Caste and Politics: Identity over System Author(s): Dipankar Gupta Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol.

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Caste Over

and Politics: System

Identity

Dipankar Gupta
Center for the Study of Social Systems, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru India; email: dipankargupta@hotmail.com University, New Delhi-110067

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005.21:409-27 The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org doi: 10.1146/ annurev.anthro.34.081804.120649 2005 by Copyright Annual Reviews. All rights reserved 0084-6570/05/1021 0409$20.00

Key Words
difference, hierarchy, stratification, scheduled caste, reservation

Abstract
lb caste and between the relationship politics, integrate conceptually one must that the ritual pure operates hierarchy only when appreciate hierarchies In fact, there are multiple and power. backed by wealth to in the caste order because itself in relation each caste overvalues others. exception, This can claim be gauged an exalted from past their regardless origin tales, which, status without a caste

of the actual

occupies on the ground. With

economy embedded collapse of and the rise of democratic has come but in caste the caste

the breakdown of the closed village

the competitive element politics, to the fore. This in the has resulted also in the rise of caste identities.

system

4<>9

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at the Contents

level

of

community,

religion,

and

lin

guistic affiliation often partake of this preju OF CASTE .. 410

dice. other there dain But what forms makes caste stand is that apart from of stratification in this case that or be main should the

THE UNIQUENESS

RECONCEPTUALIZING CASTE 412 THE POLITICAL ASCENDANCE

OF THE "PEASANT CASTES" .415 417 419 421 422

are elaborate not just how but

and ritualized distinctions

rules should

THE EMERGENCE OF DALIT

POLITICS. SYMBOLIC DEFIANCE.

tained, norms tion ing

also prescribe

sanctions

be violated.

It is this variation caste from

obsessive in ritual other

atten rank of

CASTEARITHMETIC OR
CHEMISTRY?.

to the slightest out that marks

forms

stratification. This tive too, one might of a take as a quantita is not it is an cognate and com one

THE POLITICSOF
RESERVATIONS.

exaggeration in other unknown extreme likenesses form of

that principle societies. Perhaps, with

stratification religious the

in racism, In which caste

separation, problem of as all

THE UNIQUENESS
India society income and

so on.

OF CASTE
the

case, is not

is quite the most stratified undeniably in the world. Over and above huge disparities, there differences everyday of caste social and are caste, that religious, are deeply No in

prehending has to do

difficult

is to enlarge the scale and deepen of And yet grooves ascriptive prejudice. or

this approach does not immediately satisfy ei

ther the scholar the lay person. This is

community into engraved the nature has along markers

relations. community but

primarily because of the popular belief that

castes to the that are considered impure according nevertheless Brahmannical hierarchy,

doubt, teractions erations portant domains.

changed ascriptive both

over lines

time, still

consid im

remain

at the public

and private

participate willingly in their own degradation (Moffat 1979, p. 303).

The most systematic and influential pro

Although
exist dia There between have in other apart

tribes and religious distinctions

societies as well, what sets In

ponent of this position can be found in Louis

Dumont's It was not Homo Hierarchicus was (Dumont 1988). as if Dumont been saying anything But in the course of mind, and he so

is the prevalence of the caste order. no are differences really phenotypical that Hindus castes, but it is presumed coded substances in them that

that has not of his gave

said before. on caste

specific set them apart from one another. These sub are incommensurable stances and cannot be hence the rules meant of and relating to be to pu strictly led to rela sure

the

exposition term

as a state

"hierarchy"

a technical

phisticated a pure

meaning. hierarchy

According allows for

to Dumont, economics and

compromised; rity and

pollution

were

politics only surreptitiously, but only in the interstitial levels (Dumont 1988, p. 197).Oth
erwise, the stand poles one extreme stands firm hierarchy to each in opposition of as its two At other.

observed. becoming tions had

Commingling

substances social to make their being

polluted, to be calibrated finely that people did not compromise inalienable substances

therefore

inherent in close

and

by

physical proximity with members of different

castes. Even hend. critic this is not that difficult to compre dia

this hierarchy is the Brahman at the other and stands (or the most pure), the untouchables (who are positively pollut are castes in between ing). The encompassed

by this pure hierarchy, which

ranked There on Physical of racism: separation Indeed is a dominant everyday the purity/pollution have been others

is obsessively
principle. Dumont,

before

interactions

such as Bougie (1958), Ghurye

(1950), Leach

4.10

Gupta

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(1976), and subsequendy, Beck(1970),Milner(1994),andMoffat(1979)

among others, who would concur with Du

(1969), Marriot

modern propagators of this point of view and gave it wider respectability. Sadly, social an
thropologists, notion with who their could field have corrected also this suc observations,

mont's general position although they did not

quite way. articulate But the fact their views that castes was in quite the were ranked unquestioningly same in an ac

cumbed to this position

p. 149). So strong was

(see Dumont

1988,
of

the persuasive

power

undisputed

hierarchy

exotica! As Beteille (1986, p. 123) once rather

trenchandy observed, many anthropologists

cepted by all. And as castes were often linked

to occupations, these too were ranked along

often miss the larger analytical picture as they

are constandy totalities. evidence indicates that searching for differences and unique

the purity/pollution principle (Marriot 1976). If Leach (1969) could argue that competition
between castes was untliinkable, then it was

Contemporary

primarily because, in his scheme of things, each caste knew its place and abided by the overarching hierarchical order. The differ ence that Dumont made is that he provided the theoretical underpinning to all this by in
that a pure hierarchy sisting to which in the all those is a state caste of mind will system

caste identities cannot be straitjacketed within

an unrelenting hierarchical grid where the sta

tus of the pure and the impure are empirically and unproblematically firm in their interac tional nexus (see Gupta 2000a, pp. 54 85).
In by fact, Senart, this feature was and noticed Blunt. For long ago Bougie, example,

ingly acquiesce. Whereas

may have been taken

in the past this fact

and quiedy as

Senart (1930) argued that castes should be

seen as units, and one should not rush into

as read

sumed, Dumont was forthright about it for he thought that his understanding of a pure hier archy provided the theoretical key thatwould explain why
neously to

arranging them in a hierarchy. Even Bougie, who otherwise believed that hierarchy was an
important forcefully characteristic demonstrated another. mutually of caste, that castes That these nevertheless also mutu two formu did not

the Hindu
the caste

genuflected
As all

sponta
castes

hierarchy.

are included within

pure each hierarchy, in ticipates upholding

this all encompassing

caste the par ideologically as a whole system

one ally repel lations were

contradictory

strike Bougie with any degree of analytical force (Bougie 1958). Blunt was perhaps the
most that incisive "if the of caste them system all when was he observed with the devised

(Dumont 1970, p. 24).

as caste is seen this optic, long through at not it is all surprising that the phenomenon so and exotic, almost should appear unique e universalist It would categorization. defying As

object of preserving
ceremonial usage,'

