The Reasons Why

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REGINA
O’CONNOR
FOREWORD BY
THE IRISH TAOISEACH
THE REASONS WHY
Regina O’Connor was born in Ballincollig and grew up in Banteer,
County Cork. Regina is a qualified Irish solicitor who has worked for the
last five years as a legal and political advisor to the Fianna Fáil MEPs
and is currently advisor to the ALDE Group, the third largest Political
Group in the Parliament. Uniquely she has worked in all three parts of
the European Union: the European Commission, the Council and the
European Parliament.
During her career, she has undertaken pro bono cases in human rights
and is a graduate of Masters in European Politics in the prestigious
College of Europe, Bruges. Regina was chosen by the British Council
to represent Ireland as a participant of the TransAtlantic 2020 Young
Leader Network, a Network of 100 young leaders chosen from North
America and Europe in July 2008. She is now part of the Yes to Lisbon
Treaty Campaign as legal and political advisor to Pat Cox, ‘Ireland for
Europe’. Her forthcoming book ‘The Reasons Why’ - European Union
will be available in the coming weeks.
THE REASONS WHY
IRELAND AT THE HEART OF EUROPE
REGINA O’ CONNOR
Visit Regina O’Connor websites at:

www.europeanunion-thereasonswhy.com
www.europeanunion-thereasonswhy.blog.com
First published in Ireland in 2009
Copyright © 2009 by Regina O’Connor
Bookcover design by Peter Firth, 207design.co.uk
Photo by Michael De Lausnay, Brussels.
This e-book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not by way of trade or otherwise,
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CONTENTS
Foreword by An Taoiseach Brian Cowen
Chapter 1 - Ireland - Closer to Boston or Berlin?
Chapter 8 - The Lisbon Treaty - Fact Not Fiction

Copyright European Union - The Reasons Why - Regina O’ Connor 2009. No copies may be made of this document without prior consent in writing.
THE REASONS WHY
Chapter One
IRELAND - CLOSER TO BOSTON OR BERLIN?
Introduction
Are you a “jump around” Boston-Irish M.C. or are you an über-cool
Berliner? Mary Harney, as Tánaiste in an address a few years ago
sided spiritually with Boston for us all. Was she right?
I believe that it is more accurate to say that Ireland is a natural bridge

between the EU and the U.S. and that Ireland is equally spiritually
close to both. It is time that we celebrate our Diaspora in the U.S.
but we have an equivalent Diaspora in Europe that is less known and
less celebrated. Are we as aware of our extremely strong historical,
cultural and spiritual links to the European Kingdoms, Continent
and European Community throughout the Ages where we joined
ranks with the continent’s royalty, papacy, empires, presidents and
army generals and achieved prominence as diplomats, merchants,
academics, religious and military men?
Well it goes without saying that we are also spiritually close to the
United States. We are linked spiritually through our common people and
ancestral ties; economically through invaluable inter-linked two-way
trade, foreign investment and employment; politically and culturally.
Although Minister Harney’s statement was not intended to be defining,

nonetheless it did end up viral in the media, in our vernacular and in
our cultural psyche. And no wonder, it filled a huge communication
vacuum on Ireland’s connection and place in Europe as no-one was
putting forward the reasons why Europe mattered to the Nation. It is
certainly a welcome debate point.
Ireland and the Irish long before the queues at Ellis Island was
rocking Europe.
What of the Irish men and women who befriended the Spanish Court
and Rome’s Pope Paul V? What of a Kerryman who was appointed
THE REASONS WHY
Spanish diplomatic envoy to Kings Charles I and II, Popes Innocent

