflary Confequence therof, the removal of a forc'd Maintenance from Miniflers, then mufl the Army forthwith choofe a Council of State, wherof as many to be of the Parliament, as are undoubtedly affedted to thefe two Conditions propos'd. That which I conceive only able to cement, and unite forever the Army, either to the Parliament recall'd, or this chofen Council, mufl be a mutual League and Oath, private or publick, not to defert one another till Death: That is to fay, that the Army be kept up, and all thefe Officers in thir places during Life, and fo likewife the Parliament, or Counfellors of State ; which will be no way unjufl, confidering thir known Merits on either fide, in Councel or in Field, unlefs any be found falfe to any of thefe two Principles, or otherwife perfoIf fuch a Union as tiiis be nally criminousin the Judgment of both Parties. not accepted on the Army's part, be confident there is a fingle Perfon underneath. That the Array be upheld, the neceflity of our Affairs and Fadions will conllrain long enough perhaps, to content the longefl Liver in the Army. And whether the Civil Government be an annual Democracy, or a perpetual Arillocracy, is not to me a Conhderation for the Extremities wherin we are, and the hazard of our Safety from our common Enemy, gaping at prefent to devour us. That it be not an Oligarchy, or the Faftion of a few, may be eafily prevented by the Numbers of thir own choofing, who may be found infallibly conflant to thofe two Conditions forenam'd,full Liberty
,
of
7Si
)
:
of Confcience, and the Abinration of Monarchy propos'd and the wellorder'd Committies of thir faithfullefl Adherents in every County may give this Government the refemblance and cffccls of a perfect Democracy. As for the Reformation of Laws, and the places of Judicature, whether to behere, as at prefcnt, or in every County, as hath bin long aimM at, and many fuch FropoDIs, tending no doubt to publick good, they may be confider'd in due time when we are palt thefe pernicious Pangs, in a hopeful way of Health, and firm Confticution. But unlefs thefe things, which I have above propos'd, one way or other, be once fettl'd, in my fear, which God avert, we inflantly ruin or at beft become the Servants of one or oiher fingl.e Perfon, the fecret Author and Fomcnter of thefe Difturbances. You have the fum of my prefent Thoughts, as much as I underftand of thefe Affairs freely imparted, at your rcqueft, and the Perfwafion you wrought in me, that I might chance herby to be fome way ferviceable to the Commonwealth, in a titft when all ought to be endeavouring what good they or but little. With this you may do what you pleafe, can, whether much, or you offend not me, who only fupprefs put out, put in, communicate what 1 have that in have obey'd your Opinion, don, I might happen doing be fom ufe in which of this to offer fomthing might great time of need. the bin to not have I wanting opportunity which you prefented However, I have in themidllof the readines which of before me, Ihewing my Unfitever may be requir'd of me, as a publick Duty. what to nes,
,
QBoher lo. 1559.
Th(
( 78? )
The
ready and eafy
way
to eftablifh a
Free Commonwealth
And
Compared with
the Excellence therof^
the Inconveniencies
in this
and Dangers
Nation.
of readmitting Kingfhip
Êt
Couftlium dedimui Syllae,
nos
demus poptdo nunc.
fince the writing of this Treatife, the face of things hatli had fom change. Writs for new Eleftions have liin recall'd, and the Members at firfl: chofen, readmitted from exclufion , yet not a little rejoicing to hear declar'd the Refolution of thofe who are in Power, tending to the eltablifhment of a Free Commonwealth, and to remove, if it be polTible, this noxious humor of returning to Bondage, inftill'd of late by fom Deceivers, and nourilh'd from bad Principles andfalsApprehenfions among too many of the People, I thought befl: not to fupprefs what I had written, hoping that it may now be of much more ufe and concernment to be freely publiftiM, in the midll of our Eleftions to a Free
ALthough
Parlament, or thir fitting to confider freely of the Government ; whom it behoves to have all things reprefented to them that may direft thir Judgment and I never read of any State, fcarce of any Tyrant grown To incutherin to refufe Counfel from any in a time of publick Deliberation, much as rable, If thir abfolute Determination be to enthral us, before lefs to be offended. fo long a Lent of Servitude, they may permit us a little Shroving-time firflr, wherin to fpeak freely, and take our leaves of Liberty. And becaufe in the former Edition, through hafte, many Faults efcap'd, and many Books were fuddenly difpers'd, ere the Note to mend them could be fent, I took the opportunity from this occafion to revife and fomwhat to enlarge the whole The Difcourfe, efpecially that part which argues for a perpetual Senate. Treatife thus revis'd and enlarg'd, is as follows.
-,
The Parlament
of England,
alTifted
appear'd and Iluck to them
faithfullell in
by a great number of the People who defence of Religion and thir Civil
Liberties, judging Kingfhip by long experience a Government unnecelTary, burdenfom and dangerous, juftly and magnanimoufly abolifh'd it^ turning regal Bondage into a free Commonwealth, to the Admiration and Terrour of our emulous Neighbours. They took themfelves not bound by the Light of Nature or Religion to any former Covnant, from which the King himfelf, by many Forfeitures of a latter date or difcovery, and our own longer confideration theron, had more and more unbound us, both to himlelf and his pofterity ^ as hath been ever the Juflice and the Prudence of all wife Nations that have
They covnanted to preferve the King's Perfon and Authority, the true Religion, and our Liberties; not in his endeavourof frefervation ing to bring in upon our Confciences, a Popifh Religion ; upon our Liberties,
ejeded Tyranny.
in the
Thraldom upon our Lives, Deftruftion, by his occafioning, if not complethis fomenting and arming ing, as was after difcovered, the Irifii MalTacre
, ^
the
( 784 ) with the Rebels againft us ; his refufing, the Rebellion ; feven than more times, Propofitions moll jull and necelTary to the true Reliour and Liberties, tender'd him by the Parlament both of England and gion Scotland. They made not thir Covnant concerning him with no difference between a King and a God or promis'd him, as Jub did to the Almighty, to trufi in him though he flay m : They underftood that the folemn Ingagemcnt, wherin we all forfwore Kinglhip, was no more a breach of the Covnant, than the Covnant was of the Proteftation before, but a faithful and prudent going on both in words well weigh'd, and in the true fenfe of
his covert leaguing
;,
the Covnant, without refpefJ of Perfons^ when we could not ferve two contrary Mailers, God and the King, or the King and that more fupreme Law, fworn in the firlt place to maintain, our Safety and our Liberty. They knew the People of England to be a free People, themfelves the Reprcfenters of
and although many were excluded, and as many fled (fothey i from Tumults to Oxford^ yet they were left a fufficient Number pretended) to aft in Parlament, therfore not bound by any Statute of preceding Parlaments, but by the Law of Nature only, which is the only Law of Laws truly and properly to all Mankind fundamental the beginning and the end of aU Government i to which no Parlament or People that will throughly reform, but may and mull have recourfe, as they had, and mull yet have, in ChurchReformation (if they throughly intend it) to Evangelic Rules , not to Ecclefialtical Canons, though never fo ancient, fo ratifi'd and eftablifli'd in the Land by Statutes, which for the moll part are meer pofitive Laws, neither natural nor moral ; and fo by any Parlament, for jull and ferious Confiderathat Freedom
;,
If others of thir Number tions, without fcruple to be at any time repeal'd. in tliefe things were under Force, they were not, but under free Confcience ,
were excluded by a Power which they could not refill, they were not therfore to leave the Helm of Government in no hands, to difcontinue thir care of the Public Peace and Safety, to defert the People in Anarchy and Confufion, no more than when fo many of thir Members left them, as made up in outward Formality a more legal Parlament of three Ellates againll them. The belt affefted alfo, and bell principled of the People, Hood not numbring or computing, on which fide were moll Voices in Parlament, but on which fide appeared to them moll Reafon, moll Safety, when the Houfe divided upon main Matters What was well motion'd and advis'd, they examin'd not whether Fear or Perfwafion carried it in the Vote, neither did they meafure Votes and Counfels by the Intentions of them that voted knowingthat Intentions either are butguefs'd at, or not foon anough known ^ and although good, can neither make the Deed fuch, nor prevent the Confequence from being bad Suppofe bad Intentions in things otherwife well don ^ what was well don, was by them who fo thought, not the lefs obey'd or followM in the State , fince in the Church, who had not rather follow Ifcariot or Simon the Magician, though to covetous Ends, preaching, than Saul, though in the uprightnefs of his Fleart perfecuting the Gofpel ? Safer they therfore judg'd
if others
:
,
what they thought the better Counfels, though carried on by fome perhaps to bad Ends, then thewors by others, though endeavorM with bell Intentions and yet they were not to learn that a greater Number might be corrupt within the Walls of a Parlament, as well as of a City , wherof in Mat:
ters of nearell
concernment
all
Men
will
be judges
nor
eafily
permit, that
the
Odds of Voices
in thir greatelt Council, Ihail
more endanger them by
corrupt or credulous Votes, than the Odds of Enemies by open Aflaults 9 judging thatmoll Voices ought not always to prevail where main Matters are in quellion. If others hence will pretend to dilturb all Counfels ; what is that to them who pretend not, btJt are in real danger ^ not they only fo judging, but a great, tho not the greatell Number of thir chofen Patriots, who might be more in Weight than the others in Number there being in Number little Vertue,but by Weight and Meafure Wifdom working all things: and the Dangers on either fide they ferioufly thus weigh'd From the Treaty, Ihort Fruits of long Labours, and 7 years War , Security for 20 Years, if we can hold it ; Reformation in the Church for thrjee Years then put to fliift again with our vanquilh'd Ma^ His Jullice, his Honour, his Confcience declar'd quite contrary to fter. ours ; which would have f^rnilh'd him with many fuch Evafions, as in a Book
,
entitl'd.
(785
An
)
:
Inquifition for Bloody foon after were not conceal'd entitl'J, Bilhops riot totally removed, butleift, as it were, ia Ambuni, a Rcfervc, with Ordination in thir fole Power ^ thir Lands already fold, not to be alienated, but rented, and thcfalcof thcmcall'd Srfcr;/(jge^ Delinquents, few of many brought to condign Punifiiment i Accellbiics punilh'd ; the chief Author, above Pardon, though after utmoft Reliltancc, vanquifh'd , not to give, but to receive Laws ; yet befought, treated with, and to be ihank'd for his gracious ConIf this we fvvorc to ceffions, to be honour'd, worfliip'd, glorifi'd. do, with what Rightcoufnefs in the fight of God, with what Alllirance that we bring not by fuch an Oath, the whole Sea of Blood-guiltinefs upon our own Heads ? If on the other llde we prefer a Free Government, though for the prcfcnt not
obtained, yet all thofe fuggefted Fears and Difficukiss, as the Event will prove, ealily overcome, we remain finally fecurc from the cxafpcratcd Regal fliall retain the bell Power, and out of Snares part of our Liberty, which is our Religion, and the civil part will be from thefe who defer us, mucli more cafily recover 'd, being neither fo futcle nor fo awful as a King reinthronM. Nor were thir Actions lefsbothat home and abroad, than might become the hopes of a glorioiu rifing Commonwealth Nor were the ExprelTions both of Army and People, whether in thir publick Declarations, or feveral Writings other than fuch as teftifi'd a Spirit in this Nation, no Icfs noble and well fitted to the Liberty of a Commonwealth, than in the ancient Craij or Nor was the heroic Caufe unfuccesfully defended to all ChriftenRomans. dom, againfl: the Tongue of a famous and thought invincible Adverfary ^ nor the Conftancy and Fortitude that fo nobly vindicated our Liberty, our Viftory atonce againlt two the molt prevailing Ufurpers over Mankind, Su> pcrflition and Tyranny unprais'd or uncelebrated in a written Monument, likely to outlive Detraftion, as it hath hitherto convinc'd or lllenc'd not a few of our Detradors, efpecially in parts abroad. After our Liberty and Religion thus profperouily fought for, gain'd, and many Years pofTefsM, except in thofe unhappy Interruptions, which God hath remov'd ^ now that nothing remains, but in all rcafon the certain hopes of a fpeedy and immcdiat Settlement for ever in a firm and free Commonwealth, for this extoll'd and raagnifi'd Nation, regardlefs both of Honour won, or Deliverances voutfaf't from Heaven, to fallback, or rather to creep back fo poorly, as it feems the multitude would, to thir once abjurM and detefted Thraldom of Kinglhip, to be our felves the flanderers of our own juft and religious Deeds, though don by fom to covetous and ambitious Ends, yet not therfore to be llain'd with thir Infamy, or they to afperfe the Integrity of others and yet thefe now by revolting from the Confcience of Deeds well done, both in Church and State, to throw away and forfake, or rather to betray a juft and noble Caufe for the mixture of bad Men who have ill manag'd and abus'd it, (which had our Fathers done heretofore, and on the fame pretence deferted true Religion, what had long ere this become of our Gofpel, and all ProteItant Reformation fo much intermixt with the Avarice and Ambition of fom Reformers? ) and by thus relapfing, to verify all the bitter Predidions of our triumphing Enemies, who will now think they wifely difcern'd and juftly cenfur'd both us and all cur Actions as rafh, rebellious, hypocritical and impious, not only argues a ftrangc degenerate Contagion fuddenly fpread among us, fitted and prepar'd for new Slavery, but will render us a Scorn and Derifion to all our Neighbours. And what will they at belt fay of us, and of the whole EngUPn Name, but fcoffingly, as of that foolilli Builder mentioned by our Saviour, who began to build a Tower, and was not able to finifh it? Where is this goodly Tower of a Commonwealth, which the Engllfh boafted they would build to overfhadow Kings, and be another Rome in the Welt ? The Foundation indeed they laid gallantly, but fell into a wors Confufion, not of Tongues, but of Factions, than thofe at the Tower of Bahcl \ and have left no Memorial of thir Work behind them remaining, but in the common Laughter of Europe. Which muft needs redound the more to our fhame, if we but look on our Neighbours the Vnited Provinces., to us inferior in all outward Advantages j who notwithftanding, in the midft of greater Difficulties, couragioufly, wifely, conftantly went through with the fame Work, and are 5 H
-,
(786)
arefettl'd in
al]
the happy enjoyments of a potent and flourifhing Republic
to this day. Befides this, if

(hall,
we return to King(hip, and foon repent, as undoubtedly we when we begin to fiod the old encroachments coming on by little and
neceffarily proceed from King and one Interelf, we may be forc'd perhaps to fight have fought, and fpend over again all that we have
little
upon our Confciences, which muft
Bifliop united infeparably in
we are now advanc'd to the reto it in have of our never Freedom, polleirion as we now have it, necovery ver to be vouchfaft hereafter the like Mercies and fignal AlTiftances from Heaven in our Caufe if by our ingrateful backfliding we make thefe fruitlefs, flying now to regal Concedlons from his divine condefcenfions, and gracious anfwers to our once importuning Prayers againft the Tyranny which we then groan'd under ^ making vain and viler than dirt, the Blood of fo many thouiand f.uthful and valiant Englijh men, who left us in this Liberty, bought with thir Lives , loiing by a ftrange after-game of Folly, all the battels we have won, together with all ScotLvtd as to our Conqueft, hereby loft, which never any of our Kings could conquer, all the Treafurewehave fpent, not that corruptible Trealurc only, but that far more precious of all our late miraculous Deliverances , treading back again with loft labour, all our happy fteps in the progrefs of Reformation, and moft pitifully depriving our felves the inftant fruition of that free Government which we have fo dearly purchas'd, a free Commoiv-vealth, not only held by wifeft men in all Ages the nobleft, the manthe moft agreeable to all due lieft, the equalleft, the jufteft Government, Liberty and proportion'd Equality, both Human, Civil, and Chriftian, molt cherifhing to Vertue and true Religion, butalfo (I may fay it with greateft probability) plainly commended, or rather enjoin'd by our Saviour himfelf, to all Chriftians, not without remarkable difallowance, and the brand of Genti:
all that we never like to attain thus far as but are fpent,
over again
God in much difpleafure gave a King to the Ifradites, lifm upon Kingdiip. and imputed it a fin to them that they fought one but Chrijl apparently forbids his Difciples to admit of any fuch heathenifh Government , The Kings of the Gentiles^ faith he, exercife Lordfhip over them:, and they that exercife Authem are cdPd lienefa&ors : but ye /hall not be fo but he that is greatthority iqon he that is chiefs as he that ferveth. efi among you^ let him be as the younger \ and of thefc his was the ambitious The occafion words defire of Zehede\ two Sons, to be exalted above thir Brethren in his Kingdom, which they thought was to be ere long upon Earth. That he fpeaks of Civil Government, is manifeft by the former part of the Comparifon, which infers the other part to be always in the fame kind. And what Government comes nearer to this precept of than a free Commonwealth \ wherin they who are greateft, are perpeChrilt, tual Servants and drudges to the public at thir own coft and charges, negleft thir own Affairs, yet are not elevated above thir Brethren ; live foberly in thir Families, walk the Streets as other men, may be fpoken to freely, familiarly, friendly, without Adoration ? Wheras a King muft be ador'd like a Demigod, with a dillblute and haughty Court about him, of vaft expence and Luxury, Masks and Revels, to the debauching of our prime Gentry both Male and Female ^ not in thir paftimes only, but in earnelt, by the loos imployments of Court-fervice, which will be then thought honorable. There will be a Queen of no lefs charge-, in moft likelihood Outlandifh and a Papift, befides a Queen-mother fuch already \ together with both thir Coufts and numerous Train then a Royal ifTue, and ere long feverally thir fumptuous Courts^ to the multiplying of a fervil Crew, not of Servants only, but of Nobility aod Gentry, bred up then to the hopes not of Publick, but of
:
,
Court-Offices, to be Stewards, Chamberlains, Ufliers, Grooms, even of the Clofe-flool j and the lower thir Minds debased with Court-opinions, contrary to all Vêrtue and Reformation, the haughtier will be thir Pride and Profufenefs.
We may well remember this not long fince at home
-,
or need but look at

daily
prefent into the French Court,
where Enticements and Preferments
draw
away and pervert the Froteftant Nobility. As to the burden of expence, to our coft we Ihall foon know it ^ for any good to us deferving to be term'd no better than the vaft and lavifh price of our fubjedtion, and thir Debauchery, which
(7^7)
which we are now
fo greedily cheapning,
and would
fo fain be
inconfideratly to a finglc Perfon ^ who for any thing wherintfie public really needs him, will have little els to do, but to bellow the eating and drinking of exxeffive Dainties, to fet a pompous face upon the fuperficialadings of State^ to pageant himfclf up and down in Progrefs among the perpetual bowing and cringings of an abjecl People, on either fide deifying and adoring him for For what can he more than another man ? nothing done that can defcrve it.
paying molt
of a late Gourt-poet, Jits only like a great Cypher row of other lignificant Figures. Nay it is thir. King be but a Cypher, being oft times a Mifcliief, a Pelf, a fcourge of the Nation, and which is wors, not to be remov'd, not to be controurd, much lefs accus'd or brought to punifliment without the danger of a common ruin, without the fliaking and almoft fubverlion of the whole Land wheras in a free Commonwealth, any Governor or thief Gounlelor offending, may be remov'd and punifli'd without the leai't Commotion. Certainly then that People mult needs be mad or ftrangely infatuated, that build the chief hope of thir common happinefs orfafety on a finglePeiToni who if he happen to be good, can do no more than another man , if to be bad, hath in his hands to do more evil without check then millions of other men. .The happinefs of a Nation mufl needs be firme'lf and certainellina full and free Council of thir own eleding, where no fingle PerAnd what madnefs is it for them who fon, but Reafon only fways. main the exprefTion
who even
fet to no purpofe before a long well and happy for the People if
might nage nobly thir own Affairs themfelves, fluggilhly and weakly to devolve all on a jingle Perfon ; and more like Boys under Age than Men, to commit all to his patronage and difpofal, who neither can perform what he undertakes and
it,
?
though royally paid, will not be thir Servant, but thir to count fuch a one the breath of our unmanly to all our on hang him, all our fafety, our well-being, for Nofl:rils, felicity which if we were aught els but Sluggards or Babies, we need depend on none but God and our own Counfels, our own aftive Vertue and Go to the Induftry. u4nt^ thou Jluggard^ faith Solomon \ confider her rvays^ and be wife ; which having no Prince^ Ruler, or Lord, provides her Aêat in the Summer , and gathers her food in the Harveft : which evidently ihews us, that they who think the Nation undon without a King, though they look grave or haughty, have not fo much true Spirit and Underflanding in them as a Pifmire neither are thefe diligent Creatures hence concluded to live in lawlefs anarchy, or that commended, but are fet the examples to imprudent and ungovern'd men, of a frugal and felf-governing Dcmocraty or Commonwealth ; fafer and more thriving in the joint Providence and Counfel of many induftrious equals, than under the fingle domination of one imperious Lord. It may be well wonder'd that any Nation Ililing themfelves free, canfufferany man to pretend Hereditary right overrhem as thir Lord ^ whenasby acknowledging that Right, they conclude themfelves his Servants and his ValTals, and fo renounce thir own freedom. Which how a People and thir Leaders efpecially can do, who have fought fo glorioufly for Liberty ^ how they can change thir noble Words and Actions, heretofore fo becoming the majefty of a free People, into the bafe neccflity of Court-flatteries and Profl:rations, is not only ftrange and admirable, but lamentable to think on. That a Nation fhould be fo valorous and courageous to win thir Liberty in the Field, and when they have won it, fliould be fo heartlefsand unwifein thir Councils, as not to know how to ufe it, value it, what to do with it, or with themfelves ; but after ten or twelve years profperous War and conteftation with Tyranny, bafely and befottedly to run thir Necks again into the Yoke which they have broken, and proftrace all the fruits of thir Victory for feet of the at the naught vanquifh'd, befides our lofs of Glory, and fuch an example as Kings or Tyrants never yet had the like to boaft of, will be an ignominy if it befal us, that never yet befel any Nation poflefs'd of thir Liberty ; worthy indeed themfelves, whatfoever they be, to be for ever Haves ^ but that part of the Nation which confents not with them, as I perfwade me, of a great number, far worthier than by their means to be brought into the fame Bondage. Confidering thefc things fo plain, fo rational, Icannot but yet furder admire on the other fide, how any man who hath the true principles of Jufliice and Religion in him, can prefurae
yet for undertaking
Lord
How
mufl: it needs be,
or
(788)
or take upon him to be a King and Lord over his Brethren, whom he cannot but know wlie'rher as Men or Chriftians, to be for the moft part every way equalor fuperiortohimfelf: how he can difplay with fuch Vanity and Oltentation his regal fplendor fo fupercminently above other Mortal men j or being a Chriftian, can affume fuch extraordinary Honour and Worlhip to himfelf, while the Kingdom of Chrift our common King and Lord, is hid to this World, and fuch genuHjh imitation forbid in exprefs words by himfelf to all All Proteftants hold that Chrill in his Church hath left no his Difciples. his Power \ but himfelf without Deputy, is the only Head of Vicegerent therof, governing it from Heaven how then can any Chriftian man derive his Kinglhip from Chrift, but with wors ufurpation than the Pope hi:, headftiip over the Church, fince Chrift not only hath not left the Icaft fliadow of a command for any fuch Vicegerence from him in the State, as the Pope pretends for his in the Church, but hath exprelly declar'd, that fuch regal Dominion is from the Gentiles, not from him, and hath ftriftly charg'd us not to
:
imitate
I
1
them
therin
doubt not but
all
ingenuous and knowing

,
men
will eafily agree
with me,
that a free Commonwealth without fingle Perfon, or Houfe of Lords, is by but we have all this while, fay they, far the beft Government if it can be had 'Tis true indeed, when Monarchy bin expefting it, and cannot yet attain it.
was dilTolv'd, the form of a Commonwealth Ihould have forthwith bin fram'd, and the pradîce therof iramediatly begun that the People might have foon bin fatisfi'd and delighted with the decent Order, Eafe, and Benefit therof: we had bin then by this time firmly rooted paft fear of Commotions or Mutathis care of timely fetling a new Government intions, and now flourilhing ftead of the old, too much neglefted, hath bin our mifchief Yet the caufe
;, :
therof
may be
ruptions, and
difTolutions
afcrib'd with moft reafon to the frequent difturbances, interwhich the Parlament hath had, partly from the im-
my
patient or difaflêfted People, partly from fom ambitious Leaders in the Ari much contrary, 1 believe, to the mind and approbation of the Army it felf and thir other Commanders, once undeceivM, or in thir own Power. is the opportunity, now the very feafon wherin we may obtain a free Commonwealth, and eftablifh it for ever in the Land, without difficulty or much delay. Writs are fent out for Eleftions, and which is worth obferving in the name, not of any King, but of the keepers of our Liberty, tofummon a free Parlament , which then only will indeed be free, and deferve the true
Now
honour of that fupream Title, if they prefcrve us a free People. Which never Parlament was more free to do ^ being now call'd, not as heretofore, by the fummons of a King, but by the voice of Liberty and if the People,
:
laying afide prejudice and impatience, will ferioufly and calmly now confider thir own good, both Religious and Civil, thir own Liberty and the only means therof, as fhall be here laid down before them,and will eleft thir Knights and BurgelTes able men, and according to the juft and necelTary Qualifications (which for aught I hear, remain yet in force unrepeal'd, as they were formerly decreed in Parlament) men not addifted to a fingle Perfon or Houfe of
Lords, the work is don ^ at leaft the foundation firmly laid of a free Commonwealth, and good part alfo erefted of the main Strufture. For the ground and bafis of every juft and free Government (fince men have fmarted fo oft for commiting all to one Perfon) is a general Council of ableft men, chofen by the People to confult of publick Affairs from time to time for the common good. In this Grand Council muft the Sovranty, not transferr'd, but delegated only, and as it were depofited, refide \ with this Caution they muft have the forces by Sea and Land committed to them for prefervation of the common Peace and Liberty muft raife and manage the publick Revenue, at leaft with fom Infpeftors deputed for fatisfadion of the People, how it is muft make or imploid , propofe, as more exprelly Ihall be faid anon, Civil Laws, treat of Commerce, Peace, or War with forein Nations, and for the carrying on fom particular Affairs with more fecrecy and Expedition, muft eled, as they have already out of thir own number and others, a Council of
,
State.
'' And although it may feem ftrange at firft hearing, by reafon that mens minds are prepofTelFed with the notion of fucceflive Parlaments, I affirm that
the
789
)
:
the Grand or General Council being well chofen, (hould be perpetual fo^^ fo thir bufinefs is or may be, and otc-times urgent ; the opportunity of Affairs The day of Council cannot be fet as the day of gained or loft in a moment. a Feftival ^ but muft be ready always to prevent or anfwer all occalions. By this continuance they will become every way skilfulleft, beft provided of beft acquainted with the People at home, and the Intelligence from abroad, People with them. T-he Ship of the Commonwealth is always under fail 9 fteer well, what need is ther to change they lit at the Stern, and if they it being rather dangerous ? Add to this, that the Grand Council is them, both Foundation and main Pillar of the whole State ; and to move Pillars and Foundations, not faulty, cannot be fafe for the Building. I fee not
therfore, how we can be advantag'd by fuccelTive and tranfitory Parlaments ; but that they are much likelier continually to unfettle rather than to fettle 3 free Government, to breed Commotions, Changes, Novelties and Uncer-
bring negleft upon prefent Affairs and Opportunities, while all Minds are fufpenfe with expectation of a new AlTembly, and the AITembly After which, if they for a good fpace taken up with the new fetling of it felf. find no great work to do, they will make it, by altering or repealing former that they may feem to fee what Afts, or making and multiplying new till all Lawthir PredecelTors faw not, and not to have alTembl'd for nothing be loft in the multitude of clafhing Statutes. But if the Ambition of fuch as think themfelves injur'd that they alfo partake not of the Government, and are impatient till they be chofen, cannot brook the perpetuity of others chofen before them or if it be fear'd that long continuance of
tainties, to
,
Power may corrupt
fincereft
Men, the known Expedient
is,
and by fom
lately propounded, that annually ( or if the fpace be longer, fo much perhaps the better ) the third part of Senators may go out according*to the precedence of thir Eleftion, and the like number be chofen in thir places, to prevent the fetling of too abfolute a Power, if it Ihould be
But I could wifli that this perpetual and this they call prtial Rotation. wheel or partial wheel in State, if it be pofTible, might be avoided, as having too much affinity with the wheel of Fortune. For it appears not how this can be don, without danger and mifchance of putting out a- great number of the beft and ableft in whofe ftead new Eledtions may bring in as many raw, unexperiencM and otherwife affefted, to the weakning and much altering Neither do I think a perpetual Senat, for the wors of publick Tranfaftions. the and entruftcd chofen by People, much in this land to be fear'd, efpecially where the well-afFefted either in a ftanding Army, or in a fetled Militia have thir Arms in thir own hands. Safeft therfore to me it feems, and of leaft hazard or interruption to Affairs, that none of the Grand Council be for what can be raov'd, unlefs by Death or juft conviftion of fom Crime
: : :
expeded firm or ftedfaft from a floating Foundation? however, I forejudg not any probable Expedient, any Temperament that can be found in things of this nature fo difputable on either fide. Yet left this which 1 affirm., be
thought
is
my fingle Opinion, I (hall add fufficientTeftimony. Kingfhi^ it felf therfore counted the more fafe and durable, becaufe the King, and for the moft part his Council, is not chang'd during Life : but a Commonwealth for the is held immortal, and therin firmeft, fafeft and moft above Fortune Death of a King caufeth oft-times many dangerous Alterations , but the Death now and then of a Senator is not felt, the main body of them ftill
:
continuing permanent in greateft and nobleft Commonwealths, and as it were eternal. Therfore among the Jervs^ the fupreme Council of Seventy, founded by Mofes, in y^thens that of Areopagus, in "call'd tl7e Sanhedrim, that in Rome the Senat, confifted of Members the of Ancients, Sparta and by that means remain'd as it were ftill the fame chofen for term of Life
,
In Fenice they change indeed ofter than every year fom parto Gnerations. but the true Senat, of ticular Council State, as that of fix, or fuch other the whole is and the fuftains which upholds Government, Ariftocracy imSo in the United Provinces, the States General, which are indeed movable. but a Council of State deputed by the whole Union, are not ufually the fame Ferfons for above three or fix Years \ but the States of every City in whom
;,
the Soveraignty hath bin plac'd time out of mind, are a ftanding Senat, vyithout
( 79 )
out
Succefl'ion,
and accounted
Liberty.
they
"
''
*'
" by " greatelt to
they " That to make the Senat write ot Policy, give thefe Reaibns j the of and luftre but weathe not dignity Senat, only impairs fucceilive, it into manifell danger; while and whole the brings kens Commonwealth, this means the Secrets of State are frequently divulg'd, and matters of
And why
the main prop of thir chiefly in that regard well-order 'd in ib be fliould every Commonwealth,
who
to inexpert and npvice Counfellors, utconfequence committed I know full and intimate knowledg of Affairs paft. the in feek terly not therfore what Iliould be peculiar in England to make fiiccenive Parlaments here more than in other Nations, unlefs it be thought fafelt, or convenient the fickPnefs which is attributed to us as we are Ilanders but good Education and acquiht Witdom ought to correft the fiu;dble fault, if any fuch be, of our watry lituation. It will be objefted, that in thofe places where they had perpetual Senats, they had alfo popular Pêmedies againft thir growing too imperious as in Jthtns^ befides J.reopgiii^ another Senat of four or five hundred , in Sfana, the Efhori ^ in Rome^ the Tribunes of the People. But the Event tels us, that thefe Remedies either little avail the People, or
:
:
and unbridl'd Democraty, as in fine ruin'd brought them to fuch a licentious So that the main reafon urg'd themfelves with thir own exceflive power. the Peoples Liberty, rather with trufted be why popular Aflemblies are to Men will be ftill endeavouring becaufe than a Senat of principal Men, great will be contented to maintain fort common the but to inlarge thir Power, none found is falfe; own thir being more inimoderat by Experience Liberty, and ambitious to amplify thir Power, than fuch Popularities, which were feen in the People of Rome-^ who at firft contented to have thir that one Conful, then both, Tribunes, at length contended with the Senat foon after, that the Cenfors and Prstors alfo Ihould be created Plebeian, and the whole Empire put into thir hands ; adoring laftly thofe, who moft were
advers to the Senat,
till
Marim by
fulfilling thir
inordinate Delires, quite
loll them all the Power for which they had fo long bin ftriving, and left them under the Tyranny of Sylla : the ballance therfore muft be exaftly fo fet, as to preferve and keep up due Autority on either fide, as well in the Senat And this annual Rotation of a Senat to confill of three as in the Pepple. is lately propounded, requires alfo another popular Alfembly upas hundred, ward of a thoufand, with an anfwerable Rotation. Which befides that it will be liable to all thofe Inconveniencies found in theforefaid Remedies, cannot hut be troublefome and chargeable, both in thir Motion and thir Sellion, to the whole Land, unweildie with thir own bulk, unable in fo great a number to mature thir Confultations as they ought, if any be allotted them, and that they meet not from fo many parts remote to fit a whole year Lieger in one place, only now and then to hold up a forefl of Fingers, or to convey each Man his bean or ballot into the Box, without reafon (hewn or common deliberation , incontinent of Secrets, if any be imparted to them, emulous and always jarring with the other Senat. The much better way doubtlefs will beJn this wavering condition of our Affairs, to defer the changing or be done with eafe, till the Commoncircumirribing of our Senat, more than may wealth be throughly fetl'd in Peace and Safety, and they themfelves give us the occafion. Military Men hold it dangerous to change the form ot Battel neither did the People of Rome bandy with thir Senat In view of an Enemy while any of the Tarquins liv'd, the Enemies of thir Liberty, nor fought by creating Tribunes to defend themfelves againft the fear of thir Patricians, till fixteen years after the expulfion of thir Kings, and in full fccurity of thir State, they had or thought they had juft caufe given them by tI1% Senat. Another way will be, to wellqualifie and refine Elections not comniittir^ all to the noife and (houting of a rude Multitude, but permitting only thofe of them who are rightly qualifi'd, to nominate as many as they will; and out of that number others of a better breeding, to chufe a lefs number more of cxaftefi: choice, judicioully, till after a third or fourth fifting and refining and feem due are the by molt voices the number, they only be left chofen v/ho worthieft. To make the People fittefl; to chufe, -and the chofen fitteft to gqvern, will be to mend our corrupt and faulty Education, to teach the People Faith not without Vertue, Temperance, Modefty, Sobriety, Parlimony,
: :
'
Juftice,
Juftice",
( 791 ) or Wealth not to admire Honour-, to hate Turbulence and Ambiti-
to place every one his privat Welfare and Happinefs in the publick They fhall not then need to be much miltruftful Peace, Liberty and Safety. of thir chofen Patriots in the Grand Council ; who will be then rightly call'd
on
rhe true Keepers of our Liberty, though the raoft of thir bufinels will be in But to prevent all Miltruft, the People then will have thir torein Affairs. feveral ordinary Afiemblies (which will henceforth quite annihilate the odious Power and Name of Coramittics) in the chief Towns of every County, without the Trouble, Charge, or time loft of furamoning and aOerabling
from far in fo great a number, and fo long refiding from thir own Houfes, or removing of thir Families, to do as much at home in thir feveral fiiires, entire or fubdivided, toward the fccuring of thir Liberty, as a numerous Allembly of them all form'd and conven'd on purpofe with the warieft Rotation.
Wherof
fhall
ferr'd to time, fo
fpeak more ere the end of this Difcourfe: for we be ftill going on by degrees to perfedtion.
it
may be reThe People
well weighing and performing thefc things, I fuppofe would have no caufe to fear, though the Parlament abolifhing that Name as originally fignifying but
the Parlie of our Lords and Commons with thir Norman King when he pleased to call them, fhould, with certain limitations of thir Power, fit perpetual, if thir ends be faithful and for a free Commonwealth, under the name of a Grand or General Council, Till this be don, 1 am in doubt whether our State will be ever certainly and throughly fetl'd never likely till then to fee an end of our Troubles and continual Changes, or at lealt never the true Settlement and AiTurance of our Liberty. The Grand Council being thus firmly conllituted to Perpetuity, and ftill, upon the Death or Default of any Member, fiipply'd and kept in full number, ther can be no caufe alleg'd why Peace, Jultice, plentiful Trade, and all Profperity, fhould not therupon enfue throughout the whole Land ^ with as much affurance as can be of human things, that they fhall fo continue (if God favour us, and our wilful Sins provoke him not) even to the coming of our true and rightful, and only to be expefted King, only worthy as he is our only Saviour, the MelTiah, the Chrift, the only Heir of his eternal Father, the only by him anointed and ordained fince the Work of our Redemption finilh'd, univerfal Lord of all Mankind. The way propounded is plane, eafy and open before us; without Intricacies, without the Introducement of new or obfolete Forms or Terms, or Idea's that would effeft nothing j but with a number of new exotic Models to the native Liberty of Mankind manacle Injunftions turning all Vertue into Prefcription, Servitude, and Necefllty, to the great impairing and fruflra, , ,
I fay again, this way lies free and fmooth before ting of Chriftian Liberty. us; is not tangl'd with Inconveniencies; invents no new Incumbrances ; requires no perilous, no injurious Alteration or Circumfcription of Mens Lands
and Proprieties ; fecure, that in this Commonwealth, temporal and fpiritual Lords remov'd, no Man or number of Men can attain to fuch Wealth or vaft the hedg of an Agrarian Law (never fuccefsful, but poileflion, as will need the caufe rather of Sedition, fave only where it began feafonably with firft pofieifion) to confine them from endangering our public Liberty. To conclude, it can have no confiderable Objeftion made againfl it, that it is not pradticable;,lell it be faid hereafter, that we gave up our Liberty for want of a ready-
way or diftinct Form propos'd of
a free
CommonwealtM.
And
this Facility
we
have above our ne.xt neighbouring Commonwealth (if we can keep us from the fond Conceit of fomthing like a Duke of renke^ put lately into many Mens heads by fom one or other futly driving on under that notion his own ambitious ends to lurch a Crown) that our Liberty fhall not be hamper'd or hover'd over by any ingagement to fuch a potent Family as the Houfeof NaffavD^ of whom to Hand in perpetual Donbt and Sufpicion, but we fhall live the cleerelt and abfoluteft free Nation in the World. On the contrary, if there be a King, which the inconfiderat multitude are now fo mad upon, mark how far fhort we are like to com of all thofe Happia Free State we fiiall immediatly be pofTefs'd of. Firft, the neffes, which in Grand Council, which, as I fhew'd before, fhould fit perpetually (unlefs thir leifure give them now and then fom Interraifllons or \7acations, eafily manageable by the Council of State left fitting) fhall be call'd, by the King's good
(hall
Win
?92
as
Will and utmoft Endeavor,
^ Right, he will fliy, to call about his own Affairs rather than the Kingdom's, as will appeer plancly fo For what will thir bufinefs then be, and the chief Exfoon as they are calKd. but an endlefs tugging between Petition of Right and thir of time, pence Royal Prerogative, efpecially about the negative Voice, Militia, or Subfidies, demanded and oft-times extorted without reafonable caufe appeering tothe Commons, who are the only true Reprefentatives of the People and thir Libefides which within berty, but will be then minglM with a Court-fadion , thir own Walls, the finccre part of them who Hand faithful to the People, will again have to deal with two troublefom counter-working Adverfaries from without, raeer Creatures of the King, fpiritual, and the greater part, as is likelieft, of temporal Lords, nothing concern'd with the Peoples LiberIf thefe prevail not in what they pleafe, though never fo much againft ty. the Peoples Intereft, the Parlament fhall be foon dillblv'd, or fit and do no^ thing j not fuffer'd to remedy the leafl Greevance, or cnad aught advantageous to the People. Next, the Council of State fhall not be chofen by the Parlament, but by the King, ftill his own Creatures, Courtiers and Favorites^ whowill be fureinall thir Counfcls to fet thir Mailer's Grandure and I deabfolute Power, in what they are able, far above the Peoples Liberty. the a who common be Good fuch may regard King, ny not but that ther may before his own, may have novitious Favorite, may hearken only to the wifefl and incorruptelt of his Parlament but this rarely happens in a Monarchy not eledtive j and it behoves not a wife Nation to commit the fum of thir wellWhat need they and being, the whole flate of thir Safety to Fortune. how abfurd would it be, when as they themfelves to whom his chief Vertue will be but to hearken, may with much better Management and Difpatch, with much more Commendation of thir own Worth and Magnanimity govern without a Mailer ? Can the Folly be parallePd, to adore and be the Slaves of a lingle Perfon, for doing that which ic is ten thoufand to one whether he can or will do, and we without him might do more eafily, more eftedually, more laudably our felves ? Shall we never grow old anough to be wife to make feafonable ufe of gravefl Autorities, Experiences, Examples? Is it fuch an unfpeakabJe Joy to fervc, liich Felicity to wear a Yoke? to clink our Shackles, lock'd on by pretended Law of Subjclion, more intolerable and hopelefs to be ever fliakcn off, than thofe which are knock'd on by illegal Injury and Violence ? yinjlotle^ our chief Inllruder in the llniverlities, left this Doftrin be thought Seârian^ as the Royalill would have it thought, tells us in the third of his Politicks, that certain Men at firfl, for the matchlefs Excellence of thir Vertue above others, or fom great public Benefit, were created Kings by the People i in fmall Cities and Territories, and in the fcarcity of but when they abus'd thir Power, and Governothers to be found like them ments grew larger, and the number of prndent Men increas'd, that then the People foon depolingthir Tyrants, betook them, in all civileil places, tothe form of a free Commonwealth. And why (hould we thus difparage and prejudicate our own Nation, as to fear a fcarcity of able and worthy Men united in Counfcl to govern us, if we will but ufe diligence and impartiality to find them cut and chufe them, rather yoking our felves to a lingle Perfon, the natural Adverfary and Oppreffor of Liberty, though good, yet far eafier corruptible by the excels of his lingular Power and Exaltation, oratbefl, not comparably fufhcient to bear the weight of Government, nor equally difpos'd to make us happy in the enjoyment of our Liberty under him. But admit, that Monarchy of it felf may be convenient to fom Nations ; yet to us who have thrown it out, receiv'd back again, it cannot but prove pernicious. For Kings to com, never forgetting thir former Ejection, willbefurc to fortify and arm themfelves fufRciently for the future againft all fuch Attempts hereafter from the People who fhall be then fo narrowly watch'd and kept fo low, that though they would never fo fain, and at the fame rate of thir Blood and Treafure, they never fhall he able to regain what they now Iiavc purchas'd and may enjoy, or to free themfelves from any Yoke impos'd them nor will npon they dare to go about it , utterly difheartn'd for the futhir if thefe ture, higheft prove unfuccefsful j which will be the
:
,
feidom a Parlament
as
may
and
be.
this
For it is only the King's he will do moll commonly
Attempts
Triumph
(79?!
Tyrants herafter over any People that lliall refill Opprcilion r Triumph and tliir Song will then be, to others, how iped the rebellious Englifh ? tb our Pofterity, how fped the Rebels your Fathers ? This is not my Conjeclufej but drawn from God's known Denouncement againll the gentiliziue IJrOclitcs, who though they were govern'd in a Commonwealth of God's dvn orof
all
daining, he only thir King, they his peculiar People, yet affecting rather to s efemble Heathen, but pretending the Mifgovernment of S.%mud\ SonS) no more a reafon to diflike thir Commonwealth, than the Violence of ;/'s Sons was imputable to that Priefthood or Pveligion, clamour d for a King. Thev had thir longing j but with this Teftimony of God's Wrath \ Tc /Lid cry M( in that day, becaiife of your King whom ye /hall have chofcn, and the Lord will not hear you in that Us if he ihall hear now, how much lefs will he hear
cry herafter, who once deliver'd by him from a King, and not without wondrous Adts of his Providence, infenlible and unworthy of thcfe high Mercies, are returning precipitantly, if he withold us not, back to the CapYet neither fhall we obtain or buy at an eafy tivity from whence he freed us. rate this new gilded Yoke which thus tranfports us a new royal Revenue
day.
when we
muft be found, a new Epifcopal j for thofeare individual both which being wholy diflipated or bought by privat Perfons, or alTign'd for Service ddn; and eipecially to the Army, cannot be recovered without a general Detriment and Confufion to Mens Eftates, or a heavy Impoiition on all Mens Purfes Benefit to none, but to the vvorfl and ignobleft fort of Men, whofe hope is to be either the Minifters of Court, Riot and Excefs, or the Gainers by it But not to fpeak more of Lofl'es and extraordinary Levies on our Eftates, what will then be the Revenges and Offences remembcr'd and returned, not only by the chief Perfon, but by all his Adherents-, Accounts and Reparations that will be requir'd, Suits, Inditemcnts, Inquiries, Difcoveries, Complaints, Infor:
,
mations,
who knows againft whom
or
how many, though
perhaps Neuters-
but the known Royalift or whom he favors, will be plenteous: nor let new royaliz'd Presbyterians perfwade themfelves that thir old doings, though now recanted, will be forgotten whatever Conditions be contriv'd or trufted on. Will they not beleeve this ^ nor remember the Pacification how it was kept to the Scots how other folemn Promifes many a time to us Let them but now read the diabolical forerunning Libels, the Faces, the Geftures that now appeer foremoft and briskeft in all publick places, as the
if not to utmoft Infliftion, yet to Imprifonment, Fines, Banilhhient, or Moleftation \ if not thefe, yet disfavor, difcountenance, difregard and contempt
all
on
the
<'
Harbingers of thofe that are in expedation to raignoverus j let them but hear the Infolencies, the Menaces, the Infultingsof our newly animated common Enemies crept lately out of- thir Holes, thir Hell, I might fay, by the Language of thir infernal Pamphlets, the Spue of every Drunkard, every Ribald ^ namelefs, yet not for want of Licence, but for very fliame of thir own vile Perfons, not daring to name themfelves, while they traduce others by name ; and give us to forefee, that they intend to fecond thir wicked Words, if ever they have Power, with more wicked Deeds. Let our zealous Backfliders forethink now with themfelves, how their Necks yok'd with thefe Tigers of Bacchus., thefe new Fanatics of not the preaching but the fweating-tub, infpir'd with nothing holier than the Venereal Pox, can dravf one way under Monarchy to the eftablifliing of Church Difciplin vvith thefe new-difgorg'd Atheifms yet (hall they not have the honor to yoke with fhall plow on thir backs. And thefe, but fhall be yok'd under them ^ thefe do they among them who are fo forward to bring in the fingle Perfon, thinic to be by him trufted or long regarded ? So trufted they fhall be and fo regarded, as by Kings are wont reconcil'd Enemies ^ negleded and foon after difcarded, if not profecuted for old Traytors ; the firft Inciters, Beginners, and more than to the third part adors of all that foUow'd. It will be found alfo, that there muft be then as necelTarily as now (for the contrary part will be ftill fcar'd) a Standing Array ; which for certain Ihall not be this, but of the fierceft Cavaliers, of no lefs expence, and perhaps again under Rupert : but let this Army be fure they Ihall be foon disbanded, and likelieft without Arrcar or Pay ; and being disbanded, not be fure but they may as foon be queftion'd for being in Arms againft thir King : the fame 4ct them fear, who have con5 I
:
794 )
to no fmall number that mufl then contvibuted Money \ made be to turn take thif Delinquents and Compounders. They who to devoted will are and reafon Kingfliip, perhaps recovery anfwer. paft That a greater part by tar of the Nation will have it fo, the reft therfore Not fo much to convince thefe, which I little hope, as to conniuft yield. firm them who yield not, I reply ^ that this greateft part have both in Reathe right of thir Eledion what the Gofon, and the trial of jull Battel, lofl vernment (hall be: of them who have not loft that right, whether they for who can certainly determin ? Suppofe they Kingfliip be the greater Number, freedom they partake all alike, one main end of Government: be, yet of if which the greater part value not, but will degenerately forgo, is it jull or reafonable, that raoft Voices againft the main End of Government, fhould cnllave the lefs Number that would be free ? More juft it is doubtlefs, if it come to force, that- a lefs Number compel a greater to retain, which can be no wrong to them, thir Liberty, than that a greater Number, for the a lefs moft injurioufly to be thir fellowpleafure of thir bafenefs, compel Slaves. They who feek nothing but thir own juft Liberty, have always right to win it, and to keep it, whenever they have Power, be the Voices never And how much we above others are concerned fo numerous that oppofe it. and from them who in purfuance therof fo perit from to defend Kingfhip, to moft certain Mifery and Thralus and themfelves would betray nicioufly to will be needlefs repeat. dom, Having thus far fhewn with what eafe we may now obtain a Free Com-
which
will
amount
monwealth, and by
it
with as much eafe