'the purity of belief and

it has been a singular fail

ure" (Blunt 1960, p. 37). And yet, the dom

inant Brahmannical that that view so dominated understand Bougie, and the intellectuals ing of caste under fact itwas Dumont's swept Blunt,

be difficult to find a parallel in any other so ciety where the subjugated people supposedly
endorse the moral order that so thoroughly

denigrates them. If traditional scholarship on

caste who were were to be accepted, low then or even those, in the considered impure

Senart The

the carpet. is that the caste order is char

ritual order, would consider their position to be just and befitting their status in terms of the hierarchy of purity and pollution. A single
all embracing, all acquiescing, hierarchy was,

acterized by contesting notions of hierarchy and that iswhy we find competitive assertions
of caste identity. and These assertions from draw sym tales in di bolic that energy are sustenance to each caste origin and often

specific

of course, expressed with the expected hyper boles in Brahmannical texts such as the Yag Manusmriti, but itwas the navalkyasmriti and
nineteenth century Indologists who were the

rect confrontation with the Brahmannical hi

erachy. Nor is it that status concerns in these

multiple hierarchies are always linked to pu rity and pollution issues. They may also be
www.annualreviews.org Caste and Politics 411

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associated the merchant than what

with

power Jain castes,

and wealth, much more have

as among directly us believe

they lived out their humble

lives quietly for

priv their posi

caste

purists

would

(see Cort 2004). A general insensitivity toward

this tion aspect of of caste has led to the version overvalua of hierar the Brahmannical

for fear of the generations offending now strata. We know more of ileged tales that boast of the elevated origin tions they once held before an

unsuspected god, de

chicanery,

a lost war,

or a mercurial

chy, both in scholarly works and in popular imaginations. This has also contributed to
the general one tween should caste intellectual conceptualize and politics puzzlement the as to how be have relationship because here we

moted

them to lowly rungs in popular per ceptions (Gupta 2000a, pp. 69-77; Jaffrelot 2003, pp. 207-8; Sahay 2001, p. 147). Jotiba Phule, the nineteenth century leader of the
non-Brahman forward lower movement that the inMaharashtra, so-called put "shudra" the claim castes of in

tension and competition

cal acquiescence. If castes do not contest

in place of ideologi
their positions the symbolic in the politi in

today

were

(or warriors)

pre-Aryan

actually Kshtriyas were times. They

energy

the hierarchy, then where does to compete for power

the kind and genial rulers of the land before

the Brahmans from across and then the Muslim took "robbers" over by de the Himalayas

cal arena come from? Each caste should be content with its lot, and itsmembers should
calmly placed ings. begin accept above Indeed, the superiority in terms them Leach once then of those who of purity are rank castes func

ceit and cruelty (O'Hanlon

In this rendition then,

1983, pp. 11-14).

of the au

the origins

thentic Kshatriyas predate Vedic Hinduism.

It is true just tales, not that all these myths, tales but of the past are unlike so are Brah

said that when they no longer sans

to compete,

tion as caste (Leach 1969, p. 7). The

however, petition is that and the caste never system really conflict existed

truth,
com on

mannical
myths,

justifications of their superiority. As

origin tales occupy an iden

all of these

tical logical position. It is another thing that

intellectuals mans tend tell us over castes. to prefer those that But today stories that Brah by less asser itwould empirical are related these other and for

the ground. There are different rankings in different locales depending upon who has the
power and the wherewithal lar ranking particu or to their work system, hierarchy, were In some cases, the Brahmans their cases, favored it was hierarchy the Jats, or in prac the Ra or the contrary con to make a

privileged tions are unwise

advantage. able to realize tice; jputs, in other

loudly broadcast, being not to heed them both

and analytical purposes. This

so when caste we examine and as and politics, a to caste system

is particularly

or the Marathas, and so on.

or the Marawas, In other words, power appear

the relationship between caste as the move from

Lingayats, to Dumont's siderations

identity.

understanding, of wealth do not

and

surrepti

tiously or only at the interstitial levels but are

manifest across the entire caste order. This is

RECONCEPTUALIZING
The study of caste and politics

CASTE
can be an

why it is important to factor in the notion of

caste caste Not identity which identity; order will otherwise never are we of be tensions fully now within the understood. confronted peasant as lowly who, Now had by castes, shudras until we ever re also ide

alytically justified only when we accept that

castes are, first and foremost, discrete entities

only

assertions were earlier but called of

earthy

with deep pockets of ideological heritage. As they are discrete phenomenas, it is both log ically and empirically true that there should
be multiple overvalues hierarchies itself. The as each element of caste caste always com of the

ranked also of

(or menials), cently, know were

those

untouchables. these castes

that none

is, therefore, petition caste order and not

a characteristic a later addition

(Gupta

ologically accepted their degraded status. Yet

412 Gupta

2000a, pp. 55-82). This

implies that the caste

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system,

as a system,

worked

primarily

because

British order the

authorities significant

intervened ways.

in the First,

caste it gave

itwas enforced by power and not by ideolog

ical with acquiescence. this perspective we are when Only are we conceptually armed pre

in three Brahmans their

taking

extraordinary on what advice

precedence by was the correct

pared to study the relationship between caste and politics. If in the past it appeared as if there
were few obvious archy, then sons. First, disagreements this was primarily the relationships over due the hier rea to two

custom (Dirks 2001, pp. 10, 170-71). This

gave Brahmans in certain regions, particu

between

castes

Maharashtra (see also larly in South India and 1998), a lot of supralocal influence of Wagle the kind they did not enjoy hitherto. Resent
ment nance against resulted this Brahman domi growing movements in anti-Brahman

were played out within the confines of the closed natural economy of the village. This
left no room for maneuver and caste castes. hierarchies for Second, were the subaltern in precolo contested communities nial times,

in South India andMaharashtra from the lat

ter years of the nineteenth movement more or century. Although the non-Brahman inMaharashtra less defunct, the

and renegotiated
philippics of a war

episodically
or a major

following
social

the

has

now

become

upheaval

mobilization
the years.

in Tamilnadu has evolved over

are two mainstream politi

(see Chattopadhyaya
were rare, it gave rise

1976). As such instances

to the illusion that castes

There

have never competed and have been politically

inactive.

cal parties inTamilnadu that can legitimately claim to be descendants of the original anti
Brahman in North were Dravida India, classified Kazagham traditional as lowly movement. peasant shudras, castes Also that

tranquility that this vision of the pure hierarchy inspired should have been shattered
irreparably when certain castes began to clam

The

according

our for a higher status following

operations conducted by the colonial

the census
regime.

to Brahmannical ranking, were forming their own associations to press for their rightful status under British rule. The Kurmi Caste
Association, for example, was set up as early

According

to O'Malley, during the 1911 cen

a number of castes objected

sus enumeration,

to being placed at inferior levels in the hier archy or wanted to be known differently from
the traditional came term fast petitions assigned and thick to them. the that Such im the because

as 1890 in Lucknow, and the Ahir-Yadava Mahasabha began in 1919.