X and Alexander VIII? Yet another, an Irish man to a Limerick family
of refugees in France who was appointed Spanish Ambassador to
London and Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs? And what of one of
the most influential Irish lady of her era who would become “Ireland’s
first Ambassador” in exile?
What about the great Irish entrepreneurs of Cognac and Bordeaux

who have created world-recognised brands of Cognac Hennessy and
Michel Lynch wine? What of Irish military exploits learned in action
on the continent and effectively used against English colonialists
at home? What of a Limerick man who was appointed Marquis by
King Louis VI and whose grandson would go on to become the third
President of France?
What about another Limerick man who was recruited by Tsar Peter I
and served under Catherine the Great? What of the Irish born Duke of
Wellington who led a British army, made up of a majority of Irishmen
to victory over the infamous Napoleon at Waterloo, some kilometres
south of Brussels? What of the legacy of the Irish monks and Celtic
missionaries who throughout the Middle Ages travelled across Europe
from the illuminated monastic powerhouse of Ireland, carrying Irish
manuscripts, spreading Christianity and Celtic art and who in the 17th
century would set up 34 Irish colleges to preserve our Catholicism
and our language and nurture our Irish identity in exile? Finally and
most importantly, what of the thousands of Irish men who laid down
their lives to protect the freedom of fellow small nations such as
Belgium during World War I and II?
Background to the Movement East - ‘The Flight of

the Earls’
When we think of emigration from Ireland, the majority of our minds
will automatically turn to images, thousands of miles west of Ireland
to Ellis Island. The first emigration to the U.S. first commenced around
1790, more than 140,000 leaving the island of Ireland.
We do not so automatically think of the arduous journey east of

Irish emigrants to the European Continent, hundreds of years earlier.
THE REASONS WHY
Thousands of Irish emigrated eastwards as refugees, due to land

confiscation, the Plantations, the persecution of Catholics and the
search for education by Catholics on the Continent. The waves of
emigration eastwards took place well in advance of the queues of
Ellis Island.
Emigration from Ireland from the early modern period, to the continent
commencing from 1605, had an immediate impact on Ireland itself.
The first major wave, ‘The Flight of the Earls” marked the end of the Old
Gaelic power system and consequentially total English control of Irish
land. The power of the Gaelic Chieftains outside of Ulster had subsided
in the 1570s and 1580s despite rebellions against Elizabethan troops.
Ireland during these decades was ravaged by war and even famine,
with estimates of a third of Munster’s population dead through war,
famine and sickness. In addition, Gaelic life changed dramatically
with the outlawing of Brehon law, Gaelic dress, private armies and
the poetry of the bards under royal control. Brehon law was the
system of law used by the Irish dating from Celtic times. Under this
system, the Celtic Druids were succeeded by Brithem or judges who
acted as arbitrators. This custom was passed down from generations
orally and in later years was recorded. Interestingly, Irish women
under this law had more rights in terms of property and divorce than
women in other European societies.
The Nine Years War which had begun in 1594, leading to the defeat
of the Ulster Chiefs joined by the Gaelic Chiefs at the Battle of Kinsale
in 1601 was a sharp finale. Some clans had marched their armies of
5,000 men over 300 miles in winter for this battle. Catholic Spain
came to our aid under the command of Aguila following the request
of Hugh O’Neill one of the famous Ulster chieftains in 1600 with an
estimated 3,000 troops. Ireland was very much a central focal point
of European politics even then. The Spanish empire that had taken
over present day Belgium and the Netherlands came to Catholic
Ireland’s assistance to weaken English protestant influence in Spanish
Netherlands by pulling English soldiers back from the continent.
The Spanish successfully held Kinsale for 12 weeks but on seeing the
reality and strength of royal troops, signed an accord and departed.
The Gaelic chiefs also departed. Ulster became the last province to
THE REASONS WHY
be planted by Elizabethan settlers. Without property or authority, the

Chieftains agreed to depart with their families as part of a group of
around a 100 to the European Continent.
The Flight of the Earls, 1607