,
all
the Freedom, Peace, Juftice,
on the other fide, the Difficulties, Troubles, Plenty, that we can defire Uncertainties, nay rather ImpofFibilities to enjoy thefe things conftantly under a Monarch: 1 will now proceed to fhew more particularly wherin our Freedom and flourifhing Condition will be more ample and fecure to us under
a Free
Commonwealth, than under Kingfhip.
The whole freedom of Man confifts either in Spiritual or Civil Liberty. As for Spiritual, who can be at reft, who can enjoy any thing in this World with contentment, who hath not liberty to ferve God, and to fave his own hath planted in him to that Soul, according to'the beft Light which God
his Holy purpofe, by the reading of his reveafd Will, and the guidance of to God, and that the whole Proteftanc ? That this is beft plealing Spirit Church allows no fupream Judg or Rule in Matters of Religion, but the Scriptures i and thefe to be interpreted by the Scriptures themfelves, which neceilarily infers Liberty of Conscience ^ I have heretofore prov'd at large in another Treatife^ and might yet furder by the public Declarations, Confeflions and Admonitions of whole Churches and States, obvious in all Hiftofies
lince the
Reformation.
This Liberty of Confcience, which all Men deareft and moft precious, no vor only, but to proteft, than a free nanimous, moft fearlefs and confident
full
above
all
other things ought to be to

;,
Government more inclinable not to faCommonwealth as being moft magof its own fair Proceedings, Wheras
of Fears, Kingfliip, though looking big, yet indeed moft puGllanimous, full
of Jealoufies, ftartl'd at every Ombrage, as it hath been obferv'd of old to have ever fufpefted moft, and miltrufted them who were inmoftefteem for Veriue and Generofity of Mind ; fo it is now known to have moft doubt and fufpicion, them who are moft reputed to be religious. Queen //-
zabeth, though her felf accounted fo good a Protcftant, fo moderate, fo confident of her Subjcdts Love, would never give way fo much as to Presbyterian Reformation in this Land, though once and again befought, as Camden
and perfecuted the very Propofers therof^ alleging unalterable, that fuch Reformation would diminifli What Liberty of Confcience can we then expedt of Regal Authority. others, far wors principl'd from the Cradle, train'd up and govern'd by Fo? pfl] and Spanifi) Counfels, and on fuch depending hitherto for fubfiftcnce and Efpccially what, can this laft Parlament expedt, who having reviv'd lately publifli'd the Cov'nant, have reingag'd themfelves, never to readmit Epifcopacy? Which no Son of Charles returning, but will moll certainly bring back with him, if he regard the laft and ftrifteft Charge of his Father, to
relates, but imprifon'd
it as
her
Mind and Maxim
peyfevere
(795)
but Government of the Church of perfcvere itty not the Doffrht only^ England ; not and the to negleS fpeedy effedual fu^pr effing of Errors and Schifms ^ among which he accounted Presbytery one of the chief. Or if, notwithilanding that
of his Father, he fubmit totheCov'nant, how will he keep Faith to us, with Difobedience to him ^ or regard that Faith given, which mult be founded on the breach of that lafl and folemneft paternal Charge, and the Reluftance, I may fay the Antipathy, which is in all Kings againft Presbyterian and Indehear the Gofpel fpeaking much of Liberty ^ a pendent Difcpline? For they and her word which Monarchy Bifhops both fear and hate, but a Free Commonwealth both favors and promotes ^ and not the word only, but the thing But let our Governors beware in time, left thir hard meafure to Liit felf be found the Rock wheron they fhipwrack thcmfelves, as of Confcience berty others have now don before them in the cours whcrin God was diredHng thir and the abandoning of all thofe vvhom Steerage to a Free Commonwealth the detefted for and Arribitionof fom, be a wiltul Falflioad czW Seilaries^ they rejeftionof thir own chief Strength and Intereft in the freedom of all Protefirant Religion, under whatabufure Namefoever calumniated. The other part of our Freedom conlills in the Civil Rights and Advancements of every Perfon according to his Merit the enjoyment of thofe never more certain, and the accefs to thefe never more open, than in a Free Commonwealth. Both which, in my Opinion, may be beft and fooneft obtain'd, if every County in the Land were made a kind of fubordinate Commonalty or Commonwealth, and one chief Town or more, according as tlie
,
Charge
is in Circuit, made Cities, if they be not fo calPd already i where the Nobility and chief Gentry, from a proportionable compafs of Territory annex'd to each City, may build Houfes or Palaces befitting thir Qjiality, may bear part in the Government, make thir own Judicial Laws, or ufe thefe that are, and execute them by thir own elected judicatures and Judges without Appeal, in all things of Civil Government between Man and Man fo they fnall have Juftice in thir own hands, Law executed fully and finally in thir own Counties and Precindts, long wilh'd and fpoken of, but never yet obtain'd ; they (hall have none then to blame but themfelves, if it be not well adminifler'd ; and fewer Laws to expeft or fear from the fupreme Autority or to thofe that fliall be made, of any great concernment to Public Liberty, they may, without much trouble in thefe Commonalties, or in more General AlTemblies call'd to thir Cities from the whole Territory on fuch occafiort, declare and publifh thir afTent or dilFent by Deputies, within a time limited, fent to the Grand Council , yet fo as this thir Judgment declar'd, Ihall fubmit to the greater number of other Counties or Commonalties, and not avail them to any exemption of themfelves, or refufal of Agreement with the reft, as it may In any of the United Provinces^ being Sovran within it to the great difadvantage of that Union. In thefe Imployfelf, oft-times mcnts they may ittuch better than they do now, excrcife and fit themfelves till thir Lot fall to be chofen into the Grand Council, according as thir Worth and Merit Ihall betaken notice of by the People, As for ContrO" verfies that (hall happen between Men of feveral Counties, they may repair, as they do now, to the Capital City, or any other more commodious, inAnd this I find to have been pradlis'd in different Place, and equal Judges. the old Athenian Commonwealth, reputed the firlt and ancientefl: place ot
Shire
5,
pivility in
thens, a
that they had in thir feveral Cities, a Peculiar all Greece in Acommon Government ^ and thir Right, as it befel them, to the Adminiftration of both. They Ihould have here alfo Schools and Academies whefin thir Children may be bred up in thir own fight thir own at choice, not in Grammar only, but in all Libeand noble Education all to Learning
:
,
This would foon fpread much more Knowlcdg and all parts of the Land, by communicating Civility, yea, Religion, through the natural heat of Government and Culture more diftributively to all extreme would foon make the whole Natioa parts, which now lie num and neglected,
ral
Arts and Exercifes.
more induftrious, more ingenuous at home ; more potent, more honourable abroad. To this a Free Commonwealth will eafily alTent i (nay, the ParlamenC hath had already fom fuch thing in defign) for of all Governments a Gommonweai*:h aims molt to make the People flourilhing, vertuous, noble arid
5
I
3.
h'j^bf
( i^ ) never permit-, whole Aim is to make the Iiigh-fpiritcd. and well indeed fleec't, for thir own (hearing, and perhaps, People wealthy the fupply of Regal Prodigality \ but otherwife fofteft, bafeil, vitioufelt, not only in Fleece, but in Mind alfo fervileft, eafieft to be kept under j and have all the Benches of Judicature annex'd will to the and fheepifheft that we have Jullice don us of as a Gift whenas Grace, Royal Throne, nothing can be more elTential to the freedom of a People, than to have the adminiftration of Jultice, and all Publick Ornaments, in thir own Eledion, and within thir own Bounds, without long travelling or depending on remote Places to obtain thir Right, or any Civil Accomplilhment ^ fo it be notfupreme, but fubordinate to the general Power and Union of the whole In which happy firmnefs, as in the Particular above-mention'd, Republic, we (hall alfo far exceed the Vnited Provinces^ by having, not as they (to the retarding and diftrafting oft-times of thir Counfels or urgenteft occafions ) many Sov'ranties united in one Commonwealth, but many Commonwealths under one united and entrufted Sov'ranty. And when we have our Forces by Sea and Land, either of a faithful Army, or a fetl'd Militia, in our own hands, to the firm eftablilhing of a Free Commonwealth, public Accounts under our own infpeftiop., general Laws and Taxes, with thir Caufes in our
Monardis
will
-,
our
can
own Domeftic Suffrages, Judicial Laws, Offices and Ornaments at home in own ordering and adminiftration, all dilHnftion of Lords and Commoners, that may any way divide or fever the Public Intereflr, remov'd, what
a
perpetual Senat have then, wherinto grow corrupt, wherin to encroach or ufurp ? or if they do, wherin to be formidable ? Yet if all this avail not to remove the Fear or Envy of a perpetual Sitting, it may be eafily provided, to change a third part of them yearly, or every two or three Years, as was above-mention'd , or that it be at thofe times in the Peoples choice, whether they will change them, or renew thir Power, as they
upon
us,
fhall find caufe.
der'd
have no more to fay at prefent: few words will fave us, well confiBut if the People be fo ; few and eafy things, now feafonably don. affefted, as to proftitute Religion and Liberty to the vain and groundlefs appreheniion, that nothing but Kingfhip can reftore Trade, not remembring the frequent Plagues and Peflilences that then wa/led this City, fuch as through God's Mercy we never have felt fince ; and that Trade flourilhes no where more than in the Free Commonwealths of Italy, Germany, and the Lorv
I
day yet if Trade be grown fo craving and the importunate through profufe living of Tradefmen, that nothing can fupbut the luxurious port it, Expences of a Nation upon Trifles or Superfluities , fo as if the People generally Ihould betake themfelves to Frtigality, it might prove a dangerous matter, left Tradefmen fhould mutiny for want of Trading j and that therfore we muft forgo and fet to fale Religion, Liberty, Honor, Safety, all Concernments Divine or Human, to keep up Trading. If, laftly, after all this Light among us, the fame Reafon (hall pafs for current, to put our Necks again under Kingfhip, as was made ufe of by the Jews to return back to Egypt, and to the worfhip of thir Idol Quetn, becaufe they falfly imagin'd that they then liv'd in more plenty and profperity ; our Condition is not found but rotten, both in Religion and all Civil Prudence ; and will bring us foon, the way we are marching, to thofe Calamities which atCountries, before thir eyes at this
:
tend always and unavoidably on Luxury, all national Judgments under Forein or Domeftic Slavery So far we fliall be from mending our condition by moHownarchizing our Government, whatever new Conceit -now poflelTes us. ever with all hazard I have ventur'd what I thought my Duty to fpeak in feafon, and to forewarn my Country in time ; wherin I doubt not but there be many wife Men in all Places and Degrees, but am forry the Effcfts of Wifdom are fo little feen among us. Many Circumftances and Particulars I could have added in thofe things wherof I have fpoken: but a few main Matters now put fpeedily in execution, will fuffice to recover us, and fet all right : And ther will want at no time who are good at Circumftances ; but Men who fet thir Minds on main Matters, and fufficiently urge them, in thefe moft difficult times Ifind not many. What I have fpoken, is the Language of that
:
which
( 797 ) Old which is not call'd amifs Tlie good Caufc : if it fecm flrange t!0 any, it will I than more notfeem Itrange, hope, convincing to Backfliders. Thus much I fhould perhaps have faid, though I were fure / Hiould have fpoken only to Trees and Stones i and had none to cry to, but with the Prophet, O Earth Earthy Earth! to tell the very Soil it felf, v^^hat her perverfc Inhabitants are deaf to. Nay, though what 1 Iiave fpoke, fhould happ'n ( which Thou fufFer not, who didit create Mankind free ^ nor Thou next, who didft redeem us from being Servants of Men ) to be the laft words of our expiring Liberty. But I trull I fliall have fpoken Perfwafion to abundance of fenfible and ingenuous Men ; tofom perhaps whom God may raife of thefe Stones to become Children of reviving Liberty ^ and may reclaim, though they fecm now chato bethink themfelves a little, and confffing them a Captain back for E^ypt, der whither they are rufhing , to exhort this Torrent alfo of the People, not to be fo impetuous, but to keep thir due Channel j and at length recovering and uniting thir better Refolutions, now that they fee already how open and unbounded the infolence and rage is of our common Enemies, to flay thefe ruinous Proceedings, juflly and timely fearing to what a Precipice of Deflruftionthe deluge of this epidemic Madnefs would hurry, us, through the general defeftion of a mifguided and abus'd Multitude.
!
THE
( 799 )
THE
Prefelit
Means, and brief Delineation

O F A
Free Commonwealth^'*
Eafy
to be put in Practice,
and without Delay.
In a Letter to General Monk.
the Manufcrip. Vuhlijhed from
IIRST, all endeavours fpeedily to onbeof fuch as are already firm,

Commonwealth (according
be us'd, that theenfuing Eleftior inclinable to conftitute a free
to the former qualifications decreed in Parlament, and not yet repeal'd, as I hear) without fingle Perfon, If tliefe be not fuch, but the contrary, who or Houfe of Lords. will be utterly loft in this next our that Liberties forefees not, Parlament, without fome powerful courfe taken, of fpeedielt prevention ? The fpeedieft way will be to call up forthwith the chief Gentlemen out of every Counto lay before them (as your E.vcellency hath already, both in your pubty lilh'd Letters to the Army, and your Declaration recited to the Members of Parlament) the Danger and Confufion of readmitting Kinglhip- in this Land efpecially againft the Rules of all Prudence and Example, in a Famiand tlierby not to be trufted with the power of ly once ejefted, Revenge not .will that you longer delay them with vain expeftation, but will put into thir hands forthwith the pofTefllon of a free Commonwealth ^ if tlicv will firft return immediately and elcd them, by fuch at leaft of the People as are rightly qualifi'd, a ftanding Council in every City, and great Town, which may then be dignified with the name of City, continually to confulc the good and flourifliing ftateof that Place, with a competent Territory adtoalTume the judicial Laws, either tliefe that are, or fuch as they join'd themfclves fhall new make feverally, in each Commonalty, and all Judicato the Adminiftration of all Juftice between man and tures, all Magiftracics, of publick Civility, Academies, and fucii Ornaments the man, and all like, hands. Matters own in thir appertaining to men of fcveral Counties or Territories, may be deter min'd, as they are here at Lowô?^, or in fome more convenient Place, under equal Judges.
;, ,
-^
Next, That in every fuch Capital Place, they will clioofe them the ufual number of ableft Knights and Burgeffes, engagM for a Commonwealth, to make up the Parlament, or (as it will from henceforth be better called) the Grander General Council of the Nation: whofe Office muft be, with due
Caution, to difpofc of Forces, both by Sea and Land, under the conduft of your Excellency, for the prefervation of Peace, both at home and abroad ^ muft raife and manage the publick Revenue, but with provided infpcdion of muft adminifter all forein Aflairs, make all General Laws, thir Accompts but not without Aficnt of the ftanding Council in each Citv, or War, Peace, or fuch other general Afiembly as may be calFd on fuch occafion, from the
;,
whole
8oo
whole Territory, where they may without nrcch trouble, deliberate on all things fully, and fend up thir Suffrages within a fet time, by Deputies ap(a? in that Book I prov'd to beft would be beft and moft conformable examples) yet they will then, thus limited, have fo little matter in thir Hands, or Power to endanger our Liberty and the People fo much in thirs, to prevent them, having all Judicial Laws in thir own choice, and free Votes in all thofe which concern
pointed.
Though this grand Council be perpetual
generally the whole Commonwealth, that we Ihall have little caufe to fear the perpetuity of our general Senat i which will be then nothing clfe but a fircfefoundation and cuftody of our Public Liberty, Peace, and Union, through the whole Commonwealth, and the tranfadors of our Affairs with
forein Nations.
be not thought enough, the known Expedient may at length be of a partial Rotation. Laftly, if thefe Gentlemen convocated, refufe thefe fair and noble Offers of immediate Liberty, and happy Condition, no doubt there be enough in every County who will thankfully accept them, your Excellency once more declaring publickly this to be your Mind, and having a faithful Veteran Army, fo ready, and glad to aflifl: you in the profecution therof. For the full and abfolute Adminiftration of Law in every County, which is the difficulteft of thefe Propofals, hath bin of moft long defired j and the not granting it, held a general Grievance. The reft when they fhall fee the beginnings and proceedings of thefe Conftitutions propos'd, and the orderly, the decent, the civil, the fafe, the noble Effefts therof, will be foon convinc'd, and by degrees came in of thir own accord, to be partakers of fo happy a Government.
If this yet
us'd,
BRIEF
"-1^
( Soi )
SERMON
TITLED,
The Fear of God and
the
Brief
NOTES upon a
late
King
Preach'dj and fince publifh'd.
By
MATT HEW GRIFFITH, D.D.

And
Chaplain to the
late
KING.
Scripture,
Wherin many notorious wreftings of
and
other Falfities are obferv'd.

Affirm'd in the Preface of a late Difcourfe, Entitl'd, The ready way to ejlablijh a jree Commorwealth, and the dangers of readmjtting King/hip in this Nation, that the humor of returning to our old Bondage, was inflill'd of late by fame Deceivers j and to make good, that what I then affirm'd, was not without jufl ground, one of thofe Deceivers I prefent here to the People and if I prove him not fuch, refufe not to be fo accounted in his flead. He begins in his Epiftle to the General, and moves cunningly for a Licence to be admitted Phyfician both to Church and State ; thenfets out his praftice in Phy fical terms, an rrbolfom Ekûary to be taken every Morning next our Hearts j tells of the oppofition .which he met with from the College of State-Phylicians, then lays before you, his Drugs and Ingredients^ Strong purgatives in
:
the Pulpit,
the aloes of ConfeJJlon and and Satisfa&ion ; a pretty Fantaftic dofe of Divinity from a Pulpit- Mountibank, not unlike the Fox, that turning Pedlar^ openM his pack of War before the Kid ; though he now would feem to perfonate the good Samaritan, undertaking to defcribe the Rife and Progrefs of our na^ tional Malady, and to prefcribe the only Remedy, which how he performs, we
contemperd of
the
myrrh of Mortification,
Contrition, the ruharb of Reflitution
quickly Ice. he would fuborn Saint Lule a? his fpokefman to the General, prefuming, it feems, to have had ai perfeCt underjlanding of things from the very that the General who hath fo emias the Evangelifl: had of his Gofpel firji, the whole his in born Aftion, mighty know the certainty of. thofe part nently
(hall
Firlt,
',
things better
from him a partial Sequeftred enemy ; for fo he prefently appears, and like the Tempter, commencing his Addrefs with an imcovertly though and Affront to his Excellence, that he would be pleas'd to Calumny pudent he had fo happily begun in the name and caufe not of God carry on what only, which we doubt not, but of bii anointed, meaning the late Kings Son ; which is to
charge him moll audajiouHy and fallly with the renouncing of his own public Promifcsand Declarations, both to the Parlament and the Army, and we trufl: his Actions ere long will deter fuch infinuating flandercrs from thus apBut the General may well excufe him ; for the proaching him for the future. not himfelf fcapes Cow/orftr hisPrefumption, avouch'd as fallly, to have;;;;' iox.hoi'c (iefign'ihi}n and hifH only, who hath folemnly declar'd the conpowr'd VJ\r<it Phanatic, againft whom he fo often inveighs, could more pretrary. fumptuouriy affirm whom the Comforter hath impowr'd, then this Antilanatic, as he would be thought ?
5
The
8o2 )
The Text.
Prov. 24, 21.
fl
My
Sm^
fear
Cod and
the
King ^ and meddle
not with them that
be Seditious^ or deftrous of change^
&c.
Letting pafs matters not in Controverfy, I come to the main drift of your Sermon, the King \ which word here is either to fignify any fupreme Magiftrate, or elfe your latter Objeft of fear is not Univerfal, belongs not at all to many parts of Chriftendora, that have no King \ and in particular, not to us. That we have no King fince the putting down of Kingfhip in this Commonwealth, is manifefl: by this laft Parlament, who to the time of thir Diffolving, not only made no Addrefs at all to any King, but fummon'd this next to come by the Writ formerly appointed of a free Commonwealth, without Rellitution or the lealt mention of any Kingly Right or Power ^ which could not be, if there were at prcfent any King of England. The main part ther-
foreof your Sermon, if it mean a King in the uftial fenfe, is either impertinent and abfurd, exhorting your Auditory to fear that which is not ^ or if King here be, as it is underftood for any fupreme Magillrate, by your own Exhortation they are in the firft place not to meddle with you, as being your felf moll of all the feditious meant here, and the deftrous of change^ in ftirring them up to fear a King, whom the prefent.Government takes no notice
of.
You begin with a vain Vifion, God and the King at not be your laft blufli) fetming to fland in your Text
the firfl hlufh

like thofe
(which
will
two Cherubims on
the Afercj-ffat, looking on each other. By this Similitude, your conceited Sanftuary, worfe than the Altar of Jhaz., pattern'd from Damafcus, degrades God to a Cherub, and raifes your King to be his collateral in place, notwithftanding the other differences you put which well agrees with the Court,
letters, lately publifh'd

lefs
from this Lord totother Lord, that cry him up for no
than Angelical and Celeftial. firft obfervation, pag.2. is. That God and the King are coupVd in the and what the Text, Holy Ghoft hath thus firmly comhm'd, we may not, we mufl not dare to put afunder ; and your felf is the firft man who puts them afunder by the firft proof of your Doftrin immediately following, 'Judg. 7. 2. which couples the frvord of the Lord and Gideon, a man who not only was no King, but refused to be a King or Monarch, when it was ofFer'd him, in the very next Chapter, rer. ii, 23. I will not rule over you, neither flmll my Son rule over you ; the Lord flmll rule over you. Here we fee that this worthy Heroic deliverer of his Country, tbought it beft govern'd, if the Lord govern'd it in that form of a free Commonwealth, which they then enjoi'd without a fingle Perfon.
Your
firft Scripture, abus'd and moft impertinently cited, nay ato gainft your felf, prove that Kings at thir Coronation have a Sword given them, which you interpret the Militia, the power of life and death put into thir Hands, againft thedeclar'd judgment of our P'arlaments, nay of all our Laws, which referve to themfelves the power of Life and Death, and render you in
And
this is
your
King only, for Giêow by whom you feek to prove be a King ; and as you your felf confefs, pag. nor neither would was, this, he He bears not the Sword in vain, Rom, There divers Government. 40. formt of
bearer; true, but not the
thir juft refentment of this boldnefs, another Dodor Manwaring. Your next proof is as falfe and frivolous. The King, fay you, vs Gods Sword-
only
13. 4, this alfois as true of any lawful Rulers, efpecially Supreme-, fo that Rulers, ver. 3. and therfore this prefent Government, without whofe Autho-
you excite the People to a King, bear the Sword as well as Kings, and as They fight againfl God, who refifl his Ordinance, and go about to This is likewife granted: but wrejl the Sword out of the hands of his Anointed. vi\\oh\\K Anointed? Not every King, but they only who were Anointed or made Kings by his fpecial command ^ as Saul, David, and his race,- which ended in the MelTiah, (from whom no Kings at this day can derive thir Title) Jehu, Cyrus, and if any other were by name appointed by him to fom particular fervice asfor the reft of Kings, all other fupreme Magiftrgtes are as much the Lords Anointed as they ; and our Obedience commanded equally to them all j For ther is no power but of God, Rom. 1 3. i. and we are exhorted in
rity
little in vain.
:
the
So^ )
the Gofpel to obey Kings, as other Magiftrates, not that they are call'd any where the Lord's Anointed, but as they atetbtOrdimyice of Man, i Pet,2.i3. You therfore and other fuch falfe Doctors, preaching Kings to your Auditory, as the Lord's only Anointed, to witiidraw People trom the prefent Government, by your own Text arc felf-condemn'd, and not to be follow'd^ not to be viedN rrith^ but to be noted, as mofl: of all others the fcditious and
defirous of change.
-^
Your third Proof is'^no lefsagainltyour felf. Pfai. 105. i 5. Touch not mine For this is not ipoken in behalf of Kings, but fpoken to reprove Anointed. that they ihould not touch his anointed Saints and Servants, the Seed Kings,
of Abraham, as the Verfe next before might have taught you He reprov'd Kings for thir fakes, faying. Touch not mine Anointed, and do my Prophets no barm; according to that iCor. 1.21. He who hath anointed us, is God., But how well you confirm one wreited Scripture with another: Sam. S. 7. They have not rcjeBed thee, hut me : grolly niifapplying thefe words, which were not fpoken to any who had reftfiedor rejected a King, but to them who much and rejected a Commonwealth, againft the Will of God had fought a King, wherin they might have liv'd happily under the Reign of God only, thir King. Let the words interpret themfelvesj wr. 6, 7. But the thing difpkafed Samud, when they faid, give us a King tojudgiis : and Samuel pray'd unto the Lord. And
:
1
Lordfaid unto Samuel, hearken unto the voice of the People in all that they fay unto thee ; for they have not rejeHcd thee, but they have rejeffed me, that I Jhoidd
the
fo indtfj'oluble is the ConjuniJwn of of abufe Scripture! whenasyou fhould have King. was God to fo concluded, give them a King, fo wide was the difunwilling the Dodtrin you boaft of to be fo clear Is this from a of God King. junction that needs no farther Demons like a Mathematical and Principle, it felf, can have no Demonbad Mathematics Bad Principles (for Logic, flration? O People of an implicit Faith no better flration at all ) but wors Divinity.
not reign over them.
God and
the
O notorious
Hence you conclude,
than Romifh, if thefe be thy prime Teachers, who to thir credulous Audience dare thus juggle with Scripture, to allege thofe places for the proof of thir all the Scripture which Doftrin, winch are the plain Refutation: and this is he brings to confirm his Point. The reft of his Preachment is meer groundlefs Chat, fave here and thers a few grains of Corn fcatter'd to inticethe filly Fowl into his Net, interlac'd here and thei;e with fom human reading, tho flight, and notwithout Geograas pag. 29. Suevia the German Dukedom, for phical and Hiftorical Miftakes Succia the Northern Kingdom Philip of Macedon, who is generally underFather Alexander's of the itood only, made contemporany, pag. sigreat with 7'. Ouintus the Roman Commander, inftead of T. Quintitis and the latter
: :
Philip
and pag. 44. Tully cited
in his third
Oration againfi Kerres, to fay of

:
was a wicked Conful, who never was a Coniul nor Ti'ojan Sedition him, cite pag. 47. as that of Troy : everportraid by that Verfe of rirgU, which you is nothing of that there told have could you, Troy in that whole School-boys Thefe grofs Miftakes may juftly Portraiture, as you call it, of Sedition. bring in doubt your other loofe Citations, and that you take them up forawhere at the fecond or third hand ralhly, and without due confidering. Nor ai e you happier in the relating or the moralizing your Fable. Tk the Fable) petition''d }ui>[tQT for a Kin^ : Frogs (betllff once afcCC|iation faith he tumbPd among them a Log : They found it inftnfible ; they petitioned then for a King that fhould be active : hefent them a Crane ( a &tO?fe faith the Fable ) which This you apply to the reproof of them who firaight fell to pecking them up. dcfire change: wheras indeed the true Moral {hews rather the folly of thofe who being free feek a King ; which for the moft part either as a Log lies iieavy on his Subjefts, without doing aught worthy of his Dignity and the Charge to maintain him, or as a Stork is ever pecking them up, and devouring
that he
them. If we But by our fundamental Laws, the King is the highcfl Power, pag. 40. mull hear mooting and Law Lectures from the Pulpit, what fha me is it for a Doftor of Divinity, not firft to confidcr, that no Law can be fundamental., but that which is grounded on the Light of Nature or right Reafon, commonly called Moral Law: which no form of Government was ever counted, but 5 K 3.
( 8o4 ) but arbitrary, and at all times in the choice of every free People, or thir Reprefenters ? This choice of Government is fo efl'ential to thir Freedom, In this Land not that longer than they have it, they are not free. only the but it felf hath bin abrogated by a Law his and late King Polterity, Kinglhip j which involves with as good reafon the Pofterity of a King forfeited to the People, as that Law hertofore of Treafon againft the King, attainted the Children with the Father. , This Law againll both King and Kinglhip they who mofl queftion, do not lefs queftion all enafted without the King and his Antiparlament at Oxford, though calPd Mungrel by himfelf. If no Law mull be held good, but what palTesin full Parlament, then furely in exaftnefs of Lefor look how many are miffing, fo gality, no Member muft be mifTrng many want thir Reprefenters. But if being once Counties or Cities that fent them chofen, they ferve for the whole Nation, then any number which is fufficient, is full, and molt of all in times of difcord, necelTity and danger. The King himfelf was bound by the old Mode of Parlaments, not to be abfent, but in cafe of Sicknefs, or fom extraordinary occafion, and then to leave his Submuch lefs might any Member be allow d to abfent himfelf. If the ftitute and many of the Members with him, without leaving any in his then King the Parlament upon a meer panic fear, as was that time judg'd forfook flead,
:
,
War againft them that fat, fhonld they who were break up, or not dare enaft aught of neereft and prefenteft concernment to public Safety, for the punftilio wanting of a full number, which no Law-book in fuch extraordinary cafes hath determin'd ? Certainly if it were lawful for them to fly from thir Charge upon pretence of privac Safety, it was much more lawful for thefe to fit and aft in thir trull what was neceflary for public. By a Law therfore of Parlament, and of a Parlament that conquer'd both Ireland, Scotland, and all thir Enemies in England^ defended thir friends, were generally acknowledg'd for a Parlament both at home and abroad, Kingfiiip was abolifii'd This Law now of late hath bin negatively repeaPd yet Kinglhip not pofitively reflor'd, and 1 fuppofe never was eftablifh'd by any certain Law in this Land, nor polfibly could be for how could our Fore-fathers bind us to any certain form of Government more than we can bind our Pofterity? If a People be put to war with thir King for his Mifgovernment, and overcom him, the Power is then undoubtedly in thir own hands how they will be govern'd. The War was granted jufi by the King himfelf at the beginning of his laft Trfaty, and ftill maintain'd to be fo by this laft Parlament, as appears by the Qiialification prefcrib'd to the Members of this next enfuing. That none Ihall be eledted, who have born Arms againft the Parlament fince \6î. .If the War were And he who was j/, the Conqueft was alfo juft by the Law of Nations. the chief Enemy, in all right ceas'd to be the King, efpecially after Captivity, by the deciding Verdit of War ; and Royalty with all her Laws and Pretenfions, yet remains in the Vidtor's power, together with the choice of our future Government. Free Commonwealths have bin ever counted fitteft and propereft for civil, vertuous and induftrious Nations, abounding with prudent Men worthy to govern Monarchy fitteft to curb degenerate, corIf we defire to be of the rupt, idle, proud, luxurious People. former, nothing better for us, nothing nobler than a free Commonwealth: if we will needs condemn our felves to be of the latter, defparing of our own Vertue, Induftry, and the number of our able Men, we may then, confcious of our own unworthinefs to be govern'd better, fadly betake us to our befitting Thraldom yet chufing out of our own number one who hath beft aided the People, and beft merited againft Tyranny, the fpace of a Raign or two we may chance to live happily enough, or tolerably. But that a vidorious People lliould give up themfelves again to the vanquilh'd, was never yet heard of i feems rather void of all Reafon and good Policy, and will in all probability fubjeft the Subduers to the Subdu'd, will expofe to Revenge, to Beggary, to Ruin and perpetual Bondage the Vidtors under the vanquilh'd than which what can be more unworthy ?
by molt Men, and to levy
left fitting,
:
,
From mifinterpreting our Law, you return to do again the fame with Scripture, and would prove the Supremacy of Englifh Kings from i Pet.i.i^. as if that were the Apoftle's work: wherin if he faith that the King'vsfw
fremej
8o5 )
premcj he fpeaks fo of him but as an Ordinance of Man^ and in refpeft of thofe Governors that are fent by him, not. in refped of Parlaments, which by the Law of this Land are his Bridle ^ in vain his Bridie, if not alfo his Rider: and therfore hath not only Co-ordination with liim, which you falfly call ftditioHi, but hath Superiority above him, and that neither
<a^(?;/
no nor againft common Law; for our Kings but the Law Parlanient is above all politive Law, whercign'd only by ther civil or common, makes or unmakes them both , and ftill the latter Parlament above the former, above all the former Lawgivers, then certainly above all precedent Laws entail'd the Crown on whom it pleas'd ; and as a great Lawyer faith, is fo tranfccndent and abfolute, that it cannot be confined either for Caufes or Pcrfons, withm any bounds. But your cry is, no Parlament without a King. If this be fo, we have never had lawful Kings, who have all bin created Kings either by fuch Parlaments, or by Conqueft: if by fuch in are allowance none if Parlaments, they your by Conquclt, that Conqueft we have now conquer'd. So that as well by your own Afl'ertion as by ours there can at prefcnt be no King. And how could that Perfon be abfolutely fuprcme, who reign'd, not under Law only, but under Oath of his good
Religion,
nor
right Reafon
:
Demeanor given his Crown ? And