Second, 1909 introduced the Moreley-Minto of reforms electorates that gave separate

had gone around pression census was not just about bers but also about assigning or for

at that time putting rank down

num

and prestige to

a to non-Brahman castes in their quest fillip now to orga for self-respect. They began as nize themselves Classes." This "Depressed momentum from 1917 onward, and gained various Depressed in different parts the lower Caste of India. Associations In fact, began the concern was ev

(see Srinivas 1972, p. 101). Around this time

caste erate associations, to press sabhas, higher as in began status both prolif in cen

for

castes

and untouchables

sus records

as well

everyday

interactions

(Srinivas 1972, pp.

ened Rajas, such

102-5). Some enlight

ruler of Tranvancore,

ident in the colonial administration from the 1880s onward. This was initially with spe
cial reference to education, so that the poor

as the

also helped in this regard by elevating cer tain castes (Cox 1970, p. 8). The Baroda prince gave scholarships to bright students
from "low" caste families. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar,

would find a ladder to climb from "the gut ter to the university" (Radhakrishnan 1990, such a policy also de p. 515). Nevertheless,
manded the enumeration of backward classes.

the legendary leader of the Scheduled Castes and one of the founding figures of inde
pendent beneficiary. India's Constitution, was one such

This process began from 1883 onward, and the list of castes included in it began to grow rapidly. As the backward class rubric also in
cluded the untouchables, there was a move

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Caste and Politics

413

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initiated in Madras
for the rest Third, ference for British as a number special

in 1917 to separate them

treatment. also made laws were a dif to presence of

to even

the

traditional to thumb their

superior noses

communities at established

and sym

bolic and ritual systems. As Beteille rightly re

marks, ismost outside active the domain at the level of politics caste of the family, in contem

enacted

lessen the weight

so-called ample, polluting the Madras

of untouchability
castes had to bear. Government

that the
For ex the

porary Indian society (Beteille 1996, p. 167).

If this past, aspect then of it was caste was not noticed in the political primarily because

passed

Removal of Disabilities Act in 1938; this was soon followed by Mysore in 1943. There after, between 1943 and 1947 a number of
states enacted similar laws to free those tra

upheavals of themedieval agewere few and far

between. In premodern times, each attempt at

ditionally deemed as low castes from the in cubus of traditional disprivileges. After India became independent, Article 17 of the Consti tution of India outlawed untouchability. The Yadavs, Kurmis, and Koeris of North India formed theTriveni Sangh to contest the 1935 elections. Though they lost that round to the Congress, the Triveni Sangh held and gradually increased its size. It incorporated other castes from similar backgrounds into its fold to form the Backward Class Federation. The members of the Backward Caste Federa
tion were generally tenants and small cultiva

caste identity assertion required the philippics of war and could not be carried out, as it is
today, in a routine form within a democratic

political format.
Quite politics; clearly, the only castes were never is much in the past through today outside more ambi connection

tious

transparent castes to a throne,"

today. Wliereas to "wade had caste unlike India tensions

grind.

Further,

colonial are not

slaughter are a daily castes in times, about

contemporary

concerned

official rankings. Caste identities have evolved

to amuch higher level, and it is now a question

of self over others and not self in relation to

others. Thus, no matter which caste is in ques

tors, and they used their organization to fight

for lord their economic many interests of whom classes, against were close the land to the

tion, its involvement in politics is primarily to

stake ties, a claim as well to jobs, educational opportuni as to in gov of power positions in direct bodies competition against regarding agitations in 1911 and later, caste operations are not in just to feel good today Unlike the

Congress
Recent strate that

(Jaffrelot 2003, p. 198).

studies, it is not therefore, as if castes demon clearly are up warming after be India only of question process

ernment other

castes.

to power came

considerations The

the census assertions

independent.

ing established hierarchies through means other than war began with the establishment of British suzerainty in India. Caste and pol
itics were always related, but the relationship

an attributional way (see Marriot 1959) but to make it good in a highly competitive environ ment that disregards the interactional setting
that the pure caste hierarchy recommends.

was manifested differendy at different periods of time. The establishment of democracy in independent India has introduced one major
change in the way caste and politics interact,

The breakdown of the traditional caste sys

tem and the emergence contemporary of caste caste identities politics can that be energize

and that is bymaking all castes legally equal. It took some time for this legal equality to gain empirical momentum, but with the gradual dissolution of the closed village economy, the tempo has certainly become easily visible to the naked eye. This combination between law
and economic change has allowed castes that

explained in avariety of ways. Weiner believed that the repeated ideological exhortations of
the Congress self-imposed is, the party barrier of brought to protests their place an end to "the that by caste, in the hierar

acceptance

chy" (Weiner 2002, p. 199). Itmay be recalled that India's struggle against British colonial
ism was rally lead by the Congress, also controlled and quite natu this party the government

were hitherto considered low to take the fight

414 Gupta

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uninterruptedly
dence. Congress of According leaders,

for 20 years after indepen

toWeiner, combined the with led of to charisma the the of success down

castes led by Charan Singh. In Bihar, also,

there was a significant decline of upper caste UP: MLA: Uttar Pradesh of

the freedom of

movement, basis

members of the legislative assembly after 1977 (Blair 1980, p. 67).

In Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, the Yadav caste

grading

the moral

castes.

Accord

members

ing toKaviraj this resulted in a "democracy of castes in place of a 'hierarchy'" (Kaviraj 2000, p. 104). Although it is certainly true that the political representation and the impact of the Congress have played a significant role, they need to be placed in the context of the signif icant shifts in the structural plates of agrarian
India. that These they cut changes the ground were from so fundamental the tra under

has gained a great degree of political salience. In Uttar Pradesh, the Samajwadi party is headed byMaulayam Singh Yadav, and in Bi har, the Rashtriya Janata Dal has Laloo Prasad Yadav at its helm. It may also be noted that Maulayam Yadav is today the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh (UP), and Laloo Prasad Yadav's wife, Rabri Devi, is chief minister of Bihar.
It is not peasant the case, however, always castes such as the Kurmis that other and Koeris

the legislative assembly

ditional

elite castes and gradually brought about their political decline. As the power of the erstwhile big landlords waned, the middle
farmers stature and the former untouchables more grew assertive. in and became politically

always rally behind either the Janata Dal or the Samajwadi party. According to Jaffrelot,
Kurmis these three are parties percent not as widely as the Yadavs of Samajwadi represented are. In 1996, in only of

party members

THE POLITICAL ASCENDANCE OF THE "PEASANT CASTES"

In the years ditional following castes upper continued independence, to rule the tra inmost

parts of India. For example, until 1977, upper castes continued to hold prominent elected positions inUttar Pradesh, themost populous state in the Indian union (Hasan 2000, p. 149; 1962, Jaffrelot 2003, pp. 67, 129). Untill
as many as 63% of ruling Congress mem

the legislative assembly (MLA) were Kurmis (Jaffrelot 2003, p. 376). In Bihar, the num bers were higher but still not more than around eight percent ofMLAs were from the Rashtriya Janata Dal Qaffrelot 2003, p. 381). The decline of the traditional elite castes in Indian politics has been discussed quite fre quently in academic literature (Rudolph & Hoeber
Weiner terized

1987,Washbrook
2002). the newly Rudolph ascendant

1989, Sheth 2002,

& Hoeber peasant charac castes as

bers of the Legislative Assembly came from elite castes (fain 1996, p. 137). Soon, how
ever, traditional peasant castes such as Ahirs,

"bullock capitalists" who challenged the hege

mony of the traditional Kshatriya castes, such

as the Rajputs and Bhumiyars

Hoeber constitute trol about 1987, 34% 51% p. of of 52). These the

(Rudolph &
peasant but any castes con other

Kurmis, Koeri, Lodh Rajputs, and Jats began to dominate the political scape of northern
India. In the southern state of Tamilnadu, become was the and Thevars have Vanniyars in Karnataka, and control assertive, wrested in

population than land, more

agrarian class (Rudolph & Hoeber

a category than ers" they to kulaks. are closer Hence, to "yeoman the

1987). As
farm appellation

the mid-1950s within

from the traditional rural elite the Congress party by the Vokkaligas

"bullock capitalists" is an apposite term for

their economic operation and is amix noncapitalist of "capital features" ist, preindustrial,

and Linagayats (see Brass 1997, p. 205;Manor 1997, pp. 267-70). In theNorth IndianHindi
speaking belt, upper caste members of parlia

ment fell below 50% for the first time in 1977. The challenge to the established Congress
was mounted in Uttar Pradesh rather effec

(PP- 52-53). The political emergence of these bullock

capitalists the backward India, lb put coincides with the emergence in large parts in perspective, of of it class movement the matter

tively in the late 1960s by a coalition of peasant

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Caste and Politics

415

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needs

to be

recalled

that

feudal variant

landlordism, was known,

when sary

he for

says a caste

that

"it

is not all or two the

always

neces of to

or zamindari, NSS: Sample National Survey power of whose

as the Indian

to have

attributes enough (Karanth

was abolished after independence

This seriously base undercut the of the traditional also had rural

in India.
and

dominance.. ensure

.but one of

are

economic

a modicum

dominance"

elite, many ur

1996, p. 105). Indeed, a modicum

nance is more prevalent very dominance because few

of domi

members

an established

ban foothold. Although

by this class to conceal

there were attempts

the extent of their

than decisive today castes can simul

taneously claim unchallenged

the economic, political,

superiority at
levels (see

holdings by registering
the name on the wall. of fictitious Gradually,

their possessions
the writing lost their they preem

in
was

and cultural

owners,

Beteille
The rary

1965).
features inhibit of contempo cumulative in

inence in rural India, and this was signaled by

the social ascendance capitalists, zamindars, of many large the middle of whom and small peasants, were ten or bullock ants under

morphological structure agrarian and decisive

equalities

dominance.

It needs

(see also

to be remembered that 85% of landholdings in India are below five acres and 63% below
three acres. Given cultivators this ground can hardly wielders level be situation, to owner behave dition, a

Brass 1997, p. 205).

In ship inance. was 1963, Srinivas wrote in that landowner "a crucial Generally, factor dom establishing of landowner

expected

like the power large number

of yore.

In ad are seek

the pattern

of rural people

ship in rural India is such that the bulk of

the of a arable land is concentrated in the hands of big either owners own as very small number relatively a who against large number

ing rural nonfarm employment. of rural net domestic product

44.5 % Today, is nonagricul

little land or no land at all" (Srinivas 1972, p. 11). The picture has obviously changed a great deal since the 1960s. The bullock capi talists of Rudolph & Hoeber are small owners
of land, litical gauged and yet power from considerable po they exercise in contemporary India as can be the successes of Samajwadi party

tural (Chaddha 2003, pp. 55). The 50th round of the National Sample Survey (NSS) held during 1993-1994 shows that 32.9% of ru
ral households were outside agriculture. By

the 57th round of theNSS

the percentage such as Punjab, increased Jammu the number

during 2002-2003,
to 35.2%. In states Kerala,

and Kashmir,

and Haryana,

of nonagricultural

and Rashtriya Janata Dal in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, respectively (see also Bose 1991, Frankel 1988, Frankel 1989).
It is not denly fact come become is that poorer. as if these much the peasant richer. of castes The the more past have sud crucial have wield be the

households in rural India is above 50%. Even in the backward state of Bihar, 40% of rural
households only led are nonagricultural. to rural exodus, but This even has for not those

who stay back in the village, it is not agricul

ture The that solely contributes to their poorer villagers that participate a narrow require earnings. in a host of band width

patrons

They

can no

longer

occupations

kind of power or influence they used to take for granted. Naturally, the idea of vote banks in the control of dominant factions does not quite apply today (Sharma 1997, p. 216). Ac
cording ral India to Sharma, are not the new dominants those who of of ru are eco course, they as necessarily

of skills, ranging from construction

coolie, to rickshaw puller, to vegetable

labor, to
seller.

The better-off owner cultivator is also looking

for nonagricultural outside and land, such forms outlets and tends to invest shops, activity. a regular Of as in transportation, of mercantile getting

various

at the top. must, They nomically a viable economic have standing, numbers also have sufficient should

course,

for all of them

urban

but as well

job has the highest value (see Gupta 2005).

All ification of this that suggests cannot a picture the of rural earlier strat pres uphold

political connections
Karanth puts this

(Sharma 1997, p. 217).

idea across rather nicely

tige that was accorded to the landed elite in a

416

Gupta

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noncompetitive

caste

hierarchy.

It is obvious

of caste

along

the purity

hierarchy

has been

re

that if the earlier hierarchy held, with all its id

it was primarily because nuances, iosyncratic itwas buttressed of the the economic power by rich. As that is no longer the domi agrarian out nant feature in rural India, castes compete in the open. The fact of caste competition in

placed by a "horizontalization" (Sheth 2002, p. 212). Political alliances in this horizon

tal scheme of caste relations are not endur

KHAM: Harijan, Muslims

Ksahtriyas, and

ing, and they are "open-ended entities" (Sheth 2002, p. 223). They aremade keeping inmind
the fade ate coalescence away when bargain of secular interests, and more other and they a better with appropri castes and

AJGAR: Ahirsjats
and Gujars

politics should not lead us to believe that this is

a restatement of the caste system. If castes are

is struck

more overtly in conflict today, then it is largely

because the caste system, as we knew it, has

caste clusters (Mitra 1980, pp. 53-54). For example, alliances such as KHAM (compris and ing Ksahtriyas, Harijan, and Muslims) and of Ahirs, AJGAR (made up Jats Gujars) had their best days in the 1980s and are now defunct (see also Brass 1990, pp. 217-22).

by and large collapsed inmost parts of India.