People
his principal Oath fhould chufe. If then the
to the People at his Coronation, ere the People gave hira was to maintain thofe Laws which the
Law
it felf,
much more he who was but
the
Keeper and Minifter of Law, was in thir choice, and both he fubordinat to the performance of his Duty fworn, and our fworn Allegiance in order only to his performance. You fall next on the Confiflorian Schifmatics; for fo you call Presbyterians, fag. 40. and judg them to have enervated the King's Supremacy by thir Opinions and Practice, differing in many things only in terms from Popery \ though fome of thofe Principles which you there cite concerning Kinglhip, are to be ready
in Ariflotle\ Politics,
therfore
it
long ere Popery was thought on. The Presbyterians concerns to be well forewarn'd of you betimes j and to them I
leave you.
for your Examples of feditious Men, pag. 54, &c. Cora, Abfalom.^ Zimri, Sheba, to thefe you might with much more reafon have added your own Name, who blow the Trumpet of Sedition from your Pulpit againfb the prefent Govern-
As
inent
in
own
place, for
reward wherof they have fent you by this time, as I hear, to your open Sedition, while you would fcera to preach preaching *
'
Appendix annext of the Samaritan revived, finding it fo foul a Libel againft all the well-atFefted of this Land, fince the very time of Shipmoney, againft the whole Parlament, both Lords and Commons, except thofe that fled to Oxford, againft the whole reform'd Church, not only in England and Scotland, but all over rope ( in comparifon wherof you and your Prelatical Party are more truly Schifmatics and Seftarians, nay more properly Fanatics in your Fanes and gilded Temples, than thofe whom you revile by thofe names ) and meeting with no more Scripture or folid reafon in your Samaritan wine and oyl, than hath already bin found fophifticated and adulte-
againft it. As for your
leave your malignant Narrative, as needing no other Confutation, than the juft Cenfure already pafc'd upon you by the Council of State.
rate,
1
J?
(8o7)
True Religion,
Herefie,
Schifm,
Toleration,
And
what
beft
Means may be Growth of
us'd
againft
the
POPERY.
Printed In the
is
Year 1673.
us,
unknown
to no
Man, who knows ought of Concernment among
that the increafe of Popery is at this day no fmall Trouble and Offence to greateft part of the Nation ^ and the rejoicing of all good Men that it is fo i the more thir rejoicing, that God hath giv'n a Heart to the People to remember ftill thir great and happy Deliverance from Popifh Thraldom, and to efteem fo highly the precious benefit of his Gofpel, fo
IT
Since therfore freely and fo peaceably injoy'd among them. ready in public with many confiderable Arguments exhorted
ibme have
al-
beware the growth of
this
Romiih
Weed
thought
it
the People to no lefs than a com-
I will duty to lend my hand, how unable foever, to fo good a purpofe. not now enter into the Labyrinth of Councils and Fathers, an intangl'd wood which the Papifl; loves to fight in, not with hope of Victory, but to ob-
mon
Overthrow : which yet in that kind of Combat, And fuch heretofore, and one of late, hatli eminently given them. manner of difpute wdth them, to Learned Men, is ufeful and very commenBut I (hall infilt now on what is plainer to common Apprehenfion, dable and what I have to fay, without longer Introdudion. True Religion is the true Worihip and Service of God, learnt and believ'd
fcure the fhame of an open
many
from the Word of God only. No Man or Angel can know how God would be worfhip'd and ferv'd unlefs God reveal it He hath reveal'd and taught it us in the holy Scriptures by infpir'd Minifters, and in the Gofpel by his own Son and his Apoltles, with llriftelt command to rcjcdall otiier Tradi:
According to that of St. Paul, Though we or other Heaven an Angel from preach any Gofpel unto you, than that which wc have or kt him be unto And Deut. 4. 2. Tejhall not add you, Anathema, accurfi. preacht to the Word which I command you, neither /hall you dimini/h ought from it. Rev. 22, take &:c. the 1 Manjhall any Aianjhall 9. add, If any If away from words, &c. 8,t With good and religious Reafon therfore all Protellant Churches with one Confent, and particularly the Church of England in her thirty nine Articles, Artie. 6f/;, pt/;, iQth, lift, and elfewhere, maintain thefc two Points, as the main Principles of true Religion that the Rule of true Religion is the Word of God only and that thir Faith ought not to be an implicit Faith, tiiat is, to believe, though as the Church believes, againft or without exprefs Authotions or Additions whatfoever.
i :
:
And if all Proteftants as univcrfilly as they hold thcfe rity of Scripture. two Principles, fo attentively and religioully would oblcrvc tliem, tliey would
avoid and cutoff many Debates and Contentions, Schifms and Pcrfecutions, which too ofc have been among them, and more firmly unite againft the
common
8o4 )
direftly follows, that
no true Proteftant Adverfary. can iperfecute, or not tolerate his Fellow-Protellant, though difTenting from liim in fom Opinions, but he mull flatly deny and renounce thefe two his own main Principles, wheron true P\.eligion is founded j while he compels his Brother from that which he believes as the manifeft Word of God, to an imhimfelf condemns) to the endangering of his Broker's plicit Faith (which he
common
For hence
it
Soul, whether by
Faith, I will
'vs
ralli Belief,
or outward Conformity
for rvhatfoever
is
not of
Sin.
fliow what is falfe Religion or Herefie, which will be for of C oncraries ihe Definitions mufi: needs be contrary. Herefie therfore is a Religion* taken u]) and believ'd from the Traditions of Men and Additions to the Word of God. Whence alfq it follows clearly
now
as briefly
:
don
as eafily
that of
Popery
known Sefts or pretended Religions at this day in Chriflendora, the only or the greatell Herelie: and he whoisfo forward to brand all others for Heretics, the obftinate Papift, the only Heretic, Hence one caufe to flile the Romifh Church Moof thir own famous \yriters found And wherae the Papift boafts himfelf to be a ther of Error ^ School of Hcrefte.
all
is
]\.-ii\i
Catholic, it is a meer Contradiftipn, one of the Pope's Bulls, as if he fhould fay, univerfal particular, a Catholic Schifntatic. For Catholic in Greek fignifies Univerfal: and the Chviitian Church wasfocall'd, as confifting of all Nations to whom the Gofpel was to be preach'd, in contradillindi-
Roman
>
on to the Jewiih Church, which conlilled for the
raoft part
falfe,
of Jews only.
;
maybe in a true Cliurch as well a? in a Doftrin too much for the Teachers fake, whom
Sefts
when Men follow the
they think almofl infallible
and
this
becomes, through Infirmity, implicit Faith*, and the name Sedary
pertains to fuch a Difciple. Schifm is a Rent or Divifion in the Church, when it comes to the feparating of Congregations^ and may alfo happen to a true Church, as well as to a falfe-, yet in the true needs not tend to the breaking of Communion, if they can agree in the right Adminiflration of that wherin they communicate, keeping thir other Opinions to themfelves, not being deftrudtive to Faith.
The Pharifees and Saduces were two Sefts, yet both met together in thir common WorJhip of God at Jerufakm. But here the Papilt will angrily deAre Lutherans, Calvinifts, Anabaptifts, Socinians, Arminimand, what ans, no Heretics? 1 anfwer, all thefe may have fome Errors, but are no Heretics. Herefie is in the Will and Choice profeftly againft Scripture; Error isagainfl: the Will, in mifunderftanding the Scripture after all fincere Endeavours to underftand it rightly Hence it was faid well by one of the Ancients, It is a human Frailty to err, and no Err Imay^ hut a Heretic I will not be. Man is infallible here on Earth, But fo long as all tlTefe profefs to fet the Word of God only before them as the Rule of Faith and Obedience and ufe all Diligence and Sincerity of Heart, by Reading, by Learning, by Study, by Prayer for Illumination of the holy Spirit, to underftand the Rule and obey it, God will affuredly pardon them, as he they have done what Man can do did the Friends of jTo^, good and pious Men, though much miftaken, as there it appears, in, fome Points of Doftrin. But fom will fay, with Chriftians it
I :
,
is
h^th promised by his Spirit to teach all things. True, But the hotteft Difputes among things abfolutely necefTary to Salvation and charitably Proteflants, calmly enquir'd into, will be found lefs than fuch. The Lutheran holds Confubflantiation ; an Error indeed, but not mortal. The Calvinift is taxt with Predeftination, and to make God the Author of Sin-, not with any difhonourable Thought of God, but it may beoverzeaThe Analoufly afferting his abfolute Power, not without Plea of Scripture. baptift is accus'd of denying Infants thir Right to Baptifm ; again they fay, The Arian and Socithey deny nothing but what the Scripture denies them. nian are charg'd to difpute againfl the Trinity they affirm to believe the Father, Son, and Holy Ghofl:, according to Scripture and the Apoflolic Creed j as for terms of Trinity, Triniunity, Coellentiality, Triperfonality, and the like, they rejed them as Scholalfic Notions, not to be found in Scripture, which by a general Proteftant Maxim is plain and perfpicuous abundantly to explain its own meaning in the properefl Words, belonging to fo high a Matter, and fo neceffary to be known j a Myftery indeed in thir Sophiftic Subotherwife,
all
:
:
whom God
tilties,
(
tilties,
8o9
Their other Opinion's are bf lefl plain Dodrin. difpute the Satisfaction of Clirill, or rather the word 5a{/" but they acknowledg him both God and their Safailion^ as not Scriptural The Artnmian laftly is condemn'd for fetting up Free Willagainft viour. and Free Grace ; but that imputation he difciaims in all his
but in Scripture a
moment.
They
Writings,
grounds
It cannot be hinifelf largely upon Scripture only. deny'd that the Authors or late Revivers of all thefe Sects or Opinions were learned, worthy, zealous, and religious iMcn, as appears by thir Lives written, and the fame of thir
many eminent and learned Followers, pcrfeft and powerful in the Scriptures, holy and unblamable in thir Lives: and it cannot be imagined that God would defertfuch painful and zealous Laborers in his Church, and oft-times great Sufferers for thir Confcience, to damnable Errors and a reprobate but rather, Senfe, who had fo often implor'd the Alhttance of his Spirit that Man he hath no made thir infallible, pardon'd Errors, and achaving all thir Endeavours, lincerely fearching things according to the cepts pious Rule of Scripture, vath fuch Guidance and Dircdion as they can obtain of God by Prayer. What Protellant then who himfclf maintains the fame Prin,
implicit Faith, would perfecute, and not rather chaas thefc^ unlefs he mean to abjure the Principles of his own Religion ? If it be ask'd how far they ihould be tolerated ? 1 anfwer, doubtlefs equally, as being all Proteftants \ that is on all occafions to give account of thir Faith, either by arguing, preaching in thir feveral Anem= For if the French and blies, publick writing, and the freedom ot Printing.
ciples,
and difavows
all
ritably tolerate fuch
Men
Polonian Proteftants'injoy all this Liberty among Papifts, much more may a Proteftant juftly expcft it among Proteftants^ and yet fomtimes here among us, the one periecutes the other upon every (light pretence. But he is wont to fay, he enjoys only things indifferent. Let them be fo ftill who gave him Authority to change thir Nature by injoyningthem ? If by his own Principles, as is prov'd, he ought to tolerate controverted
;,
Points of Dodrin not llightly grounded on Scripture, much more ought he In Religion nothing is innot impofe things indifferent without Scripture. be it come once to is either a Command or a Proif different, but, impos'd, to an addition the Word of and lb hibition, God, which he proconfequcntly fefles to difailow. Belldes, how unequal, how uncharitable muft it needs be^ to impofe that which his Confcience cannot urge him to impofe, upon him whofe Confcience forbids him to obey ? What can it be but love of Contention for things not necelfary to be don, to moleft the Confcience of his Brother, who holds them necelfary to be not don? To conclude, let fuch an one but call to mind his own Principles above-mention'd, and he mufl neceffarily grant, that neither he can impofe, nor the other believe or obey ought in ReMore amply to underftand this ligion, but from the Word of God only. and i to the the be read i^th Chapters Romans, and the Contents of '^th may the i4t/j, fet forth no doubt but with full Authority of the Church of EngMen mcy not contemn or condemn one the other for things land i the Glofs is this the 6tb Article above mention'd, rvhatfoever is not read in And indifferent. an in Holy Scripture, nor may be proved therby, vs not to he required of any And certainly what is not fo, is not Article of Faith, or necejlary to Salvation. to be required at al! ; as being an Addition to the Word of God exprelly forbidden. Thus this long and hot Conteft, whether Proteftants ought to tolerate one another, if Men will be but rational and not partial, may be ended without need of more Words to compofe it. Let us now enquire whether Popery be tolerable or no. Popery is a double thing to deal with, and claims a twofold Power, Ecdefiaftical and Politicalj both ufurpt, and the one fupporting the other. But Ecdefiaftical is ever pretended to Political. The Pope by this mixt Faculty pretends Right to Kingdoms and States, and efpecially to this of England, thrones and unthrones Kings, and abfolves the People from thir Obedience to them ^ fomtimes interdids to whole Nations the Public Worfhip
:
Mm m
of God, fhuttingup thir Churches: and was wont to dreign away greateft part of the Wealth of this then miferable Land, as part of his Patrimony, to maintain the Pride and Luxury of his Court and Prelats and now lince^
:
through
(8io)
God, we have Ihaken ofF his Bahytoand myj Yoke, hathnotceas'dby Agents, Bulls and EmifTaries, once to deftroy both King and Parliament perpetually to feduce, corrupt, and
through the infinite Mercy and Favour of
his Spies
,
Whether therfore it be fit or thus in towards the State, I tolerate Men to Religion principl'd reafonable, fubmit it to the confideration of all Magiftrates, who are bell able to provide forthirown and the public Safety. As for tolerating the exercife of thir Religion, fuppofing thir State-Aftivities not to be dangerous, I anfwer, that
pervert as
many
as they
can of the People.
Toleration
either public or private ^ and tlie exercife of thir Religion, as far as it is idolatrous, can be tolerated neither way: not publicly, without grievous and unfufFei-able Scandal giv'n to all confcientious Beholders ^ not
is
privately, without great Offence to God, declar'd againfl; all kind of IdolaEzek. 8. 7, 8. yind he brought me to the door of the Court^ try, though fecret. and when I looked^ behold a hole in the Wall. Tlien faid he unto me^ Son of Alan.,
I had digged., behold a door j and he faid unto we, that they do bore. abominations And ver. 12. Then go what the Ancients the houfe of Ifrael he thou unto Son of of me, Man., haft feen faid do in the dark ? &c. And it appears by the whole Chapter, that God was no lefs offended with thefe fecret Idolatries, than with thofe in public i and no lefs provok'd, than to bring on and hallen his Judgments on the whole Land for thefe alfo. Having fhown thus, that Popery, as being idolatrous, is not to be tolerated either in public or in private ; it muft be now thought how to remove it and hinder the growth thereof, I mean in our Natives,*and not Foreiners, the Law of Nations. Are we to punifii them by corporal Puprivi'eg'd by
dig now in the Wall

in.,
and when
and behold
the wicked
nifhment, or Fines in thir Eflates, upon account of thir Religion ? 1 fuppofe it Hands not with the Clemency of the Gofpel, more than what appertains to the Security of the State; But firflrwemuft remove thir Idolatry, and all the Furniture thcrof, whether Idols, or the Mafs wherin they adore thir God under Bread and Wine: for the Commandment forbids to adore,
not only any graven Image., hut the likencfs of any thing in Ucaz'cn above. or in thou (halt net how down to the Earth beneath., or in the Watir under the Earth them., nor worfljip them, for I the Lord thy God am a jealous God. If they fay that by removing thir Idols we violate thir Confciences, we have no warrant to regard Confcience which is not grounded on Scripture and they themfelves confefs in thir late Defences, that they hold not thir Images necefiary to Salvation, but only as they are enjoyn'd them by Tradition. Shall we condefcend to difpute with them ? The Scripture is our only Principle in Religion ^ and by that only they will not be judg'd, but will add other Principles of thir own, which, forbidden by the Word of God, we cannot afTentto. And [în feveral places of the Gofpel] the common Maxim alfo in Let them bound Logic is, againft them who deny Principles., we are not to difpute. thir Difputations on the Scripture only, and an ordinary Proteftant, well read in the Bible, may turn and wind thir Doftors. They will not go about to prove thir Idolatries by the Word of God, but run to Shifts and Evafions, and frivolous Diftinftions Idols they fay are Laymens Books, and a great means to ftir up pious Thoughts and Devotion in the learnedft. I fay they are no means of God's appointing, but plainly the contrary Let them hear the Prophets ; Jer. 10. 8. The Stock is a Dodrin of Canities. Hab. 2. 1 8. What profiteth the graven Image that the Maker thcrof hath graven it : The Molten Image and a Teacher of Lies ? But they allege in thir late Anfvvers, that the Laws of /l/o/ giv'n 'only to the Jews, concern not us under the Gofpel and remember not that Idolatry is forbidden as exprefly, but with thefe Wiles and Fallacies compajfmg Sea and Land., like the Pharifees of old., to make one Profelitc., they lead away privily many fimpleand ignorant Souls, Men or Women, and make them twofold more the Children of Hell than themfelves., Mat. 23. 15. But the Apoftle hath well warn'd us, I may fay, from fuch Deceivers as thefe, for thir Myftery was then working. I befeech you., Brethren^ faith he, mark them which caufe Divifions and Offences., contrary to the Doilrin which ye have learned., and avoid them for they that are fuch ferve not our Lord Jefus Chrift, but thir own and by good Words and fair Speeches deceive the Heart of the flmpU\ Rom. Belly.,
^
:,.
-.,
16. I7>i8,
The
(8ii
The
next means to hinder the growth of Popery will be to read duly and diligently the Holy Scriptures, which as St. ?/ faith to Timothy^ who had known them from a Child, arc able to make rvife unto Salvation. And to the whole Church of Colojft-^ Ltt the word of Chrijl dwell in you plentifully^ with all
IVifdum, Col. 3. 1 6. to read the Bible in
it
tliir
:
The Papal Antichriftian Church permits not her Laity own Tongue Our Church on the contrary hath pro-
pos'd men, and to this end iranflated it into Englifh, with profitable Notes on what is met with obfcure, though what is moft neceliary to be known be ftill plainefl ^ that all forts and degrees of men, not underftanding the Neither let the Countryman, Original, may read it in thir Mother Tongue.
to
all
his
1
faith, o. +1 , 42. Tbou art careful and troubled about many things^ but one thing is needful. If they were ask'd, they would be loth to fct earthly things. or Honour
the Tradefman, the Lawyer, the PhyOcian, the Satefman, excufe himfclf by much Bufinefs from the ftiidious rcadinp; thereof. Our Saviour Luke
Wealth,
before the wifdom of Salvation. Yet moft men in the courfe and pradtice of thir Lives are found to do fo ^ and through unwillingnefs to take the pains of underftanding thir Keligion by thir own diligent ftudy, would fain be fav'd by a Deputy. Hence comes implicit Faith, ever learning and never tjught, much hearing and fmall proficience, till want of Fundamental Knowledg eaTherfore the Apoftleadmonifiics, Ephef. fily turns to Superfticion or Popery 4. 4. Tljat wc henceforth be no more Children, toffed to and fro and carrycd about with every wind of Dotirin^ by the fietght of men, and cunning craftinefs wberhy they lie in wait to deceive. Every member of the Church, at leaft of any breeding or capacity, io well ought to be grounded in fpiritual Knowledg, as, if need be, to examin thir Teachers themfelves, Atis 17. ii. They the
: 1
fearchcd
Rev. 2, 2. TIku haft tried them which Scriptures daily, whether thofe things were fo. fhould any private Chriftian fay they are ylpoftles., and arc not. try his
How
be well grounded himfcif in the Rule of Scripture, by which he is taught. As therfore among Papilh, thir ignorance in Scripture chiefly upholds Iôpery ; fo among Proteftant People, the frequent and ferious
Teachers, unlefs he
reading therof will fooneft pull Popery down. Another means to abate Popery, arifes from the conftant reading of Scripture, wherin Believers who agree in the main, are every where exhorted to mutual Forbearance and Charity one towards the other, though dilfenting in fom Opinions. It is written thatthe Coat of our Saviour was without Seam j whence fom would infer, tliat there Ihould t)e no divifion in the Church of It Ihould be fo indeed ^ yet Seams in the fame Cloth, neither hurt the Chrift. Garment, nor misbecom it; ant! not only Seams, but Schifms will be while men are fallible: But if they who diilent in matters not ellential to Belief while the common Adverfary is in the Field, fliall ftand jarring and pelting at one another, they will be foon routed and fubdued. The Papift with open mouth makes much advantage of our fevcral Opinions ; not that he is able to confute the worft of them, but that wc by our continual jangle among our felves make them worfe than they are indeed. To fave our fclves therfore, and relift the common enemy, it concerns us mainly to agree within our felves* that with joint Forces we may not only hold our own, but get ground-, and why Ihould we not The Gofpel commands us to tolerate one anotiicr, though of various Opinions, and hath promifed a good and happy event therof 9
''
Thil. 3.
5.
Let us therfore, as
many
as be perfeii., be thus
minded; and
if in
thing ye be otherwife tninded,
God
fhall reveal
even
this
1 2u Prove all things, hold fafl that which is good. St. P^k/ judg'd that Tht'ff. '^. not only to tolerate, but to examin and prove all things, was no danger to our holding faft of that which is good. How Ihall we prove all things, which includes all opinions at leaft founded on Scripture, unlefswe not only tolerate them, but patiently hear them, and ferioully read them ? If he who thinks liimfelf in the truth, profelfes to have learnt it, not by implicit Faith, but by attentive ftudy of the Scriptures, and full perfwafion of Heart ; with what Equity can he rcfufe to hear or read him, who demonftrates to have gained his
unto you.
And we are
any bid
knowledg by the fame way? Is it a fair courfe to alTert Truth by arrogating to himfelf the only freedom of Speech, and ftopping the Mouths of others equally gifted ? This is the direft way to bring in that Papiftical implicit Faith
which we
all
difclaim.
They pretend
it
woulci unfettk the weaker fort
thd
fames
SiO
We
fame groundlefs fear
At leaft then let pretended by the Romifli Clergy. them have leave to write in Latin, which the commoo People underftand not j fufFer the that what they hold may be difcufl: among the Learned only. idolatrous Books of Papifls, without this fear, to be fold and read as com.moa as our own: Why not much rather of Anabaptifts, Arians, Arminians, and Socinians ? There is no Learned man but will confefs he hath much profited by reading Controverfies, his Senfes awakt, his Judgment fliarpn'd, and the Truth which he holds more firmly eftablifh't. If then it be profitable for him to read, why fliould it not at leaft be tolerable and free for his Adverfais
:
contraries laid together more evidentry to write? In Loc they teach, that it follows then that all Controverfy being permitted, Falfhood ly appear will appear more falfe, and Truth the more true ^ which muft needs conduce but to the general confirmatimuch, not only to the confounding of Popery, on of unimplicit Truth. The lafl: means to avoid Popery, is to amend our Lives it is a general is grown more numeroully and exComplaint that this Nation of late years, than heretofore vitious ; Pride, Luxury, Drunkennefs, Whoredom, cefiively where abounding v/here Curfing, Swearing, bold and open Atheifm every
:
grow apace. Popery wicked, but at fomtimes his Confcience will wring him with thoughts of another World, and the peril of his Soul i the trouble and melancholy which he conceives of true Repentance and Amendment he endures not, but endings rather to fom carnal Superftition, which may pacify and lull his Confcience with fom more pleallng Doftrin. None more ready and officious to offer her felf than the Romi/h, and opens wide her Office, with all her faculties, to reif
is
thefe grow, no
wonder
alfo
There
no man fo
eafy Confcllion, eafy Abfolution, Pardons, Indulgences, Mafles forhira both quick and dead, ^gnus Ders^ Reliques, and the like: and he, inftead of vporking out his Salvation with fear and trembling, ftrait thinks in his another kind of Fool than he in the Pfalms) to bribe God as a Heart ceive him
i
(like
or Fryer, to buy out his Peace corrupt Judg and by his Proftor, fome Prieft, with Mony, which he cannot with his Repentance. For God, when men fin over chaftizing them, peroutragioully, and will not be admonilh'd, gives
-^
which haps byPeftilence, Fire, Sword, orFamin,
may
all
turn to thir good,
and takes up
Tranfgrenions, 1 2. f or this i Thefi". 2. 1 1 caufe ProfelTors of true Religion, to grofs Idolatry , a that believe all that than they Cod /hall find Lie, they fhould might ftrong Delufton And be damn d who believe not the Truth, but had pkafure in Vm-ighteoufnefs. knoxvn nor not have he of 18, for mdcrjlood, Idolaters, They Speaking Ifaiah ^4. hath Jhut thir Eyes that they cannot fee, and thir Hearts th.it they cannot underLet us therfore, ufing this laft means, laft here fpoken of, but firft to ftand. be don, amend our Lives with all fpeed left through impenitency we run into that Stupidity, which we now feek all means fo warily to avoid, the worft of Superllitions, and the heavielt of all God's Judgments, Popery.
:
;,
Punifliments, hardnefs, befottednefs of Heart, and Idolatry brought the Heathen to hainous Idolatry, to thir final Perdition. hainous 2. Rom. And Tranfgrefiionsoftimes bring the flight
his feverell:
FOUR
FOUR
Mifcellaneous
VIZ.
I.
Tra(9:s.
A Brief
known
Hiftory of Mofcovia, and of other lefiCountries lying Eaftward of RuJJia, &c.

or Letters Patents of
;
IL
A Declaration^
of fohn
III.
the
Eledion
King of Poland
great
containing the
Rea-
fbns therof,
his
Vertues and Merits^ &'C.
III.
Of
Education.
To
Mr. Samuel Hdrtlik
IV. Accedence commenc'd Grammar, (uppli'd with Efficient Rules for the life of iuch as aredefirous to attain the Latin
Tongue.
Amsterdam, MDCXCIV.
( 8i9
HISTORY
OF
Brief
MOSCOVIA. AND
Of other
leis-known Countries lying Eaflward of
Rnjfia
as far as Cathay.
Gathered from
the
Writings
of
fcveral
Eye-
witneffes.
The Preface.
Rudy of Geography is both profitable and delightful ; but the Writers therof, though fom of them exaCt enough in fctting down Longitudes and Latitudes, yet in thofe other relations of Manners, Religion, Government, and fuch like, accounted Geographical' have for the moft part mifs'd thir proportions. Som too brief and deficient others too voluminous and impertinent cloy and weary out the Reafatisfy not ; while they tell long Stories of abfurd Superftitions, Ceremonies,
THE
der, quaint little to the purpofe. Habits, and other petty Circumftances Wherby that which is ufeful, and only worth obfervation, in fuch a wood of words, is eiwhich perhaps brought into the mind of ther overflipt, or foon forgotten fomc men more learned and judicious, who had not the leifure or purpofe to write an entire Geography, yetat leaftto alTay fomthing in the dcfcription of one or two Countries, which might be as a Pattern or Example to render And this perothers more cautious herafter, who intended the whole work. Paulw Jovitu to defcribe only Mofcovy and Britain. Some fuch haps induc'd led me at a vacant time to attempt the like thoughts, many years fince, argument, and 1 began with Mufcovy, as being the moft northern Region of Europe repuand the more northern parts therof, firft difcovered by Englijh Voyted civil Whetin I faw I had by much the advantage of Jovita. What was fcat, ,
ages. ter'd in
obferv'd at feveral times by Eye-wicnefTes, with the Reader a far longer travail of no curfory pains who yet with feme delight drew defert Authors fo i many wrandring through me after them, from the eaflcrn Bounds of Rufia, to the Walls of C<iihay, in feveral late Journeys made thither overland by Rufians, who defcribe the CounI
many Volumes, and
laid together, to fave
way far otherwife then our occafions diverted me. other further, ing
tries in thir
common Geographers.
This Ellay, fuch
;
From proceedis,
as it
markable, difpers'd before, now brought under one view, might not hazard to be otherwife loft, norths labour loft of collefting them.
byfome, who knew of
it,
notamifsto be publifhed
was thought
things re-
that fo
many
MO SCO'
(82o)
M
Relations
As
far
S C
O of
R,
V
s
A:
Mo
c o v
a,
as hath
been difcovered by Englifh Foyaês
Gathered from the Writings of feveral Eye-witnefles And of other lefs known Countries lying Eaftward of 'ûffia as far as Cathayy lately difcovered at fe!
veral times
by
Ruffians.
CHAP.
J
HE
brief
I.
Vefcription.
Tl
The North
and Eaft,
jhir
jjjj^
Em[)irc of Mofcovia, or as others call it, Eufia, is bounded on North with Lapland and the Ocean ; Southward by the Crim Tartar-, on the Weft by Lituania^ Livonia^ and Poland on the Eafl; by the River Oh, or Ohy^ and the Nagayan Tartan on the
the
-^
TolgA as far as A^racan,
The north
Corn
mck.2Si.
Hac\.yo.i. 248Saint Kicho-
parts of this Country -arc fo barren, that the Inhabitants fetch a thoufand miles, and lb cold in Winter that the very Sap of Wood-fewrel burning on the fire, freezes at the Brands-end where ic
Mariners which were left a fhip- board in the firfl: Englifh Voyage in thither, going up only from thir Cabins to the Hatches, had thir breath fo congeal'd by the cold, that they fell down as it were ftifl'd. The of
drops.
The
Bay
they found them, and great Drunkards thir Church is fair, full of Images and There are befides but 6 Houfes, wherof one built by the Engli/]]. Tapers, In the Bay Over againfl: the Abby is Rofe Ifland., full of damask and red Rofel/land, Rofes, /feet- 365. Violets, and wild Rofemary j the Ifle is in circuit 7 or 8 miles j about the midft of /^<j)i the Snow there is cleard, having two months been melting j then the ground in 14 days is dry, and Grafs knee-deep within a month ; atter Sep' temher Frofl; returns, and Snow a yard high : it hath a Houfe built by the EngNorth-eafl: of the Abby on the other fide of Jilhnear to a frefh fair Spring. Archangel. oi Caftle is the The Archarigel-, where the Englifh have another Houfe. Duina., ^-'ver Duina beginning about 700 miles within the Country, having firfl: receiv'd Plneia. It runneth PinegUy falls here into the Sea, very large and fwift, but fliallow. pleafantly between Hills on either fide> befet like a Wildernefs with high Thir Boats of Timber without any Iron in them, are Fir, and other Trees. either to fail, or to be drawn up with Ropes againfl: the fl:ream. Lampof, 224. North-enft beyond Archangel ftandcth Lampas., where twice a year is kept a great Fair o( RajJis^Tartarsând Samoeds ; and to the Land-ward Mezenând Slo' htca, two Towns of Traffick between the River PW^, or Petzora, and VuiCandinos : To Seaward lies the Cape of Candinoj., and the Ifland of Colgoieve, about na Colgoieve, i'wc.par. 3. 50 leagues from the Bar of Pechorain.69 degrees.
37'^.
:
Im, Hac\.
Saint Nicholas., where they firfl: put in, lyeth in 64 degrees ; call'd fo from the Abby there built of Wood, wherin are 20 Monks, unlearned, as then
533.
The
821 )
The K'wer Pechora or Pet z.or a holding his Courfe through Siberia, how far the Ruffians therabouts know not, runneth into the Sea at 72 months, full of Icci abounding, with Swans, Ducks, Geefe and Partridg, which chey take in On this July, fel! the Feathers, and fait the Bodies for Winter Provifion. River fprcading to a Lake flands the Town of ?;//?;::.(><? in <58 degrees, having ^/?o^c?-<?, fomeb'oor icoHoufes, where certain Merchants o( Hull winter'd in the year '^'d.i^/oc, ii5it. The Town PfcW^, fmall and poor, hath 3 Churches. They traded there up the River four days journey to 0///?z.7^ a fmall Town of 60 Houfes. ^'"'''' 54?The /?//^w that have travail'd, fay that this River fpiings out of the Mountains
of Joiigorta, and runs through Permia. Not far from the Mouth therof are the Straits of r<*ff/, of which herafter : more Ealtward is the Point of Naramz.y^ and next to that the River Oî beyond which i\\2 Mnfcovites have extended l,\tcly thir dominion. Touching the /J/p/).e^ Mountains, v^h^nzzTanais
;
^''
''^'
Kifhjtm
was antiently thought to fpring, our men could hear nothing but rather that Mjunuir^. the whole Country is Champain, and in the northmolt pnrc huge and defert Woods of Fir, abounding with black Wolves, Bears, BuFs, "and another Beaftcall'd Rolibniakka, whofe Female bringeth forch by p.ilFing through foma narrow place, as between two Stakes, and fo preifeth her Womb to a disbur- From Sainc ihening. Travelling fouthward they found the Country more pleafanr, fair, ^'''''^'''fca and b-tter inhabited, Corn, Pafturc, Medovvs, and huge Woods. j4rkania ^Jf": (if it be not the fame with Archangel) is a place of Englilh Trade, from whence '^'y^'^'M'^j a days journey diftant, but from Saint Nichoioi a od Verlls, Colmagro Hands on cVimmo
1
not wall'd, bun fcatter'd. The Englilh have here /^jc^ 37'^. Lands given them by the Emperor, an J fair Houfes;, not far beyond, Pinega running between Rocks of Alabafter and great Woods, meets with Dtiina. From Cy/ww^ro to 'Ly///'^ are 500 Verlls or lictle miles, an antient ti/?;'/^. City upon the Confluence of yf<j and Sucam into D^,which there firft receives //jc^jia, hisname. Thence continuing by water to If'ohgda^ a great City fo nam'd o{ iVobgda, the River which pades through the midft-, it hath a Caftle vvalfd about with Brick and Stone, and many wooden Churches, two for every Parifh, the one in Winter to be heated, the other us'd in Summer-, this is a Town of much
the
Dnii-ia-,
a great of ihir own,
Town
All this waj^y water no lodging is Traffick, a 1000 miles from Saint Nicholas. to be had but under open Sky by the River fide, and no other provifion, only
what they bring with them. From Wologda by Sled they go to TeraJJave on the yolga^ whofe breadth is there at leaft a mile over, and thence runs 2700 Verfls
to the
C<?yp;<s
Terajlave.
Sea, having his head Spring out of Bealozera.,

is
which
is
a Lake, ^jc^. 377,

248.
amidftwhcrof
thirTreafure
Jlave a great
built a (frong
ficuate
in
Tower, wherin the Kings o( Alofcovy referve time of War. From this Town to Rafiove, then to Pere.
,
on a fair Lake thence to Mofco. and is which 200 Teraflave Adofco, miles, the Country is fo fertile, fo and fuilof a in forenoon that 7 or Soo Sleds are ufually feen populous Villages, coming with Salt Fifh, or laden back with Corn. Mofco the chief City, lying in 55 degrees, didant from Saint Nicholas 1500 miks, is reputed to be greater thenio^9 with the Suburbs, but rudely built ; thir Houfes and Churches mofl: of Timber, few of Stone, thir Streets unpav'd i it hath a fair Caftle four-fquare, upon a Hill, two miles about, with Brick Walls very high, and fome fay 18 foot thick, 1 6 Gates, and as many Bulwarks ; in theCartle are kept the chief Markets, and in Winter on the River being then firm Ice. This River Mofcua on the fouth-weft fide inclofes the Caflle, wherin are nine fair Churches with round gilded Towwhich neither within nor without is equal ers, and the Emperor's Palace for ftste to the King's Houfes in England-, but rather like our Buildings of old fafliion, with fmall Windows, fome of Glafs, fome with Latices, or
Town
Between
251.
335,
Mofco,
313.
Iron Bars.
from Mofco to the Cafpian, go by Water down the Aftf South-eaft. then by certain Caftles to Rezatjy a famous City now-^-^'^- ??5ruinate i the loth day to Nyfnovo^rod, where Occ<j falls into fôlga, which the Tartars call Edel. From thence the 1 \th day to Caz.an zTartan City of great Weal h hertoforc, now under the Ruffian ; wall'd at firfl: with Timber and FvomCaz.an to Earth, but fince by the Emperor Kj/;//ir/c/? with free Stone. the River C.ama, falling into yolga from the Province of Permia, the People bedwelling on the left fide ztcCentilej, and live in Woods without Houfes
travail
They who
cha to the River Occrt
-,
yond
( 822 )
334-
of Mangat, and Nagay ; on the right fide thofe of yond them to Jfiracan, Tartars The Town is fituate ia Crtmme. From /^c/co to y4y?r4c<i is about 60 3 Leagues. Earth and Timber ; with Caftle an Ifland on a Hill-fidc wall'd with Earth, but the
and fimple ; the Houfes, except that of the Governor's, and forae few others,poor on there : live Wood without and Fi(h,and Sturthey the Ground utterly barren, which hanging up to dry in the Streets and Houfes, brings
,
weft.
Novognd.
S"^?-
200 Monks i the People therabout in a manner Savages, yet TeThence to the dangerous River Otviga, wherin are nants to thofe Monks. Waterfalls as fteep as from a Mountain, and by the violence of thir defcent fothat the Boats are to be carried there a mile over land ^ kept from freezing which the Tenants of that Abby did by command, and were guides to the Merchants without taking any reward. Thence to the Town Povenfa ftanding within a mile of the famous Lake Omga 320 miles long, and in fom places 70, at Thence by fom Monalteries to the narroweft 25 broad, and of great depth. River SiPjVe^ then into the Lake Ladtfcay much longer then Onega ^ after which into the River fôlhusky, which through the midft of Novogrod runs into this Lake, and this Lake into the B<j/f;c/^ found by Narv and Revel. Thir other Cities toward the weftern bound are Plefio, Smolenskp, or yobfco. The Emperor exercifeth abfolute power if any man die without male inue,his Government. Land returns to the Emperor. Nuck. 243. Any rich man who through age or other is unable to ferve the Publick, being informed of, is turn'd out of his impotence while fome other Eftate, and forc'd with his Family to live on a fmall Penfion,
in are at leaft
: :
geon efpecially whole fwarms of Flies, and infection to the Air, and ofc- great Peftilence. This Ifland in length 1 2 leagues, 3 in breadth, is the Ruffian limit toward the with a ftrong Garifon, being 20 Leagues from that Cafpian, which he keeps From Saint Nicholas, or from M^fco Sea, into which lôlga falls at 70 mouths. and to the Cafpian, they pafsin 46 days nights, moft part by Water, 200 1 miles is the Nicholas Weft- ward from Saint pity Novogrod y8 degrees, and in bignefs not inferior to all this of Dominion, the greateft Mart-town The way thither is through the weftern bottom of Saint WjcW^; Bay, Mofco. and fo along the Shoar full of dangerous Rocks, to the Monaftery Solofky, wher-
moredefervingis by tJK Duke's autority put into poirelTion. The manner of Your Grace, faith one, hath fuch a Subjeft, ainforming jthe Duke is thus. bounding with Riches, but for fervice of the State unmeet, and you have others poor and in want, but well able to do thir Country good fervice. Immediateand calling the rich man before him, Friend, ly the Duke fends forth to enquire, faith he, you have too much Living, and are unferviceable to your Prince j The man lefs will ferve you, and the reft maintain others who deferve more. thus call'd to impart his Wealth repines not, but humbly anfwers, that all he hath is God's and the Duke's, as if he made reftitution of what more juftiy was anothers than parted with his own. Every Gentleman hath rule and juftice if the Tenants of two Gentlemen agree not, they feek overhis own Tenants if they cannot, each brings his Tenant before the high Judg of tocompofe it ; that Country. They have no Lawyers, but every man pleads his own Caufe, or clfe by Bill or Anfwer in writing delivers it with his own hands to the Duke :
:
ffac.
309.
Where oyet Juftice, by corruption of inferior Officers, is much perverted. ther proof is wanting, they may try the matter by perfonal Combat, or by Champion. If a Debtor be poor, he becomes bondman to the Duke, who lets out his labour till it pay the Debt i till then he remains in bondage. Another trial
they have by Lots.
the Emperor are what he lift, and what his Subjefts are for in every good not the courfeft means to raife them and he omits abki Town there is a drunken Tavern, call'd a Curfemay^ which the Emperor either lets out to farm-, or beftows on fom Duke, or Gentleman in reward of his Service, who for that time is Lord of the whole Town, robbing and fpoiling at his to the Wars, and pleafure, till being wêll enricht, he is fent at his own charge there fqueez'd of his ill got wealth ; by which means the waging of War is to
Revenues,
The Revenues of
Nuc. 314.
FoTca.
'"^'zio'
little or nothing chargeable. Ruftan armeth not lefs in time of war then 300000 men, half of whom he takes with him into the Field, the reft beftows in Garifons on the Borders. He prefteth no Husbandman or Merchant, but the Youth of the Realm. He u-
the
Emperor
The
feth noFoot,but fuch as are Pioneers,or Gunners,of both which fort 30000.
The
reft
(
being Horfemen, are
all
820
,
Archers, and ride with a Ihort Stirrup after the Tr4: is a Coat of Plate, and a Scull on thir Heads. 1 Som of hir Armour ijh. for they defire to be thir Coats are coverM with Velvet, or cloth of Gold gorgeous in Arms, but the Duke himfelf above meafure his Pavilion cover'd with Cloth of Gold or Silver, fet with precious Stones. They ufe little Drums at the Saddle bow inftead of Spurs , for at the found therof the Horfes run
,
more fwiftly. They fight without order
.,
nor willingly give battail, but by ftealthor am-
mc 314.
250,
Of Cold and hard Diet marveloufly patient-, for when the Ground is bufh. cover'd with Snow froz'n a yard thick, the common Souldier will lie in the
two months together without Tent, or covering over head ^ only bangs Mantle againltthat part from whence the Weather drives, and kindling up his Drink a little fire, lies him down before it, with his Back under the Wind
Field
his
:
the cold Stream mingl'd with Oat-meal, and the fame all his Food : his Horfc fed with green Wood and Bark, Hands all this while in the open Field, yet does The Emperor gives no pay at all, but to Strangers ^ yet repaies hisfervice. in War with certain Lands during life ; and they who ofceneft are deferts good fent to the Wars, think themfclves molt favoured, tho ferving without Wages. Nac On the \ith of December yearly, the Emperor rides into the Field, which is
^t<S.
without the City, with all his Nobility, on Jennets and Turky Horfes in great Hate i before him >ooo H,irquebufiers, who fhoot at a Bank of Ice, till they beat it down-, the Ordnance, which they have very fair of all forts, they plant againft two Wooden Houfes fill'd with Earth at leaft 30 foot thick, and beginning with the fmalleft, Ihoot them all off thrice over, having beat thofe two Houfes flat Above the reft 6 great Cannon they have, whofe Bullet is a yard high,fo that a man may fee it flying then out of Mortar-picees they fhoot Wild-fire into the Air. Thus the Emperor having feen what his Gunners can do, returns home in the
:
fame order.
They
vice
is
follow the C7rit Church,
but with excefs of Superflitions

the
thir Ser-
in the ^/7<<i
Tongue.
They hold
Ten Commandments
Religion,
//ac.
not to con-
253.
cern them, faying that God gave them under the Law, which Chrifi by his Death on the Crofs hath abrogated : the Eucharift they receive in both kinds. They obferve 4 Lents, have Service in thir Churches daily, from two hours before dawn to evening , yet forWhordom, Drunkennefs and Extortion none 242, 321. worfe than the Clergy. They have many great and rich Monalteries, where they keep great hofpita^25,, That of Trojetes hath in it 700 Friers, and is wall'd about with Brick lity. very ftrongly, having many pieces of Brafs Ordnance on the Walls > moft of the Lands, Towns, and Villages within ô miles belong to thofe Monks, who
are alfo as great Merchants as any in the Land. During Eafter Holy-daies when two Friends meet, they take each other by the hand i one of them faying. The Lord is rifcn j the other anfwering. It is fo of a truth ; and then they kifs,
-,g
or Women. The Emperor efteemeth the Metropolitan next to God, after our Lady and Saint Nicholat, as being his fpiritual Officer, himfelf But ihz Mnfcovitcs that border on Tartaria are yet Pabut his temporal.
whether
Men
^jo, 254.
gans.
When there
is
love between two, the
Man among other
trifling Gifts,
fends
Marriages,
ifac. 322.
to the Woman a Whip, to fignify, if Ihe offend, what (he muft expedt i and it is a Rule among them, that if the Wife be not beaten once a week, Ibe thinks her felf not belov'd, and is the worfe ^ yet are they very obedient, and ftir not forth but at fomeScafons. Upon utter diflike the Husband divorces
,
which Liberty no doubt they received firft with thir Religion from the Greek. 314, Church, and the Imperial Laws. Thir Dead they bury with new Shooes on thir Feet, as to a long Journey, Burial, and put Letters teftimonial in thir hands to Saint /V>c//<i or Saint /'r, that 242,254. this was ^Rhjfeof Ruffesy and dy'd in the true Faith, which, as they believe, 2?Saint Peter having read, forthwith admits him into Heaven. They have no Learning,nor will fuffer to be among them : Thir greateft Friend- Manners.
drinking: they are great Talkers, Liars, Flatterers and Diflemblers. 241,314. They delight in grofs Meats and noyfom Fifli j thir Drink is better, being fundry forts of Meath i the beft made with Juice of a fweet and crimfon Berry other forts with Black-cherry, or dicall'd Maliena^ growing alfo in Fnmce 323.
fhip
is
in
-,
vers
(
vers other Berries
:
824 )
another drink they ufe in the Spring drawn from the BirchBut there is no People that live fo tree Root, whofc Sap after June dries up. if have Straw and Water, they make of Poor as the ; they Rujfia miferably lliifc to live ; for Straw dry'd and llampc in Winter time is thir Bread , in Summer Grafs and Roots \ at all times Bark of Trees is good Meat with them \
yet
Habit,
many of them
die in the Street for hunger, none relieving or regarding
them.
^^^'
Travailing.
314-
they are fent into Foreign Countries, or that Strangers come thither, are they very fumptuous in apparel, elfe the Duke himfelf gees but meanly. In Winter they travail only upon Sleds, the Ways being hard and fmooth with Snow, the Rivers all froz'n : one Horfe with a Sled will draw a man
in Summer the way is deep, and travailing ill. miles in 5 days The Ruffe of better fort goes not out in Winter, but on his Sled ^ in Summer on his Horfe : in his Sled he fits on a Carpet, or a white Bears skin \ the Sled drawn with a horfe well deckt, with many Fox or Wolve-tails about his neck, guided by a . ; Boy on his back, other Servants riding on the tail of the Sled. ^ xhe Ruffian Sea breeds a certain Beaft which they call a Morfe, who feeks his Food on the Rocks, climbing up with help of his Teeth ^ wherof they make as great account as we of the Elephant's tooth.
When
400
Eearts.
*5*"
CHAP.
Of Samoedia,
Mufcovites.
Siberia,
II.
and other Countries North Eufi^ fubjeB
to the
[Oith EaO: of Ruffn lieth Samoedia by the River Ob. This Country was firft difcover'd by Oneke a Ruffian ; who firft trading privatly among them in rich Furs, got great Wealth, and the knowledg of thir Country then reveal'd his dilcovery to 5ow Protedlor to P he odor, Ihewing how beneficial that Country gain'd, would be to the Empire. Who fending AmbalTadors among
N'
them gallantly attir'd, by fair means won thir fubjertion to the Empire, eveThofe MelFengers travailry Head paying yearly two skins of richeft Sables. ing alio 200 leagues beyond 0^ Eaflward, made report of pleafant Countries, abounding with Woods and Fountains, and people riding on Elks and Lofhes ; others drawn on Sleds by Rain-deer ; others by Dogs as fwift as Deer. The Samoeds that came along with thofe Meflengers, returning to Mofco^ admir'd the ftatelinefs of that City, and were as much admir'd for excellent Shooters, hitting
Punh.
part 5.
S4?j 54.
Molgomfay.
every time the breadth of a penny, as far diftant as hardly could be difcern'd. The River Ob is reported by the Ruffes to be in breadth the failing of a Summer's day : but full of Iflands and Shoals, having neither Woods, nor, till of Out of Ob they turn into the River Tawze. The Ruffians late. Inhabitants. have here, fince the Samoeds yielded them fubjedion, two Governours with 3 or 400 Gunnersi have built Villages and fome fmall Caftles; all which place they call Further up- land they have alfo built other Cities of Mongoz.ty or Molgomfay.
524' ^*
Wood, confining chiefly of Poles,Tartars and Rttffesj fugitive or condemned men as Fergateria, Siber, whence the whole Country is nam'd Twna, thence Tobolfca on this fide Ob, on the Rivers Irtis, and Tobol^ chief Seat of the Ruffian Governour 5
526, 527.
Manners of
the Samoeds.
522, 555-J
above t\i2l^Zergolta in an Ifland of O^, where they have a Cuftom-houfe, beyond that on the other fide Ot, Klarim., and Tooina now a great City. Certain Churches alfo are erecfted in thofe Parts ; but no man forc'd to Religion i beyond Narim eaflward on the River Tettais built the Caftle of Comgofcoi^ and all this Plantation began fince the year r 590. with many other Towns like thefe. And thefe are the Countries from whence come all the Sables and rich Furs. The Samoeds have no Towns or certain place of abode, but up and down where they find Mofs for thir Deer i they live in companies peaceably, and aregovern'd by fomeof theantienteftamongftthem, but are Idolaters. They fhoot wondrous cunningly thir Arrow heads are Iharpned Stones, or Fifhbones, which latter ferve them alfo for Needles thir Thread being the Sinews of certain fmall Beafts, wherwith they fow the Furs which clothe them the furry fide in Summer outward, in Winter inward. They have many
:
, -,
Wives.
S25
and thir Daughters they fell to him who bids moR i which, if they be not lik'd, are turn'd back to thir fViends, the Husband allowing only to the Father what the Marriage Feaft flood him in. Wives are brought to bed there by thir Husbands, and the next day go about as before. They till not the ground but live on the Flelh of thofe wild Bsafts which they hunt. They are the only Guides to fuch as travail Jongoria^ Siberia, or any of chofe NorthEdft parts in Winter ; being drawn on Sleds with Bucks, riding poll day and night, if it be moon-light, and iodg on the Snow under Tents'of Deer Skins in whatever place they find enough of white Mofs to feed thir SkdScags, another 5jturning them loofe to dig it up themfdves out of the deep Snow moed llepping to the next Wood, brings in ftore of firing round about which they Iodg within thir Tents, leaving the top open to vent Smoak in which manner they are as warm as the Stoves in Rujfia. They carry Provilion of meat with them, and partake belldes of what Fowl or Vcnifon the Samoed kills thir drink is melted Snow. with Ihooting by the way Two Deer being yok'd to a Sled riding poft, will draw 200 miles in 24. hours without refting, and laden with thir Stuff will draw it 30 miles in 12.
Wives,
54S,
CHAP.
Of
N.trim
III.
Tingoefia, afid the Countries adjoining Eajlrvard as far as Cathay.