The obverse side of this collapse is the asser

tion of caste identities. Castes that could not project what they had always believed for fear of reprisal can now boldly assert their pride
and status claims. field between studies also demonstrate are rarely re Numerous that conflicts

castes

THE EMERGENCE OF DALIT POLITICS

As iswell known, the Constitution of indepen dent India not only abolished untouchability
but seats also made provisions to reserve and jobs and in government undertakings educa

solved at the village

village various panchayat kinds, but, used

level. In the past, the

to mediate tensions demonstrates, has lost its im of

as Karanth or council,

the caste

panchayat,

portance (Karanth 1996, p. 89). Sahay finds

that in Bihar tensions at the remain between local level. castes In some in other are not cases, in the adjudicated the tensions

tional institutions, respectively, for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. With indepen dence, and the abolition of untouchability,
the untouchables Castes because became they were known listed as Scheduled for special

unresolved; is taken always

stances, decision

the matter it is not

to court where satisfactory. caste

In one

privileges in the Schedule of the Constitution.

Untouchability in different obvious had of diverse India, castes manifestations so it was should be far from included parts as to which

instance, Sahay recalls from his field notes,

"members of the Chamar [leather work

ers] were beaten up by the Brahmins. The

case was chamars not went settled at the village and level. The to the court to the police

in the Schedule of die Constitution (Galanter 1984). In any event, roughly 17% of seats
in government jobs in the public educational sector were institutions reserved and for the

for justice.When
was not going to

they realized that the court

punish the Brahmins im

mediately,
up

they beat some of the Brahmins

the case from the court"

and withdrew

Scheduled Castes and, similarly, about 7% for the Scheduled Tribes.

It is not lock caste are just the owner who of were are cultivators aggressively but considered or bul using so also to be

(Sahay 2001, p. 117; see also Sahay 2004, pp. 125-26; Kumar 2003, p. 3870). It has been frequendy pointed out that
caste caste politics as an is not to end for caste but to "use instrument social change"

capitalists, as a vehicle those who

self-assertion, earlier

untouchables
hierarchy. This

in the traditional Hindu

phenomenon too has

caste

(Weiner 2002, p. 196). Democratic

has but brought about this has not caste aggressive in contesting resulted

politics
assertion, the cat

an India

wide character from Tamilnadu

to northern states such as Uttar

in the south,
Pradesh.

egory of caste as such (Jayaram 1996, p. 73). As Sheth points out, the vertical consolidation

The Republican party in Maharashtra and the in Uttar Pradesh are the Bahujan Samaj party
www.annualreviews.org Caste and Politics 417

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two most

widely

acknowledged the

political aspirations of

or the

two occasions with themost unlikely political

allies. was The supported first Mayawati's by the Congress time ascendance and then later

RPI:

ganizations forwarding former untouchables.

Republican party of India BSP: Bahujan Samaj

party

The Republican party was founded by the legendary Babasaheb Ambedkar in 1957. He later led his people to renounce Hinduism and embrace Buddhism instead (see Zelliot 1970). It is true that most of the votaries of the Republican party of India (RPI) belong to
the Mahar touchable Mangs, away caste castes Matangs, from because of the other region, formerly such have veer as un the

by the Hindu right-wing Bharatiya Janata party (BJP). Just aswas noted in the alliances arrived at by the rising peasant castes in the
section above, we found no stable compacts

STs: Scheduled
Tribes

inDalit politics either. Neither do the Dalits

mogenous group. They

constitute
for

a ho

contest

superior

and Chambars, they often

stayed toward

it. In fact,

ity among themselves (Desai 1976; Rao 2001, p. 82).Middle classDalits aremore concerned about identity and often project themselves
as indigenous people, Buddhists, and or an

supporting the Bharaiya Janata party (Omvedt 2001, p. 156),which is, ironically, a right-wing
Hindu members organization. of these This other castes is because believe many that the

other group (see Burra 1996). But the poor Dalit marginal farmer and landless laborers
are more nomic concerned exploitation, about but questions issues of eco these are not

RPI is a vehicle of upward mobility for the Mahars alone. They have also desisted from becoming Buddhists. Babasaheb Ambedkar's Nevertheless, shadow looms large even today in the politics
of the former untouchables. They resent

adequately attended to by their middle class leaders (Shah 2001b, p. 212). For instance, Burra found that Buddhism had not made a significant impact upon ruralMahar Dalits.
Strict observance of Buddhist norms and a

the term "Harijan" (children of God) that Gandhi used for them as they consider it too patronizing. They would rather be known as
"Dalits," or the oppressed. Ambedkar was the

singular identification with Buddhism were

more common among urban Mahars (Burra

1996, pp. 166-67). According

Dalit tent leader attention Dalits to after Ambedkar to economic are, however, in elections. paid issues very

to Vora, no
any (Vora active consis 2004, when notes,

first to use this term to denote the Scheduled

Castes for its obvious combative edge (see also

p. 283). it comes

Guru 2001, pp. 98-99). Ambedkar, today, has been deified among the Buddhist Mahars of
Maharashtra and has a similar iconic status to

voting

As Yadav

the turn out of Scheduled Caste (orDalit) vot erswas as high as 62.2% in the 1998 elections (Yadav 2001, pp. 129, 139). Although the Constitution also provides for reservations for Scheduled Tribes (STs), their situation is inmany ways quite different from that of the Scheduled Castes. It is diffi cult to arrive at a formal definition of tribes
in India; many many more are of them already are in transition, and far and re

Buddha inmany Mahar families (Burra 1996, p. 164). Ambedkar's death anniversary in 1981 provided the occasion for Kanshi Ram to inaugurate the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sang harsh Samit (or DS-4). In its attempt to
attract as wide a range as possible, the DS-4

also called out toMuslims to help fight the privileges of the traditional elite castes. In 1984, this time in celebration of Ambed kar's birthday, the DS-4 transformed itself into the Bahujan Samaj party (BSP). Since then, it has been a vital force inNorth India.
It may not have won the elections outright in

peasants

moved from a life in the forests. In addition, there are the tribes of Northeast India, such
as the Nagas ward ties because in their and Mizos, they were who are not back communi the ruling not under and regions

respective

the several polls that it has faced, but by clever

political maneuvering, it has managed to pro

the hegemony of theHindus

country. Angami, Some even of had them, slaves such until

in the rest of the

as the Ao very and

pelMayawati
4i8 Gupta

as the Chief Minister

inU.P. on

recently

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(Karyoltinesis 1982, pp. 53-54). But as with other tribes in India, they too worshipped gods that were not part of the Hindu pan
theon (with a few exceptions). However, strat

make

is that nontribes

should

not

take

away

their lands and the forests from which they made a living in the past. In addition, they
have jobs with tions also stepped up and their other on claims state those for more enterprises, organiza on what was in factories particular that have