^"'- P^r.
?,
and Comgofcoi the Souldiers of thofe Garifons travailing by BEyond appointment of the Ruffian Governour in the year 1605. found many goodly Countries not inhabited ^ many vaft Defertsand Rivers, till at the end often
weeks they fpy'd certain Cottages and Herds, or companies of People, which to them with reverent behaviour, and fignify'd to the Samoeds and Tartars, which were Guides to the Ruffian Souldiers, that they were call'd Tingoefi ^ that thir dwelling was on the great River Jemjfey. This River is faid to be far bigger thanO^, diftantfrom the Mouth therof 4 days and nights failing-, and likewife falls into the Sea of Naramz.te : it hath high Mountams on the Eafl, fom of which call out Fire, to the Weft a plain and fertile Country, which in the fpringtime it overflows about 70 leagues-, all that time the Inhabitants keep them in the Mountains, and then return with thir Cattel to the Plain. The Twgoefi are a very gentle Nation, they have great fwoln Throats, like thofe in
5^7-
came
J^'^'jjey,
527. 551. 5^5,

527'.
Manners.
ibid.
Italy
that live under the -Alfs ^ at perfwafion of the Samoeds they forthwith fubmitted to the Rujftan Government and at thir requeft travailing the next
:
year to difcover (till Eaftward, they can-.e at length to a River, which the Savages of that place calPd Pifida, fomewhat lefs than Jeniffey beyond which hearing oft-times the towling of Brazen Bells, and fomtimes the noife of Men and Horfcs, they durll not pafs over; they faw there certain Sails afar off, fquare, and therfore fuppos'd to be like Indian or China Sails, and the ra-^
528,
they report that great Guns have been heard ihot off from Jfril and Aijy they were much delighted with the fair profpeft of that Country, replenifh'd with many rare Trees, Plants and FlowSome think here to be the Borders of Tangut in the ers, Beafts and Fowl. noxih of Cathay. Some of thofe S^waw^/j about the year 1610, travail'd fo far till they came in view of a white City, and heard a great din of Bells, and rethere came to them Men all arm'd in Iron from head to foot. And in the port 161 1 divers of out others from AlteenCzar^ who ftiles himand year Cathay^ felf the golden King, came and traded at Zergolta, or Surgoot, on the River Ob, bringing with them Plates of Silver. Wherupon Michael Pheodorowick, the Rajfian Emperor, in the year 1 619. fent certain of his people from Tooma to yllteen, and Thefe Crtr;;rfy, who returned with Ambaffadors from thofe Princes. that
ther for that thofe Vefllls.
In
.
^'^^'
relate,
ten days and a half, three days wherof over a Lake, where Rubies and Saphirs grow, they came to the -<4/f King, or Kingof ^/fj/ i through his Land in five weeks they pafs'd into the Country of Sheromugaly, or Alugaila., where reigned a Queen call'd Manchk^ ^ whence in four days =they came to the Borders of Cathay^ fenc'd with a ftone Wall, ly fathom high along the
-,
from Toonuln
jajl
fide
of which, having on the other hand many pretty

5
Towns
belonging to
Qtieefi
826
Queen ManebicA, they travail'd ten days without feeing they came to the Gate ^ where they faw very great
30CO men
,
any on the Wall
till
Ordnance
lying, and
in
watch.
They
traffic
with other Nations at the Gate, and very few
at once are fufFered to enter. They were travailing from Tcoma to this Gate 1 2 weeks and from thence to the great City of Cathay ten days. Where be-
799.
ing conduced to the Houfe of Amballadors, within a few days there came a Secretary from King Tambur with 200 Men well appareli'd, and riding on Afles, to feaft them with divers forts of Wine, and to demand thir MefTage ; but having brought no Prefents with them, they could not be admitted to his fight ^ only with his Letter to the Emperor they return'd as is aforefaid to Tobolfca. They report that the Land of MugdU reaches from Boghar to the North Sea, and hath many Caltles built of Stone four-fquare, with Towers at the Corners cover'd with glazed Tiles i and on the Gates AIarum-Bells,or Watch-Bells,
> thir Houfes built alfo of Stone, the Ceelings cunningly painted with Flowers of all Colours. The People are Idolaters ; the They have Afles and Mules, but no Horfes. Country exceeding fruitful. The people of Cathay fay that this great Wall ftretches from Boghar to the North Sea,four months journey ,with continual Towers a flight (hot difl:ant from and that this Wall is the bound beeach other, and Beacons on every Tower tween Mugallazxid. Cathay. In which are but five Gates thofe narrow, and folow that a Horfe-man fitting upright cannot ride in. Next to the Wall is the City Shirokalga it hath a Caftle well furnifli'd with /hort Ordnance and fmal! fhot, which they who keep watch on the Gates, Towers and Walls, duly at The City abounds with rich MerchanSun-fet and rifing difcharge thrice over. dize, Velvets, Damasks, Cloth of Gold and Tiflue, with many forts of SuLike to this is the City Tara, thir Markets fmell odoriferoufly with Spigars. Shirooan yet more magnificent, half a ces, and Tayth more rich than that. and day's journey through, exceeding populous. From hence to Cathaia the is two Imperial City days journey, built of white ftone four fquare, in circuit foi;r days going, corner'd with four white Towers, very high and great, and others very fair along the Wall, white intermingl'd with blew, and Loop-holes furniflit with Ordnance. In midll of this white City Hands a Caftle built of Mag-
twenty pound weight of Metal
.,
Z06.
where the King dwels, in a fumptuous Palace, the top wherof is overlaid The City itands on even ground encompafs'd with the River TowThe People are very fair, but not warlike, ga^ 7 days journey from the Sea. Thefe Relations are referr'd hither, becaule delighting mofl in rich Traffick. we have them from Ruffians ; who report alfo, that there is a Sea beyond Ob fo warm that all kind of Sea- Fowl live therabout as well in Winter as in Summer. Thus much briefly of the Sea and Lands between Rufia and Cathay.
net,
with Gold.
C H A
Htic. vol. I.
P.
and,
IV.
Emperors,
taken out of thir
The
SuceJJion
of Mofcovia Dukes
221.
Chronicles by a Polack, xvith fome later Additions,

derive thir Pedegree, though without ground, from Augufitu Citfar : whom they fable to have fent certain of his Kindred to be Governours over many remote Provinces i and among them, Prnffm over him to have had his Seat on the eaftern Baltick, Shore by the River Frujfia Wixel ^ of whom Rurek^., Sinam^ and Truttor defcended by the fourth Generation, were by the Rhfians, living then without Civil Government, lent for in
,
'HE Great Dukes of Mufcovy
57 J.
the year 573. to bear rule over them, at the perfwafiou oi Gofiomiflitu chief Citizen of Novogrod. They therfore taking with them Ohcm thir Kinfman, divided thofe Countries among themfelves, and each in his Province taught
them
being
Civil
Government.
Ifliie,
Ivorfon of RHrek^ the reft dying without

left in
became
Succeflbr to
them
all
nonage under the proteftion of Olechm.

"
He took
;
to
Wife Olha
Daughter to a Citizen of PUfco, of whom he begat Stoflaus but after that being flain by his Enertiies, Olha his Wife went to CenftantimpU^ and was there
baptiz'd Hilttta*
Stofiaus
( 827 )
StojlaHs
flain,
many Battels with his Enemies who made a Cup of his Scull engrav'n with
fought
this
but was at length by them Sentence in Gold ; Seek^
ing after j>ther dimir.
Mens
he
lofl
his own.
His Sons were Teropolchus,
OUga and
Folo-
yoledimir having llain the other two, made himfelf fole after that fail enclining to Chriltian Religion, had to
i
Lord of Ruffia ^ yet Wife ^nna Sifter of

988.
and Con^lantine G')'iÊmperors and with all his People in the year 988, was baptizM, and call'd Bafilins. Howbeit Zonaras reportcth that before that time BafiliHS the Grî^ Emperor fent a Bifhop to them i at whofe preaching they not being mov'd, but requiring a Miracle, he after devout Prayers, taking the Book of Gofpel into his hands, threw it before them all into the Fire which remaining there unconfum'd, they were converted.
Bajijiiu
,
Folodtmir had eleven Sons,
among whom
he divided his
,
Kingdom
Borifttuand
and thir Feaft kept every year in Clebw for thir holy Life regifter.'d Saints November with great folemnity. The reft, through conicntion to have the fole Government, ruin'd each other, Jeavingonl;f7<iro/7^;<j inheritor of all. Folodimir Son of Jareflaus kept his Rclidence in the antient City Kioxv upon
the River Borijlenes
And
after
many
conflifts
with the Sons of
his
Uncks
and having fubduM all, was call'd Mommachus. He made war wiihConlianttne Thracia , and returning home with great fpoils to theCrî^ Emperor, wafted was new War, appeas'd by Confl amine ^ who fzntNeophytiis Bifliop of prepare at bins Abbot o( JerufaUm, to prefent him with part of our and Enji Epheftu, Saviour's Crofs, and other rich Gifts, and to falute him by the name of Cz.ar^ or Ctfar with whom he thenceforth enter'd into league and amity. After him in order of defcent Fufzevolodus., George, Demetrius. Then George his Son, who in the year 237. was flain in battle by the Tartar From that time Prince Batby^ who fubdu'd Mufcovia, and made it tributary. the Tartarians made fuch Dukes of RHJfia, as they thought would be moft pliaof whom they requir'd, as oft as AmbalTadors came to him hjlp to thir ^ds i out of Tartary, to go out and meet them, and [n his own Court to ftand bareAt which time the Tartars headed, while they fate and deliver'd thir Meffage. Innocent the Fourth obtain'd till and wafted aKo Poloijia., Silefa., Hungariay Pope This Bathy fay the Ruffians was the Father of Taof them for 5 years.
,
1257,
peace
merlan.,
they call Temirkutla. fucceeded Jaroflaus the Brother of George.^ then Alexander his Son. Vaniel the Son of Mexander was he who firft made the City of Mofco his Royal Seat, builded the Caftle, and took on him the Title of Great Duke.
whom
Then
John the Son of Daniel was iirnamed Kaleta, that word fignifying a Scrip, out of which, continually carried about with him, he was wont to deal his Alms. His Son Stmeon dying without Iflue left the Kingdom to John his next Brother i and he to his Son DemetrtM., who left two Sons, Bafiltm and George. had a Son of his own name, but doubting left not of his own Bafilitii reigning the fupicion he had of his Wife's Chaftity, him he difinherits, through Body, and gives the Dukedom to his Brother George.
in prifon, reigns ; yet at his death, either George putting his Nephew Baftlitu him the Dukedom. or other furrenders caufe, through reraorfe his thus fuppofed right, enjoy'd it not long in attaining BaftliHs unexpededly Sons of George counting it injury not Demetrius and the two Andrew for quiet j to fucceed thir Father, made war upon him, and furprizing him on a fudden, the Boiarens, or Nobles kept thir put out his Eyes. Notwithftanding whichtherfore they call'd Cîemnox. Allegiance to the Duke though blind, whom who brought the Ruffian name out of John fâfiliwtch his Son was the firft he put to death as many of Eftate his own To fecure obfcurity into renown. himfllf and ftil'd to as were his Kindred great Duke oiWohdilikely pretend the only walied won He Cz.ar of all Plefco Rujfta. tnirta, Mufcovia, Nevogardia., to whom they from the and the Lituamans, in all richeft, Aiufcovy^ Novogrod City and from the latter carried home 300 Waghad been fubjed 50 years before laden with Treafure. He had war with Alexander King of Poland, and
,
,
gons with the Livomans with him, on pretence of withdrawing his Daughter Hewith the Li' Una, whom he had to wif-e, from the Greeks Church to the Romijh were often he his bounds vonians for no other caufe, but to enlarge though
:,
-,
foild
828 )
His' Wife was foird by PUtteberpM great Matter of the Prttjfian Knights. Daughter to the Duke of 7yversky of her he begat Jofcw, and to him refigned his Dulcedom, giving him to Wife the Daughter of Steven, Palatine of MaL davia, by whom he had Id'ue Demetmu, and decea^'d foon after.(âfUiwich therfore realFuraing the Dukedom, married a fecond Wife, Sofhia Daughter to
,
is faid to have receiv'd her Dowry out of* the Pope's of the Duke to become Romijh. Treafury, upon promife This Princefs of a haughty mind, often complaining that fhe was married to the lartars Vaflal, at length by continual perfwafions, and by a wile found means to eafe her Husband, and his Country of that Yoke. For wheras till then the Tartar had his Procurators, who dwelt in the very Caftle of Mofco, to overfee State-affairs, Ihe fain'd that from Heaven fhe had been warn'd to
Tloomoi PaUologtti
who
build a
Temple to
thir Houfe.
the Prince give her that Houfe, which obtaining, (he raz'd to the ground, and remov'd thofe Overfeers out of the Caftle and fo by degrees difpoflefs'd them of all which they held in Kuffia. She prevail'd alfo with her Husband to transfer the Dukedom from Demetrtm the Son of John deceas'd to Gabriel Ivis eldeft by her. Gabriel no fooner Duke, butchang'd his name to 54/i/>, and fet his mind to do nobly i he recover'd great part of Mufcovy from P^hoUm Du,ke of Lituania ;
,
Saint Nicholas on the fame place where the Tartar Agents had Being therfore delivered of a Son, flle made it her requeft to o^ Tartary^ whom (he had invited to the baptizing, that he would
1514,
and on the Bonflhenes won Smoknsko and many other Cities He divorc'd his firfl Wife, and of Helena Daughter to Duke
yajiliwicl}.
in the
Glinski begat
Year i5r4. Juan
Juun (âfiliwich bdng left a Child, was committed to George his Uncle and Protedor at 25 years of age he vanquifh'd the Tartars of Caza>i and Ajiracan, bringing home with him thir Princes captive ; made cruel War in Livonia^ He feem'd exceedingly devout and wheras pretending right of inheritance. the ^///7;<ff/ in thir Churcliesufe out of Zealand reverence to knocjt thir Heg^ls againll: the ground, his Forehead was feldom free of fwellings and bruzes, and The caufe of his rigour in Government lie alledg'd to very ofcen feen to bleed. be the malice and treachery of his Subjedls. But fome of the Nobles, incited by ObHorjefs fervacions. his cruelty, calj'd in thtCrim Tartar, who in the Year i ^7 1. broke into /?//;<, '57>burnt ^^cyco to the ground He reigned 54 years, had three Sons, of which the eldeft being ftrook on a time by his Father, with grief therof dy'd his other Sons were Pheodar and Demetrim. In the time of Juan fâfilirvich the Englifii
,
1584.
mc.yol
J.
Horji).
camefirftby Sea into the north parts of K*'j^<. Pheodor fuanewic}{bdngunder age, was left to the protedion of Borii, Brcther to the young Emprefs, and third Son by adoption in the Emperour's WilJ. ^fêr ^Q dales of- mourning, the appointed time of Coronation being come, the Emperour iffuing out of his Palaces, the whole Clergy before him, enter'd with his Nobility the Church of /^z/e/fc< or BlefTednefs ; whence after Service to the Church of Michael, then to our Lady Church, being the Cathedral, In the midft wherof a Chair of Majefty was plac'd, and raoft unvaluable Garments
put upon him
tropolitan,
,
who
there alfo was the imperial Crown fet on his Head by the Meout of a fmall Book in his hand read Exhortations to the Em-
After this riling from his Chair perour of Juftice and peaceable Government. he was inverted with an upper Robe, fo thick with Orient Pearls and Stones, as weigh'd 200 pounds, the Train born up by 6 Dukes-, his Staff imperial was of a Unicorn's Horn three foot and a half long, befet with rich Stones i his Globe and (ix Crowns carried before him by Princes of the Blood ; his Horfe at the Church door flood ready with a Covering of imbroidered Pearl, Saddle and all There was a kind of Bridg made three futable, to the value of 300000 Marks.
50 fathom long, three foot high, two fathom broad, wheron the Emperor with his Train went from one Church to another above the infinite throng of People making loud Acclamations At the Emperour's returning from thofe Churches they were fpread under-foot with Cloth of Gold, the Porches withred Velvet, the Bridges with Scarlet and Stammel-cloth, all which, as the Emperour pafsd by, were cut and fnatch't by them that (tood next ; befides new minted Coins of Gold and Silver caft among the People. The Emprefs in her Palace was plac't before a great open* Window in rich and (hining Robes, among her Ladies. After this the Emperor came into Parliament,
waies,
1
:
where
829 )
his
Nobles in princely order ; two landing on either fide his Chair with Battel-axes of Gold ^ three of the next Rooms great and large, being fet round with Plate of Gold and Silver, from the ground up to the roof. This Triumph lafted a week, wherin many royal after which election was made of the Nobles to new Offices Paftimes were feen and Dignities. The condufion of all was a Peal of 170 Brafs Ordnance two miles without the City, and 20000 Harquebuzcs twice over and fo the Emwith Icall 50000 Horfe return'd through the Cicy to his Palace, where at perour all the Nobility, Officers, and Merchants brought him rich Prefents. Shortly after the Emperour bydireftion of Born conquer'd the large Country of Siberia, and took Prifoner the King therof: he rcmov'd alfo corrupt Officers and former Taxes. In fum, a great alteration in the Government follow'd, yec all Theie things reported abroad ftrook iuch awe quietly and without Tumult. into the neighbour Kings, that the CrmT^rtar., with hi^ Wives alfo, and many Nobles valiant and perfonable men, came to vilit the Kiij]l>tn. There came alio 12 hundred Po/ii/fc Gentlemen, many Ctrcajftans, and People of other Nations to AmbalFadors from the Turk^, the Perfian, Georgian, and other offer fervice T/irf^r Princes ; {lomAlmany^ Poland, Sweden, Denmarh. But this glory lilted not long through the treachery of BorU, who procured the Death firft of Demetriuj, then of the iimperour himfelf, wherby the Imperial Race after the fucceffion of 300 years was quite extinguifht. Bern adopted, as before was faid, third Sonto Juan yafiUwich, without impeachment now afcended the Throne ; but neither did he enjoy long what he had fo wickedly compafs'd , divide revenge raifing up againlt him a ^^^, Counterfeit of that DemetriM whom he hajf caus'd to be murthered at Ou'Ûts. p^rc. par. ThisUpftart, ftrength'd with many Polej and Cojfacks, appears in arms to claim no. his rij!,ht out of the hands of Boru^ who fent againlt him an armyof 2oojo| Men, many of whom revolted to thh Demetriw : Peter Bafman the General But the returning to Mofco with the empty Triumph of a reported VxCtoxy. Boris one after a ftill day, advancing, Enemy plentiful Meal, finding himlelf in his laid him down on his Bed ; bute'rehis Dodtois, Stomach, heavy andpain'd who made great hafle, came to him, was found fpeechlefs, and foon after dy'd with grief, as is fuppos'd, of his ill fucceh againfl: iJtfWffriV^. Before his death, though it were fpeedy, he would be fliorn, and new chrittn'd. He had but one Son, whom he lov'd fo fondly, as not to fuffer him out of fight ufing to fay he was Lord and Father of his Son, and yet his Servant, yea his Slave. To gain the Peoples love, which he had loft by his ill getting the Empire, he us'd two Policies , firft he caus'd /Wo/co to be fired in four Places, that in the quenching therof he might fhew his great care and tendernefs of the People ; among whom he likewife diftributed fo much of his Bounty, as both new built thir At another time the People murmuring that Houfes, and repair'd thir Lolfes. which had then Peftilence the great fwept away a third part of the Nation, was the punilhment of thir electing him, a Murtherer, to reign over them, he built Galleries round about the utmoft Wall of Mofco^ and there appointed for one whole month 20000 pound to be given to the Poor, which well nigh. the death of Boris^ Peter Bafman, thir only hope and ftopt their Mouths. After refuge, though.a young man, was fent again to the Wars, with him many EngUfh^ Scots,French,and Dutch ; who all with the other General Gokeche fell offto the new Vemetriuf, whofe Melfengers coming now to the Suburbs of^Jlfofco, were brought
:
:
, ,
where he had a Banquet ferv'd by
3.
by the Multitude to that fpacious Field before the Caltle Gate, within jvhich the Council were then fitting, many of whom were by the Peoples threatning caird out and conftrain'd to hear the Letters of Demetrius openly read which, long ere the end, wrought fo with the Multitude, thatfurioully they broke in:
when ftrait appear'd coming toto theCaftle, laying violence on all they met wards them two Meffengers of Demetrifu formerly fent, pitifully whipt and Then was the whole City in an uproar, roafted, which added to thir rage.
,
the great Counfelors Houfes ranfack't, efpecially of the Godonovas, the KinSuch of the Nobles that were bell beloved, by endred and Family of Boru. at to The Emprefs flying length put an end to this Tumult. treaty prevail'd to a fafer place, had her Collar of Pearl pull'd from her Neck ^ and by^he next WherMeffage command was given to fecure her with her Son and Daughter. fhe Emprefs upon Demetrius by general confent was proclaim'd Enrperor.
all
now
(8?o)
counfel'd the Prince her Son to follow his Father's example, now feeing had it feems, who, difpatcht himfelf by Poyfon ; and with a defperate courage the deadly Health, was pledg'd effectually by her Son , but the D.mghbeginning
all loft,
par. ,.
ter only fippingiCfcapM.
^Hrc.
Others afcribe this deed to the fecret Command of 2)rto them,to avoid the envy of furh a Command. Self-murther impured ^^f^jj^^gj^j DemetriHi Evanoxvich^ for fo he call'd himfelf, who fucceeded, was credibly reported the Son of Gregory Peupoloy a Kftjfe Gentleman, and in his ycunger years to have been (horn a Friar, but efcaping from the Monaftery, to have traxaiVd Germany and other Countries, but chiefly Poland- where heattain'd to
good
fufficiency in Arms and other Experience ; which rais'd in him fuch high thoughts, as grounding on a common belief among the ^/7I<ik;, that the young
Demetrms was not dead, but convey'd away, and their hatred againft BorU., on this foundation with fome other circumftances, to build his hopes no lower than an Empire i which on his firft difcovery found acceptation fo generally, as planted him at length on the Royal Seat : but net fo firmly as the fair beginning
for in a Ihort while the Ruftans finding themftlves abus'd by an Imon the fixth day after his Marriage, obferving when his Guard of Poles poftor, were moft fccure, rufliing into the Palace before break of day, drag'd him out of his Bed, and when he had confefs'd the fraud, puU'd him to pieces with him Peter Bafman was alfo flain, and both thir dead Bodies laid open in the He was of no prefence, but otherwife of a princely difpolition Market-place. in other matters a great lover too bountiful, which cccaOon'd fome exaftions of Juftice, not Gnworthy the Empire which he had gotten, and loft only through greatnefsof mind, flegleLlingtheCJc^fpiracy, which he knew the Aj(// were Some fay thir hatred grdfcr, for that they faw him alienated from the plotting. and Religion, having made Buchinskoy a learned Ptoteftant his Manners Ruffian Some report from Gilbert^ relation, who was a Scot^ and Captain of Sigcretary. his Guard, thit lying on his Bed awake, not long before the Confpiracy, he faw the appearance of,an aged man coming toward him, at which he rofe, and caird to them that watch'd ; but they denied to have feen any fuch pafs by them. He returning to his Bed, and within an hour after troubl'd again with tlie fame fenc for Buchinskoy, telling hira he had now twice the fame nighc ' Apparition, feen an aged man, who at his fecond coming told him, that though he were a good Pfincc of himielf, yet for the injuftice and oppreilion of his infcriour The Secretary. counfell'd him Minifters, his Empire fliould be taken from him. to embrace tvue Religion, affirming that for lack therof his Officers were fo The Emperor feem'd to be much mov'd, and to intend what was percorrupt. fwaded him. But a few dales, after, the other Secretary, a Ruffian, came to him with a drawn Sword, of which theEmperour made llight at firft;, but he after bold words affiaulted him, ftrait feconded by other Confpirators, crying G/Z^fw with many of the Guard overfuddenly furpris'd, retreated to Liberty. Coliiga a Town which they fortify'd ^ moft of the other Strangers were mada-
promis'd
cred, except the Engli^^ whofe mediation fav'd alfo Bttchimkoy. Skusk^ who fucceeded him reports in a Letter to King James otherwife of him ^ that his that to efcape punilhment for right name was Cryjlica the Son of BoHghdam
-,
Villanies done, he turn'd Fryar,
and fearing ; that tha Metropolitan intended therfore to imprifon him, tied into Lettow where by counfel of Sigifmund the Poland King, he began to call himfelf De^trry of OugUtts ; and by many Libels and Spies privily fent into Mofco^ gave out the
fell
-^
and
at laft to the Black Art
fame ;. that many Letters and Meffengers therupon were fent ixova Boris into but Poland^ and from the Patriarch, to acquaint them who the Runnagate was the Pclanders giving them no credit, fu.rnifht him the more with Arms and Money, notwithftanding the League ; and fent the Palatine Sandamersl^ and other Lords to accompany him into Ruffia^ gaining alfo ^ Prince of the Crim Tartars to his aid , that the Army of Boris hearing of his fudden death, yielded to this Gr^/fcca, who taking to wife the Daughter o{ Sandamersko^ attempted to root out the Ruffian Clergy, and to bring in the Romijh Religion, for which purpofe many Jefuits came along with him. Wherupon ShHskyw\i\\ the Nobles and Metropolitans confpiring againft him,in half a year gather 'd all the For:
his intentions
ces of Mpfcovia^ and furprifing hira found writing under his own hand ail thefe Letters alfo from the Pope and Cardinals to the fame elfeifl, not
,
only to fet up the Religion of Rome., but to force that refus'd.
it
upon
all,
with death to theni

Kafily
C8?i
i
)
iio6.
after the flaughcer ofDemetry or Gryflicaf was elecfted rafily Evanontch Shusky^ not long before been at the Block for reporting to have feen Emperor, having
but Cryjlwa not only recall'd him, but adthe true De/petrim dead and buried He was then about the age of vanc'd him to be the inftrument of his own ruin. never of wifdom defcended, great married, reputed, a favourer 50 nobly of the ^/'j?J for he fav'd them from rifling in the former Tumults. Some fay he modeltly refus'd the Crown, till by lot four times together it f.11 to him ; Fmcpir.
")
growing jealous of his Title, removed by Poyfon and other means all theNobks that were like to ftand his Rivals j and is faid to hive confulccd with Witches of the 5<of^j, Lufpians^ and Tar tar tans, about the fame fears i and being warn'd of one Michalowtch to have put to desth three of that name, a Youth attendant yet a fourth was referv'd by Fate to iucceed him, being then But in the Court, one of thofethatheld the golden Axes, and leaft iufpededbefore that lime he alfo was fupplanted by another reviving Demetrius brought in by the Poles ; whofe counterfeited Hand, and Itrange relating of pri\ aceft Circumftances, had almoft deceiv'dG'7^f himfelf, had not thir Perfons been utterly unlike ; but Gr^/fcc^'s Wife fo far believ'dhim for her Husband, as to receive him to her Bed. .Sfcwt) beiieg'd in his Calf le of Afofco^ was adventrouland Ammunition by the Enxl>jh ; and with 2000 Powder forae with ]y fupply'd with other Forces from Charles King of Sxeden. and Scots., Frenchy Engli^ The Englijh atter many miferies of Cold, and Hunger, and ailaults by the way, deferted by the French., yielded moll of them to the Pole near SmoUnsk^^ and Mean while this fecond VemetriM being now referv'd him againft the Rufs.
yet after that
739, &<:
1509.
^-p_
thofe Ruffians that lided with him, laid fiege to Mofco jeited by the Poles^ with of Poland beleaguers on the other fide with forty Zolktewsk^ for Stgifmund King whereof thoufand Men, 1500 EngUfh, Scotch and French. 5^/<ity defpairing
fuccefs, betakes
him to
Monaftery
but with the City
is
yielded to the rele^
he feeking 10 fly, is of two years, then by furrendr'd. Shusky the Emperor carried away into Poland, there ended raifeBut before his departure out of A'tufcovy the PoUnders in his rably in prifon.
a Tartar
his force againft the Counterfeit Z^^wf^^'V^ 5 flain in his Camp. SmoUnsko held out a Siege
who turns now
name fending for the chief Nobility, as to a laft farewell, caufethem tobeentertain'd in a fecret place, and there difpatch'd by this means the eafier to fubPoles the were Yet ftarv'd at the due length out of thofe Places in Mofco People.
:
which they had fortify'd. Wherin the Ruffians who befieg'd them, found, as reported, 60 Barrels of Man's Flelh powdered, being the Bodies of fuch is yanfinm. dy'd among them, or were llain in fight. After which the Empire of Ruffia broke to pieces, the prey of fuch as could i$i2. catch, every one naming himfelf, and ftriving to be accounted that Demetrhu of Some chofe Vladiflam King Sigifmund\ Son, but he not accepting, Ouglitts. they fell to a popular Government, killing all the Nobles under pretence of favouring the Poles. Some overtures of receiving them were made, as fome and S'njohn Meric and Sir Wtlltant Ruffel imploy'd therfay, to Kingjames, Thus in. Knffta remaining in this confufion, it happ'nd that a mean man, a Butcher dwelling in the North about !>/>?<, inveighing againft the bafenefs of Fhic par. thir Nobility, and the corruption of Oflicers, uttered words, that if they 19would but choofe a faithful Treafurer to pay well the Souldiers, and a good General (naming one ?oz.arsky a poor Gentleman, who after good fervice don liv'd not far off retir'd and negledted) that then he doubted not to drive out The People aflcnt, and choofe that General the Butcher they make the Poles.
is
-,
thir Treafurer,
both fo well difcharg'd thir Places, that with an Army foon gather'd they raife the fiege of Mofco, which the Polanders had renew'd and with 5ort> Li, another great Souldier of that Country, fall into confultation about the choice of an Emperour, and chofe at laft Mtchaloakh, or Michael Pheodorotvich, the fatal
who
Youth, whofe name Shusky
ib fear'd.
Michael Pheodorowich thus elected by the valour of Pozarsl^ and Born Licin, made them both Generals of his Forces, joining with them another great Commander of the Coffacks., whofe aid had much befriended him the Butcher alfo was made a Counfellor of State. Finally a Peace was made up between the Ruffians and the Poles j and that partly by the mediation of King fa/nts.
-,
i6ij.
CHAP.
832
P.
C H A
The
firjl
V.
Exfi,
dtfcovery of Ruffia ^j the
North
1553, with the Enc^lifh
EmbaJJies and Entertainments at that Court, until the year 1604.

Mac.
vol. I.
'Tp H E
J_
mofl:
245.234.
Difcovery of Rufta by the Northern Ocean, made firfl: of any Nation that we know by ^/']J)-men, might have feem'd an Enterprizealheroic, if any higher end than the exccfllve love of Gain and Trafficic
Neverthelefs that in regard that many things not the to knowledg of Nature, and other Obfervations are hereby unprofitable come to light, as good events ofttimes arife frojn evil occafions, it will not be the worft labour to relate briefly the beginning, and profecution of this adventurous Voyage,
until it
had animated the defign.
became
at laft a familiar Paflage.
our Merchants perceiv'd the Commodities oi England to be in fmall requefl abroad, and forein Merchandize to grow higher in eltcem and value than before, they began to think with themfelves how this might be remedied. And feeing how the Spaniards and Portugals had encreas'd thir Wealth by difcovery of new Trades and Countries, they refolv'd upon fome new and
When
At the fame time Sebaftian Chabota, a man for the knowftrange Navigation. ledg of Sca-afFairs much renown'd in thofe days, happen'd to be in London. With him firfl: they confult; and by his advice conclude to furnifh out three And Ships for the learch and difcovery of the northern parts. heard
Ocean, which many times eateth through contrive to cover fome part of the Keel of thofe Oak, they Ships th^rongeft witn thin flieets of Lead ; and vi(ftual them for 18 months-, allowing equally to thir ûrney, thir ftay, and thir return. Arms alfo they provide, and ftore of Muniuon with fufficient Captains and Govtrnoiirs for fo great an Enterprife. To which among many, and fome void of experience that ofFer'd themfelves Sir fJugh WAlovphy a valiant Gentleman earneftly requelted to have the charge! Of whom before all others both for his goodly perfonage, and fingular skil ia the fervicesof War, they made choice to be Admiral, and of Richard Chancdor a man greatly efteem'd lor his skil, to be chief Pilot. This man was brought up by Mr. Henry Sidney^ afterwards Deputy of heUnd, who coming where the Adventurers were gather'd together, though then a young man, with a grave and eloqueiic Speech commended Chancelor unto them. After this, they omitted no enquiry after any perfon that might inform them concerning thofe North-eafl:erly parts to which the Voyage tended ; and two Tartarians then of the Kings's Stable were fent for \ but they were able to anfwer nothing to purpofe. So, after much debate, it was concluded that by the xoth of May the Ships fliould depart. Being come near Greenwich., where the Court then lay, prefently the Courtiers came running our, the Privy Council at the Windows, the reft on the Towers and Battlements. The Mariners all appirell'd in watchet or sky-coloured Cloth, difcharge thir Ordnance ^ the noife wherof, and of the People fhouting, is anfwer'd'from the Hills and Waters with as loud an Echo Only the good King Edward., then fick, beheld not this
that a certain
is
Worm
having
bred
in that
From hence putting into Harwich., they itaid long, fight, but dy'd foon after. and loft much time. At length paffing by Shetland., they kenn'd a far offt/^^^flands.^ being an innumerable fort of Hands call'd Roit Hands in 66 degrees. Thence to Lofoot in 68, to Seinam in 70 degrees ihefe Hands belong all to t he
:,
Crown of Denmark^
which he
call'd
Whence departing, Sir Hugh Willowby together the chief men of his other Ships
let
out his Flag, by

j
to counfel
where
Hac.iii.
they conclude, in cafe they happen'd to be fcatter'd by Tempeft, that Wardhohfe a noted Haven in Fimar\ be the appointed place of thir meeting. The very fame day afternoon fo great a Temped arofe, that the Ships were fome driv'n one way, fome another in great peril. The General with his loudeft voice call'd to C/i4Wf/ornot to be far from him ^ but in vain, for the Admiral failing much better than his Ship, and bearing all her Sails, was carried with great fwiftnefs foon out of fight ; but before that, the Ship-boat llriking againft: her Ship was overwhelmed |in view of the Bonaventure, wherof Chanselor was Captain. The third Ship alfo in the fame Storm was loft. But
Sir
(Si?)
that Storm, and wand ring on thofe defolate Seas tilj /a'wgfo Willovby cfcaping the i^tbofSeptemher^ put into a Haven where they had weather as in the depth
sir
of Winter; and there determining to abide
till
Spring,fent out three
men South-
Weft
to find Inhabitants-, who journy'd three days, buc found none ^ then ochcr three went Weftward four days journey, and laltly three South Ealt three days ;
returning without news of People, or any llgn of Habitation, the Company of his two Ships abode there till January, as apwith Sir Hu/h fince found in one of the Ships 5 but then perifh'd all with cold. a Will pears by This River or Haven was Aruna, in Lapland near to Kfôr, where they were *' found dead the year after by certain KuJJiAti Filhermen. Wherof the Eptgand recover'd the Ships with the dead ii(h Agent at Mofco having notice, fcnt but the Ships being Bodies and molt of the Goods, and lent them for England unftaunch, as is fuppos'd, by thir two years wintring in Lapland., funk by But now Chan' the way with thir dead, and them alfo that brought them. celor with his Ship and Company thus left, his courfe to iV^rd. Ihap'd
'
but they
all
4i^4
hcufe, the place agreed ontoexpedt the reft i where having it-j'id feven days without tidings of them, he refolves at length to hold on his Voyage ^ and lail'd fo far till he found no night, but continual day and Sun clearly fhining on that huiê and vaft Sea for certain day?. At length they enter into a great Bay, nam'd, as they knew after, from Saint NicholM i and fpying a Fifher-
boat,
The Filhermen smaz'd People they were. a fbrange and new fighr, fought to fly j but overtak'n, in great fear they proftr&te themfdves, and offer to kifs his but he railing them up with all figns and geftures of courtelie, fought to win thir Fiiend/liip. They no fooner difmift, but fpread abroad the arrival of a ftrange Nation, whole humanity they fpake of with great affedion wherupon the People running together, with like return of all courteous ufage receive
made
after
him
to
know what
Ship, to
with the greatnefs of
hi-;
them
kn
-,
them offering them Victuals freely ; ftor refufing to traffick, but for a Loyal Cuftom which bound them from that, without firft the confent had of thir
.,
After mutual demanijs of each other's Nation, they found themfelves to King. be in RKjpa,whtie Juan l^jfiliwich at that time reign'd Emperor- To whom privily the Govcrnour of that place fending notice of the flrangeGuefts that were The Empearriv'd, held in the mean while our Men in what fufpence he could. ror well pleas'd with fo unexpefted a Meflage, invites them to his Court, oflx-ring them Poft-horfcs at his own charge, or if the journey feem'd overlong, that But 'ere this MeflTenger could rethey might freely traffic where they were.
turn, having lolt his way, the Mufcovites themfelves, loth that our men Ihould depart which they made (hew to do, furnilh'd them with Guides and other Conveniences to bring them to thir King's Prefcnce. Chancelor had now
gon more than half

the
way
delivers
fo
derftood,
when the Sled-man fent to Court meets him oa him the Emperor's Letters which when the Rajjes unthat they willing they werei to obey the Contents therof,
his journey,
,
quarrell'd and ftrove who Ihould have the preferment to put his Horfes to the So after a long and troublefom journey of 1500 miles he arrived at Sled. After he had remain'd in the City about 12 day?, a Mellenger was Mofco.
them to the King's Houfe. Being enter'd within the CourtGates, and brought into an outward Chamber, they beheld there a very honourable Company, to the number of a hunder'd, fitting all apparell'd in Cloth of gold down to thir Ancles nextconduded to the Chamber of Prefence, there
fent to bring
:
Emperor on a lofty and very Royal Throne ; on his Head a Diadem of gold, his Robe all of Goldfmiths work, in his Hand a Chryftal Sceptre garno lefs was his Countenance full of Manilh'd and befet with precious Stones on his other fide the great Comhim Hood his chief Befide Secretary jefty. mander of filence, both in Cloth of gold then fate his Council of 1 50 round about on high Scats, clad all as richly. Chancelor nothing abafh'd, made his
fate the
i
,
obeyfance to the Emperor after the Engliji) manner. The Emperor having taken and read his Letters, after fome enquiry of King Edward's, Health, invitBut before difmilfion the Seed them to dinner, and till then difmifs'd them. cretary prefented thir Prefent bare-headed ;. till which time they were all coveiM and before admittance our men had charge not to fpeak, but when the Emperor demanded ought. Having fat two hours in the Secretary's Chamber, they were at length call'd in to dinner where the Emperor was fet at Table,
,
,
now
(8h)
now
and another Crown on his Head. This place was tall'd the golden Paiace, but without caufe, for the Enlijh-msn had feen many round about the room, but at diftance, were other long Tables ; in fairer the midft a Cupboard of huge and mafly goblets, and other Veflels of gold and
in a
Robs of
Silver,
the reft four great Flagons nigh two yards high, wrought in of Towers and Dragons heads. The Guefts afcended to devices with the top all apparell'd in Linen, and that lin'd with rich Furs. thir Tables by three fteps The.Mefles came in without order, but all in Chargers of Gold, both to the Emperor, and to the reft that din'd there, which were two hundred Perfons on every Board alfo were fet Cups of gold without number. TheServicors one hundred and forty were likewife arrayM in gold, and waited with Caps on thir heads. They that are in high favour, fit on the fame Bench with the EmBefore Meat came in, according to the cuRom of thir Kings, far otF. peror, but a (lice of Bread i whom the Officer nan ing, faichthus, Gueft to fent he every John Bafilirvich Emperor of Rufs^ &c. doth reward thee with Bread, at which
(ilver
,
among
-,
Mac. 258.
265.455.
2?i5.
Then were Swans in feveral pieces ferv'd in, each the Great Duke fends about as the Bread, and which piece In dinner time he tvuice chang'd his Crown, his Waiters lo likewife the Drink. jthrice thir Apparel ; to whom the Emperor in like manner gives both Uread and Drink with his own hands ; which they fay is done to the intent that he may perfectly know his own Houlhold j and indeed when Dinner was done, he call'd his Nobles every one before him by name and by this time Candles were brought in, for it grew dark ^ and the Engli^ departed to thir Lodgings from Dinner, an hour within night. In the year 1555. Chancelor made another Voyage to this place with Letters from Queen A/r^ had a Houfe ir\ Mofco, and Diet appointed him ; and was foon admitted to the Emperor's Prefence in a large room fpread with Carpets ; at his entring and falutation all ftood'up, the Emperor only fitting, except when the Queen's Name was read or fpoken , for then he himfelf would rife : at Dinner he fat bareheaded, his Crown and rich Cap Handing on a Pinacle by. Chancelor returning for England^ Ofep Napea Governour of IVologda came in his but fullering Shipwrack in Peiiiflego^ a Bay in Ship Amballador from the Ruffe Scotland, Chancelor^ who took more care to fave the Ambaflador than himfelf, vvasdrown'd, the Ship rifled, and moft of her lading made booty by the Peowords
all
men
ftand up.
in d feveral Di(h,
,j^ j^^
ple therabout. In the year 1557. Ofep Napea returned into his Country with yinthony JenHe reports of a Whirlpool bekinfon who had the command of four tall Ships. tween the Roft Jjlands and Lofoot call'd MuUflrand ; which from half ebb till
half flood is heard to make fuch a terrible noife, as (hakes the Door-rings of Houles in thofelllands ten mileoffi Wales that come within the Current therof make a pitiful cry ; Trees carried in and call out again, have the ends and boughs of them fo beaten, as they feem likethe (talks of bruized Hemp. About Zewam thcY faw many Whales very monltrous hard by thir Ships wherof fonie by eftimation iixty foot long they roard hideouOy, it being then the
, ,
time of thir engendring. At Wardl}onfe he faith the Cattel are fed with Fi/h. he to tound the Emperor fitting aloft in a Chair of State, Coming Mufco, a Staff-of Crown'd, richly gold in his hand wrought with coftly ftone. Diftant Irom him fat his Brother, and a Youth the Emperor's Son of Cafw^ whom the Rufs had conquer'd ; there din'd with him diverfe Ambafladors, Chriftian and Heathen, diverlly apparell'd his Brother with fome of the chief Nobles fat with him at Table the Gueflswerein all lix hundred. In Dinner-time
i
:
came in fix Muficians, and (landing in the midft, fung three feveral times, but with little or no delight to our men there din'd at the fame time in other Halls two thoufand Tartars who came to ferve the Duke in his Wars. The Eiigltflj were let at a fmall Table by themfelves diredl before the Emperor who fent them diverfe Bowls of Wine and Meath, and many Difhes from his own hand the MeiTes were but mean, but the change of Wines and feveral Aleaths were wonderful. As oft as they din'd with the Emperor, he fent for them in On Chnjima/s- day being the morning, and invited them with his own Mouth.
i ;
:
517,
but for ftore of gold and filver invited, they had for other provifion as before Plate excelCve which were twelve Barrels of (ilver, hopp'd with line among
, -,
gold, containing twelve gallons a piece.
e
1
sn
360.
Was
the
and by 1561. The iimc J)ithony

Dansli^rs
Eti^np) trafTick' to the Litheckers,

firft
Narve in Livonia^
.
till
then conceard
riv'd
J ertkinfon made another Voyage to Mafco- and arwas while the Emperor ceUbrating his Marriage with a Circafflan Lady j
;
'
and all men during which time the City Gates for three days were kept fhut whatibevcr ilraitly commanded to keep within thir Houfes, except Ibme of his Houfliold ^ the caufe wherof is not known. which now men ufually made in a 1566. He made again the fame Voyage month from London to Saint Nicholas with good Winds, being feven hundred
i
31^"
and
J56S.
zabtth-,
fifty leagues. J hoi/iM Randolf^
and
in
his
Efqj went Ambaflador to Mufcovy, from Queen EUpaOage by Sea met nothing remarkable fave great ftore of
^jp
they might fee engen^lring together, and the Sperma-ceti Water. At Colmogro he was met by a Gentleman from the on the fwiraming whofe at charge he was-jCocduifted to Adofco: but met there by no Emperor, man, not fo much as the Englijh lodg'd in a fair Houfe built for Ambadadorsj but there conlin'd upon Ibme fufpicion which the Emperor had conceav'd fcnt for at length after feventeen weeks delay, was fain to ride thither on a borrow'd Horfe, his men on foot. In a Chamber before the Pre fence were fittaken out of the Emperor's ting about three hundred Perfons, all in, rich Robes Wardrobe for that day they fat on three ranks of Benches,rather for Ihew than that the Pevfons were of honour being Merchants and other mean InhabiThe Ambadador faluted them, but by them unfaluted pafs'd on vmh tants. At the Prefence-door being receiv'd by two which had been his Head cover'd. his Guardians, and brought into the midfl;, he was there will'd to ftand ftill, and fpeak his mciriige from the Queen at whofe name the Emperor Itood up, and demanded her lieakh ; then giving the Ambaiiador his H'.nd to kifs, fell to many qiieftions. The Prefent being ddiver'd, which was a great filver Bowl curioufly grav'n, the Emperor told him hedin'd not that day openly becaufe of great aliairs but, faith he, I will lend thee my Dinner, and augment thy And fodifmilling him, fent a Duke richly apparell'd foon after Allowance. to his Lodging with fifty Perfons, each of them carrying-Meat in lilver Dilhes
Whales,
whom
-j,
>
co\er'd
vjhich
iiimfelf deliver'd
into the Amballador's

i
own
hands, tailing
that don, fet him down with fort of Drink firfl: of every Dilh, and every The Emperor his Company, took part, and went not thence unrewarded. fent back with this Ambaflador another of his own call'd -Andrew Savin. 1 571 Jcnkirfjn made a third Voyage s but was (laid long at Colmogro by teafon of the Phigue in thofe Parts j at length had Jiudience where the Court then was, near to PereJIave to which place the Emperor was return'd from his SxreWar with ill fucccfs and Alofco the fame year had been wholly burnt by dijl] the Cnm; in it the EngHjli houfe, and diver fe ^/y/; were fmother'd in the led captive Sellars, multitudes of people in the City perifli'd, all that were young with exceeding fp;il. '_ fent his Ambaffador Pheodor AnI 585. JU'Vt BafUivich having the year before
.
Hac. vol,
about matters of Commerce, the Queen made choice of Sir Jerom Botves^ one of her Houfliold,togointo Rufia; who being attended with more than 40 Perfons, and afcompanied with the Ruffe returning home, arriv'd at Sz.NicoLif. The Dfcfc by this time had intruded into the Mi/coi/^-Trade; which by privilege Ions; before had been granted folely to the Enj^lifl); and had corrupted to thir fide Shalkan the Chancellor, with others of the great ones, who fo wrought, that
drexftch
458;
a Creature of
thir own was fent to meet Sir Jerom ztCdmogro^ and to offer him occafions of diflike Until at Fohgd^ he was receiv'd by another from the Emperor i and :it TeraJIave by a Duke well arcompinied, who prefenttd him with a Coach and ten Geldings. Two miles iwm Mofco met him four Gentlemen with two hundred horfe, who after fhort falutation, told him what they
:
had to fay from the Emperor, willing him to ;ilight, which the Ambaflador at ^ wheron they flood long debating-, whofe foot flioulJ firft the touch ground. length agreed, great difpute follow'd, Thir Mellage deliver'd, and then embracing, they conduced the Ambaffador At his going to Court he and to a houfe st Mofco^ built for him purpofely. his followers honorably mounted and opparell'd, the Emperor's Guard were fet on either fide all the way about 6000 flior. At the Court gate met him four
foon refus'd, unlefs they alfo lighted
5
'
Noblemen
(836)
of Gold, and rich Fur-caps, embroider'd with Peail and Noblemen Stone ^ then four others of greater degree, in which palTage there flood along the Walls, and fat on Benches feven or eight hundred men in colour'd Sactins and gold. At the Prtfence-door met him the chief Herald, and with him all there the great Officers of Court, who brought him where the Emperor fat were fet by him three Crowns of Mufcovy, Cazan and Jftrân ^ on each fide flood two young Noblemen, coftly apparell'd in white i each of them had a broad Ax on his (boulder , on the Benches round fat above a hundred Nobleand enquirM of che the AmbalTador his hand to men.
in cloth
:
Having giv'n
kif?,^
Queen's health, he will'd him to go
the place provided for him, righ ten the him fend to thence from diftant Qjieen's Letters and Prefent. Which ; paces the Ambaflador thinking not reafonable, ftep'd forward ^ but the Chancellor
fit
in
whom the AmbaOador faid, meeting him, would have tak'n his Letters ; to that the Queen bad direded no Letters to him ; and fo went on and deliver'd them to the Emperor's own hands ; and after a fhort withdrawing into the Council-Chamber, where he had Conference with fom of the Council, he was caird in to dinner: about the midft wherof, the Emperor Handing up, drank a deepCaroufe to the Queen's Health, and fent to the Ambalfador a great Bowl of Rhenilh Wine to pledg him. But at feveral times being call'd for to treat about Affairs, and not. yielding ought beyond his Commiffion, the Emperor not wont to be gain-fay'd, one day efpecially broke into palTion, and with a flern Countenance told him, he did not reckon the Queen to be his fellow The AmbalTador not holding ic his part, for there are, quoth he, her betters. hear whatever danger might enfue, to any derogate from the M;ijefty of his told him, that the Queen was equal and countenance like Princefs, with courage to any in ChriRendora who thought himfelf greateft ^ and wanted not means to otlend her Enemie<; whomfoever. Yea, quoth he, what faift thou of the French
:
i
and
SpantjJi
Kings
hold her, quoth the AmbalTador, equal to either.
Then
Girman Emperor ? Her Father, quoth he, had the Emperor in his millik'd the Duke fo far, as that he told him, were he not This anfwer pay. You may, laid the Am;m AmbalTador, he would throw him out of doors. ballador do your will, fori am now faft in your Country ^ but the Queen I doubt not will know how to be reveng'd of any injury ofFer'd to her AmbalTaWhcrat the Emperor in great fudden bid him get home and he with dor. no more reverence than fuch ufage requir'd, faluted the Emperor, and went
what
to the
-^
way. Notwithftanding this, the Aûfcovlte, foon as his mood left him, fpake to them that flood by, many praifes of the Ambalfadcr, wifhing he had fuch a Servant, and prefehtly after fent his chief Secretary to tell him that whatever had pafs'd in words, yet for his great refped: to the Queen, he would fhortly after difpatch him with honour and full contentment, and in the mean while he much enlarg'd his entertainment. He alfo defir'd that the Points of our Religion might be fet down, and caus'd them to be read to his Nobility with much And as the year before he had fought in marriage the Lady Mary approbation. which took not effecft, the Lady and her Friends excufing it, he now Haftings^ the motion to take to Wife fome one of the Queen's Kinfwomen, renu'd again either by fending an Ambafiage, or going himfelf with his Treafure into Enghis
land.
Now
;
vour'd
leave
happy was that Nobleman whom unhappy they who had oppos'd him
Sir
Jerom
Bcxrs in
public fa-
for the
Shalkan the Chancclor very grievoufly for that caufe, one of his race alive. But the Emperor dying foon after of a Surfeit, Shalkan, tp whom then almofl; the whole Government was committed, crûs'd the Ambaflador to remain clofe Prifoner in his Houfe nine weeks. Being fent for an
Emperor had beaten and threatn'd not to
length to have his difpatch, and flightly enough conducted to the Council-Chamber,he was told by Shalkan that this Emperor would condefcend to no other agreements than were between his Father and the Queen before his coming and (b difarmingboth him and his Company, brought them to the Emperor with many affronts in thir paflage, for which there was no help but patience. The Em:
peror faying but over what the Chancellor had faid before, ofFer'd him a Letter for the Queen : which the AmbaHador, knowing it contain'd nothing to the purpofe of his EmbafTy, refus'd, till he faw his danger grow too great ; nor was he fufFer'd to reply, or have his Interpreter. Shall{aa knt him ward that now the Engltflj Emperor was dead j and haften'd his departure, but v;ith
fo
as made bin fear fome mlfchief in his jourone mean Gentleman fcnt with him to be his Con^ having only he commanded the in the Queen's name to Merchants voy EngUJh accompany So arming himfelf and his him, but fuch was his danger, that they durfl; not. Followers in the beft wife he could, againfl any outrage, heat length recover'd the Shoar of Saint Nicho'.M. Where he now refolv'd to fend them back by his Conduft fome of the affronts which he had receiv'd. Ready therfore to take Ship, hecaufes three or four of his valiantefl: and difcreetell men to take the Emperor's Letter, and difgraceful Prefent, and to deliver it, or leave it at the Lodging of his Convoy, which they fafely did \ though follow'd with a greac Tumult of fiich as would have forc'd them to trike it back1^84. Ac the Coronation of Vheodor the Emperor, Jerom Horfeybthg then Agent in Kafta, and calfd for to Court with one John de Wale 3 Merchant of the NetherUnJj and a Subjeft of Spain^ fome of the Nobles would have prefer'd the Fleming before the EfiglijJ). But to that our Agent would in no cafe agree, he would have his rather faying Legs cut off by the Knees, than bring his Prefent in courfe after a Subjed of Spain. The Emperor and Prince B rn perceiving the Controverfy, gave order to admit Horfey firh who was difmifs'd with large Promifes, and feventy MefFes with three Carts of feveralMeath fent after him. 1588. Dr. Giles Fletcher went AmbalTador from the Queen to Phcodor then Emperor ; whofe Relations being judicious and exaft, are beft read entirely by themfelves. This Emperor upon report of the great Learning of 'John Dee the Mathematician, invited him to Mofco with offer of two thoufand pounds a year, and from Prince Boris one thoufand Marks to have his Provifion from the to be Table, honourably rtceiv'd, and accounted as one of the Emperor's chief men in the Land. All which Dee accepted nor. 1604. û Thomas Smith was fcnc AmbafTador from Kingj^ÔTwto Boris then and ftaid fome days at a place five miles from Mofco till he was Emperor honourably receiv'd into the City ; met on horfeback by many thoufands of Gentlemen and Nobles on both fides the way ; where the AmbafTador alighting from his Coach, and mounted on his Horfe, rode with his Trumpets founding before him \ till a Gentleman of the Emperor's StabJe brought him a Gennec gorgeoufly trapt with Gold,Pe3rl and Stone,efpecially with a great Chain of plated Gold about his Neck, and Horfts richly adorn'd for his Followers. Then came three great Noblemen with an Interpreter offring a Speech^ but the AmbafTador deeming it to be ceremony, with a brief Compliment found means to put it by. Thus alighting all, they faluted, and gave hands mutually. Thofe three after a tedious preamble of the Emperor's Title thrice repeated, brought a feveral Compliment of three words apiece, as namely, the firft. To know how the King did, the next. How the Amballador i the third, That there was afairHoufe provided him. Then on they went on either hand of the AmbalTador, and about fix thoufand Gallants behind them ; flill met within the City by more of greater quality to the very Gate of his lodging where fifty Gunners were his daily Guard both at home and abroad. The Preftaves or Gentlemen affjgn'd to have the care of his entertainment, were earnefl to have had the Ambaflador's Speech and Meflage given them in writing, that the Interpreter, as they pretended, might the better tranflateit \ but he admonifh'd them of thir liilh demand. On the day of his audience other Gennets were fent him d his Attendants to ride on, and two white Palfreys to draw a rich Chariot, V hich was parcel of the Prefent the reft wherof was carried by his Followsr: through a lane of the Emperor's Guard ; many Mell'engers pofting up and down the while, till they came through the great Caftle, to the uttermoft There met by a great Duke, they were brought up ftairs through Lirt-gate. :one-gallery, where flood on each hand many in fair Coats of Perfian Stuffy The AmbafTador by two other Counfeilors being led in-Ivet and Damask. .0 the prefence, after his obeyfance don, )âs to ftay and hear again the long Title repeated ^ then the particular Prefents ; and fo deliver'd as much of h^s Embaflage as was then requilite. After which the Emperor ariling from his fo did the young Prince. The AmThrone, demanded of the King's health
fo
many difgracesput upon

:
liitn,
ney to the Sea
5o8.
,-,
<
-,
baflador then deliver'd his Letters into the Emperor's own hand, though the Chancellor otFer'd to have taken them. He bore the Majefty of a mighty Emperor ^ his Crown and Sceptre of pure Gold, a Collar of Pearls about his
Neck,
(83B
his
)
.
crinifon Velvet embroider'd with precious Stone and Neck, Gold. On his right Side llood a fair-Globe of beaten Gold on a Pyramis wich a Crofs upon it v to which before he I'pake, turning a little he crolt himfelf. Not much lirfs in fplendor on another Throne fat the Prince. By the Emperor
Garment
<:f
flood' two Noblemen in Cloth of Silver, high Caps of black Fur, and Chains of gold hanging to thir Feet; on thir Shoulders two Poleaxes of gold, and two of filver by the Prince ; the ground was all cover'd wich Arras or Tapiftry. DifmilT, and brought in again to dinner, they faw the Emperor and his Son each with a Skull of Pearl on thir bare Heads, feated in Itate, ready to dine In the midft of this Hall feem'd to ftand a Pillar thir Veltments chang'd. heap'd round to a great height with mally Plate curioully wrought with Beafts, The Emperor's Table was ferv'd with two hundred NobleFilhes and Fowl. men in Coats of gold ^ the Princes Table with young Dukes of Cafan^ j4flraThe Emperor fent from his Table to caj Siberia., Tartaria and Circafia. the AmbaiTador, thirty dilhes of Meat, to each a Loaf of extraordinary fine Bread. Then followed a number more of ftrange and rare diflies pil'd up half by dozens, with boil'd, roaft and bak't, molt part of them befawc'd In midft of dinner calling the AmbafTador with Garlick and Onions. up to him, he drank the Kind's health, who receiving it from his hand, return'd to his place, and in the fame Cup being of fair Chryftal pledg'd ic After dinner they were calPd up to drink of excelwith r.H his Company. lent and fl:ro:-!g Meach -"vom the Emperor's hind , of which when many did but fip, he urg'd it not j faying he was bcit pleas'd with what wasmoftfor thir health. Yet after that, the fame day he fcnt a great and glorious Duke, one of them that held the golden Pole^x with his Retinue, and fundry forts of Meath to drink merrily with the AmbalTjdor, which fome of the EngUflt did, until the Duke and his Followers light-headed, but well rewarded with At fecond thirty yards of Cloth of gold, and two (landing Cups, departed. and being difmifs'd, had audience the Anibaflador had like reception as before dinner lent after him with three hundred feveral dilhes of Filh, it being Lent, of fuch ftrangenefs, greatnefs and goodnefs, as fcarce would be credible to reThe Amballador departing, was brought a mile out of the City with port. where lighting from the Emperor's Sled, he like honour as he was firfl: met took him to his Coach, made fall upon a Sled the reft to thir Sleds, an eafy and
;
:
,
pleafant paflage.
Names of the Authors from whence

being were.
all
thefe Pvelations
either Eye-witneffes, or
have been taken ; immediate Relaters from fuch as
THE
Journal ef Sir
Hugh Willowby.
Chancelor.
Dtfcourft of Richard Chancelor. Another of Clement Adams taken from the month of Chancelor.
to
i^
Notes of Richard Johnfon, Servant The^xotoXiOtzut^Repfter. Two Letters of Mr. Hen. Lane.
Several Pôyages of ]tXiîx\{Qn. SoutharaW Sparks. The Journal of Randolftfce Embaffador.

u4nother of Sir Jerom Bowes. The Coronation of Pheodor written
by
Jerom Horfey.
Voyage to Pechora. The Voyage of William Purfglove fo Pechora.

of
Goufdon
UnWs
Of Jofias Logan.
Helfel Gerardus, out of Purchas, fart 3. I- 3. Ruffian Relations in Purch. 797. ibid. 2oC. ibid.
The Embaffage of Sir Thomas Smith. Takers of Mr. Hackluit.

Janfonius.
839
declaration;
O
R,
Letters Patents for the Election
of
this prefent
King of POL
f
AND
Anno Dom,
HN
the
Third,
1674.
Ele6led on the iid of May
laft paft,
CONTAINING
The Reafons of
and Merits of the
in
this
Eledion, the great Vertues

his
faid Serene Ele(5l,

in his
laft
eminent Services
againft the Particulars are
War,
efpecially
great
Vidory
'CtttftS and CattatS, wherof many

here related, not publifhed before.
Nmv
fxithfullj tranjlated
from
the Latin Co^j,
In the
nam
and Individual Trinity^ the Father of the mofl Holy ,

and Holy
Spirit.
Biftiop
Son^
*E
Andrew Treiebicki,
of Cracovia^
Duke of
Sever ia^
JoHNGEMBicKiof
I
VUdtJlaH and Pomerania^ &c.

,
Bilhops to the
number of Ten.
Stanislaus Warsxycki) Caftellan of Cracovia Alexander Michael L u c o M R s K of CrMovia^ &c. Palatins to the number of 23. Christ OPH ERus Grzym altouski of Pofnania^ Alexander
I
GRATu
de Tarnow of Sandtmer^- Caftellans to the number of 24. HilareusPolubinski, High Marftial of the great Dukedom of LituAof the great Dukedom of Linia^ ChristopherusPac, High-Chancelor tuania. Senators and great Officers, to the number of 75.
s
of the year laft paft, at Leopolu^ch^ngin the fenfe of fo mournful a Funeral with an undaunnted and frelh Calamity, yet Courage, mindful of her fclf in the feek forbore not to midft of Dangers, Remedies, that the World may underfive'years, on the tenth day of Nowwirr, cd his fading Crown for one Immortal
,
WE
Declare by thefe our prefent Letters unto all and fingle Perwhom it may concern: Our Commonwealth being again left widowed by the unfeafonable Death of that famous ic H a E L late King of PoUnd, who having Icarce reigned full
fons
Itand
C 840 ) of her loITes > ic pleafed her to begin her Coflnfels grows of pt eferving her Country, and delivering ic from the utmoft chances or an Interrcign, from the Divine Deity (as it were by the only motion of whofe Finger, ic is ealie that Kingdoms be transferred from Nation to Nation, and Kings from the lowdt itace to Thrones and therfore the bnfinefs was begun accordAfter the Convocation ing to our Country-Laws, and Anceftors Infticucions. in the month of the of of all the States February at War/aw^ Kingdom ended', on the decreed for the Eledion the thofe confenc of all the common States, day by At the report of this famous Aft, as though a Trumpet had been 2cth of y^pril founded, and a Trophy of Vertue eredted, the wifhes and deflres of Forein Princes came forth of their own accord into the Field of the Poluman Liberty, in a famous Itrife of Merits and gooJ-will towards the Commonwealth,every one bringbut the Coming thir Ornaments, Advantages and Gifts to the Commonvvcakh monwealth becoming more diligent by the prodigal ambition ufed in the laft Inrerof minds, nor carelefs of the future, conreign and Fatlions, and difagreeings fidered with her felf whether firm or doubtful things were promifed, and whether Ihe (hould feem from the prcfent^ffate to transfer both the old and new Honours of Poland into the pofledionof ftrangers, or the military Glory, and thir late unheard of Viftory over the Fwi-^, and Blood ipilc in the war, upon the purone could fofoon put on the love of the ple of fome unwarlike Prince , as if any Country, and that Poland was not fo much an enemy to her own Nation and Fame, as to favour ftrangers more than her own ^ and Valour being found in her, therfore Ihe thencefhould fuller a Gueft of new Power to wax proud in her forth turned her thoughts upon fora one in her own Nation, and at length abolifii d (as Ihe began in the former El. dion) that reproach call upon her, under pretence of a fccret Maxim, That none can be ekHed King of Poland, bnt fuch as are born out of Poland ^ ndther did (he feek long among her Citizens whom (he Ihould prefer above the reft (for this was no uncertain or fufpended Election, there was no pi jce for delay) i for although in the equality of our Nobles many might be-. le(fled, yet the vertue of a Hero appeared above his equals: therfore the eyes and minds of all men'were willingly, and by a certain divine inftind; turned upon the High Marlhal ,of the Kingdom, Captain of the Army, John he admirable vertue of the Man, the High Power of Mar/hal in Sobtenkf. the Court, with his fupreme command in Arms, Senatorial Honour, with his civil Modefty, the extraordinary Splendor of his Birth and Fortune, with open Courtelie, Piety towards God, Love to his Fellow-Citizens in words and deeds, Conftancy, Faith fulntfs, and Clemency towards his Very enemie';, and what noble thint^s foever can be faid of a Hero, did lay fuch Golden Chains on the Minds and Tonguts of all, that the Senate and People of Poland and of the great Dukedom of Limama^ with SalFrages and agreeing Voices named and chofe him thirF-rNOi not with his feeking or precipitate couafel, but with mature Deliberations continued and extended till the third day. Certainly ic conduced much for the honour of the moft ferene Eieft, the Confirmation of a free Eleiflion, and the eternal praife of the People eleiiting, that the great bufinefs of an Age was not tranfaded inoneday, or in the (hadow of the night, or by one cafual heat for it was noc righc that a Hero of the Age /hould in a moment of time (and as ic were bythecafbof a Diej he made a King, whenas Antiquity by an antient Prover b has delivered, that Hercules was not begot in one night i and it hath taught that Eledion (hould (hine openly under a deer Sky in the open Light. The moft ferene Eleft took ic modeftly that his Nomination (hould be defer-
Hand
(he
in the niidfl:
-,
red
till
the third day, plainly (liewins; to endeavour,
left his
Hidden
facility
of
being fufpeded, mightdetrad from thir Judgment, and the World might be enforced to believe by a more certain Argument, that he that was fochofen was eleded without his own ambition, or the envy of corrupted Liberty or was it by the appointed Counfel of God that this debate continued three whole days, from Saturday till Mitnday^ as if the Cotimian Vidory (begun on the Saalfent
,
turday, and at length on the third day after accompli (hed, after the taking of the Cotimian Caftle) had been a lucky prefage of his Royal Reward ; or, as if with an aufpicious Omen, the third day of Eledion had alluded to the Regal iV the Third. name of JO
The
841
his
to the Crown, and confirmed the favour of Suffrages to bis moll ferene Eleft. He the firft of all the Poloniant fliewed that the Scythian fwiftnefs (troublefom heretofore to all the Monarchies of theWorldJ might be repreflcd by a Handing Fight, and the terrible main Battalion of the Tiifk might be broken and routed at oneftroke. That we may pafs by in filence the antient Rudiments of Warfare which he ftoutly and glorioufly managed under the Conduit and Authority of another, againft the Swedes^ MoJ'covitej^ Bomjfians, Tranfylvanians^ and Cojfacks : though about llxty Cities taken by him from the CoJJacks be lefs noifed in the mouth of Fame ;
The famous Glory of War paved
wav
yet thefe often and profperous Battels were a Prelude to greateft VitHiorles in Miriads of Tartars had overrun within this fix years with the memory of man. thir plundering Troops the Coafl: of Podalia, when a fmall force and font
Ihattered Legions were not fufficient againft the hoftile alTault, yet our General knowing not to yield, fhut himfelf up (by a new flratagem of War) in PodlMJecy^ a ftrait Caltle, and fortiSed in hafte, wherby he might exclude the cruel deftrudlion which was haftening into the bowels of the Kingdom* by which means the Barbarian deluded and routed, took Conditions of Peace i as if he had made his inroad for this only purpofe, that he might bring to the molt ferene Eleift matter of Glory, Vidlory. For thefe four laft years the famous Viiflories o( Sobietski have fignalized every year of his warlike Command on the Cojfacks and Tartarians both joined together, the moft Itrong Province of Braclavia, as far as it lies between Hypanis and T^yral, with thir Cities and warlike people, were won from theCoffack^ Enemy. And thofe things are beyond belief which two years ago the moft ferene EIe(3;, after the taking of C amenick^ (being undaunted by the Siege of Laopolu) performed to a miracle by the hardnefs and fortitude of the Pohnian Army, fcarce confining of three thoufand men, in the continual courfe of five days and nit!,hts,fuftaining life without any food,except wild herbs ; fetting upon the Tar. tarians^ he made famous the names of Narulnm., Niemicrovia^ Konarnum, KaHe Ihjfia, obfcure Towns before, by a great Overthrow of the Barbarians. fl^w three Sultans of the Crim Tartars^ defcended of the royal Gietian Family, and fo trampled on that great force of the Scythians, that in thefe later years But the felicity of they could not regain thir Courage, or recoiled; the Forces. this laft Autumn exceeded all his Victories j whenas the Fortifications ztChocimitm, famous of old, were pofiefied and fortified by above forty thoufand Turks, in which three and forty years ago the Pa/owmw had fuftained and reprefied the Forces of the Ottoman Family, drawn together out of Afia, Africa, and Europe^ fell to the ground within a few hours, by the only (underGod) imperatorious Valour and Prudence of Sobieiski-, for he counted it his chief part to go about the Watche?, order the Stations, and perfonaUy to infpedt the preparations of warlike Ordinance, to encourage the Soldiers with voice, hands, and countenance, wearied with hunger, badnefs of weather, and three days Handing in Arms j and he (which is moft to be admired) on Foot at the head of the Foot-forces made through, and forced his way to the Battery, hazarding his lifedevoted to God and his Country i and therupon made a cruel (laughter within the Camp and Fortifications of the Enemy ^ while the defperation of the TurJej whetted thir valour, and he performed the part of a moft provident and valiant Captain at which time three ^^jJmipj were (lain, the fourth fcarce pafled with difficulty the fwift River of 7)/r< j eight thoufand Janiiâria, twenty thonfand chofen Spahies^ befides the more common Souldiers were cut ofFi the whole Camp with all thir Ammunition, and great Ordnance, befides the Affyrian and Phrygian Wealth of luxurious Afia, were taken and pillaged i the famous Caftle of Ce(w7<, and the Bridg over 7^r<tf, ftrong FortrefTes, equal toCaftles on each fide the River, were additions to theVidory. Why therfore Ihould not fuch renown'd Heroic Valour be crowned with the legal reward of a Diadem ? All C/r/?^9w have gon before us in example, which being arrived to the recovery of Jerufalem under the conduct of Godfrey of BuUoin, on thir own accord gave him that Kingdom, for that he firft fcaled the walls of th;it Our moft ferene Eleit is not inferior, for he firft alfo afcended two main City. FortreCTes of the Enemy. The moment of time adorns this Vidtory unheard of in many ages, the moft ferene King Mcfc**^/ dying the day before, as it were fignifying therby that he
:
gave
(840
fo great Valour, as if ic were by his command and favour, that this âvc way to Conqueror might fo much the more glorioufly fucceed from the Helmet to rhe
Crown, from the Commander's Staff to the Scepter, from his lying in the Field to the Regal Throne. The Commonwealth recalled the grateful and never -to be forgotten memory of his renowned Father, the moft Uluftrious and excellent Jama Sobietski Caftellan
of Cracovia., a
Man
to be written of with fedulous care,
who
Golden Eloquence in the publick Councels, and by Ms hand in the Scene of War, had fo often amplified the State of the Commonwealth, and defended it
with the Arms of his Family. Neither can we believe it happened without Divine Providence, that in the fame place wherin forty years ago his renowned Father, EmbalTador of the PWe<j Commonwealth, had made Peace and Covnants mthCimanui the Turkifh General, his great Son Ihould revenge with his Sword the Peace broke (Heaven it felf upbraiding the perfidious EneThe reft of his Grandfires and Great-Grandfires, and innumerable my). Names of famous Senators and great Officers have as it were brought forth light to the ferene Eieft by the emulous Greatnefs and Glory of his Mother's defcent, efpecially Stamflatu Zelkievim^ High Chancellor of the Kmgdom, and General of the Array, at whofe Grave in the Neighbouring fields, in which by the Tnrkilh rage in the year 1620 he died, his vidorious Nephew took full reThe immortal valour and venge by fo remarkable an overthrow of the Enemy fatal fall of his moft noble Uncle Stani/latts D^milovitim in the year 1635, Palatin of Ruffia, doubled the Glory of his Anceftors ; whom defirous of Honour, and not induring that fluggilh Peace wherin Poland then flept fecure. Valour and youthful Heat accited at his own expencc and private forces into the Tauric fields i that by his footing, and the antient warlike Polonian Difciplir, he might lead and point the way to thefe merits o{ Sohietsk}, and being flain by Cantimii. the Tartarian Cham, in revenge of his Son by him flain, he might by his Noble Blood give luftre to this Regal Purple. Neither hath the people of ?oUnd forgot tht mo{\:i[\w^v\o\x$ Marcus Sobietski elder Brother of our moft fe:
by his
who when the Polonian Army at Batto was routed by the Barbarians, although occafion was cfFer'd himof efcape, yet chofe rather to die in the overthrow of fuch valiant men, a Sacrifice for his Country, then to buy his life with a dilhonourable retreat ; perhaps the divine Judgment fo difpofing, whofe order is, that perfonspafs away and fail, and caufes and events happen again the fame ? that by the repeated fate of the Hnniades, the elder Brother of
rene Eleil,
might leave to his younger Brother to the Throne. readier That therfore which we pray the palTage furviving may be happy, aufpicious, and fortunate to our Orthodox Commonwealth, and to all Chriftendom, with free and unanimous Votes, noneoppolTng, all confenting and applauding, by the right of our free Election, notwithftanding the abfence of thofe which have been called and not appeared ; We being led by no private refped, but having only before our eyes the Glory of God, the increafe of the antient Catholick Church, the fafety of the Commonwealth, and the dignity of the PoUjh Nation and Name, have thought fit to elecft, create, in Zolktem and Zlecz.ew Sobietski^ and name, JO Supreme Marflial General of the Kingdom, General of the Armies, Governour of Neva, Bara, Strya Loforovient., and Kalujfien, moft eminently adorned with fo high endowments merits and fplendor,to be KING of Ftf/4</,Grand-Duke of
hopes removed by a lamented (laughter,
great
HN
LituaniajRufia^Pruftal
Maz.ovia^ Samoîtia, Kyovia^ Pôlhinnia, Padtachia, Podoliay Livonia^ Smolensk? Severia^ znACzernitchoviay as we have elected, created, declared, and named him: I the aforefaid Bifhop of Cr4cew< (the Archiepifcopal See being vacant) exercifing the Office and Authority of Primat, and by confent of all the States
thrice demanded, oppofed by none, by all and every one approved, conclude the Eleftion i promifing faithfully that we will always perform to the fame moft ferene and potent Eleft Prince, Lord John the third, our King, the fime Faith
Subjedion, Obedience, and Loyalty, according to our Rights and Liberties, as we have performed to his bleffed Anceftor, as alfothat we will crown the fame moftferene Eledl in the next AITembly at Cr/jcflv/W, to that end ordained, as our true King and Lord, with the Regal Diadem, with which the Kings of Poland were wont to be crown'd, 'and after the manner which the Roman Catholic Church before-time hath obferved in anointing and inaugurating Kings,
We
will
'
( 843 ) anoint and inaugurate him : Yet fo as he (hall hold faft and obferve firft of all the Rights, Immunitiss both Ecclellailical and Secular, granted and given to us by his Anccltor of bleilcd memory j as alfo thefe Laws which we our felvcs in the time of this prefcnt and former Inter-reign, according to the Right of our Liberty, and better prefervation 0/ the Commonwealth, have eAnd if moreover the moft Serene Ejedl; will bind himfelf by an Oath ftablifiied. to perform the conditions concluded with thofe perfons fent by his Majefty bewil!
fore the exhibition of this prefcnt Decree of Eledion, and will provide in beft for the performance of them by his aurhentick Letters , which Decree we by Divine aid delirous to put in execution, do fend Eleelion of common
manner
by
con fent, to deliver it into the hands of the moil: Serene Eled, the moft illuftrious and reverend Lord Bilho]) of Oacovia, together with fome Senators and chief Officers, and the illuftrioiis and mnguificcnt Benedi^ltts Sapieba, Treafurer of the Court of the Great Dukedom of Liiujnia, Marfhal of the Eque^rian Order; committing to them the fam.e Decree of intimating an Oath, upon the aforeand at length to give and deliver faid premifes, and receiving his Subfaiption the iame Decree into the hands of the faid Eleft, and to aift and perform all 0,
In alliirance wherof the Seals of the ther things which this Affair requires. Lords Senators, and thofe of the Equejhian Order deputed to fign, are here affixed.
Given by the hands of the moft illuftrious and reverend Father in Chrift, the Lord Andrew Olfzonski-, Bilhop of Culma and Pomifama, High Chancellor of the Kingdom, in the general ordinary AlFembly of the Kingdom, and great Dukedom of Litmnia^^ for the Eleftion of the new King. Warfaw the 22^ day of May^ in the year of our Lord 1674.
In the prefence of Francifcm Prafz.moHsH, Provoft of Cuefna, Abbot of Sieaethovia^ chief Secretary of the Kingdom ^ Joannes Malachowski, Abbot of Mogila^ Referendary of the Kingdom, &c. with other great Officers of
reft
the Kingdom and Clergv, to the number of fourfcore and two. And the very many great Officers, Captains, Secretaries, Courtiers, and Inhabitants of the Kingdom, and Great Dukedom of Lttuania^ gathered together at /^V/êm to the prefent AlTembly of the Elcdtion of the
and great Dukedom of

Affiftants at the folemn
Kingdom
Lituunia.
Oath taken of his facred .Majefty on the '^th day of the June^ in the Palace at Warfavc, after the Letters Patents delivered upon the Covenants, and Agreements, or Capitulations, the moft Reverend and Excellent Lord Francifco Bonvifi, Archbifhopof Thejfalonka, Apoftolick Nuntio ; Count ChnftopherM a Scajfgotfch^ Cxcareut Tujfamu de
Month of
verbec,
Forbin^ de Jafen, Biffiop of Marfeilles in France^ Joannes free-barron from the Marquefs of Embafladors, and other
Brandenbhrg^
HoEn-
voys and Minifters of State.
5P
OF
45.)
EDUCATIO N
To Mafter
SIR,
long fince perfwaded, that to fay or do ought worth memory and imino purpofe or refpeft /hould fooner move us then limply the love Nevertheiefs to write now the reform. ig of of God, and of mankind. Education, though it be one of the greateft and nobleft defigns thac can be thought on, and for the want wherof this Nation perifhes, I had noc yec at this time been induc't, but by your earneft entreaties, and ferious conjurements ^ as having my mind for the prefent half diverted in the purfuince of fome other alTertions, the knowledg and the ufe of which cannot but be a great furtherance both to the enlargement of truth, and honeft living with
Samuel Hartlib.
Am
tation,
much more
vail'd
with
thofeaims,
Nor (hould the laws of any private friendfhip have prepeace. me to divide thus, or tranfpofe my former thoughts, but that I fee thofe adtions which have won you with me the eftecmof a Perfon
fome good providence from a
far
fent hither by
Country to be the occafion and
the incitement of great good to this Hand. And, as 1 hear, you have obtain'd the fame repute with men of moft approved wifdom, and fome of higheft autoNot to mention the learned correfpondence which you hold in rity among us.
forein parts, and the extraordinary pains and diligence which you have usM in either by the definite will of God fo this matter both here and beyond the Seas
,
Neither ruling, or the peculiar fway of nature, which alfo is God's working. can I think that fo reputed, and fo valu'd as you are, you would to the forfeit of your own difcerning ability, impofe upon me an unfit and over- ponderous argu-
ment, but that the fatisfadion which you profefsto have receiv'd from thofe incidental Difcourfes which we have wandcr'd into, hath preft and almoft con ftrain'd you into a perfwafion, that what you require from me in this point,! neither ought, nor can in confcience defer beyond this time both of fo much need at 1 will not once, and fo much opportunity to try what God hath determin'd^ of or that it divine human either relift therfore whatever is, obligement, you lay upon me but will forthwith fetdownin writing, as you requeft me, that voluntary Idea, which hath long in filence prefented it felf to me, of a better Education, in extent and comprehenfion far more large, and yet of time farfhorter, and of attainment far more certain, then hath been yet in praftice. for that which I have to fay, alTuredly this Brief (hall endeavour to be Nation hath extream need (liould be done fooner then fpoken. To tell you (hall therfore what I have benefited herein among old renowned Authors, DtdaBta and more then modern ever and what fearch to Januas many fpare have projifted, my inclination leads me not. But if you can acI (hall read, cept of thefe few Obfervations which have flowr'd off, and are as it were the burniihing of many ftudious and contemplative years altogether fpent in the fearch of religious and civil knowledg, and fuch as pleas'd you fo well in the relating, 1 here give you them to difpofe of. The end then of Learning is to repair the ruins of our firft Parents by regaining to know God aright, and out of that knowledg to love him, to imitate him, to be like him, as we may the neareft by pollelTing our fouls of true vertue, which being united to the heavenly Grace o Faith, makes But becaufe our underftanding cannot in this up the higheft perfedlion. nor arrive fo clearly to the on found it felf but fenfible things, body knowledg of God and things invifible, as by orderly conning over the \i~ the fame method is necedarily to be follow'd llble and inferior creature, And in all difcreet teaching. feeing every Nation affords not experience End tradition enough for all kind of Learning, therfore we are chiefly
;
I
,
taught
taught the Languages of thofe people who have at any time been mofl induftrious after Wifdom , fo that Language is but the Inftrument conveying to us And though a Linguift fliould pride himfelf to have things ufeful to be Icnown.
aU the Tonnues that Babel cleft the world into, yet if he have notftudied the folid things in them as .well as the Words and Lexicons, he were nothing fo much to be efteem'd a learned man, as any Yeoman or Tradefman competently Hence appear the many miftakes which have wife in his Mother- Dialecft only.
?4^
made Learning
generally fo unpleafing and fo unfuccefiful j firlt we do amifs to fpend feven or eight years meerly in fcraping together io much miferable Latin and Greek, as might be learnt otherwife ealily and delightfully in one And that Vi'hich cafts our proficiency therin fo much behind, is our year. tiine loft partly in too oft idle vacancies given both to Schools and Univerfitie5, partly in a prepoflerous exaLtion, forcing the empty wits of Children to compofe Thearas, Verfes and Orations, which are the aCts of ripeft judgment, and
work of a head fiii'd by long reading and obferving, with elegant Thefe are not matters to be wrung from poor and maxims, copious invention. of or the plucking of untimely fruit out the like blood nofe, befides ftriplings, the ill habit which they get of wretched barbarizing againft the Latin and Greek idioni, with thir untutoi'd ^g//ci/^.r, odious to be read, yet not to be avoided wiihouta well continued and judicious converling among pure Authors digefled, which they fcarce talle wheras, it after fome preparatory grounds of fpecch by thir certain forms got into memory, they were led to the praxis thcrof in fome chofen fhortbook lellbn'd throughly to them, they might then forthwith proceed to learn the fubftance of good thing?, and Arts in. due order, which would bring This I take to be the moft ratiothe whole Language qiiic kly into thir power. nal and moft profitable way of learning Languages, and wherby we may beft And for the i;fual hope to give account to God ot our youth fpent herein. method pf teaching Arts, I deem, it to bean old error of Univerfities, not yet well recover'd from the Scholaftic grofsnefs of barbarous ages, that inftead of beginning with Arts moft eafy, and thofe be fuch as are mofl: obvious to the fence, they prefent thir young unmatriculated Novices at firft coming with fo that they the moft intelleftive abftradtions of Logic and Metaphyfics left Grammatic Flats and but thofe Shallows where newly having they ftuck unreafonably to learn a few words with lamentable conftruiflion, and now on the fudden tranfported under another dimat to be tofs'd and turmoil'd with thir unballafted wits in fadomkfs and unquiet deeps of Controverfy, do for the moft part gro' into hatred and contempt of Learnmg, mockt and deluded all this while with ragged Notions and Babblements, while they cxpefted worthy and delightful knovvledg ^ till poverty or youthful years call them importunately thir feveral ways, and haften them with the fway of friends either to fome allur'd to an ambitious and mercenary, or igncrantly zealous Divinity the trade of Law, grounding thir purpofes not on the prudent and heavenly Contemplation of Juftice and Equity which was never taught them, but on the promifing and pleafing thoughts of litigious terms fat contentions, and flowing fees; others betake them to State-affairs, with fouls fo iinprincipl'd in vertue, and true generous breeding, that flattery and Court-fhifcs and tyrannous
the final
:
-,
;,
Aphorifms appear to them the
higheft points of wifdom i inftilling thir barren Hearts with a confcientious flavery, if as I rather think, it be not fain'd. Others laftly of a more delicious and airie fpirit, retire themfelves, knowing no better, to the enjoiments, of eafe and luxury, living out thir days in feaft and jollity ; which indeed is the vvifeftand the fafeft courle of all thefc, unlefs they were with more integrity undertaken. And thefe are the fruits of mifpending our prime youth at the Schools and Univerlities as we do, either in learning meer words, or fuch things chiefly as were better unlearnt. I fliall detain you no longer in the deraonftration of what we fl70uld notdo, but ftraitcondudb ye to a hill fide, where I will point ye out the right path of a vertuous and noble Education laborious indeed at the firft afcent, but elfe fo fmooth, fo green, fo full of goodly profpeft,and melodious founds on every f\de, that the harp of Orfhens was not more charming. I doubt not but ye /hall have more ado to drive our dulleft and lazieft youth, our ftocks and ftubs, from the infinite defire of fuch a happy nurture, then we have now to hale and drag ourchoiceft and hopefulleft wits to that afinine feaft of fowthiftlcs and brami
b;e
847
before them, as all the food and entertainment commonly of thir tendereft and moft docible age- I call therfore a compleat and generous Education, that which fits a man to perform juftly, skilfully and mcignanimoudy And how all this all the offices both private and public of Peace and War.
brambles which
is
fct
may be don between

ftow'd in pure
trifling at
twelve, and one and twenty, lefs time then isnowber Grammar and Sofhtflry, is to be thus order'd.
Firft to find out a fpatious houfe
and ground about
it fit
for an
Academy^ and
big enough to lodg a hundred and fifty perfons,wherof twenty or therabout may be attendants, all under the governmwit of one, who Ihall be thought of defert fufficient, and ability either to do all, or wifely to direft and overlee it
don.
a
This place fhould be at once both School and Univerfity, not needing
remove to any other houfe of Schoierlhip, except it be fom peculiar ColledgofLaw, orPhyfick, where they mean to be Praftitioners i but as for thofe general ftudies which take up all our time from Lilly to the commencing, as After this pattern, as mathey term it. Matter of Art, it fliould be abfolute.
ny Edifices may be converted to this ufe as Ihall be needful in every City throughout this Land, which would tend much to the encreafe of Learning and This number, lefs or more thus coUedled, to the conveCivility every where. nience of a foot Company, or interchangeably two Troops of Cavalry, (hould Thir Studies, thir xdivide thir days work into three parts as it lies orderlyercife, and thir Diet. For thir Studies. Firfl: they fliould begin with the chief and necefTary rules of Ibm good Grammar, either that now us'd, or any better: and while this is doing, thir fpcech is to be falhion'd to a diftind and clear pronuntiation, as near For we Englijhmtn being far as may be to the Italian^ efpecially in the Vowels. Northerly, do not open our mouths in the cold air, wide enough to grace a Southern Tongue , but are obferv'd by all other Nations to fpeak exceeding fo that to fmatter Latin with an Englilh mouth, is as ill a clofe and inward as Law-French. Next to make them expert in the ufefulleft points of hearing Grammar, and withal to feafon them and win them early to the love of Vertue and true Labour, e're any flattering feducement, or vain principle feize them wandering, fom eafy and delightful Book of Education would be read to them , wherof the Greeks have ftore, as Ceba^ Plutarch., and .other Socratic But in Latin we have none of claffic authority extant, except the Difcourfes. two or thrle firft Books of <2uintiUan^ and fome fcleft pieces elfwhere. But here the main skill and groundwork will be, to temper them fuch Ledlures and Explanations upon every opportunity, as may lead and draw them in willing obedience, enflam'd with the ftudy of Learning, and the admiration of Vertue; ftir'd up with high hopes of living to be brave Men, and worthy Patriots, dear to God, and famous to all Ages. That they may defpife and fcorn all thir wich childifli and ill-taught qualities,to delight in manly and liberal Exercifes he who hath the Art and proper Eloquence to catch them with, what with mild and efFedual perfwafions, and what with the intimation of fom fear, if need be, but chiefly by his own example, might in a fhort fpace gain them to an incredible infufing into thir young brefts fuch an ingenuous and nodiligence and courage ble ardor, as would not fail to make many of them renowned and matchlefs men. At the fame time fom other hour of the day, might be taught them the rules of Arithmetic, and foon after the Elements of Geometry, even playing, as the old manner was. After evening jepaft, till bed-time, thir thoughts would be bed taken up in the eafy grounds of Religion, and the ftory of Scripture. The next ftep would be to the Authors of jigriculture, Cato^ fânt, and Columella^ for the matter is moft eafy ^ and if the language be difficult, fo much the better And here will be an occafion of inciting it is not a difficulty above thir years. and inabling them hereafter to improve the tillage of thir Country, to recover for this was one the bad Soil, and to remedy the wafte that is made of good of Hcrcules's praifcs. E're half thefe Authors be read (which will foon be with plying hard and daily) they cannot chufebut be mafters of any ordinary proTe. So that it will be then feafonable for them to learn in any modern Author the ule of the Globes, and all the Maps ; firft with the old names, and then with the new, or they might be then capable to read any compendious method of natural Philofophy. And at the fame time might be entring into the Greek tongue, after the fame manner as was before prefcrib'd in the Latin ^ wherby the difficulties of Grammar being foon overcom, all the Hiftorical Phyfiology of -î: :
:
,
ftotlt
fiotle
( 84S ) and Theofhrafttu are open before.them, and
tion.
The
like accefs will be to yttruviw,