SC: Scheduled
Caste

ification between classes was quite marked in

many of these northeastern peoples, and that

emphasis been

iswhy they do not fit our usual understanding of "tribes" though they are categorized as such
in the Indian has been Constitution. a contentious True, one the term "tribe" in anthro

established

once tribal land. This

ment plans tend live to be the main, in compact

iswhy tribal develop

regional zones. as tribes, in

con and instances from India only pology, status. firm its somewhat dubious Incidentally, as Xaxa points out, those designated as tribes

Thus,
that nate

although itmight
of tribes the as Xaxa two

seem at first sight

and castes are argues, are cog quite have claims really SCs their

the politics phenomenon, In fact,

would rather be called "adivasis" (or original inhabitants) instead (Xaxa 1999, p. 3591). In addition, the tendency to romanticize tribes can also be highly misleading. The belief that
tribes they spontaneously are primarily sacralize hunters nature and that cer and gatherers

different. been

more

successful

in getting

recognized in practice than have STs. This is because of the latter's geographical isola tion from the larger Hindu
were caste always within system, they were more

society. As SCs
nexus adept at of the using

the interactive

tainly do not hold true for the majority of STs in India (see Singh, 1982; Jackson & Chattopadhyay 1998, p. 153).
In general, tribes are considered to be

the levers of power than the STs. Be that as it may, the logic of caste politics is certainly very different from that of tribal politics and there
fore deserves to be understood separately.

deprived communities because of their geo

isolation. graphic in a majority, but central India, they In the northeast, belts in certain they in east are and

are in substantial

numbers,

SYMBOLIC DEFIANCE
As we mentioned above, no caste really thinks

although never over 50% of the population of those regions. This iswhy tribalmobiliza
tions, well such as those as the Jharkhand in the northeast movement, are regional as in

of itself to be inherently inferior to any other

caste. really It is another able matter this that to espouse point were never they of view with

character (see Sharma 2001). Scheduled Caste (SC) organizations do not have regional au
tonomy or control on their their members ety are embedded because agenda in Hindu soci

the facility with which they do so now primar

were the subaltern communities ily because a locked within closed Be economy. village cause economic relations and land agrarian ownership patterns have undergone times, earlier as they major dom once in recent are not as

In

and dispersed all over the country. recent two states have years,

been

transformations inant were. This change castes

in recognition of the numerical strength of the tribal population in those re gions. This does not mean that the leadership formed in these states is exclusively in tribal hands. This is not possible because the tribes are not
in amajority by carving in either these separate of these states two states. Yet, in Jharkhand

powerful

in

agrarian

class

relations,

coupled with the provisions in the Constitu tion, has allowed for the proliferation of caste associations all over the country (Kolenda 1978, p. 121). It is true that this process began in the early decades of the twentieth century when caste competition at the political level first began tomanifest itself. Today, there are literally hundreds of associations of this sort,
www.annualreviews.org Caste and Politics 41p

east India and Chattisgarh in central India it is hoped that greater attention will be paid to the specific claims of the tribes that live there. The most important demand that tribes

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each putting forward its special claims (see

for example, Narayan 2004). Through gaurav

AIYM: All India

Yadav Mahasabha

gathas (tales of pride) and jati pur anas (origin

tales of jatis or castes), these associations seek

records, the AIYM believes that the Yadavs are not just "natural politicians" (Michelutti 2004), but they are also the best custodians
of democracy. alive one Therefore, and well, should if one then vote. and is to keep democracy for whom tion between it is the Yadavs contradic

to instill a sense of pride in their primordial identities without which itwould be difficult to use caste identities for political aims. This is
as true of the Brahman and Baniya castes (see

The

caste

loyalty

the democratic

principle of individualism
over in such assertions.

is calmly glossed

Gupta 2000a, pp. 117-23; Babb 1998; Cort 2004) as it is of peasant castes, such as the Ahirs (Michelutti 2004), or the SCs (Narayan 2004, Jodhka 2004, Deliege
It is interesting to note

1993).
in this connec

We related above that SCs too have their own organizations, which speak of their proud pasts. Although many SC associations are
content status, keen to in those point claiming that out Brahman are their politically alienation or Kshatriya active from are es

tion that the origin tales of the nonsched uled castes rarely question established norms
and customs other than as to an exalted past. There staking are their some claim excep

tions such as in the case of the Khandelwal Jains of Rajasthan, who pointedly distance
themselves from Kshatriya practices and con

tablished Hindu myths, beliefs, and rituals. When Ambedkar converted to Buddhism, he made it clear in his vows that he did not consider Buddha to be an incarnation of the
Hindu god Vishnu as many Hindus claim.

sider them to be abhorrent (Babb 1998, pp.

394-401). rule, contest Otherwise, Hinduism non-SCs or do not, as a prac the various

Nor

did he follow any of the rituals of Hin duism and abided stricdy by the Buddhist
code. Ambedkar's conversion to Buddhism was

tices associated with it.The Yadav association

exemplifies time, used this demonstrates to forward and, at the nicely can be caste how loyalty in the name interests sectional rather same

a highly symbolic political act that helped fuse Dalit antipathy toward Hinduism and, at
the their same new time, that enabled to great them political to leverage identity advantage

of democracy. Yadav associations were established of the twentieth as as in the opening early cen

decades

tury. In 1933, the formation of the All India Yadav Mahasabha (AIYM) brought together
various disparate Yadava associations under

(Zelliot 1970). In recent years, the All India of Scheduled Castes and Confederation Scheduled Tribes has held many conversion
ceremonies lic attention. always bolic when been systems. amass a that In have these attracted a lot of pub there has ceremonies, attack was on Hindu sym

one roof. The AIYM traces the history of the

Yadavs nations in several He also to Lord are many popular plays the Krishna, but who lores role whose ismost earthly widely incar cast

pointed This

conversion

clearly was held

in evidence of SCs who,

as a romantic of a sagacious

cowherd. warrior

priest in the Bhagvat Gita

Hindu egete epic, Mahahharatd), of Advaita and the

(a chapter of the
as a supreme ex

in hundreds, embraced Buddhism in New Delhi as recendy asNovember 3, 2001. The extent to is the which these point of debate
overt dia the demonstrations are rural actually carried of identity over to example, in urban the Dalits In of

laws of karma.