Pliny,
tnettc.
or Solinm. And and with a general compaft of Phyfics, Geography jiftremmy, Geometry, they may defcend in Mathematics to the inltrumental fcience of Trigonometry^ and from thence to Fortification, Archicefture, Enginry, or Navigation. And in natural Philofophy they may proceed leifurely from the Hiftory of Me-
Mela, CelfMi
as I may fay, under contributo Seneca s aatmal queftions, to having thus paft the principles of Arith.
teors, Minerals, Plants and living Creatures as far as
Anatomy.
Then
alfo in
courfe might be read to them out of fom not tedious Writer the Inflitutioa of Phyfic that they may know the tempers, the humours, the feafons, and how to manage a Crudity : which he who can wifely and timely do, is not only a great Phyfitian to himfelf and to his friends, but alfo may at fomtime or other,
,
Army by this frugal and expenflefs means only and not let the healthy and flout bodies of young men ret away under him for want of this Difciwhich is a great pity, and nolefs a ftiame to the Commander. To fee plin forward all thefe proceedings in Nature and Mathematics, what hinders buc that they may procure, as oft as fhall be needful, the helpful experiences of Hunters, Fowlers, Fifhermen, Shepherds, Gardeners, Apothecaries ; and in the other Sciences, Architects, Engineers, Mariners, Anatomifts ; who doubtlefs would be ready, fom for reward, and fom to favour fuch a hopeful Seminary. And this will give them fuch a real tindture of natural knowledg, as they Ihall Then alfo thofe Poets which never forget, but daily augment with delight. are now counted moft hard, will be both facil and pleafant, Orphetu, He/iod, Theocritus, Aratus^ Ntcander, Opfian, DionyJiMj and in Latin Lucretim., Manillitts, and the rural part of Firgil. By this time, years and good general precepts will have furnifht them more
fave an
,
,
diftindly with that
ad of reafon which in Ethics is call'd Proairefis may with fom judgment contemplate upon moral good and evil.
.-
that they
Then
will
be requir'd a fpecial reinforcement of conftant and found endoftrinating to fet them right and firm, inftruding them more amply in the knowledg of Vertue and the hatred of Vice while thir young and pliant affedions are led all moral the works of Plato, Xenophon, Cicero, Plutarch, Laertitu, and through thofe Locrian remnants ; but ftill to be reduc'c in thir nightward ftudies wherwith they clofe the days work, under the determinate fentence of David ov
:
or the Evanges and Apoftolic Scriptures. Being perfed in the the Itudy of Economics. And either now or before this they may have eafily learnt at any odd hour the ha. lian Tongue. And foon after, but with warinefs and good antidote, it would be wholfom enough to let them tafte fom choice Comedies, Greek, Latin, or Italian Thofe Tragedies alfo that treat of HouQiold matters, as Tracbinix, Atcefiis^ andkhe like. The next remove mufl be to the ftudy of Politics ; to knovy the beginning, end, and reafons of Political Societies ; that they may not in a dangerous fit of the Common- wealth be fuch poor, fhaken, uncertain Reeds of fuch a tottering Confcience, as many of our great Counfellcrs have lately Ihewn themfelves, but ftedfaft Pillars of the State. After this they are to dive deliver'd firft and with belt warinto the grounds of Law, and legal Juftice rant by Mof(s ; and as far as human prudence can be trufted, in thofe extoU'd remains of Grecian Law-givers, Licurgus, Solon, Zaltucas, Charondas, and thence to all the Roman Eof/V?; and Tables with thir Juftinian > and fo down to the Saxon and common Laws of England, and the Statutes. Sundaies alfo and every evening may be now underftandingly fpentin the highefl: matters o{ Theology, and Church-Hiftory antient and modern : and e're this time the Hebrew Tongue at a fet hour might have been gain'd, that the Scriptures may be now read in thir own original i wherto it would be no impoflibility to add theChaldee, and the Syrian Dialed. When all thefe emploiments are well conquer'd, then will the choice Hiftories, Heroic Poems, and .<4ffV Tragedies of ftatelieft and mofl: regal Argument,with all the famous Political Orations,ofFer themfelves ; which if they were not only read, but fom of them got by memory, and folemnly pronounc't with right accent and grace, as might be taught, would endue them even with the fpirit and vigour of Demojihenes or Cictro, Euripides, or Sophocles. And now laftly will be the time to read with them thofe organic Arts which inaSalomon,
knowledg of perfonal duty, they may then begin
bk men to difcourfe and write perfpicuoufly,elegantlyjand
according to the fitted

,
fliJe
S49
Ilile of lofty, mean, or lowly. Logic therfore fo much as is ufefu!, is to be reall her wel! coucht Heads and Topics, until it with ferr'd to this due place be time to open her contradled palm into a graceful and ornate Rheroric
taught out of the rule of Plato^ AnftotU., PhaUreuSt Ctccro^ Hermogfnes^ To which Poetry would be made fubfequent, or indeed rather LonginHs. and fine, but more limple, feuluous, agd precedent, as being lefs futtle mean not here the profody of a verfe, which t!xy could not I paflionate. but have hit on before among the rudiments of Grammar ^ bur thatfublime rtrt
and the Italian Commentaries oi Caflleteaches what the Laws are of a true Efic and Others, vetro, Taffo^ Maz.zom^ what of a of what Dramatic, sLyric^ what Decorum is, which h the Poem, This would make them loon perceive what defto obfcrve. matterpiece grand Rimers and our common Creatures Play-writers be, ancf fhew them picable what religious, what glorious and magnificent ufe might be made of Poerry >ntti From hence, and not till now will be the right feain divine and human things. fon of formin^them to be able Writers and Compofers in every exxellent matter, when they (hail be thus fraught with an univcrfal inlight into things. Or whether they be to fpeak in Parlament or Councel, honour and attention would There would then alfo appear in Pulpits other vifages, be waiting on thir lips. piher geltures, and Huff otherwife wrought then what we now lit under, oftimeS Thefe to as great a trial of our patience as any other that they preach to us. are the Studies wherin our nobk' and our gentle Youth ought to bellow thir rime in a dilcipiinary way from twel\ e to one and twenty unl fs they rely more upon In whi.h methodical courfe thir anceftors dead, then upon themfelves living. it is fo luppos'd they muft proceed by the (teddy pace of Learntng onward, as at; convenient times tor memories fake to retire back into the middle ward, and fomtimes into the rear of what they have been taught, until they haveconfirm'd, and folidly united the whole body of their perfeted knowIedg,like thvlaft embat-
which
in Ariftotles Poetics^ in Horace.,
tcllinj,
of a
Roman
and Recreations may
Now will be worth the feeing, what Exercifes Legion. belt agree, and becom thefe Studies.
Thir Exercife.
briefly defcrib'd, is what 1 can guefs by reading and famous Schools of Pyhagoroi^ Plato, Ifocr.ues, Ari. flotkand fuch others, out of which were bred fuch a number of renowned Pnilofophers, Orators, Hiftorians, Poets and Princes all over Greece, Italy and Afa^ But herein it ihall exbefides the flourilhing Studies of Cyrene and Alexandria. ceed them, and fupply a defed as great as that which P/<?fo noted in the Commonwealth of Sparta ; wheras that City train'd up thir Youth molt for War, and thefe in thir Academies and Lyceum, all for the Gown, this inltitutionof breedins^ which 1 here delineate Ihall be equally good both for Peace and War. Therfore about an hour and half ere they eat at Nr;on fnould be allow'd them for exercife, and due reft afterwards ^ but the time for this may be
Thecourfeof Studyhitherto
likelt to thofe antient
enlarg'd at pleafure, according as thir riling in the morning Ihall be early. The Exercife which I commend firft is the exad ufe of thir Weapon^ to guard, and to ftrike fafely with edg or point s this will keep them
healthy, nimble, ftrong, and well in breath, is alfo the likJiell means to make them grow large and tall, and to infpire them with a gallant and fearlefs Courage, which being temper'd with feafonable Leiftures and precepts to them of true Fortitude and Patience, will turn into a native and heroic Va-
and make them hate thecowardife of doing wrong. They mult be alfo pradis'd in all the Locks and Gripes of Wreftling, wherin Englifhmen were wont toexceii as need may often be in fight to tug or grapple, and to clofe. And this perhaps will be enough, wherin to prove and heat thir lingle ftrength The interim of unfweating themfelves regularly, and convenient reft before meat, may both with profit and delight be taken up in recreating and compoiing thir travail'd fpirits with the folemn and divine harmonies of Mufic heard or learnt either while th.: skilful 0>-^<ji/^ plies his grave and fancied defcant in lofty Fugues, or the whole Symph' ny with artful and unimaginable touches adorn and grace the well-ftudied chords of fome choice Compofer 5 ibnatimes the Lute, or lolt Organ flop waiting on elegant Voices cither to religious martial or civil Ditties, which, if wife Men and Prophets be not extreamly out,have a great power over Dilpofitions and Manners to fmooth and make them 5 Qgentle
lour,
>
850)
ving call'd out to thir military mothey are by a fudden alarm or watch word to be as was the Roman to the or skie fcafan, under covert, according tions, wont, firft on foot, then as thir age permits, on horfe-back, to all tie Art of Cavalry \ that having in fport, but with much exacftnefs and daily mailer, ferv'd cue
all the skill of embattelling, marching, and battering, with ail the helps of antient encamping, fortifying, befieging, and modern Stratagems, Tailks, and warlike Maxims, they may as it were out of a long War com forth renowned and perfedt Commanders in thefervice of thir Country. They would not then, if they were trufted with fair and hopeful Armies, foffer them for want of jiift and wife difciplin tofhed abe never vvay from about them like fick Feathers, though they Cpoft fuppli'd: fuffer thir empty and unrecrutible Colonels of twenty men in a not would they
The like alfo would harrnneG and dittemper'd padions. gentle from rullic not be unexpedient after Meat to adin: and cheri(h Nature in her firll; concodion, and fend thir minds back to ftudy in good tune and fatisfadion. Where hafollow 'd it clofe under vigiLint eyes, till about two hours before fupper,
the rudiments of thir Souldierfliip in
Company
with
to quaft^ out, or convey into fecret ho3ids, the wages of adeluflve yet in thsmean whi'cto be over-mafter'd with a lift, and a miferable remnant the onlv of drunkards, fcore or two fouldiery left about them, or elfe to comply
:
certaioly, if they knew ought of that rapines and violences. or men to that good good Governours, they viTould not fuffer belongs knowledg But to return to our own Infticuie, bcfides thefe conftant exerthefe things. cifes at home, there is another oppjrtunicy of gaining experience to be woa
all
No
from pleafure it felf abroad i in thofe\ernal feafonsof the year, when the air calm and pleafint, it were an injury and fullennersagainft nature not to go out and fee her riches, and partake m h-.r rejoicing with Heaven and Earth. I Ihoiild not therfoie be a perfwnder toihvm of ftudying much then, after two
is
or three year that they ha e well laid thir grounds, but to ride out in compawith I radent and ftaid Guides to all the qnarters of the Land learning and obler-ving all places of Itrength, all commodities bf building and of foil, Somtimes taking Sea for Towns and Pillage, Harbours and Ports for Trade. as far as to our Navy, to learn there alfo what they can in the practical knowThefe ways would try all thir peculiar gifts ledg ofSailing and of Sea-fight.
nies
,
of Nature, and if there were any fecret excellence among them would fetch it out, and give it "fair opportunities to advance it felf by, which could not but mightily redound to the good of this Nation, and bring into falhion again thofe old admired Vermes and LxceUencies with far more advantage now in this purit7 of Chriftian knowledg. Nor fliall we then need -^he A^njieurs of Parti totaks our hopeful Youth into thir flight and prodigal cuftodies, and fend them over But if they defire back again transform'd into Mimics, Apes, and Kiclhoes. to fee other Countries at three or four and twenty years of age, not to learn to enlarge Experience, and make wife obfervation, they will Principles, but by that time be fuch as Ihall deferve the regard and honour of all men where they pa fs, and thefociety andfriendfhip of thofe in all places who are befi and moft eminent. And perhaps-then other Nations will be glad to vifit us for thir
breeding, or elfe to imitate us in thir own Country. Now l^flly forthir Diet, there cannot be much to fay, fave only that it would be belt in the fame Houfe for much time elfe would be loft abroad, and many and that it fhould be plain, healthful, and moderate, I fuppofe ill habits got
, ,
Thn'^Mr. HartUb, you have a general view in writing, your defire was, of that which at feveral times I had difcourb'd with you connot beginning, as fom have cerning the beft and nobleft way of Education which be worth the from Cradle, yet might many confiderations, if bredone, many other circumftances alfo I could have menvity had not been my fcope tion'd, but this to fui h as have the worth in them to make trial, for light and direction may be enough. Only I believe that this is not a Bow for every man to (Vi'ôt in thit counts himftlf a Teacher j but will require finews almolt equal to thofe which Homer gave Vlyffes : yet 1 am withal perfwaded that it may prove much more eafy in the affay then it now feems at diftance, and much morcillufliious; howbeit not more difficult then I imagin, and that imagination prefents mt with nothing but very happy, and very poflible according to befl wishes, if God have fo decreed, and this Age have fpirit and capacity enough to apis
out of controverfie.
as
prehecd.
i^CCE-
ACCEDENCE
Commenc'c
GRAMMAR, RULES
Supply 'd with fufficient
For the
ufc
defirous,
Younger or Elder, are without more trouble then needs, to

as^
of fuch
attain the
Latin Tongue ; the elder fort efoewith little teaching, and thir own incially,
duftry.
To
the
Reader.
IT
hath bin long a general complaint, not without caufe, in the bringing tip of Touth, the tenth andjitll is^that part of man's lifeôrdinarily extendedîs taken up in learnthat very fcarcely., the Latin Tongue. and Which tardy proficience may ings he attributed to feveral caufes : In particular, the making two Labours of one, the Accedence, then the Grammar in Latin, ere the by learning fr(t Language of Rules be The only remedy of this, was to join both Books into one^ underfiood. thofe
and in the Englifh Tongue of under/landing much more
wherby the long way is much abbreviated, and the labour eafy wor\fuppos'd not to have been don formerly; or if without here in don^not brevity and alteration, as may be found of momenta fuch dijference That of Grammar, touching Letters and Syllables, is omitted, as learnt before, and
^
little
dtjferent
from
the Er\g\i(hSpelling-bookj, efpecially fince
fewwiS
be perfwaded to
IVhat will not com under Kule., pronounce Latin otherwife then thir own Englilh. by reafen of the much variety in Declenfion, Gender^ or ConJlruSlion, is alfo here omitted, left the courfe and clearnefs of method be clog^d with Catalogues inftead of
interruption between Rule and Rule : Which Linaker, fetthe various Idioms of many Verbs, was fore t to do by Alphabet ^ and thernot But in fuch words^ fore, though very learned, thought fit to be read in Schools. with will be the AatontlCi aXyi{Woxi?Lry florid found good readieft guide.
Rules,
or too
much
ting down
rate ConftruUion what
ufeful is digefted into feveral Rules of Syntaxis : die, after this Grammar well learnt, will not need to be Englijln for him mind to read it. Account what addition or alteration be
is
Of fguand Profowho hath a

from other
might
mw
giv'*n
Grammars hath
teaching,
fufficiently
to
But he who would be Jhort in bin here made, and for what reafon. : The not be in it muft Book^ long felf follows, and will declare prefacing
them who can
difcern.
0^2
A C C
(850
ACCEDENCE
GRAMMAR.
Grammar
is
Commenc'c
the Art of
L[Atin
right underftanding, {peaking, or writing Latin, obferv'd
but Okafier is read Sfinust Mafculin alfo Feminin, C?c. verr.4. uicer^ filer,
-,
fuher^ thui, robur.
from them who have

it belt.
And
Neuter. of the Neuter are
all
Nouns,
>,
fpoken or written
not being proper Names, ending in

:
Grammar hath two
Parts
right-
and many others.

hie
wording, ufually call'd Etymologic ; and of words, or Synt axis. right- joyning
Etymologic^ or right-wording, teach-
eth what belongs to every fingle
word
or part of Speech.
are of two Genders, as or hac dies a day ; and all fuch as may be fpoken both of Male and Female, as htc or htsc Parens a Father or Mother fom be of three, as hie h^c
:
Som Nouns
Of
Latin
SFEECH
:
and
hoc Felix happy.
Of Numbers.
Are eight General Parts
Noun
'Adverb
^ConiunElion\X\.n^t\?rcfofuion (^clin^d.
Înterjection _
WOrds
ral.
declin'd have
two Num-
bers, the Singular and the Plulingular fpeaketh but of one,
Pronoun f DeFerb Qclin'd. Fart id fie J
The
as Laft4 a Stone. The plural of then one, as lafidcs flones ; yet
more
ibm-
are thofe words which have divers DEclin''d endings ; as homo a man, Amo I love, amas hominii of a man thou loveft. VndecHndzxe thofe words
,
times but of one, as Athena the City Athens, Litcra an Epiftle, tides <cdiiim a
Houfe.
which have but one ending, cnm when, tnm then. Nouns, Pronouns, and
are declin'd
as bene well,
Note that fom Nouns have no fingular, and fom no plural, as the nature of thir fignification requires.
Som
lar
^
are of one Gender in the Anguof another, or of two Genders in
Participles,
and Cafe
verb.
with Gender, Number, Verbs, as hereafter in the
the plural, as reading will belt teach.
Of
Cafes.
Pronouns,
Of
are
culin
Genders.
three,
NOuns, ples are

ings,
declin'd with
and Particifix end-
the Mafculin,
Feminin, and Neuter. The MafGEnders

be declin'd with this Article Man the Feminin H/V, with this Article Hec, as hjcc AluUer a Woman , the Neuter with this Article
may
as hie Vir a
which are called Cafes, both in the lingular and plural number. The Nominative, Genitive, Dative, Accufative. Vocative, and Ablative. The Nominative is the firfl Cafe, and properly nameth the thing, as Liber a
Book.
is englifht with this of a Book. The Dative with this Sign to^ or for, as Libra to or for a Book. The Accufative hath no fign.
HoCj as hoc Saxum a Stone. Of the Mafculin are generally
all
The
Genitive
Nouns belonging to the Male kind, as alfo the Names of Rivers, Months and
Winds.
the Feminin, all Nouns belongthe Female kind, as alfo the to ing names of Countries, Cities, Trees, fom few of the two latter except-
Sign 0/, as Libri
Of
The rocative
as
ed
Of
Cities,
as Agra2,ai
and Sul-
mot Mafculin ; -Argot^ Ttbur^ Pr. as end in um. Neuter wf/?f, and fuch Of Jrees, Oleaficf and Anxur both.
Book, and is commonly like the Nominative. But in the Neuter Gender the Nominative, Accufative, and Vocative, are like in both Numbers, and in the Plural end always in a.
Liber
calleth or fpeaketh to,
The
The
Signs,
Ablative
',
is
engli/ht with thefe
Nouns, and efpecially proper Names

derived of the Greek, have here three endings, as, es, e, and arc declin'd in fom of thir Cafes after the Greek form.
chifes,
fuch
with, of, for^ from^ by, and like, as De Libra of or from the
Book,
tive.
fro Libra for the

is
Bock
and the
Ablative Plural
always
like the
Da-
Note, that fom Nouns have but one

ending throughout all Cafes, as Fruî, nequam, nihil ; and all words of number from three to a hundred, as quatuor
four, qiih/cjHe fiveyO'c.
i^neas, ace. t^nem., voc. %/nea ; Anace Anchifen, voc. Anchife or

Penelope, PenePenelope,
Anchifa, abl. Anchife,

lopes,
Penelopen.
voc. abl. Pe-
nelope.
Som have but one, fom two, three Cafes only, in the Singular Plural, as ufe will bell teach.
Somtimes following the Latin, as Marfya, Philodeta^ for as and es ; Philoiletam, Eriphyh/n, for an and en.
fcm
or
Cic.
The
fecond Declenfion.
is
Of a Noun.
is the name of a thing, as Manns a Hand, Domttt a Houfe, BonM Good, Pulcher Fair. Nouns be Subllantives or Adjeftives.
A
A
THe Singular endeth

in 0,
fecond
when
in
the Genitive the Dative
Noun
&c.
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
Voc. Liber
kNoni. Voc. Libri
Noun Subdantive
felf,
is
underllood
by
it
as homo
man,
domm
houfe.
Gen. libri Dat. Abl. libra Ace. Itbrum
^Gen. librornm
)Dat. hbi.libris .Ace. libros.
An
Adjeiftive, to be well underftood,
Note
endeth
e,
that
when the Nominative

end
Deat
in
a
requiretli a Subftantive
to
be join'd
with ic, as bonm good, parvm little, which cannot be well underftood unlefs
in ta, the Vocative /hall as Doimntii o Domine, except
Tteuf.
And
thefe following,
Agnw,
fomthing good or
as bonus vir a
;
little
be either nani'd,
lucHi, vulgtu, pofulm, chorus,
fiuvtM, e
good man, parvm pner a little boy or by ufe underftood, as honeftum an honeft thing, boni good men.
or
if
ta.
The
Declining of Subftantives. Subllantives have five Deoi
the Nominative endeth in m, be the proper name of a man, the Vocative /hall end in /, as Ceorgitu S Ceorgi ; hereto add ^lim o fili, and geit
When
niui
All
geni.
Nouns of
the Second Declenfion
clenfions NOuns
forms of ending ihir Cafes, chiefly diftinguifht by the different ending of thir Genitive Singular.
are of the Mafculin or Neuter
Gender i
<>,
of the Mafculin, fuch as end in
or,
The
Dative THe
in the
firfl
firft
is
Declenfion.
the Genitive and
except fom few, humus, domus^ alvHs, and others deriv'd of the Greek,
ov
as
Hs,
when
fingular
end
in ^,
&c. as
Example
following.
methodus, antidatus, and the like, which are of the Feminin, and fom of them fomtimes alfo Mafculin, as atomus, fhafelus ; to which add ficns the
name of
and
rubus.
Plural. -x<Singular. No.Vo. Abl. mitfaJ<Nom. Voc- mnf
a difeafe, -groffus,
pampinus,
virus,
Gen. Dat.'M/i
Ace.
Thofe of the Neuter, except

pelagus,
V^Gen- mufarum
mufam
C JDat. Abl. mufis. jCAcc. mufas
and valgus (which lall is fomtimes Maiculin) end all in um, and are
:
declin'd as followeth
This one word familia joyn'd with or filia, endeth the fater, mater^ jiliM,
Genitive fomtimes
liberta,
Sing.
Plur.
in as,
ns pater familiat,
but
equa,
No. hcvo-Studiumy
)NQ.Ac.\/oc.Studia
famil'u.
Dea,
Gm.fiudii
Dal.
mula,
)Gen. ftudtorum
plural in
abH4.
make the Dative and Ablative abm ^ filia and nata in is or
hhl fiudia
>^Dat. Ahl.ftudiis.
Declenfion are of
fe-
Som Nouns
the
firft
in this
Example Singular, of the

-,
Declenfion endeth always ina, unkfs in fom words deriv'd of the Greek : and is always of the Feminin Gender, except in names attributed
firfl:
The
to men, according to the general Rule, or to Stars, asComtta, Flaneta.
cond Plural, as Pergamus the City Troy, and fom names Plur. Hac Pergama as of hills, ManAlus, Ifmarus^ hxc Iftnara ; fo alfo Tartarus, and the Lake Avernus ; others are of both, asfbilus^
jocHS,
locus, hi loci,
or hac
loca.
Som
are
S54)
Except fuch
as dodrans,
as
are of the fecond example Singular, of the firft Plural, as Aros, Cxlum^ Plur. hi Cceli ; Others of both, as RaFilum, Froenum ; ftnimj Capiflrum, Plur. frni or fricna. Nundimm, the are of firft Dedenfion Plupulam, ral, Nundinî EpiiU i Balneum of both,
end in ans Mafculin,

,
in ens, quadrans^ fextans as orienSy torrens, bidens^ a pick- ax.
&
In or, moft commonly deriv'd of Verbs, as pallor, clamor ; in o, not thence deriv'd, as ternio, fenio, fermo, temo, and thehke.
balnea or balnea.
And
thefe of one fyllable, Ul, fol,

bes,
Greek proper names have here three endings, os, on, and us long from a Hc Delos, have Greek Dipthong.
'Delon.
ren^ fplen, as,
pes,
mos,
ftos,
ros,
dens, mons, pons, fons, grex.
And words
in en, as lichen as adamas ; in
deriv'd from the

;
Greek
^
Hoc
Ilton.
o
The
reft regular,
in er, as crater
in
</,
Hie
fanthusy
panthn^ Virg.
as lebes
to thefe,
The
third Declenfion.
is
hydrops^ thorax, phxnlx.
Dative in foratimes and ent^ , in im^ the Ablative in f, and fomtimes in i the Norn. Ace. Voc. Plural in , the Genitive in /w, and foratimes in iw, &c.
in ^, the
THe gular endeth

'>
third
when
the Genitive lin-
But fcrobs, mdens, Jiirps, the body or root of a tree, and calx a heel, hie
or
hae.
the Accufative in
Neuter, thefe of one
fyllable, mel^
fel, lac, far, ver, cor, as, vas vafis, OS oris, rus, thus, jus, crus, pus. osojfts, of more fyllables in al and ar, as
And
capital,
halec hoc or hdc. laquear, but
Sing.
-S/-
Plur.'
No.Gen, Vo. Tanitr \Nora.Ac.Vo.p/! . 'Gen. pamtm Dat. panf

Ace. panent
Abl. pane.
Sing. Plur.
\
Nouns encreafmg jhort.
Nouns
encreafing Ihort in the Geni-
)Dat. AhlpantbM.
tive are generally Mafculin, as hie fangups fanguinis, lapis lapidis.
Voc. Varensj Gen. parentis Dat. parenti

Ac. parentem
Nom.
No.Ac.voparentes Gen. parenthm Dat. Ah parenlibus.
Except, Feminin all words of many ending indoor go, as dulcedoy compago , arbor, hyems, cufpis, pecus pefyllables
cudis:
Thefe
:
in ex,
mex, fupditx
is,
forfex, car ex, toIn ix, appendix, hifirix,
Abl. parente.
St
coxendix, filix;
as
larnpas,
Greek Nouns
iaffis:
in as
To
thefe
and add
This third Declenfion, with many

endings, hath all Genders, heft known by dividing all Nouns hereto belonging inio fuch as either increafe one fyllable long or Ihort in the Genitive, or increafe not at all. Such as increafe not in the Genitive
are generally Feminin, as Nubes nubuy
chlamys, bacchar, fyndon, icon.
But margo, cinis, pulvis, adcp-s, forimbrex, obex, pumex, ramex, flex, cortex, onix and fardonix, hie or
ceps,
hiC.
Neuters are
all
ending
in
</,
in en, except hie peilen j in ar, as jubar ; in er thefe, verber, iter, itber,
;
ma
as probU-
Caro
carnis.
Except fuch as end in er^ as hie venter ventri^j

natalis,
lii^
nis.,
and thefe
in
following,
cadaver, z.inziber, lafer, cieer, fifer, pi' per, papaver ; fomtimes in >- except
hie furfur, in us, as onus, in ut, as caput
;
aqnalii^ lienU^ orbif^ caliis, caufollist
collisy
menftSy enfu, fnftii,

crinis^
fw
panvs.,
penis^
i^nu^
'ajfiSy
to thefe marmor, aqnor, ador. Greek proper names here end in as, an, is, and ens, and may be declined
fafcii,
torriif
pifcts^
unguis^
vermis^
fom wholly
after the
Greek form, as
;
"ve&is^ poflisy axis^
and the compounds
of
affa.,
as cemujfis. pnis^ clunis^ refiisj fentit,

tortjms,
Pallas, pallados, palladi, pallada in fom Cafes, as Atlas, ace.
others
Atlanta^
But Canalii^
amnis^ or hc
voc. -Atla.
Garamas,
corbts^ lintef,
angwf,
as
bic
acc garamantas.
Phyllis, phyllidos,
To
as
Such
re, retcy
thefe add vepres. end in t are Neuters, and two Greek .in es,
plur. garamantes, Pan, pano^s, pana. voc. }hyUi, plur.
Phytli~
ma.
des, acc. phyHtdas.
Tethys, tethyos, acc.
as hip-
fomanes, cacoethes.
Neapolis, neapoliosy tethyn, voc. tethy. acc. neapolin. Paris, pandus or parios,
Nouns encreafmg
long.
acc panda or
oTpioei,
partn.
Orpheus, orpheos,
orphea, orpheti.
But
Names
in
encreafing one fyllable long in the Genitive are generally Feminin,

as knee pietas pietatisy virtus virtHtit.
Nouns
eus
borrow fomtimes
thir Genitive
of
the Second Declenfion,

trechthei.
as Ereehiheus^
Cic
Achilles
or Achtlleus, Achil.
S55
is
^chiSei
tive
ill
and
foivitimes thir
Accufavvlii.
Il
on or w, as Orpheus Orfheon^
An Adjedlive of three terfninations declin'd like the firfl and fecond De-
Thefens Thefewtt^ Perfcus tcrfeum^
clenlion of Subftantives joyn'd together
Ibmtimes is formd after Greek words of the firft Dcclenfion Latin, Perfuscv
Ferfis, Peifx Perf-c Perftn Ptrfx Ptrfa.
after this manner.

Sing. bonus boiu
boiii boii
Nom.
Gen.
bmum \r , Nom.
a
Plur.
Vo. boni
bom
bom
bona.
Tfje fourth Declenfion.

Singular endeth in /, the Dative Singular in //>, and fomiimcs in ;/, PJmal in ibttSy and fomtimes in nbus.
Sing.
PllT.
Dae. bono b:in bono
Gen. bomrum bomrum

bonorum
Dat. Abl. bonis Ac. bonos boniH bona.
THe
fourth
is
when
the Genitive
Ac. bonum bonam boiium Voc. bone bona bonum Abl. bono bona bono J
Ln like
manner thofe
in er
and
ur, as
No.Gc. Vo. Senfits

Uzz.fenfui Acc. fenfum Abl. /?"/.
Mo. Ac. X'o.Senfus

'Gen. fcfifnmn
/Dat. Abl.fenfibus.
facer faera faerum, fatur fatura faturum-^ but unus, tot us., folus, alius ^ alter., nilus ^
The fourth
ings, HS
Declenfion hath two endfc'j

,
with thir compounds Neuter., terejue, and the like, make thir Genitive Singular in ins, the Dative in /, as Vnus una unum.. Gen. unius, Dat. muter.,
',
in all
and M
except fom few, the fi uic of a tree, aciis, p rtkits, trihiis ; but penus and fpeciis hie or hC. of the Neuter, asgelu^ g,^""y '^f^'<
generally Mafculin, as hxc manrs., ficus.,
the reft like boms^ fave that
alius
ud,
maketh in the Neuter Gender aliand in the Dative alii, and fora-
times in the Genitive. j^rnbo and duo be thus declin'd in the

plural only.
.
',
but in the Singular moft part defccftive.
Proper Names in os and o long, pertaining to the fourth Declenfion Greek, may belong bell to the fourth in Latin,
as Androgeos^ Gen. j^ndrogeo^ Ac. Androgcon-^
Nom. Voc. j^mbo amb ambo Gen. amhorumambarum amborum.

Dat. Abl. ambobus ambabtis ambobus
Acc. ambos or amba, ambas ambo.
Uic Aihos.,h\inc Athoj Virg.

Sapphus,
Hxc
Bet-
Sappho, Gen.
Acc
Sappho.
ter Authors follow the Latin form, as Dido Vtdonis Dtd nem. ButJ^fus Jefu
Adjedivesof three Articles have in the Nominative either one ending, as or two, as hie hoe felix hie., he,
&
JefuJefHmJefii'JefH.
The
fi''th
fifth
is
Declenfion.
the Genitive and
in
j and are deDeclenfion of Subftantives, asfolloweth.
&hC
trijits
& hoc
-.,
trtfle
clin'd like the third
&c. Dative Singular end THe K No. Acc. Voc. r^ Nom. Voc. Kts
e't,
when
Sing.
-,
Plur.
hi
Nom. hk
Felix.
bsic
iy
hoc
\Hom.
I
I
^ hs ^
feficer^
Sing.
Plur.
(fy"
hc feliciu
Gen. Dat. r
Acc.retn
"NGen.
reriim
Gen.felicif Dat. felici
Gen. felkium
vDat. Abl. rebus.

the
fifth
^<^Dit.Ahl.felici'bi<s Acc. hos Lis felices Acc. hunc fy banc fellg^ hgc felicia cem, ify' hoc felix
Ablre
All
Voc.
dfel'ix
\oc. 6 felices, (^
Ikia,
fe^
Nouns of
Declenfion
Abl
felke or jelki Sing.

.
I.
are of theFeminin Gender, except ^ hie or hxc.^ and his Compound meridies
fcjconly.
Plur.
No.
hie <fy hc triftif <(y hoc trifle
Nom.
hi
ify-
h trifles
are of triore Declenfions ^svas then one, vafis of the third in the Siiigular, of the fecond in the
Som Nouns
Cen. triftif
Dat. Abl. trifli Ac. hunc iy banc t)i\ I
l
fy hsc trifVia Gen. trifiium
> ,SDat.
|
Abl. tri(Ubus
Jhm,
Voc.
(fy-
hoc trifle
Plural vafa vaforum, Colus, laurMS, and fom others, of the fecond and
triflif <!y
Ac. hos ij has f'ifles, <^ hxc triflia Voc. o trifla, i^ a \

k
triflia.
trifle
SatwrnnUa, faturnalium or fatHrnaliorum., fatHrnalibus, and fuch ofourth.
Poemata poemather names of feafts. or turn, pjematts poi/natibus., of the fePlebs of the Plural. third cond and and third fifth, pkbisoxpUbei.
There be alfo another fort which have in the Nominative Cafe three Terminations and three Articles, as
hie aeer.,
hie
& hsc
acris.,
hoe acte.
like
cer.,
The
Declining of Adjeftiês.
is
manner be declined equejler., and fom few others, being
voluin aU
Noun Adjedive
three
declin'd with
other cafes like the Examples beforegoing.
FeroiinatioDS,
or
with
three Articles.
Com-
( 85^ )
If a
Vowel come
pins.,
before m,
it
is
Comparifons of Nouns.
fignification
compared with magis and maxime, as

ftus^
magis
maxime
may
magis and maxime

^ffiduHS affidiitjjimus,
pius idoneus.
idoneus,
Yet fom
as
ADjertiveSjWhofe increafe or be diminilht,may form Comparifon, wherof there be two degrees above the pofitive word it felf, The Comparative, and Superlative.
of thefe follow the general Pvule,
flremius ftrenuior^ extguus exigiiijjlmus^ tenuis temior tenuijfimus.
The
Pofitive fignifieth the thing it
felf without comparing, as iiHrui hard.
Of
Pronoun.
exceedeth his Pofitive in fignification, compar'd with fom other, as durior harder ^ and is formM of the firll Cafe of his Pofitive that endeth in i, by putting thcrto or and , as of duri, hie hxc durior^
The Comparative
is a part of Speech that ftandeth for a Noun Subftantive, either at prefent or before fpoken of,
A
thir
Pronoun
as iUcy
he or that, hie
&
&
There be
M't
tpj^y
hoc
ditritt) :
o{ dulci,
dulcior^ dulcita.
this, qui who. ten Pronouns, Ego, tu^fui^ ifif, hie, is., qui and quts, befides
Superlative exceedeth his Pofitive in the highelt degree, as durijpmm hardeft and it is form'd of the firfl Cc.le of his Pofitive that endeth in <V,
,
The
quifnam,
vefter^
Compounds, egomet,tuti^ htcce, idem, aliquis, and fuch others. The

nojlras,
reft fo call'd, as meus, tuns, fuiis, nofter^

vefiras, cujus
and
cujas,
by putting thertojimuiy
ttjjtrnw^ dulcis dnlcijftmtu.
li
1
as
of
daris du-
are not Pronouns, but Adjectives thence

deriv'd.
the Pofitive
is
it!ve
end iner, the Superform'd of the nominative cafe
Of
prefent
Pronouns fuch as fhew the thir : are called Demonjlr^'oS
by putting to rimiu^ as fukher fulcherrtmm. Like to.thefe are vetw veterridexter mat-, maturHS maturimus \ but and dexterrimuj^ fimjier^ finijierior^ ftniflcrrimus. All thefe
ego, in, hie; and fuch as rciw. to a thing antecedent, or fpoken of before, are called Relatives, as qui who or
which.
Nouns ending
in
lU
make
îs, and often qui, becaufe they ask a queftion, are called Interrogatives,
the Superlative by changing ii into //rniis^ as hnmiln^ Jimilis, faciUs^ gr^ciitSf

aeili^-,
with
thir
Compounds
fc^,
numquis,
docilu dociUiini's.
All other
Nouns ending in/ do
fol-
Declenfons of Pronouns are three.
low the general Rule, as Milts Htiiijftmus. Of thefe PoCtives following are form'd a different fort of Superlatives of
fttferus^
Ego,
fion,
tu, fui,
be of the
delin'd.
firlt
Declen-
and be thus
-,
fufremus and fummns
infe-
Sing.
PJur.
rtts^
and
imus , exterus^ exttmus infimHS and txtretnus ; pfierus poflremus.
Nom. Ego
Gen. met
Dat. mh't
Nom. Ace. Nos

Gen.
mftrum or nojln
Som
of thefe
want the
Pofitive,
^
and
arc form'd from Adverbs

interior intimus^
of
intra^
Ace. Abl. me Voc. caret.