By relating the Yadavs to Krishna, the cowherd, the AIYM is able to portray its fol
lowers tor with to make as descendent^ Kshatriya the further of status. claim a mighty progeni allows they them This that

hinterlands

(for

see Burra

1996). Dalit politics today symbolically defy Hin

duism by either promoting conversions to

are natu

ral politicians as power wielding and herding people come naturally to them. As Michelutti
420 Gupta

Buddhism or by claiming that Dalits be long to the original Kshatriya orders be fore Vedic Hindus entered the geographical

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space of India. As mentioned above, Phule of the Satyashodhak Samaj inMaharashtra

argued Maharashtra that the were so-called the low original castes and of real

any mainstream is an important

Jat Sikh Gurudwara. figurehead among

Ravidas former un

touchables, especially inNorth India, and by installing his image in the Gurudwara, the
Ad Dharmis were even reaching those outside out to other Sikhism. SCs elsewhere,

Kshatriyas before the Brahmans and then the Muslims overwhelmed them (see O'Hanlon 1983; Gore 1993, p. 180).Many SC organi
zations now project their culture as the origin

of all cultures in Indie civilization. These Dalit communities believe that they are the adi (lit erally the origin, or the founders) of all other cultures in the Indian subcontinent, although the Aryans, who came later, did their best to undermine this fact.This adi theme helps fur ther the Dalit claim that social and political supremacy should rightfully belong to them and not to the Brahmans who, by deceit and
treachery, have worked their way to the top.

CASTE ARITHMETIC OR CHEMISTRY?

The
should

fact that castes are politically

not give the impression that

active

the equa

tion between caste and political allegiance is

unequivocal if all members and of unproblematic. a certain caste It vote is not unan as

imously with utmost primordial loyalty. Un fortunately, this view has not been challenged
as strongly as it should be. In many schol

By legitimizing
terms of historic

their cultural supremacy in

priority, Dalits gain the nec

arly works it is uncritically assumed that the political fortunes of parties depend primar
ily upon the caste composition of constituen

essary symbolic confidence in their quest for political power in contemporary politics. This is again quite in keeping with our conceptual ization of castes as being principally discrete
in character.

cies (Frankel 1989, pp. 823-101). When castes align politically, it is not as if the bond is in
formed by considerations of hierarchy or tra

Such instances of symbolic defiance are limited to Hindus alone. Jodhka inci sively highlights how the Sikh leather work ers (pejoratively known as chamars) have also challenged the established norms of the mainstream Gurudwaras (Sikh temples) and their styles of worship (Jodhka 2004). These not
Sikh leather workers now call themselves Ad

dition.We have found that formations like the Bharatiya Lok Dal (which was a conglomer
ate of various peasant castes of Uttar Pradesh)

or the KHAM and AJGAR alliances were not

very When cause stable fixtures come in the political together, that their they secular firmament. do so be interests castes they sense

believe

coincide, which
ical members of such

iswhy
an alliances

itmakes good polit

alliance. do not Otherwise, always think

to cement

Dharmis

(etymologically linked to Phule's of adi) and refuse to bow down to the concept dictates of the dominant Jat Sikh community.
Ad-Dharmis and have refuse set up their own run Gu by Jat rudwaras to go to those

The

well of their political partners, and in many cases, they have developed oppositional folk lores (such as between the Jats and Gujars of Uttar Pradesh). The KHAM alliance, to take
another example, comprises Kshatriyas, Har

Sikhs. It is true that SC Sikhs have often felt alienated and unwanted in local Sikh Gurud waras, although Sikhism is officially against
casteism. Ad Dharmi Gurudwaras also give

ijans, andMuslims. One would be hard put to find a more unlikely combination if one
were to calculate strictly along lines of caste ideologies. Further, the predominance of a certain

the Sikh holy book the pride of place but have a bust or engraving of Ravidas, the devotional
medieval man low caste saint who challenged Ravidas' Brah contribu orthodoxy. Although

caste in a defined region is not because it has

superior numbers that can carry it through

tion is acknowledged fulsomely in the Sikh holy book, his image is not to be found in

but rather because it is better organized. This is the case with Jats ofWest elections
www.annualreviews.org Caste and Politics 421

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OBC:

Other Castes

Uttar Pradesh (Gupta 1997) as well as the Ahirs (Michelutti 2004) and the Marathas (Lele 1981), to give but a few examples. In
the case of the Marathas, it is true that they

also be Muslims

said that

the BSP peasant

has

striven castes

to attract to its cause

and other

Gaffrelot 2003, pp. 401-2). Even

may have won over a section

though it
there

Backward

of Koeris,

about 30% of the population of Maharashtra, but this caste is politically di vided into numerous political affiliations. constitute
There are Marathas in the Congress, in the

is no marked Yadav preference for BSP over

the last few elections.

If one were to study the relationship be

tween caste and elections then there would

Communist parties, in the Bharatiya Janata party, in the Shiv Sena, and so forth. This
negates the possibility of Marathas acting as a

united political lobby. Conversely,

are not nearly as dominant in terms

the Yadavs
of popula

indeed be many instances of mismatch and of marked fluctuations in political loyalties (Gupta 2000a, pp. 150-76). This is true not just of peasant castes or the SCs but holds for
the traditional upper castes as well. Inciden

tion in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, but theymake for it by the intensity of their political ac up tivism. As Michelutti points out, the number of Yadavs in politics is proportionately much
higher than among any other community in

tally, there is no constituency in Bihar where the Yadavs are over 20% of the population. Yet, if the Yadav-controlled Janta Dal con tinues to rule in Bihar, itmust be something
more than just caste loyalty the Yadavs that too, one needs are to consider. Among there

the Sadar Bazaar area of Uttar Pradesh where she conducted her study (Michelutti 2004). Likewise, Jats used to dominate west Uttar Pradesh, although they never constituted more than 8% of the population anywhere in
that region. Inspire they of this, the Jats were the best organized so powerful and were caste of because were the

serious factions, and it is an established fact

that they do not assumption vote en bloc. that caste Therefore, arithmetic the is all popular

thatmatters in determining political behavior is clearly in need of revision. Empirical data

do not substantiate this argument beyond a point.

strongest peasant economically In the case of SC politics, the region. are most in the Mahars Mahrashtra prominent they SCs are the most literate among all

because the other they national have

better

of the region, connections

and consequently, with local and

THE POLITICS OF RESERVATIONS

When the Indian Constitution provided reservations for Scheduled Castes andTribes, it also added that in due course of time similar legislations ought to be devised for the Other
Backward Castes as well. The population of

administrative

officials.