Sing.
Dat. Abl. nobis Voc. caret.
ultra ulterior
ultimus^
Plur.
citra citerior citimhs, fridem prior primus^
Nom.
Gen.
Voc. Tu
tui
Nom.
Ace.
Voc.
ws
prepe propior proximns. Others from Pofitives
Gen. velhum or vejhi

Dat. Abl,
-vobisi
without Cafe,
Dae. tibl Ace. Abl. te
as nequam, nequior^ nequiffimus. Som alfo from no Pofitive, as ocior

ocijfiims.
Sing
Plur, r.
? rDat. 5^Gen./('
ftbi
/e.
Some
want the Comparative,

tuus,
ftras,
Ace. Abl.
as novus mvijfimus, inclytM inclytiffimm.
From
thefe
Som
the Superlative, as fenex fenior^

.
funs,
three be deriv'd wf/, nofier, vefter, noftras, ve-
JHvents junior, adolejcens adolefcemior Som ending in w, frame thir Com-
(which are called Poflelfives) wherof the former five be declined
volnSj
parative as if they ended in em.y benetnaledicus, magnificHS magmjicentior magnificentijfimas.
Thefe following are without Rule, Bonus melior optimus, Malus pejor pejfitnus, Magnns major maxintHS, Parvits tninor minimus ; Mnltus plitrimiis, fnulta plurima, piultum plus
like Adjeftives of three Terminations, except that meus in the Vocative Cafe maketh m, mea, meum ; Noflras, Vehse firas, with three Articles, as hie hoe or noJ}ras,^(^ noflras noftrate, vefira.. te. In other Cafes according to rule. Thefe three, iUe, ifte, ipfe, be of the
&
plmmnm.
fecond Declenfion, making thir Gcni^

live
(857)
tive fingular in int, thir Dative in ^ and the former two be declined like the
The
clitrethy
Indicative
as laiido
1
Mood
praife.
(lieweth
or de-
Adjeftive alius^ and the third like / before fpoken of.
The
zsUuda
Imperative
bid<ieth
or exhorteth
f Nom.
Sing.
tile
ilLt illiid.
<^Nom.
ifte ifta
Gen. illiuf, Dae. iWud, Gen. iftiw, Dae.
iUi.
/?'.
Thefe
four, hic^
is,
qui
and
^//,
be
praife thou. The Potential or Subjundive is engliflit with thcfc Signs, may^ can, ^'i^^-, would, could, flwHld : Or without them as the Indicative, if a Conjundion go
of the third Declenfion.
making
thir
Genitive fingular in /w, with j confonant, and be declined after this manner.
Sing.
before or follow as laudem, I Can praife. Cum laudarem when

,
may
1
or
praif-
ed.
Cavijfem^ fi pravidijfem^ war'd if I had forefeen.
had bj-
The
fign to,
Infinitive is englifht
with this
as
Nom. hk
Gen.
Dat.
Uudare to
hc hoc
Nom.
praife.
/;/
/;x
hjic
bu'jHs
huh
SPlur. mm
(
Gen. hirum
hamn
ho-
es. Tenfe
Ace. hum banc hoc Voc. czret. Abl. hoc hac hoc
Abl. his jDar. /Ace. hos has hsc

caret.
be three Tenfts which ex-
j(yoc.
is
THere prefs the

fent,
iftic^
Of ifte
iftc,
tfloc
and hie
or
ijiitc.
the
compounded
tin-.e of doing Preterit or pall,
ThePreand the
r/?oc
or
iftuc.
Ace. //?c, //?<jc, Abl. i/foc, /;<ic, j/?cc-.
Future.
Plu. iftc only.

Sing.
Pliir.
Nom.
Gen.
Dar.
if (it
id
Nom.
ii e<z
ea
eif
fji-
\Gen. cornm earum eorum
^/Dat.
Ace. eum earn id Voc. caret Abl. eo eu ea
Abl. ox Âcc. COS eas ea

its
fVoc.
citret.
Sing.
Pliir.
Nom.
Gen.
qui qu/t
quod
Nom.
I
I
qui quii qua
The Prefent Tenfe fpeaketh of the time thatoip w, as Undo I praile. The Preterit fpeaketh of the time is diftinguifht by three defafty and the Preterimpcrfed, the Pregrees terperfed, and the Preterpluperfed. The Preterimperfed fpeaketh of the time not fcrftUly p(/f, as Luidabam I praifed or did praife. The Preterperfed fpeaketh of the time ferfeiily paft, as hudavi I have
:
cti'jus
Gen.
Dat.
Dat. cut
.^>
quorum quorum
Abl.
quarum
(queis
praifed.
The
daveram
Preterpluperfed fpeaketh of
I
Acc.qnem quant quod Voc. caret

Abl. quo qua quo or qui)
.j;6x
or
Ace. quos quas qua LVoc. Cl^re^
the time more then perfeilly paft, as laa-
had praifed.
The
time
to
In like
quicHtiqHe the
manner îw, quiUhet^ and Compounds.

^w, ^k<j or gw-e, ij^^mW, So quifquam^qm/namy
thefe
Future Tenfe fpeaketh of the come^ as laudabo I (hall or will
Sing.
Nom.
praife.
Gen. &c.
like ^.
Perfons.
all
Compounds. Of arc made
Pronoun Adjeftives, cnjus cnja cujiim, whofe j and hie & fc;ec c/</( and hoc citjate^ of what
Nation.
îifquis
clin'd,
is
Moods, except the
In-
THrough finitive,
in
there be three Perfons
praife,
both Numbers, as, Sing. Landt I laudM thou praifeft, laudat he

;
defedive,
and thus de1
praifeth
laudatis
fQuifquU
')
f
(.
vve praife, laudant they praife. ye praife, Except fom Verbs which are declin'd
Plur.
Laudamu*
CQuoquo
No.<
?^ AciOuicquidy- Pî.
jQuaqua
(^Quoquo
l^Quicquidy
or form'd in the Third Peribn only, and have before them this fign, >, as Tddet it irketh, eportet it behoveth,
Of
Verb.
and are
is
A
with
called Imperfonals.
Verb
is
a part of fpeech, that beis

I
The Verb which

therfore call'd a
doing^y
tokeneth hein^^ as fum I am, or as /.?ê praife ; and is declin'd
betokeneth being, properly the Verb fum only, which
Verb
Subltantive,
Mood,
Tenfe,
Number and
and formed
after this
manner.
Perfon.
Moods.
Indicative.
Pref.
fing-
'Here be four Moods which exprefs the Indicathe manner of doing

,
Sum, es, {lam.
eft,
Plur. fumus,
eftis,
funr.
Pret.
tive, the Imperative,
the Potential or
Infinitive.
imp.
{I
wot.
Eram,era5,erat, Pi. cramu5,eratis,eranc,
Subjundive, and the
Prct.
(
/
858 )
Neuters, as glorlor form'd like Pafllves.
I
ktve hen.
fiiifti, fiiic,
boafl
but are
pyef.
peifell
fFiii,
Plm: fuimuf^
fuiftis,
\ \
r
fuerunc
or fuere.
/ haii been.
Fret,
plHp.
Fit-
r Fueiam,
fueras, fuerat, fueratis, fueranc.

be.
PI. facramus,
Cottjiigations.
I j}>all or will
both Acftive and

eritis, erunt.
turc.
lEro,
Pi. erimus, eris, erit,
four VErbs
declining,
Pa.fTu'e have or forms of Conjugations,
Imperative.
Be
thou,
I
thir Infinitive
I
known and diftinguidu by Mood adive, which alin re.
.i 5"Sis,es,
Sit,
^'
5" S'-
Sitis,efte,
Sine,
ways endeth
In the
firft
,^ J_efto.
jeflo.fS;
\mus,
eftote.
funto
Potential.
Pref.
zslaudare to praile. In the fecond, after to have.

fitis, fint.
Conjugation, after a long,

e
long, as habere
fhort, as legere
/ may or can
be.
fwg.
Prefer-
j_Sim, fis fit, PL fimus, / might or could be.
In the third, after to read.
ÊKem or forem,
imferf.\
Prefer-^
Preterplup.
jf'ej/e//.^Fueiim,
e5,et, P/.effemiis, effetis, elTent or forent.
I might or could have beer.. ris, rit, Pi. rimus, ricis, rint.
If
I had been.
es, et, Pl. eniUJ, etis, ent.
In the fourth, after i long, as andire to hear. In thefe four Conjagations, Verbs are declin'd or form'd by
with a co-^Fuiffem,
junilion Si. (
Number and
amples.
rint.
Mood, Tenfe,
Ex-
Perfon,
after thefe
future.
Si
^Tf I Jlmll be or JJiall have been. Fuero, ris, rit, Pl. rimus, ritis,
Indicative
Mood.
Prefent Tenfc.
Infinitive.
Pref.
rp Preter- -,
JEiTe, fofo.
*,
,
Singular.
.
Plural.
__-A.
and
imperf.
uille,
to
preter-/\
!>^ ^have pret. r ... ; &. ^ S P J C plufer \ been.
Thou
He
or had
5"
We
re
praife. praijbjh praife th'S\ praife.
Th'^
praife. praije
future < Fore,
to be hereafter.
Laudo,laudas,Iaudat, Habeo, habes, hahet,
laudamusjlaudatisjlaudanc liabemus, habetif, habenc.
In like
manner are form'd the Com.Abfiitn^
Lego, legis, Jegir, Audio, audis, audir.

Preterimpe)ferr
tenf.
legimus, legitis, Jegunt.
audimus, auditis, audiunr. / prais'd or did

^^, bat,
praife.
adfum, defu?n, ohfum., ^rdfum^ f>rofnm, pujfam ^ but pcjfum I'omthing varies after this manner.
pounds
Laudaban Habebam, y
Legebani, (
fwg.
Plm: bamus,
batis, bant.
Audiebam,
Preterperfelr .
.
Indicat. Pref. Sing. Toffum., fotes., peThe tej}, Plur. pojfimus., poteftii^ pojfimt.
I-audavi^ Habui V
/ have prais'd.
ifti,
other are regular,

tHsram, potero.
poteram,
potui.^
po-
tenffing.
C Legi Audivi "^
it,
Plur.
imus, iftis. erunc or ere.
Imperative
it
wants.
Preter-
Potent. Pref. Poffim^ &c.

perfecft, Pojfem. Infin. Pref. Pojfe.
Preterim-
pliiperfeft
Preterit. Potmjfe.
Laudaveram* I had prais'd. Habueram i Pras, rat, Plur. ramus, tenfe fwg. Legeram ( ratis, rant, Audiveram ')
I
fJiall
or will praife.
bimus,
bitis,
Voices.
Laudabo"?
Future
fcnf.Jing,
bi: ,
bit, Plur,
Habebo J"
bunt.
et,
Verbs that betoken
INVoices,
The
/o^ are two the AU:ive and the Pajfive. Adlive fignifieth to do, and al-
Legam Audiam
'? cs,
Plm: emus,
etis,
/
Let tu
praife.
ent.
ways endeth
in 0, as dceo
teach.
Praife
thou.
Imperative Mood.
Let him
praife.
The Padive fignineth what is done to one by another., and always endeth in or, as doccor I am taught. From thefe are to be excepted two
forts of
Praife
ye.
Let them
praife.
/Lauda, ,
Laudet Fl. lau- Laudate, Laudent,

Habeat
Pl. halie- Habete, Habeant, amus, habetote. habento.
laudato, laudato, demiis. laudatote. laudanto.
Verbs.
I
The
firft
are
o>-
cal-
^ Habe,
led A'fmo.f, and cannot take
in the
S Ihabeto. habcto.
palRve, as curro
fignifie
run, fedeo
paifively,
fit ^
yet
I
fomtimes
as vapulo
^ Lege,
Legat
Fl. kga- Legite,
Legant,
legunto.
"^ legito. Jegito.
mus.
legitote.
am beaten. The fecond

Jignifie
are calfd Deponents., and

1
Audi, Audiat P/. audi- Audite,

\audito. audito. amus.
Audiant, audi tote, audiunto-
adively, as loqmr
fpeak
or
Potential
(
Potential
859)
Infinitive,
rvelle,
Prefent.
Mood.
<
Nolle,
Prefeiit
tenfe fing.
Laudem, laudes, lauder, PI. laudemus, Habeam, 1 laudetis, laudent. Legam, >as, ar, P/. amus, atis, ant.
Audiam,j>
Laudarein,'^
I mieht ai
tMalle.
Preteiimperfell
CouU praife.
eft
Habcrem, C tenf.fmg. Legerem, Cres, ret, Plur. remus, Audirem, -J retis, rent. / might or could have prais'd.
Prefer-
Indicat. Pref. Edo, edis Plur. Editis or elUi. \
era,
edit
ot
perfcll
Laudaverim, i Habuerim, Cris, tenfefing. Legerim, * Audiverim,
Imper. Ede or es.,edito or ejto. Edatêdi.. or efto. Plur. Edite ejle, edit<ite eftote. Poten. Preterimperfeft T( :'.e, E<(erem or effem.
to
Infinic.
rir. Pi.
rimus,
tis,
ri-
Edere or
rint.
effe.
If I bad prais'd,
Freterplu. LaudavifTem,')
fmg. rfith Habuilfeni, aConjmc- Legiflem,

tion.
..->
C
-^
">
Cfes,
fet,
PL
Verbs of the fourth Conjugation irregular, injome Tenfes Adive.
femus,
fcnt.
fetis,
Si.
.^-
AudiviHem,
Laudavcro, Habuero,
Legero^
Jf I lhaapraife,otfliatt have prais'd.
.....
futura
tenfe Jlng, Si
C ris,
rit,
PL
rimus,
CI!,
ri-
Audivero,
s
Mood.
rint.
and qneum in the cjueo, Plural Indicative prefent, and in thir Preterimperfeft ibAtn and quibum, thir Future ibo and cjuibo.
eunt
EO,
and qneo with
his
Compound Ne-
make
Imperat.
ite.,
/, ito. Eat., ito-
Plur.
Eamm,
Infinitive
Prefent
EuNt, ennto. Potent. EAtn. Irem. &c.
itote.
and Pre
terimperfell tenje.
Laudare, ") Habere. . S. Legerc, v' -^ Audire,

'
To
The forming of
the Pajfive Foke.
Indicative.
To have
or
Preterper- LaudavilTe,
'
feaScPre-Hihuii^Cy
terpkperfeil tenfe.
'
r Prtifed. J Had,
^
Heard.
c?
/ am
praifed.
Legitfe,
had *\ Read.
^,taudor,aris or are,atur,|
|Habeor,eris
Audivilfe,
^ Legor,
or ere,eturj eris or ere, icurJS;
amur, amini,antiir. emur, emini,entur. imur, imini,uncur.

imur, iminijiuntur,
I W4S fraiy'd.
[^ lAudior, iris or ire,itur,f
Verbs of the third Conjugation

irregular in fame Tenfes ABive Voice.
Indicative
of the
Preterim- Laudabar^
perfeil
")
Mood
Habcbar, tenf fing. Legebar, Audiebar,
C
~'
baris or bare,batur, Plur.
bamur, bamini, bantur,
Note
Prefent Tenfe fmgular,
that the Pajfive Voice hath
no
Volo,
vis, vult,
-^
Volumus,
'Nolumus,
vultis, volunt.
Preterperfeft, nor the Tenfes deriv'd from thence in any Mood.

,
Nolo. The rejl U want f'S, Malo,maris.âvult
Ifliall or will be prais'd.
nolunt.
ing in thit Tenfe.
Malumus, mavultis, malunc.
Laudabor,! beris or bere, bitur, Plur, Future Habebor, j bimur, bimini, ountiir, or tenf fmg. Legar, ere, etur, PL emur, êris
Audiar, 5
emini, entur.
fVolui.
Preterit.
^Nolui.
^Malui.
Vdo and
Mah
Imperative.
Be thou Let him
be Let
want the Imperative Mood.
m be
Be ye Let them
be
Imperative.
Sim. ^"^J^^'"' \NoIico.
prais'd.
prais'd.
prais'd. prais'd.
prais'd.
I ^""Plur ^
r^'''^'
Laudare,Iaudetur, P. lau- Iaudamini,laiidentur laudator, laudator, demur.laudaminor. laudan(tor.
\Nolitoce.
.5
Potential.
Prefent
tenf. fing.
|,Habere,habeatur,P.habe-habemini,h3beantur, i^ habetor. habetor. amur. habeminor. habentor,
Velim,7 Nolini, >

Malii,j
is,
it,
Plur. imus,
^Legere,
itis, inc.
i;
legatur,
PL
lega- legimini, legantur,
legicor. legitor.
mur.
legiminor. Icguntcr.
Preterimperfell
Audire,audiatur, /'.audi- audimini,audiantur,
Vellem,^
Nollem, >es,
ec, Pi.
emus,
ctis, ent.
auditor, auditor, amur. audiminor.audiuntor,
tenf fing.
MaIlem,J
S
Potential,
86o
The
Potential.
7 may or can be fra'is'd.
firll
Gerund endeth
praifmg
or
in di, as
Laudandi
of
Lauder,
prefent
fmg.
eris or ere, etur, Plur. emur, emini, entur. Habear,"^ Legar, >aris or are, atur, Pin. amur, amini, antur. Aiidiar,J
The fecond in doy as Lau~ prais'd. dando in praifing or in being prais'd. The third in dmriy as Laudandum to
praife or to be prais'd.
of being
/ might or /J;oW be
Preterm- Laudarer,
perfell
yJn^.
prais'd.
Haberer,
Legerer,
C
"^
reris or rere, retur,
P/w,
two latter ConjuGerunds end fomtiraes in undi, do, dum, as dicendi or dicundi : But from Fo alwayes eundi, except ia
Note
that in the
gations, the
remur, reniini, rentur.
the
Audirer,
Infinitive.
Laudari Prefent Preterm- Haberi

ferfeil.
&
/ Prais'd.
Compound Amhiendi. The firft figniSupines ate two. fieth Actively, as laudatum to praife ; the latter Pallively, as laudatu to be Note that moft Neuters of praifed.
the fecond Conjugation, and volOyHoh^ maloy with many other Verbs, have
Legi Audiri
'
C Heard.
no Supine.
Verbs of the fotir Conjugations irregular in the Preterperfeci Tenfe
or Supines.
Verbs irregular in fome Tenfes

Pafflve.
EDor^ Regular.
editor^
or
is
ejiiir
Tlie refl
is
of the
thir VErbs
firfl
Conjugation form
The Verb f/o, partly of the Third, and partly of the Fourth Conjugation, and hath only the Infinitive of the Paflive Form.
Indicat. Pref. Sing. Plur. fimits fitvs, fiunt.
feft,
Preterperfeft Tenfe in aviy Supine in atum, as Laudo'laudavi lau-
datum.
Except
Poto potavi potatum or potum necavi necatum or neClum.
j
Fio, fis,
it
neca
fit^
Preterimperwants.
Fiebam.
^reterperfeft
fito.
Future Fiam, &c.

Iniperat. P;,
Domo, form uiy
tonoy fono, crepOy veto, cubo^ but itiuriy as cubui cubitum

-,
Plur.
fitCy fitote.
fecui feduniy fricui fridum, mico micui .'
Fi^nt^ fiunto. Potent. Pref. Fiarrty Fierem. imperfect.

Infinit. Fieri.
&c.
Preter-
yet fome of thefe are found Regular in the Preterperfed Tenfe or Supine,
compounded, as increpavity difcrepavity dimicavit^fonatuniy dimicaefpecially
Alfo this Verb Fero, is contracted or JhortVd in fome Tenfes , both Aftive and Paflive, as Fers., fert, for
ftrk, ferity &c.
Indicat. Pref. Sing. Ffco, fers, ferty
tuntyintonatumînfricatumy
Plico
and the
like.
and
his
Compounds form
ui
or
Plur.
fsrtis^ Preterperfed.
aviy as explicui expUcaviy explicitum or explicatum-y except fupplico, and fuch as are compounded with a Noun, as
Tuli.
Imperat, FerfertOy &c. Plur. Fertc

fertote.
Duplico MuUiplico in avi only. But Lavo lavi lautum lotum or lavatum., juvojuvi.^
adjuvoadjuvi adjutum.
Potent. Preterimperfet,F)''em, &c.

Infinit. Ferre.
Bo
dedi datum, Sto Jleti jiatuni, in
Indicat.
Pajjtve. Pref. Sing.
the Compounds, /t?f/, /tiiKw and fom times /Mtw, as Prefto preftiti preftitum
jFcror,
ferris
and
pr eft at urn.
or ferre y fertury &c. Imperat. Sing. Ferre, fertory &c. Potent. Preterimperfed, Ferrer.
Infinit. Ferri.
of the fecond Conjugation thir Preterperfed Tenfe in ui, thir Supine in itum, as habeo habui habit um.
form VErbs
Of Gerunds and Supines.

be alfo belonging to the InMood of all Verbs certain Voices called Gerunds and Supines, both of the AdUve and Paflive
finitive THere
Some are Regular in thir Preterperfed Tenfe, but not ia thir Supines, as dnceo docui doUum, tnifceo fttifcui
miftum, teneo tenui
rui
tenturyty
toneo tor'
toftum, cenfeo cenfui cenfum, pateo patui pafjum, careo carui caffum and ca-
iignification.
ritum.
Others
86i
di
Others are Irregular both in Prcterperfect Tenfe and Supines, as Jubeo

JKJfi jtijjum^
tni'.lcco
[orko forbid forpft frrptum^
{cnfum, dependo depend:^ tendo tetenand tcntum, contendo conten dij pcdo pepedi peditum^ ccido cecidi cadi tenfuin
Deo
ijidi
mulfi mulfuni^ lucco luxt. in di^ as fideo ftdi fclfum^ video

,
fum,
other
occido.,
recidorecidirecafum.
The
Compounds have no
Supine.
<vifuni
And
prandeo prcindi pranfum. fomein/;, as, fuadeo fuii/i fuafum,
Cxdo
To
cecidi ctffum, occido occidi occifum. thefe add all the compounds of do
Four ridco rip rifum^ ardco arft arfum. double thir full Letters, as Pcndeopependi penfum^ niordeo momordi morfum^ fpondco fpopondi fponfiim^ tondco totondi
tonfimi^
in this
Conjugation, addo^ credo, edo,
dcdo, reddo,
perdo, abdo, obdo, condo, indo, trade, prodo^ niendo vendidi ven-
ditum, except the double
Compound,
but not in thir Compounds,
as dependi deperifum.
obfcondo obfcondi. In go, agoegiaBiim, dego degi, fata-
Geo
urft^
in /;, and fome in x;, as lo-geo mtilgeo mulfi tniilxi titulflum^ augeo
auxi au6lum^ indulgeo indulfi indultmt}, frigeo frixi, lugco luxi. leo leo and neo nevi, vico vicvi v'lctiim bnt Cico cievt c'num^ ddeo ddcvi
dtlctum^ fico ftevi jietum^ complco complevi completum ^ as alio the Com-
go fatcgi, frango fregi fra}um, pango io']oynpegipaûm, pango tohngpanxi, ango anxi, jungo junxi juniium ; but thefe five, Fingo mingo pingo flringo ringo lofe n in thir Supines, asfinxi fiilum, ningo ninxi, figofixi fixum, rego
rexi rci}um
le{l.nm,
,
diligo, negligo, intelligo,kxi
pounds of 0/eo, except

oleo
j
redoJco
and
fiib-
Thefe fpargo fparfi fparfum. double thir firft Letter, tango

tailum, but not in his
tetigi
but adok-vi adultum , neo ncvl netum^ but manco manfi^ torqueo torfi
tortum, hicreo haft.
Veo'ixi.
Compounds,
as
contingo contigi, pargo to bargain pepigi
w,
asferveofervi^ hut defer-
vo
deferbui^
nixi,
conniveo connivi and comovi motum, vovi votum, cavi
patlum, pungo and repungo pupugi and punxi pun&um, the other Compounds punxi only. Ho in xi, traho traxi tradum, veha
In
lo,
cautum^ favi fautmn.

third Conjugation formeth the
vexi veilum.
vello velli
;
and vulfi vulfum,
colo
colui ciiltum
by changPrefentTenfe into /^ the Supine without certain Rule, as kgo legi leiium^ biho bibi bibitum^ lambo Iaming Oof the
fcabo fcabi^ tnandi manfutriy pando pandt pajjum^ edo edi efum or cflum^ in like manner
bi^
THe Preterperfed Tenfe,

ico
ici
excello, precello,
cellui cel-
fum
ah
alui alitum altum.
The
firft
reft,
not compounded, double thir

ter, Fallo
pello pepidi
fcfclli
Letcello
falfum,
refcllo
refeUiy
pulfum, compello compuli,
inum^ mando
ccculi, pcrcello perculi perculjl perculfum.
In
mo, vomo womui vomttmn, tremo

preffi
tremui, premo
preffum, como, pre-
comedo.,
the other compounds
efum
mo, demo, fumo, after the fame manner, as fumpfi, fiimptum. In No, finofivi jitum, Tterno flravi
only^ rudorudi., fallofallifalfum.,pfallo eino emi emptum., vifo vifi vifu)n, pfalli,
verto verti verfum, folvo folvi folutum, volvo volvi -volutum^ exuo exiii exutum,
but ruo
ri'.i
as deru! denitum
Others perfed Tenfe and Supine.

In io,
compound rututn^ hignio^ metuo metui. are irregular both in Preterraitumfin

;
flratum, fperno fprevi fpretum, lino levi lini and livi litum. cerno crevi cretum, tetnno tempft, contemno contempft confiii
temptum, gigno gcnui genitum, ponopopojitum, cano cecini cantum, concino
concinui concentum.
,
fcribo fcripft fcriptum
nubo
nupfi nuptum^ cumbo cubui cubitum.
In Po, rumpo rupi ruptmn, fcalpofcal[fl fcalptum, the reft in ui, as Jlrepoftrsm
pui flrepitum. In ([uo, linquo liqui, relinquo reliqui reliilutn, coquo coxi eoiium.
fero to
In
CO,
vinco vici
tum^
in like
vi&um^ dico dixi dicmanner duco, pano peperci
and parfiparfum and parcitum.

In do^ thefc three lofe , findo fidi
fijfum., fcindo fcidi fciffi'.m,
fundo
fi'.di
In Ro, verro vcrri and ver/i vcrfum^ fow fevi fation, in compound,
;
fiifum.
Ixdo.,
Thefe following, vado^
rado,
fitum, as infero infitum

fignification
felo
of ar.otlier
ludoy divido-, trudo., claudo., plando, rodo., ft and /mw, as rofi rofum, but The reft double thir cedo Cijfi ccjfmn. firll Letter in the Preterperfed Tenfe,
moft us'd
in his
com-
pounds, Ajfero, confero, defers, exero, ferui, fcrtum, uro itfji v.ftum, gero gc/jt
gefliim, quccro qiiafivi qucefttum, ttro trivi tritum, ci&ro, excurro, pnecurro, cucitrfiim, the other compounds double not, asconcurroconcum.
but not compounded, as tundo tutuai tunfian^ conttindo contudi contufuniy and Pendo pcpenfo in other Compounds.
curri
862
)
excutio,
\nSOy
ivi
itum.,
accerfo, aire l]o,icej]'oy lacejfo^

cajêjfo
as exciudoj
elm.
thir
firft
both
and
rji,
pwfo
pinfuipijlum and pinfnum. In fco, pafco pavi pajlum , compefcoy difpefco, ui\ pofco popofci, difco didici, quexi^ nofco novi notum^ but
quinifco
Vowel
Thefe following chapge

into?,
butnofin
perf^ Tenfe,
capio^
jacio,
the Pieterand fomtimes a into e

as
in tlie Supine, etnoyfedeo^rego^ fâniO-,

lacio^
fpeciOy
premo^
agmfco agmtuniy cognofco cognitum.

In
tOj fiJJo Jltti ftaturriy
cotriprimo comprejfi tompreffum^ conjich

conjtci cnje{^Mmi p^go in two oniy. hmpingo.j tinpingo: yigo, in all butperago^ fat ago, circumago, dego and cogo : Facto with a Prepolition only, coegt
fieUo flexi
flexuw^ peflo pexui pexi pexum andpe{fitum, neilo nexui next tiexum^ pleiio
plexi plexuniy Jlerto ftertui^ meto mejjui
mcjfunt^ mitto tnift mijfum^ peto petivi
not
go,
in
:
petitum. In yo, vivo vixi viflum. Injco, texo texut textum^ nexo nexui
olfacio
other Compounds, Lego in thefe only,

^'î^'go, fi^'go,
as
diligo,
inficio, eli.
intelligo^
in the refl
not, as pralego,
add to theie fuperfedeo.

Defettive,
nexum.
In ciOy
facto feci fa&unty jacio jeci
lacio
Of Verbs
jaUum^
fpeOunij
kxi ledum.,
fêcio fpexi
eli-
with thir Compounds, but
cio eltcui elicitum.
VErbs fco,
called Inceptives ending in borrow thir Preterperfeft
In dio, fodio fodi foffum.
In^to, fugiofugi jugitum. In pio^ capio cepi captum-, rapio rapui raptum, cupio cupivi cupitum^ fapio
Tenfe from tlic Verb wherof they are deriv'd, as tepefco tepui from tepeo, mgemifco itigemui from ingcmoj as alfo thefe Verbs, cemo to fee, vtdi from
video,fHlofedifiomfedeo^ ferotult from tulo out of ufe, in iht Supine latum,
toUo fuftuli fublatum
fapuifapivi fapitum. In no, pario peperi partum. In tio, qitatw quajft quafjum^ concutio
concujfi concuffum.
In o, pluo plui pluvi plutum,
ftmo
horn fujfera. Thefe want the PreterperfedTenfe. Verbs ending in /co, as ;)m-(j/co; in
efurto:
ftruxi ftru&um.^ fluo fiuxt fluxum.
ifco,
rio^
as fatifco ; in urio, except partuthefe alfo, vergo, ambigo,

furo, poUeo, nideo,
fourth Conjugation formeth PreterperfeCt Tenfe in the Su]nne in itu?n. Except, ycnio veni vcntum., comthe THe
perio,
reperio,
ferio,
have no Pre-
m,
reperi repertuniy
cambio
terperfedt Tenfe. Contrary, thefe four, Odi, capi, novi, memini, are found in the Preterperfedt Tenfe only, and the Tenfes
campfi campfum., ppiofepfiftptum, farcio fjyfi fanur.-iy fulcco fulft fultum, fentio
fen/i fcnfitm^ haurio hau/i hauftunt, fancio fanxi fanOum fancitum., vincio vinxi
viyiHum, fii.o falui faltum
in
Comoperio
thence deriv'd, asodi, oderam, oderim, odero, odijfe, except metnini, which hath memento mementote ia the Imperative. Others are defeftive both in Tenfe
odiffcm,
pound fultum^
amicio amicui
as dtjilio dejilut defultum^
awidum^
aperio,
and Perfon,as ylio, ais, ait, Plur. aiunt. The Preterimpcrfed aiebam is intire.
Imperative, at. Potential, aias,aiat, Plur. aiamus, aiant.
ptrui pertuni^ vtneo vcnivi
venum^ fin-
guitivi fmgultum^ fepelivifepultum.
Of
Verbs Cowpounded. Verbs Compounded change
Aufim for Plur. aufint.
aufm fim,
aufis, ^ >
aufit^ J >
a into e throughout,Drtwo,/^5(/, THefe

ficro., /alio., arceo, trado., partio, farcio^
Salveo, -fihebis, falve falveto, falvetefalvctote, falvtre. .Ave aveto, avete avetote.
Faxo, faxis, faxit, faxim.

<Si<^fo, Plur. quccfunms.
Infit,
carpo^ patro., fcando^ fpargo, asconfper'
go coyifperfi confperfum. Thefe following change thir firfl Vowel into /, and fom of them thir
Supines into
tuo^
cado.,
egeo.,
infiunt.
e,
habeo., lateo, falio, fta-
fii, inquit.
lado,
teneo.,
canoy
taceo.,
cpuicro^
cado,
tango,
placeo,
f^pio-y rapio.
mquifuture, inquies, inquiet,lm' perat. Inque inquito. Potent. Inquiat. Dor the firit Perfon Pallive of
do.
Inquio orînquam, inquis inquit, Plur. inquiunt. Ifiqutbat, Cic. Topic,
difpliceo,
difplicui
difplicitum
except complaceo perplaceo pojlhabco. Scalpo, calco, falto, change a into u, as exculpo ; claudo qmtio lavo lofe a
and/or before/rtrris or/^rre in thcin dicative, are not read, nor der or fer
in the Potential,
Of
(86?
Of
a Participie.
Nor
only Paflivcs, but fora Aiflives
alfo or Neuters, befides thir own Preterperfcct tenfe borrow another from
this Participle ^ Cino Canavi and Ctnatus fum, jHTAvi and Jar at hi^ Potavi and Po' tus fum., Tithbavi and titabatits, Carcp cariii ca(ptsfum.f Prandeo prandi and fran. Pateo fus^ patui and pafjiis fnm^tPlacco placitiplacitus^ SUffco fuevi fiietus
libuit
is a part of Speech, parfrom whence taking with the Verb and Sigit is dcriv'd in Voice, Tenfe, Noun a with Adjcdtive nification, and in manner of Declining. are eitherof the Adive or
Participle
participles
fum. Libit
PaHlvc Voice.
and libitum
efi.
Licet licuit licitnm,
Of
the Jclive
Two.
One of
the
Prefent Tenfe ending in ans^ or
ens, as
Pudet pudmtpnditnm, Pigetpigmt pigitum, Tadet tednit pertttfum efl^ and this De-
Millions praifing, babensÛgens^ andiens, and i^; dcclin'd like /^/Jr, as hie h&c hoc hahensj Gen. habentn., Dat. babenri,
&
&c.
Dccens docentis^ &c.
But from
iens cun-
ponent Mtrtor meriii and meritus fum. Thefe Neuters following, like Paffives , have no other Preterperfeft Tenfe, but by this Participle, Gandeo
gavifus fum.,
fido
fj, eutis^
and
in the
compounds
ffus,
andto
ai'fus,
fo
ambuntis. Note that tU, except ambiens fome Verbs otherwife defedive, have
this Participle, as a'tJis. inquiens'. ctlier of the Future Tenfe is
faults, foleo folitus jum. Thcfe Deponents alfo

ticiple bor lapf us,
form this Parfrom Supines irregular ; Lapatior pajfui, perpeticr perpef-
The
molt commonly form'd of the firH: Su- fus, fateorfnffus, cor.fiteor, diffiteor diffefm into rw, as of fits, gradior greffus, ingredtor ingrejjitf, pine, by changing to UrJatum laudatiirm praife or about fatifcor fcffas., mettor menfus, utor ufus,
to praife, babiturM., UElurtu^ andnHrm ; but fom are not regularly form'd, as
ordior to
nitor nifus
fpin crditus, to begin orfus,
of fdlum fecatHrui^ Q\ jutHm juvaturm,
fomtum [onaturM^
partiim fariturtu,
like
\
ar-
gutitm arguiturut^ and fuch

Participles
offunî
ulcifcor itltus, irarear rat iratus, us, eblivifcor vblltus'^ fcor fruor rutins ox fruit us, mifereor mifertus, tuor and tueor tuittis^ loquor locutiis, fe-
and nixas,
futurus: This, as alfo the other two following are declin'd like
hontts.
(juor
fecMHS^
paUus,
experior expcrtiis., pacijccr nancifcor noBits, apifcor aptus^
This Participle, with the Verb Sum,

affordeth a fecond Future in the Adlive
Voice, as alfo the Future of the Infinitive, laHdaturum efe to praife hereafter,
f/?,
adipifcor adept us, queror quejiits, prcficijcor profeHus , expergifcor experreUus ,
comminifcor cojnmintus^ nafcor

rior morti.'US,
orior ertus
natus-,
w;o-
as
Imdatams fum,
f/,
&c.
as
fit-
fum.
is
Participle of the Future Palfive
tttrum
elJe,
&c.
Partitiples of the Pafiive Voice are alfo two, one of the Preterperfed tenfe,
another of the Future.
Participle of
is
the
Preterperfed;
latter Supine, Tenfe, laudatu lai4of ^s thereto j, by putting leUu lehabitu of ^/<JfJ habitus, pr^tis'd,
ilus, aiiditu auditus.
form a of the
form'd of the Gerund in diim, by changing m into s, as of laudandum Liiidandus to be prais'd, of habendum babendus, &:c. And likewife of this Participle with the Verb Sum , may be form'd the lame Tenfes in the Paflive,which were form'd with the Participle of the Preterperfed Tenfe, as laudandits fum or fm,Si:c.
Infinit.
Laudandum
effe
or fore.
Participles form, as
,
Of Verbs Deponent com

both of the Active and
loqmr loquens
This Participle joyn'd with the Verb 5CT, fiipplieth the want of a Preterperfed and Preterpluperfed Tenfe in the Indicative Mood pafllve, and both them and the Future of the Potential i as alfo the Preterperfed and Pretei pluire or perfect of the Infinitive, and with fore the Future; as laudatns fum or fui 1 have been prais'd, Plur. laHdatifimut or/w;we have been prais'd, landatus eram or fueram , &c. Potential, laudatus fitmor fuerim, landatus ejfem or
fniffem^ UiidatHS tro or fuero.
Infinit.
Pallivc
locutus locutiirus loquetidus
wherof the Participle of the Preter Tenfe fignifieth fomtimes both AcT:ively
and
Pallively,
as dignatus, teflatus^
like.
meditatHs,
and the
Of an
is
Adverb.
A N Adverb a part of Speech joyn'd ** with fome other to explain its

fig-
benification,as -valde probus very honed, ne eft it is well , valde dnSlus very learn-
laudatum
or fuijfe to have or had cjj'e been prais'd ; laudatum ire or fi>rs to be
ed, benk mane early in the morning.
Of
Adverbs,
prais'd hereafter.
hodie to day, eras to
fom be of TW, morrow, &c.
as
Som
864)
In the endj as Dickr for
dlci.
be of PUce, as Vbi where, ibi And of many other forts &c. there, needlefs to be here fet down. Certain Adverbs alfo are compar'd,
Som
Para-
Dinnnifht. In the beginning, as R(fit for Ermt.

Afhtrifis, In the middle, as Judiit for Andivi:^
as Docie learnedly, doEiiks do^flfi/fi,fortiter fortius fortiffime, and the like.
fape ftpus ppif-
fime^
Dtxti for
dixifli^
Lanma
for lamina.
Of a Conjunction.
is
Syncope. In the end, as Confili for conCUU-^
fan
for fcifre. Apocope.
AConjundlion that joyneth Words and

ces together.
as C^ and, cjuoeûeaKo,
a part of Speech
Senten-
Of Conjunctions fome beCopulatives,

fc neither.
The fecond
commonly
"Itherto
Part of Grammar,
Som Som
caufe,
be disjundive, as aut or. be Caufal, as for, ûia be--
mm
called Syntaxis, or Conjlritciion.
Adverbs when they govern Mood and Tenre,and joyn Sentences together,
and many fuch
like.
as cum, ubi, pofitûam, and the like, are rather to be callM Conjunftions.
the Eight Parts of Speech Declin'd and Undeclin'd have been fpoken of fingle, and each one by it felf : Nov/ toUoweth Syntaxis or Cc/?rc?o, which
is
0/a
Prepofition.
Prepofition is a part of Speech -** moft commonly, either fet before
the right joyning of thefe parts together in a Sentence. Conftruiftion confifleth either in the agreement of words together in Num-
ad fatrefr^ Appolition, zs in words otiier with any joyn'd indoEius. as pofition,
Nouns
in
or
Com-
Gender, Cafe, and Perfon, which Concord ; or the governing of one t'lie other in fuch Cafe or Mood as
ber,
is
call'd
is
to follow.
am, con. are not read but in Gompofition. As Adverbs having Cafes after them,
fix, di,
Thefe
fe, dis, re, je,
Of the Cofscords.
ments. THere
be Three Concords or Agree-
be call'd Prepolitions, fo Prepofitions having none, may be counted
may
Adverbs.
The
Ftrfi is
of tlie Adjedive with
his
Sijbftantive.
Of an
Interjeîon.
is
AN
mind.
Interjeftion
a part
exprefllng
fom
paffion
of Speech, of the
The Second is of the Verb with Nominative Cafe. The Thirdis of the Relative v;ith
Antecedent.
his
his
Som be of forrow, as hen, hei. Som be of marvelling, as pap.
Som of difdaining, as vah. Som of praifing, as euê. Som of exclaiming, as 5, proh, and
fuch
like.
( under which is comboth Pronoun and Participrehended his Subftantive orSubftanwith ple) tives, a Verb with his Nominative Cafe or Cafes, and a Relative with his Antecedent or Antecedents, agree all in number, and the tvô latter in perfon alfo: z% Amicus certf's. P^tridoEii. Preceptor prdegit,
An Ad jedive
vos vera negligitis.

eqitales.
Xe-
Figures of Speech.
are fomtimes
encreafl:
nophone^ Plato /aê

pit,
or
WOrds
Speech.
Pater qui pauca loquitur. veniunt. Yea though the ceptor
&
Vlr faPre-
Con-
diminiflit by a Letter or Syllable in the beginning, middle or ending, which are call'd Figures of
junftion be disjundive, as
Pater
if
Q^s
defidia neque liixuria vitiaverant.
neqns Celfus.
&
Prxceptor,
quos qaaritis.
But
Encreaft In the beginning, as Gnatus for tuH. Prothejts. tus, TetuU for
a Verb lingular follow many Nomiof natives, it mull be ajiplyed to each
Na-
them apart,
as Nififoro 6' curim officiitm
in the middle, as Rettulit for Retnlir, Cinûtus for CinElus. Epenthe/is.
ac verecundia fua confiiterit. Val. Max. An Adjedive with his Subftnnti\e,
and
Relative with
his
Autecedent
agree
(
; agree in lative not in cafe always, being ofttimes govern'd by other conftrudions
:
865
Gender and Cafe
but the Re-
as
AmicHi
certus in re tncerta cernitur.
Liber
r/iihi. ejiiem dedifli
Partim ftgtiorum funt combufta. Propc centies vicies erogatum e(i. Cic. verr.4. Somtimes alfo agreement, whether it be in Gender or Number, isgroundedon the fenic, not on the words j as
&
be a Participle fcrving the future, it oft-times agrees not with the Subftantivc neither in Gender nor in Number, as Hancfibi rem pr^fidto fperat fiitHrum. Cic. Andc erat uon datum ire filio Vxortm. Terent. OmmapotiHS aditm iri puto cjiiam de proif it
And
Ilium
InQnitive
Mood
Jenium for
ilium fcnem.
'^6X ifte fceleflm.
Ter.
ffle fcelns Tranfiidtt in Eu-
Pars magna
Liv.
mtchum fuamî meaning Comadiam. Ter. obltgati, meaning Homines.

Implictti laqneis nudi*) uterque for Alter in altertm jaîanies
Ambd. Ov.
alter.
litmina vultiu.
Ovid, that
tpf.i
i--.
Alter Cfor
vinciis. Cic.
Infperami
refers te nobis,
But when a Verb cometh between rîhi. Catul. Difce omnes. Virs?. /En. 2. two Nominative Cafes not of the fame for tu quifcjuis es. Viia importuna prodinumber, or a Relative between two gia, qms egefias trihiino plebis cmjiriilos addixerat. Cic pro Seft. Subftantives not of the fame Gender, Parsmeyfitenuere raiem. Rhemm cum fr aire ^Htrmo the Verb in Number, and the Relative that is, Rhemm in Gender may agree with either of juradabam. Virg.
&
them
oratio
')
as
AmannHm
^îd
enim
tr amoris
inte-
efi.
nifi
Tuentur ilium globam qui
votafuperfunt, terra dicitur.
Divellimur inde JphftKS frater ûirinits. Pelias mecum. Virs 'o*
&
Animal plenum
homiriem.
dicimus.
rationis
eji
Lutetia
quern vocamut qna/ii noi Parifos

,
Con(lruElion of Subftantives.
r_J Itherto of Concord

if the
or Agreement
And
feveral
Nominative Cafes be of
or the Subftantives
* is
is
perfons,
and Antecedents of feveral Genders, the Verb fliall agree with the fecond perfon before the third, and with the and fo (hall the flrlt before either \
Adjective or Relative in thir Gender ; Pater as Ego tufumHS in titto. Tit
the other part followeth, which Governing, wherby one part of Speech govern'd by another, that h to fay,
-*
is
put
in
fuch Cafe or
Mood
as
the
word
in
that governeth or goeth before
conftrudion requireth.
&
fericlitamini.
funt.
Prater
Pater & Mater & Soror quos
&
com togedivers ther, betokening things, wherSubftantives
When two
nioriui
vidifii.
ofthe former may be an Adjedive in the Neuter Gender taken for a Subftantive,
But in things that have not life, an Adji'dive or Relative of the Neuter Gender, may agree with Subftantives or Antecedents, Mafculin or Feminin, calami orborh together i as Arctu
Curt bona.
the latter
(hall
Pronoun)
ritm.
(which aUo may be a be in the Genitive Cafe

Amator
flitdio-
as Facundia Ciceronis.
Arcm
& calami
&
qtia fregifli.
Ferimur per opaca locoiUM. Correrum. vanis Hot. ruptiis Defidenum tut Pater ejm.
Pulcriuidinem^
cotijlantiam,
ordinem in
Confliu
Off".
I
.
ftSiifqiie
Jf't '^'
confervanda patatr Cic.

Infinitive
<tgritudo permifla funt. Sal.
Note
that the
Mood, or
any part of a Sentence may be inftead of a Nominative Cafe to the Verb, or of a Subftantive to the Adjedlive, or of an Antecedent to the Relative, and then the Adjeftive or Relative /hall be of the Neuter Gender And if there be more psrts of a Sentence then one, the Verb (hall be in the plural number i
:
Somtimes the former Subftantive, as word Officium or Mos, is underftood ; as Oratoris efi. It is the part of an Orator Extreme efi dementu. It is the manner of extream madnefs. Ignavi is the efi. It quality of a llothful man.
this
"Ubi
adDian
veneris
Templum
mirer
is
under-
ftood.
fujiiti^ne prius
bclline
U'
Ne-
borum. Virg. Underftand Caufn.
que illi fepofiti Ciceris, nequelongx invidic Hor. Supply partem. avena. But if both the Sultantivcs be fpoken
Dilncido furgere faluberrimum efi. tHtem fequi, vita efi honefiijfima.

dita proconfiiUm in Ciliciam fetidere.
Vtr-
AuIn
efi pri-
of one thing, which is calfd appolirion, they fliall be both of the fame Cafci as Pater metu vir, amat me piierum.
tempore veni^ lit rnidtum dormis TTtiim.
ûod omnium rernm
& fpe
Words
that
lignilie
Quality,
fol-
potas,
lowing the Subftantive wherof they are

fpoken, may be put in the Genitive or Ablative Cafe > as Puer bona tndolts, or bona indole. Som have a Genitive only
i
inimica. qua duo fi'.nt corpori
Scmtimes alfo an Adverb is put for the Nominative Cafe to a Verby and for a Subftantive to an Adjedive , as
as Ingentis
Kex
5
nominii.
Liv.
Dectf*
(866
cem anmrum fuer.
animal.
)
es.
Hujaftnodi fax.
FJht
'Domm ftmills
eji
Commune anhnantjim
jus generis times in the Accufative

rebus
But genm
:
is
fom-
cnnjunSlionis appetitns.
AHenum
digni-
non froficitur. the caufe or manner of a thing in the Ablative only i as Sum tibi natura
as Si hoc genus Varr. de re ruft.
tatis ejus.
Fait hcc quondam prc.^îumpopuli Romani longi- a dimo bdI.
Cic
Fin.
And
e. But propior and proximus admit fomtimes an Accufative ; as

^
proximus
tarens, prttceptor
conjiliis.
Pompeiumfedeba/n. Cic.
Opui and
Need,
efl
when they fignifie an Ablative-, as Opus require

V/tis
jitdicio.
is
yin Accfative. of Meafare are put after Adjeftives of like figniRcation in the Accufative, and fomtimes in the Ablative; zsTurris altacentttm pedes. Ar-
mthi tuo
Viginti minis
ufiis
eftfilio.
fomtimes taken foran Adjeftiveundeclin'd, and iigniAnther fieth Needful : as Dux nobis
But Ofus
&
NOuns
opus
e[t.
Alia qua opus Jiint para.
bor lata tres dgites.
Liper
crajfits tres
Conflraclion of Jdje^hes, govern' ing'a Genitive.

.
pollices^
or
tribits
i
pollicibui.
Somtimes
pedum
in the
Genitive
as Areas latas
denhmfacito.
that
fignifie
Defire,
ADjectives Knowledg, Ignorance, Remembrance, Forgetfulnefs, and fuch likei as alfo certain others deriv'd from Verbs, and ending in âr, require a Genitive
i
All words exprefling part or parts of a thing, may be put in the Accufative, or fomtimes in the Ablative as Saucim
j
frontemov
as
Cupidm
auri.
Perittu
pr&ieriti.
belli.
fronte. Excepto quod non fi. mill ejjes cetera Ltits. Hor, JS/iidapedem. Ov. Os humerofque deo fimilis. Vir^.
Jgnnrus omnium,
fufurtt.
Memor
propofui.
Tenax
Reedax lewpus
Somtimes
mentis.
in the Genitive
as"
Bnbw
rerum.
An
call'd
Ablative.
Nouns Partidve, Adjectives becauiethey fignifie part of fom whole quantity or number, govern the word
that fignifieth the thing parted or divided, in the Genitive i ^s Aliqnis no' Aurium molPrtnuts omnium. ftrum.
lior eft finiftra.
this fign then or by,^% alfo Dignus, Indignus^PneiHtta, Contentus, and tbefe words of Price, Carus,
"vilis^
ADjedlives gree englifht with
of the Comparative de-
require an Ablative
Mttlto doclior.
Orator um eloquentiffimus.
glacie.
And
oft
in the
Neuter Gender;
negotii.
as
AJultum
lucri.
Id
Hoc
noQis,
Somtime?, though feldom, a word lignifying the whole, is read in the fame Cafe with the Partitive, as Habet duos
gladtos (juibus altera te occifurum minatur, altera villicum, Plaut. For Quorum altero.
Dtgnus honore. rmute fua contemns. Afe charwn. But of Comparatives, fins, amplius, and minus., may govern a Genitive, alfo a Nomnative, or an Accufative as
;
Frigidior pede altior. Sorts prxJiciis.
as
Vno
plus
quinquaginta hominum.
Magnum
opus habeo in manibus\
orum millium. Ne plus tertia pars eximatur mellis. Varro. Paulo

pajfus.
Amplius du-
quodjampridem ad hunc ipfum (me autem

dicebat )
Vt ex fua
plus quingentos
ciijufque parte ne
minus
Cic.
quxdam
inftitui,
Cic. Acad,
Qjiod qii/dam for cujus quxdam.
dimidium Verr. 4.
ad fratrem
perveniret.
And
fomtimes
Dignus^ Indigmis, have a Genitive after them; as
A
ADjedives Difprofit,
Dative.
Militia
that betoken Profit or Likenefs or Unlike-
Ineft operis altera digna tut. avorum. dignus Virg. Adjeftives betokening Plenty or Want, will have an Ablative, and
nefs, Fitnefs, Pleafiirc, Submitting, or
belonging tp any thing, require a Dative ^ as Labor efl ittilis corpori. Equalii Heilori. Idoneus bello. Jucundus omnibus.
Mihiproprium. But fuch as betoken Profit or Difprofit have fomtimes an Accufative with a Prepofition as Homo ad nullam
,
fomtimes a Genitive-, z%VacHmira, or irA. Nulla Epiflola inanis re Di. aliqtta.

tijftmmagri.
Parenti fhpplex.
Stultorumpleno fmit omnia. Integer vita^ fcelerifque purm. Expers emnium. fôbis immumbus hujus ejje moli
dabitur.
partem
Ht'ilis.
Cic. Inter fe aquales.
Adjedivesfignifying Likenefs, Unlikenefsjor Relation, may have

a Genitive.
Fartoujns. Ejus culpa
affines.
And fom
Words alfo betokening the cauft;, or form, or manner of a thing, are put after Adjeflives in the Ablative' Cafe i as Pallidus ira. Trepidus mnrte
futura.
barus.
Nomine Grammaticus,
re
Bar-
Of
( 8^7 )
Of
Pronouns.
not in Conflruilion
the former, both after Sum and all his Compounds, except fojfnfn., it fhall be put in the Dative ; as Eft mihi domi pater.
difler
from Nouns, except that PoirefPRonouns tuus^ fuusj nofter^ vefiery flves, Meus^ manner of fpeech, are a certain by fomcimes joyn'd to a Subftantive, which
underftood governs thir Primitive a Genitive in or Noun a with Participle Cafe ^ as Vico mett imins opera rempuhlicam ejfe Itberatam, Cic. for Met uniut
opera.
triiim^
And
Dative
e(i
Alulta petentihiis defunt multa. if a thing be fpoken of, relait
ting to the perfon,

b
may
be alfo in the
as
Sum
tibt
mihi voluptati.
prajidio. Quorum alteri
HC
res
Capi-
toni
cognomen fitit. Cic. Pa(iori nomen Fauftuh fuijfe ferunt. Liv.
In like
manner Nejira,
omnium
Of Verbs
paworuniy
dtiorum, virtme^ for
Tranfetives with an AccU' fative^ and the Exceptions

thcrto belonînZ'
Adtive or
nojirumduorurpy
&c. Meitm foliits
pecca-
ttm ippiis animo. For T tHTHy Cic. Id. Verr.2. fita CHJufqtie parte. ipfus.
Ex
Ex
Depohmt,
call'd
tua quidem recemia proximi Pr^toris Cic- verr. 4. Si vefligia perfrqiti poterat. non meat preces putas profhiffe^
prefentis id.
Ne
Tro Plane Ncftros
vidifti flentis ocellos.
Ovid.
Alfo a Relative, as qui or ^, fomtimes anfvsêrs to an Antecedent Noun or Pronoun Primitive underltood in the Pofleinve as Omnes laudartfortunas me'>
becaule thir afcion pafleth forth on fom perfon or thing, will have an Accufative after them of the perfon or thing to whom the adioii is don ; as yimo te. Vitium fuge. Deiirn
venerare. Vfus promptos facit, Juvat'me.
Oportet
te,
V^'Erbs Tranfitive,
Alfo Verbs calPd Neuters, may have an Accufative of thir own fignification
;
as
quiflsHm habercm Terent.
tali ingenio prditiim.
as
Duram
fervit fervitutem.
Longam
dermis.
ire
viam.
Endymionis fomnum
Paflillos RufiSus olet.
Nee vox
faltajftt.
Conjlruîon of Verbs.
ther VErbs
for the mofl part govern one cafe after them , or
ei-
hominem fonat.
Paterc.
yigit
lattt.
Cum
Utum
Glaucttm
convivam.
Herat.
Hoc me
more then one in a different manner of Conftrudtion.
But thefe Verbs, though Tranfitive, Mifereor and M'fertfco , pafs into a Genitive^ as Miferere meL Somtimes into a Dative : Huic mifereor. Sen. Dilige bonos.,
Of
the Verb Sahflantive Sum, and fuch like, rvith a Nominative,
miferefce malis.
Beet.
Reminifcor, Oblivifctr, Recorder, and Memini, fomtimes alfo require a Genitive

;
and other
oblique Cafes.
mini
exifto, VErbs
tui.
as Datie pdei reminifcitur. Oblivifcor carminis.
liie-
Som-
that fignifie Being, as Sum, ^0; and certain Paffives,
as dicor^ zwlor, falutor, appellor^ habeor^

exiflimor, videor-^ alfo Verbs of motion or reft, as incedo^ difcedo, fedeo, with
v?ill have a Nominative them, as they have before them, becaufe both Cafes belong to the fame perfon or thing, and the latter is rather in appofition with the former, then govern'd by the Verb
Omnia qu curant fenes pueritiam. nerimt. Plaut.
time retain the Accufative-, as Recorder memi-
Thefii Impcrfonalsalfo, inter eft and refert, lignifying to concern, require a
foch
like,
Genitive
except in thefe Ablatives
Cafe
after
Feminine,
ftra, cuja.
Mea,
is
tua,
ftta,
noftrd, ve-
And the meafure of conoften added in thefe Geni-
cernment
-,
tives, magni, parvi, tanti^ quanti, with thir Compounds-, as Imereft omnium
Horatins faas Tempernntia e/l virtus. divhm incedo Ifitatur Poeta, ^fi tgo qu
regina.
reUe agere.
tua
refert teipfum nojfe.
Vc-
ftra parvi intereft.
be an Imperfonal, it may fomtimes govern a Genitive, as Vfus

if e(i
And
But Verbs of Profiting or Difprofiting, Believing, Pleafing, Obeying, Oppofing, or being angry with, pafs
into a Dative 5 as non potes mihi cemmodare nee incommodare. Placeo omnibiu.
roet^
I.
Ht maris
eft,
licentta.
4.
Negavit maris
if the
ejfe
Grdcorhrn
Phxdrus f.t &c.
Cic. Vefr. 2.
But
following Noun
be of ano-
Nirmnm ne crede colori. Crede mihi. Tibi repugno. Pareo ârentibm. jidoU',
fcenti nihil eft
ther perfon, or not diredtly fpoken of
quod fuccenfeat.
>^
Biit
Si
of iî
( 868 ) Verbs of admonifhing, accufing, conthe firfl and third fort, Juvo^ adjuvo^ Uda, offendof^ retain an Accufative. demning, acquitting, will have, belides thir Accufative, a Genitive of the Laftly, thefe Tranfitives, frngor, Crime, or Penaltie, or Thing as Adfruor, Mor^ potior^ and Verbs betokenmonuit me errati. jiccufas me furti ? ing want, pafs direct into an Ablative, Fat em feeler Is damnat. Fur em Miena frui infania^ Fungitur (ffcio. dttpli conBut fuffgor^ fruor., trter^ demnavit. And fomtimes an Ablative Vtcre forte ma. had antiently an Accufative. Verbs of with a Prepofition, or without ; as want, and pottor^ may have alfb a Ge- Condemnabo eodem ego te crimine. AceuPecunU indigct. Quafi tu hu- fasfurli^ anflufrij an utroejue ? Derepenitive. tundis aecufavit^ or damnavit. CicPotior Vrbe^ or jtu indigeas patris. Alfo thefe Imperfonals, penitet, taVrbis.
,
Somtimes a phrafeof the famefigniwith a fingleVerb, may have the Cafe of the Verb after it ^ as id opefication
det^ miferet^ miferefcit,
pudet^ Pi^f-> to
have a Genitive, either of the perfon, or t)f the thing ;

as
thir Accufative will
ram
eflis
do^ that
aHthores
Idne is to fay, id ago. mibi ? for id fuadetii.
Nojlri
mfmet
tdet.
Miferet me
Vrbts penitet. tut. Pudet me
me
negti-
^Hid me
Plant. Id.
vobis ta&io eft ? for tangitis. luid tihi hanc curatio tft rem?
gentix.
An
a Genitive.
Accufative with
a.
Dative.
The Accufative with

thir Accufative, Hitherto
of Tranfitives governing or other Cafe, in lingle and direft Conftrudtion : Now of fuch as may have after them inore Cafts then one in Conftrudtion diredt and oblique, that is to fay, with an Accufative, a Genitive, Dative,
other Accufative, or Ablative.
of giving or reltoring, proor paying, commanding or fliewing, trolling or threatning, add to thir Accufative a Dative of the per-
VErbs mifing
j
fon
as Forfima
mitltii
nimum
dedit^
HC
bta.
tibi
promitto.
tys alienum mihi nu-
Frumentum imperat civitati~ cui dicas^ videto. Hoc tibi fiid 7 ibi ov ad fuadeo. Pectmiam tefcribo.
meravit.
&
omnem
tibi credo.
Vtrique mortem mina-
Verbs of efteeming, buying or fel- ttts eft. To thefe add Verbs Aftive comling, befidcs thir Accufative, will have a Genitive betokening the value of pounded with thefe Prepofitions, pra, dd, ab, con, de., ex., ante., fab, poft, ob., in price, flocci., mhi/i, pili, huJM, and the and tnter ; as Pracipio hoc tiki. Admo^ like after Verbs of efteeming Tanti^ vit urbi exercitum. and fuch like, qnanti^ pluru.^ minoris^ Coltegafuo imperium put without a Subftantive, after Verbs abrogavit. Sie parvis componere magna of buying or felling ; as hujus te foUbam. Neuters have a Dative only i as Meis eftimo. Ego ilium flocci fendo. z/Squi
:
Nm
honi hoc facto or confido. ânti mercalm es hunc eqmim ? Pluris quam velkm.
tnajoribus virtutepr^luxi. But fome compounded with pra and ante may have an
But the word of Value

in the Ablative
;
is
fomtimes
as Parvi or parvo^fti-
mas probvattm. And the word of Price molt ufually as Teruncio eum mn emerim.
,
Accufative ^ as Praftat ingefiio alius alium. Multos anteit Others fapientia. with a Prepofition ; as ad vemtris viilum conducitnt. In inc urn-
^<
hacftudia
And
particularly in thefe
Fili^ panlo^
Adjedives, minima^ rrragnot nimio^ plurimo^
bite.
Cic.
all
Alfo
Verbs Adlive, betokning ac-
dimidio^ d(iplo,])nt without a Subftantive, as Fili vendo triticum. Redimite capturn qiiam And fomtimes queas minimo. mimre for mimris. a Calio pro-
quifition, likening or relation,
com-
Nam
1.
pinqui
mimre
centejfmis
nummum
i.
movere
non
pojfimt.
Cic Att.
;
But Verbs
or for, have to thir Accufative a Dative of the perfon j as Magnam Uudem pbi peperit. Huic habeo non ttbi. Se ilUs aquarmt, hoc mihi Expedi negotium : but mihi,
to
monly
englifht with
tibi,
Neuter or
quanti
ttbi
Paffive have
only the oblique
fbi.,
fomtimes are added for Elegance,

;
Cafes after them

fueris.
as Tanti eris aliis^ Pudor parvi penditur.
the fenfe not requiring
as Sue hunc
Which is
alfo to be obferv'd in the fol-
Neuters a ftbijugulat gladio. Terenc. Dative only ; as Non omnibus dormie.

Libet mihi.
Ttbi
licet.
lowing Rules. And this Neuter F^/fO governeth the word of value in the Accufative ; as
Denarii
Varr.
diSii
Somrimes a Verb Tranlitive
will
have
quod denos aris valebant.
to his Accufative a double Dative, one o^f the perfon, another of the thing ^
as
(869
as
Do
tibi
vefim pignon.
F'erto hic
tibi
vith.
Hue
tu tibi laudt ducts
Noie viîlas, luce dormis. NuSam p4rtem no6l7s requitfcit. Cic. Abhinc triennium ex Andro commigravit. Ter. Kfpondic
triduo iUum.^
A
VErbs
double Jccitfative.
ad fummum
quitri-
of asking, teaching, arraywill have ing, a!id concealing, the of one perfon, two Accufativcs, as Rogo te fecttanotiitr of the thing
,
duo periturum. Cic. Or if continuance of time, in the Accufative, fomtimes as Sexaginta anaes nain the Ablative totam ttu, Imperium fteriis.
,
Hyemtm
Doceoteltterjf. viam. ôdtejamdudum honor. Indiiit fe cakeos* tioc me

Ctlahas.
id ttnere pundeponere malucrunt., quam ium temports contra Religionem. Cic. dectm menfibnt. Impiravit triennio,
&
Suet.
retain one being PalTive?, they as Suntumque the Accufative of thing, Idui' recmiitur anguem. Ovid. Met. 4. tur togam. Mart. Bat Verbs of arraying fomtimes into an Ablachange the one Acufative te tunica^ or tive or Dative ; as h'duo or tibi tunkam. penula,
Somtimes with a Prepofition
-,
And
as Fere in Sebtu pauciSy quihut hC aila as Rarely v/iih a Genitive, fuut. Ter. concordia dtfTemports angufli manfit
cors.
Jnjiravit
equum
fpare bethe in are Accufative, tween places put and fomtimes in the Ablative ^ as PeVrbe dem hinc ne Abefi ah
difcefferis.
Lucan. Alfo Nouns betokening
equo yeHulam.
quingentis
qtie
milUbtu pajj'uum.
Terra mari-
An
an Ablative. Accufative with
gentihns imperavit.
Tranfitive may have to tliir Accufative an ablative of the inItrumentorcaufe, matter, or manner of doing , and Neuters the Ablative Taceo metu. as Firit eum gladio. only Summa eLmûentia Malts gaudet alienis. quadrat faxo Capitoliam egtt. caufam Tuo confilio nitor. Fefefi. fubpruaum Amore abun* cor pane. Jffiuis opbtu. Somtimes with a Prepofition of
VEibs
,
Nouns that fignify Place, and alfo of greater places, as proper Names
of movCountrie?, be put after Verbs a with Prepofition, ing or remaining, or by, in fuch fignifying , from, in, as cafe as the Prepofition requireth Vrbe. Vivit in Anglta. ab Proficifcor
,
Vini per Galliam in Italiam. But if it be the proper

lefler
name of a
das.
the manner
zs
Summa cum
humanitate
or Place, as of s City, Town, Huthefe of or four, lefler Ifland, any with mus, Domus, Militia, Bellum,
thefe figns, o, in, or at before them,
me tradavit. Verbs of endowing, imparting, depriving, difcharging, filling, empty,
being of the
firft
or fecond Declenfion,
the like, will have an Ablative, ing, and Bono te hoc and fomtimes a Genitive as AltPkirima
annulo.
and fingular number, they fliall be put if of the third Dein the Genitive
,
clenfion,
falute teimferttt.
word
Rhodi.
or plural Number, or this or Ablative ^ rus, in the Dative
farticipavit. quern familtarem fuo ferrnnne confiHi. fui participavit Taternumfervum Libera te hoc igni. Inter dico tibi aqua veteris Bacchi. metu. ImplentKr
as Fixit
Roma, Londini.
Ea
babitabat
&
Nep.
CononplurimumCyprivixit. Domi Frocumbit humi bas.
Cor.
belli-
exAlfo Verbs of comparing or the of Ablative an have ceeding, will

excefs
;
as Pr^fero hunc multis gradibm.

intervallo
all
A'Uhtavit Cathagini viximus. que fimul Ruri Studuit Athenis. or Carthagine. or rure educattu efi. If the Verb of moving be to a place,
it
M'tgno After
eum
fuperat.
manner of Verbs, the word

of a thing, may be Accufative, or
te
(hall
be put in the Accufative

Rus.
-,
-,
as
Eo
Romam, Domum,
in the Ablative
If
from a place,
Londtng.
as
fignifying any part in the Genitive,
as
Difceffit
put Ablative
animi.
as Abfurde facts qui ang*s antVendet animi. Difcructor

>
Rure eft Reverfm. Abiit Domo. Somtimes with a Prepofition

Brundifio profeBtu
eft.
A
Ve
ab
Cic.
te
Ma nil.
profeUum
mi.
Defipit
captllos.
mentis.
Candet
dentes.
ab Athenis
Cic.
in Bosotiam irem. Solpit.

1.
apud
Rubet
t/grotat animo., magis
Fam.
4.
Cum
1.
quam
corpore.
domo fcirem. Liv.

and.
8.
Nouns of Time
Verbs.
Place after
be betokening part of time,
NOuns
and
in the Ablative, put after Verbs fomtimes in the Accufative-, as
ConflruEiion of Paffives. Verb PalTive will have after it an the Ablative of the doer, with a or ab before it, fomtimes prepofition -.as Dnorc often a Dative and without,
FtrgiliHf
(
yirgilitu Ugitur A me.
fortibtu.
870
ing
)
firfl:
Fortes creantur
fetatar.
in the
,
Supine after Verbs of movcubitutn.,
Hor. Tibi fama
And
as
Eo
diû.
fptElatum.
^
Or
as
Neutropafllves, as Fapu:o^ veneo^ Uceo., exitlo, fio., may have the fame Confirudlion
is
j
in the latter
with an Adjective
Facile fafru,
as
^b
Turpe
eft
epHs ft;itH.
hojie venire.
Somtimes an Accufative of the thing

found after a Paflive j as Coronari Olymfia. Hor. Epift. J Cyelofm movetitr. Hor. for falttit or egit.
.
vern'd of the former Verb, it /liall always be an Accufative before the Infinitive
Butif aCafe com between, noigo-
Mood
as
Tc
rcdtijje
incolurrsm
e/jfe^
Parlor
gaudeo.
hxberi.
Malo me dtvitem
b'tUm.
qutvn
Id.
Con[lruiion of Gerufids and Sufi ttes.
And this Infinitive ejfe, will have always after it an Accufative, or the fame Cafe which the former Verb governs mihi
i
as Expedit bancs
tfte ejje
vobis.
and Supines will have fuch cafes as the Verb from whence GErunds
they com
as
;,
^0
,
Otittm fcribendi literas,
BuK commijfo^ this Accufative agreeth with another underftood before the Infinitive as
licet
non
piam.
Eo
tibi.
aiiditum
Poetas.
Ad
is
confulendum
Natiira heaExpedit vobii vos ejfe honos. rts omniboi Nobis non licet efte dedit.
ejfe
A
Caiifit
Gerund
in di
vern'd both of Subftantivcs and jeiftives in manner of a Genitive

videndi.
commonly goAd;
tarn difertis.
(tion
tion
may
The fame Conllrube us'd after other Infinitives
as
Amor
habendt,
Ctifi-
diu vifendi.
tiraes
lUoriiin
Certui eundl.
And fom\
governedi a Genitive Plural videndi gratia, Ter.

after
as
according to former Rules, with or without a Prc-
Gerunds in do are us'd manner of an Ablative,

pofition
^
Verbs in
Neuter or Paffive like to ejfe in fignifica, as Metximo tibi poftea civi., dnci evadere cont$git. Val. Max. 1. 6. Somtimes a Noun Adjeflive or Subftantive governs an Infinitive as andax omnia perpeti. Digntu amari. Con-
&
&
-,
filiam ceperunt ex oppido prefugere.
Csf.
Cic.
Minari
verr. i.
diviforibiu
ratio
non er4t.
as
A dlfcendo faiile deterretur.

fublevando^
efl.
Defcffm
fam ambidando.
A Gerund
Cafar dando, igmfcendt^ gloriam adeptta In upparando confumunt diem.

in dttm
is
Somtimes the
Infinitive
is
put abfb-
lute fof the Prcteriraperfedt or Preter-
us'd in
manner
of an Accufative after Prepofitions goas Ad capiettdum verning that cafe Ante domMduni ingentes tollent hojics.
,
perfed Tenfe as^<J iHeidfedulo negare fa[tnm. Ter. Calba autem midtasfi,
militudines afferre. Cic.
llle
contra hitc
omnia mere., agerevitam.

CoitftriiB'ton
Ten
animos. Virg.
Inter coenandum.
Ob redimetidHm
capttvos.
of
Farticiples.
as the
Gerunds in fignification are ofttimes us'd as Participles in dm ^ Tuorum Cic. conftliorum reprimendorum caufa. Oratienem Latinam legendis nojlris efficics
fleniorem. Cic. frtemio duett ur.
govern fuch Cafes

cording to thir Acftive or
fication
j
Verb from whence they com, acPArticiples

Paffive fignias Friiitunts amicis. Nun-
jid accufandos homines
cjitam audita mihi.
in dum join'd with the Imand implying fome neceffity or duty to do a thing,may have both the Aiftive and Paffive Conftruftion of the Verb from whence it is derived as Vtendum eft atate. Ov. Pacem Trojano
A Gerund
eft,
perfonal
Viligendu) ah omni' Sate fangitine divkm. Telamone creatui, Corpore mortali cretus. Lucret^ Nate dea. Edite rcgibus. Lava
bw.
ftifpenft
IochIos
tabidafqui lacerto.
tejueftrem
fummam.
id.
Hor. Cenftts Ahetindum e^
a rege petendum. Virg. Iterandum endem mihi. Cic. Servipidum ifia eft mihi amicis.
rlura dixi
qnam
dk$ndum
/nit.
Exofus Bttta. Arma PeraExofus diis. Gell. But PertafHihzxhdViAcVifus. Ovid. fative otherwife then the Verb ; as Semet iffe ptrtefus. Ptrtsftis Ignaviam.
Virg.
Mihi.
yenus erta mari.
Cic.
pro
Seft.
Conftrti5lion of
Verb with Verb.
To thefe add participal Adjeending in bilts of the Paffive Sigfication, and requiring like cafe after
Suet.
t:i:ives
them
WHen
Infinitive
two Verbs com together

a Nominative as Cnpio difeeri.
without
Cafe
\ as Nulli penetrabdis aftro luciis erat. Participles chang'd into Adjectives have thir Conftruftion by the Rules of
between them, the
latter fhall be in the
Adjeftives
tMif
Ittiantt
as Appetens
vini,
Ftigi-
Mood
Or
fidtm anitai.
An
87O
principal
Verb, govern the Verb

^
follow-
An
Ablative pit dfolute.

together, or a
ing in a Subjundive
as I'ldetc
de
tit
malititc
a Participle expreft or underftood, put abfolutely, that is to (ay,
T^Wo -'
Jux
loco
confidat. Cic.
quam valOuid eft cur
Noun5
Noun and
Pronoun with
neither governing nor governed of a Verb, lliall be put in the Ablative ^ ^s yiuthoreSevatubcllmngcritur. A-feducevinces. C^fare
jedeas ? Cic. pro Ciuent. mihi ddigetitiam comp.iravi qua quanta fit intelligi nan potefl^ nifi^ &c. Cic. pro Quint. Nam quid hoc iniquitu did poiflo
in
Siibfideo
venieme
hofles fugcrimt.
Sublato clamore
prdimt
committitttr.
tefl. Ouam mc qui caput alter ius fort mafq-^ Nuldefcndam., Priore loco difcere. Ibid. lum eft Officium tarn jantlum aiq-^ folenne^ quodnon avaritiaviolarc [oleat. Ibid. Non
me
Conjlruclion of Adverbs.
and ccce will have a Nominative, or an Accufative, and fomtimes with as En Frianim, Ecce tihi flaa Dative En hahitum. Ecce autem altus nofler.
"Er
-*-^
:,
fallir, fi
Ibid.
Did
confdamini quid
vi.x potefl
fit is rcfponftrri.
qnim mult a
fint
qum
Dorefpondeatis ante fieri oportcre. Ibid. cui quo die hunc fibi promififj'e dicat, eo die
ne
battts
Rom quidem cum juijfe. Ibid. Conturdijcedit ncq:, mirwn cui hxc optic
Narrat quo in
Rctte majorcs
terum.
tarn tnlfera daretur. Ibid. loco viderit Otiint ium. Ibid.
Adverbs of quantity, time, and place

require a Genitive
picn'i.: prrt'.mf'.ti:-.
:,
as Satis icqucntix^ fa-
qui Jocium fefeliijfet in virorum bonorum numero non putarunt hither i cportere, Cic. pro
eum
Alio
compounded with
a\'erb-, a^ Isremmfiiayumjatagit. Tunc Eo irnpudcntite tentporis itbique gentium.

p-occffit.
Rofc. Am. quid Prator
Qua
edixijfet,
concurfatio pcrcontamntm ubi cxnaret, quid

i.
enuntiaffet. Cic.
Agrar.
Quoad
ejus fieri potcrit.

:,
To
as
thefeadd Ergo fignifying the caufe

\'irg.
Of
Ônjundions ^^
ConjiinBîons.
Virtutis ergo. Fugx atque forinidinis ergo von abiticrns. Liv. Others will have fuch cafe as the Noun?
IlUf'î ergo.
tiniK.
from whence they come as Adimrnc genOptime omnium. F'cnit obviam iili. Canit fimilitc" Iv.dc. j^lbamtm., five Faler",
vunite mttgis
ver;;!
oppcfitis
delcBat.
Hon
Copulative and Disjundive, and thefe four, Quam., mfi, pruas Socrates tcrqu.im, an, couple like cafes docuit Xenoplmitem Platonem. Ant dies cflj aut nox. Ncfcio albus an aterfit. Eft tninor natu quam tu. Nemini placet pr&tcr-
&
Adverbs are
Moods of
join'd in a Sentence to le\'erbp.
qiiam fibi.
Cf Time, libi., poflquam, cumofqttum., to an Indicative or Subjunftive ^ as Hecc ubi difla dedit. Vbi nos Liveriinus. Poflquam Cum f.tciam vuula. exccfit e.v Epbcbis.
canerem reges. Id. Voncc while, to an Indicative. Donee Donee until, to an Indicative eris fclix.
Virg. or Subjundive ^ Cogere donee oves jujfit. Virg. Donee ca aqua decocla fit. Colum.
Du;7! \vhilc,
t<:)
Except when fom particular conftrudion requireth otherwife \ as Studnl RoWi (^ Atheni,i. End fundum centum >utmmisO' pluris. Accufas fiirti., an flupri., an
utroquc ?
Cum
They alio couple for Moods and Tenfes, as

-,
dcfpicitquc terras. Tenfes as Nifi ?ne lailajifes,
the moft part like Rcclo flat corpore, But not always like
produceres.
Et
habettrr,
&
vana fpe referctur tibi
&
an Indicative.
^
Dum apTer-
peratnr Firpfi. tive or Subjunftive

tia
Dum
until, as
to an Indica-
Dum redeo.
dum
Dum
regnantem viderit aflas. for dummodo fo as, or fo that, to a

L.itio
,
a me gratia. Of other Conjundions, fom govern an Indicative, fom a Subjundive, according to thir feveral Significations. Etfi, tametfi, etiamfi, qiianquam an Indicative
^
Dum profim tibi. Subjanftive Quoad while, to an Indicative. Quoad expect a< contubcrnaUm. Quoad until to a
Subjundive. Omnia integrafervaho, quoad (xcrcitns hue mittatur. Simidac, fimulatque to an Indicative or as Simulac belli patiens erat, Subjundive
^
quamvis and
Itcet
moft common-
ly a Subjundive , as Etfi nihil novi afferrebatur. Quanquam animvu meminijfe hor'ret.
Quamvis Elyfios Ipfe licet venias.
miretur Gracia campos.
(ttas. fimidutqi'.e adolevcrit
Vt
liis,
ita
& metos.
no':.
as, to the fame ita refalutaberts.
Moods.
"Jt faluta-
Vt fementemfecerio-,
eft
Her.
:
"Vt fb foon as, to an Inin
Ni.j nifi, fi, fiquidem, quod quia poflquam, pofleaqiiam, antequam, priufqu.im an Indicative or Subjundive ^ as Nifi vi mavis cripi. Ni faciat. Caftigo tc, non quod odeo habeam, jed quod amem. Antequim dicam. Si for quamvis 3. Subjundive only,
dicative only
as Vt vent urn
Vrbem.
Redeam
Non fi me
objecret.
ac fi, to a SubQuiifi, tanquam, perinde, norimus tios innon as Quafi jundive only
^^
Si alfo conditional may fomtimes govern both \'erbs of the lentence in a Sub-
Ttinqnam feccris Ipfe aliqiiid. Ne of forbidding, to an Imperative or Snbiundive as Ne f^vi. N: maua,s. Certain Adverbs of quantity, quality, or as Qitam., quotics, cur, quarc, &c. caufe Thence al!o^/', qui;, quantus, qualt>; and the like, coming in a fentence aftef the
;, ,
ter
jundive
Attic.
as Refpiraro fi te videro. Cic.
ad
dicative
Qitando, qtumdoquidcm, quoniam an Inin molli ; as Dicite quandoquidcm convenimn4 Uttoniam hcrba, conjedinitti
anJho,
Qtpi'
(872)
fisoijiciis
0;7, racing that, a Subjuntftive Ciradlve viyUtbiu aptr^.
as
Cum
Otherwife
In ZJrbe.
an^ rmm^ of doubting, a SubjunNihil >-efcn, fenyijnCj an perjmias ftivej
Nc^
in \\'ill have an Ablative as ; In Terris. Sub, when it fignifies to, or in time, about, or a little before, requires an Accu-
jcris.
tîfe
nam rcdlerit.
fative^ as fub
Interrogatives alfoofdifdaiii or reproach underrtood, govern a Subjunftive ^ as tivn'

turn
verr.
dcfii,
'4.
temp/a.
tive.
umhram properem.'4^s. SubnoBcm C)t\ierwife
Sub id an Abla-
quatitmn ilk popojcerit ? Scant Imu vendas r Sylvam

.
Cic,
Cic.
Sub pedihus. Sub umbra. Super fignifying beyond, ox prefent time, an Accufative ; as Super Garamantas In-
&
Agrar. Hnnc tit non atr.es ? Cic. ad Attic. Furepi aliquem aiit rapaccm acaifaris f fîtanda jemper crit ownis avariti^ fujpicio. as Cic. ver. 4. Somtinies an Infinitive Aii'ne i/iCiCpto dcji/icyc vitlam ? V irg. Vt that, left not, or although, a Subjunftive , as Tc oro^ lit rcdeat jam in viam. Adetuo Ht jiihflet hofpes. Ut omnia contin,
Super ccenam. Suet, at fupper time. Of or concerning, an Ablative as JiMta fuper Priamo rogitans. Super bac re. overor Super, upon, may have either cafe as Super ripas Tiberis eff'ujus. S<&va Fronde fuper viridi. Jedens juper arma.
dos.
;, ,
Soalfomay/w^Kr
fuhterque
terras.
as fngnai u/n est Juper
g-.mt
qiu
volo.
Of Prep fit ions.

r'\V Prepofitions, fom will have an Ac^-^ cufative after them, fom an Ablative, fom both, according to thir different fignification.
Subter denfa t'efiudinc. Clam \'irg. patrem or patre. ProcidnmPatria procul. ros. Liv. Prepofitions. in compofition govern the fame cafes as before in appofition. Adibo hominem. Dctrudunt naves jcopulo. And
the Prepofition is (omtimes repeated ; as Detrahere de tua fama nunquam cogitavi.
And lomtimes
ufual cafe
;
underftood,
governeth his
An
pudy
as
Acculative thefe following. Ad., a-
Habeo
te loco parentis.
At-
arn^j advcrjpts adverfurn, cis citra, circitm circa, circiter, contra, crga, extra,
inter,
Cumis crant oriw.'di. paruit lîmana fpccie. L'iberis parentibus o-riundjis, Colum. Liv.
Afutat
quadrat a
rotundis.
Hor.
Pridie
intra,
injra, jiixta,
oh, pone, per,
prop}, propter, poll, penes, prater, J'ecunditm,
jupra, jccHs,
But wr/k'
cafe
it
is
trans, ultra, itfqite, verfia ; mofl: commonly fet after the
PoCompitalia. Pridie nonas or calendas. Jlridie Idus. Poflridie ludps. Before which Accufatives ante or post is to be underftood, Filii id tatis. Cic. Hoc noctis. Liv. Underftaiid Secundum. Or refer to part Omnia Aiercurio fwiilis. \ irg. of time.
governs, as Londinwn verfm. And tor an Accufative after /?/^, a Dative fomtimes is us'd in Poets as It clamor
;,
Cttlo fi gloria diim. Sil. for ad caliun.

cilo. \'irg.
lollit
<iynea-
Underftand per.
An
cum,
Ablative thefe,
cora>n,
A,
ah, abs, abfqnc,
Of
^Êrtain
Interjections.
dc,
fine, tenia,
which
c, ex, pro, prx, palam, laft is alfo put after his
Cafe, being moll ufually a Genitive, if it be plural ; as Capnh teii:ts. Aiirium te-
nm.
Thele, both Cafes, hi,
ter,_clam, procul.
In, fignifyingfo, towards, into, otagainfl, as Pifces cmptos reciuires an Accufative
',
Interjertions have feveral Cales them. O, a Nominative, Accuas fative or Vocative feflus dies homiO ego Uvus. Hor. nis. O jortunatos.
^^
after
;,
f/ib, Jjjpcr, fub-
jormoje puer.
as
Others a Nominative, or an Accufative ; Heu pnjca fides ! Hcuflirpem invijam! Proh fantte Jupiter ! Proh deum at que ho-
ftbolo
in
Clin
am
fcni.
AniwM
in
Temros
minum fidem
'
Hem
tibi
Davum !
In in cineres Troja. f-êrja est henignns. te comjnittere t ant urn quid Trees potiirre ?
laftly, when it fignifies future time, or for j as Bellitm in trigefinmm die>n indixcrimt. Alii Defignati conjules in annum feqnentem.
p-retia faciitnt
Yea, though the Inter jeftion be underftood ; as Ale mijcrum 1 Ale cacum, qui htec ante non viderim 1
Others
Vis:
will have a Dative
as
Hei
mihi,
mijero mihi. Terent.
in fingida capita caniim. \''ar.
FINIS.
J oannis
J;
f1
WF^W^^

A Complete Collection of The Historical, Political, and Miscellaneous Works of John Milton, Both English and Latin - Vol I

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A Complete Collection of The Historical, Political, and Miscellaneous Works of John Milton, Both English and Latin - Vol I

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With fom Papers

%f^t Attorn tHoiumet

Contents whereof follow in the next Leaf.

M. DC. XC. VIII.

Jones Goyernor of Dublin

the Scots (^eprefentation of Prefwhich the Articles, Letter, faid

with Col. Jones'5 Anfwer to

and the ^eprefentation^ &e. are prein to

Defence of the People of England,

Defence of the iQng.

during ff^or5 Oliver dwd

Contents of the Second Volume.

the likeliefi (j)nJiderations touching

a Friend concerning the

from Manufcript, The ready and eafy way to ejlabltjh a

a 'Brief Notes upon

be us'd againjl the

Writings of federal Eye-witneffes, A Declaration, or Letters Patents for the EleStion of

with 1(ules for

thufe of &c. P. 851.

\6^^, and 1650.

The Tenure of Kings and Magiftrates,

lawful to call to account a

Defence of the People of England^ in anfwer to Salmafitfs's Defence of the King.

Book Intitl'd, EiKa'N baxiaikh', The PoRTRATURE of h'ls Sacrcd Majesty

Regium imperium, quod

atque augends reipub.

causa fueiat, in fnperbiam, doniinationcmque fe convertit.

ufpedliorts funt, femperque liisalicna viitusformi-

faccre, iioc fcilicettegium eft.

defcant on the Misfortunes of aPcrfon

from fohigh a Dignihis Faults,

debt both to Nature and

thir motions, are

Idolatry in idolizing thir

^ Hat which King ^H head I were

and molt bythofe nextabout him,

him any time

ceflarily be his undoing. Till eight or nine years afcer,

proceeding with a high hand

greevances with fcorn and fruftration.

membrance hath not

bin qualified to hi^ temper, that

to fay, his will,

what hope ther was of Parlaments, had not

them. His own and hi^ Childrens

interefi obliged him to

to the love and preferve' feek^ and

oblig'd to Honeliic ar.d Junice

by thir but how

obvious to any prudent forefight.

the fubftance of his

know that Enghjhman alive ^

fiufFof this fort

may be read throughout the whole Tragedic, wherelicence in departing

in the Poetus'd not

faid in general to his Prayers,

thus farr in the whole

cannot but be clear to

ZJfon the Earle of Strafford s

men had always been

againlL hia felfonly.