We
always the BSP,

have already noted that SCs do not

vote for that parties, are slated such as the RPI organiza or as Dalit

tions. In fact, Congress

largest share of SC votes

party still polls the

across the country

(Pushpendra 2002, p. 364). Although the BSP secures mostly Dalit votes, it is not as if the percentage of votes from this community is assured (Pushpendra 2002, p. 365). Occasion ally, it has also been noticed that non-SCs also vote for parties such as the BSP. Jaffrelot brings to our attention the fact that in the 1996 elections about 25% of Koeris (a peas ant caste of Uttar Pradesh) voted for BSP, and
not, party as one might expect, peasants. for of the middle Samajwadi itmust However, the

these so-called Backward Castes is difficult to estimate, and the figures range from 25% to 52% of the total population of the country. In
terms of their social and economic standing,

they are placed between

castes such as Brahmans,

the traditional elite

Banias, Kayasthas,

Rajputs, other lower castes, and the SC and STs. The upper castes are about 15% of the population, the SC roughly 17% and the STs make up 7% or so.The Backward Castes make
up the These rest. Backwards are now known as Other

Backward Castes

(OBC)

and, in general,

422

Gupta

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comprise largely peasant and other agrarian

communities. These castes are not untouch

Beteille's
mission

criticism of the Mandai

was widely

Com
com

recommendations

ables but are considered

lack a culture of learning

backward as they
on account of their

mented upon. He distinguishes between reservations for OBCs following Mandai rec
ommendations and the reservations that were

lowly peasant status. Thus though they did not have to bear the burden of untouchabil
ity, their depressed economic position con

tributed to their general cultural backward

ness. tution In recognition of India of this fact, the Consti that the state recommended

already granted in the Constitution for Sched uled Castes and Tribes. Although provisions for Scheduled Castes andTribes were with the intention of reaching toward greater equality, reservations for OBCs were really to bring
about a balance of power on the calculus of

intervene and help these communities by leg islating some measures that would break this cycle of poverty and backwardness. Although the Constitution provided clear policies of positive discrimination and reservation for the SCs, it did not do so in the case of the back
ward castes. It only expressed an intention of

kind of deprivations that former untouchables (SCs) and adivasis (STs) encoun
tered for centuries can in no way be compared

caste. The

to the traditional condition of the OBCs.

fact, tions the Mandai were actually Commission giving recommenda in to a powerful

In
ru

intervening in some form and left it at that. In pursuance of Article 340 of the Con
stitution, in 1955, the Kalelkar but it could Commission not about come who was to any should set satis be le

ral lobby that did not really care for equality of opportunities asmuch as it did for equality of results (Beteille 2000, pp. 211-26). It can also be said that Mandai recommendations
are not out to extirpate caste as was the aim

factory

conclusion

gitimately considered as OBCs. The Mandai came into existence in 1980, Commission and it promptly came up with a long list of 3743 backward castes on the basis of social,
economic, The Mandai and educational backwardness. recommendations Commission's

of instituting reservations for SCs and STs,

but to represent castes, and thus make this as

were implemented in 1990 by the then Prime

Minister 29% of This meant that a further V.P.Singh. seats in educational and institutions jobs would now be reserved for

criptive marker a perennial political resource to be flogged in perpetuity (Gupta 2000b, pp. 212-25). Another major justification for uphold ing reservations for SCs and STs came from
the that these communities acknowledgment assets that would lacked viable marketable to pursue a life of dignity in a demo al

government OBCs. The

low them

implementation

of

reservations

for

OBCs
a few who

set off a furor of protests,

suicides, all over the country to be members

including
by those of forward

are considered

cratic society (Gupta 2000b). The SCs were kept away from education, could only per form menial and polluting jobs, and suffered from a variety of other deprivations. In the case of the STs, itwas their physical isolation that put them at a disadvantage with respect to
others munities in society. Reservations meant were therefore for these com their to raise

castes. Many
were

felt that reservations for OBCs

for two reasons. First, this

not warranted

would make India a caste society by law, and

second, many of those who are considered as

marketable

OBCs are really quite powerful and dominant in rural India, both economically and politi
cally. The obvious reference was to Jats and

skills and educational standards to compensate for their historic lack of privileges and to facilitate their participation as equal

Yadavs. A number of social anthropologists

wrote against reservations for OBCs primarily

citizens (Gupta 2000b). The OBCs, however, are politically powerful because they many of
them are self-sustaining Reservations, farmers Mandai and style, owner only cultivators.

on these grounds (see Srinivas 1996, Beteille 2000).

helps

them to convert

their political

and
423

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Caste and Politics

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economic

assets,

which

are

currendy

rural,

to

call ual

themselves work, whether criterion

farmers or

who not

perform they

man do

urban jobs and related skill assets. These

could sary develop intervention on their own without level of national

they

actually

the neces reservation

so. The their

of women a good

homes

is not

working indicator

outside either as

policies (Gupta 2000b).

If one were to look closely at the crite

ria for social backwardness, then itwould be

come quite that went apparent into the that the considerations of who were reckoning

on others' not be toiling they need necessarily com fields or as coolie labor. We have already more of mented the and upon age marriage, over mar the conditions of recording given

riages in India, information on this indicator

is very sonable unreliable. to argue, Therefore, as critics it is not of Mandai unrea have

the OBCs were politically weighted. As we mentioned earlier, the Mandai Commission
listed social, caste three categories and of backwardness, educational. of In e.g., all but a economic, can score

(and many
that the

of them were
for

anthropologists),
reservations

provisions

OBC

a maximum

22 points

were
tions strates

devised
in mind. the

keeping
Indeed,

political
this also

considera
demon or the

needs only 11 to qualify as backward. Each of the four indicators of social backwardness
carries ucational and each three points, the three indicators points of ed each, back the most backwardness of the criteria should given only just two for have one

salience

of peasant

castes,

bullock capitalists,
politics.

in contemporary

Indian recom
to de

economic been point.

It is interesting how the Mandai

mendations provoked anthropologists

wardness, important, As est

which are

social

backwardness examine of social

we weight, four indicators

is given the great that more closely. The are per backwardness other castes think in that if 25% of

forming manual of a particular caste work and

labor, what caste, do

the women and

bate issues such as citizenship and equity in the context of Indian society, perhaps for the first time (for example, Beteille 1991, 1996; Shah 1996; Gupta 2000b). Policy concerns, at the all-India level, received a kind of ur gency in several anthropological writings in,
and nessed on India, before. on The a scale that was never wit in assumption governing not the is that caste all such works and identity, caste and informs system, underpins politics.

outside 10%

the home, of males before the that

females the case, state

get married age of points

above

average

17. In this are being

it must

be noted,

given for actually breaking the law regarding the legal age of marriage. Each of these indicators carries three points, and it isnot at all difficult for awell-to
do rural caste to score on each of them, earn

This point of view is gradually gaining ground

are now who anthropologists explicitly to nature the discrete acknowledge beginning of caste and the consequent clash identities among

12 points, and thus qualify as an OBC. Ed

ucational and economic backwardness need

of multiple hierarchies. Dumont's prestigious Homo Hierarchicus for long stood in theway of
realizing this phenomenon, but the pressure

not come into the picture at all (see Beteille 2000, pp. 216-21; Larson 1995, pp. 264-65).
All landowning peasant castes are proud to

of social facts has forced anthropologists to look for a different analytical perspective (see Gupta 2004).

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