Who were these characters and what was to become of them and more
importantly what was to be their impact on European continental soil?
The Irish College of Louvain, just a few miles from the European
political centre of Brussels, houses a wonderfully detailed and
illustrated exhibition which has formed the basis of the following
chapter depicting character profiles that impacted Europe.
The College itself, which has just celebrated its 400th year anniversary,
has been central to the Irish experience of Europe. The Irish College
was founded in 1607, with the financial assistance of King Phillip III of
Spain, by a Franciscan Brother Flaithrí Ó Maoil Chonaire, a theologian
and spiritual advisor to the Flight of the Earl leaders Hugh O’Neill and
Rory O’Donnell two famous Ulster Chieftains. The entourage of 99
who departed Lough Swilly, due for Spain, landed in France instead
due to bad weather and moved on to the town of Louvain then located
in the Spanish Netherlands.
The Irish College of Louvain is one of 34 Irish Colleges set up in

European University towns to address the Catholic educational needs
of the Irish abroad. Other Irish colleges include those established in
Aachen, Prague and Rome. Interestingly, four hundred years on, the
College continues to host Irish students and Irish officials on study
trips and courses to learn about the European Union in addition to
American students mainly of Irish heritage, who study in Louvain and
go on to undertake an internship in the European Parliament.
Red Hugh O’Donnell, (Hugh Rua O’Donnell), son of Sir Hugh

O’Donnell and son-in law of Hugh O’Neill was born in 1572. The
English, afraid of a strong alliance between the O’Donnell’s and the
O’Neill’s kidnapped Hugh when he was 15 and imprisoned him in Dublin
Castle. Following a second attempt to escape, he and his colleague
THE REASONS WHY
Art O’Neill escaped from Dublin Castle into the Dublin mountains in
the dead of winter. Art O’Neill did not survive the winter and Hugh
lost two toes to frostbite. Following his return to Ulster, Hugh became
Chief of the O’Donnells in 1592 and was Lord of Sligo and Connaught.
He successfully with Hugh O’Neill defeated the English at the Battle
of Yellow Ford in 1598. This battle could have been the start of the
driving of the English out of Ireland but reinforcements from England
usurped their plan.
Following the Kinsale defeat of the allied troops of Hugh O’Neill, Lord
Richard Tyrell, Donal Cam O’Sullivan Bere, the O’Driscoll’s clan and
O’Connor’s of Kerry at Kinsale, Red Hugh left Ireland. He sailed to La
Coruna, Galicia, Northwest Spain where many chieftains were already
arriving with their families. He was received with great honours by
the Governor and the Archbishop there. An Irish College was founded
there. He plotted a return to Ireland and was promised assistance from
King Philip III. On his second journey to Valladolid to lobby Philip he
died, many believe from poisoning, organised by the English in July
1602. He was buried in the Franciscan monastery in Valladolid but
following its demolition the location of his tomb is now unknown.
Donal Cam O’Sullivan Beare a powerful Gaelic lord in the southwest

of Ireland who had also been defeated in Kinsale departed for Spain.
He had joined with the O’Neills and the O’Donnells years previously,
in the Nine Years War against the English. He is famous in Ireland
for his epic march northwards with 1,000 of his clan who became
starving refugees. At the end of the march, which had included
women and children, only 35 remained alive. He pleaded with Spain
for assistance but to no avail.
In 1605 O’Sullivan Beare also fled to La Coruna accompanied by several

hundred followers. He helped found a college for Irish students in
Santiago de Compostella. He became a Spanish courtier, recognised
as an Irish prince and was admitted to the Order of Santiago in 1607.
This Order was the Military Order of Saint James of the Sword, which
was formed originally to protect pilgrims from Moorish bandits who
would travel to and from the tomb of Saint James at Santiago de
Compostella. The rules of the Order were similar to Templar rules and
the Order itself very prestigious indeed.
THE REASONS WHY
He was killed in 1618 in Madrid - it is unclear whether this was as a

result of a duel or if he was assassinated.
Hugh O’Neill or “Hugh the Great O’Neill” was born to the O’Neill
clan and eventually received the Title of 2nd Earl of Tyrone. He and
O’Donnell had made overtures to the Catholic King of Spain as to
their allegiance to the Catholic Church to garner armed assistance.
Following the Battle of Kinsale, O’Neill and Rory O’Donnell (chief of
the O’Donnell clan following Hugh Rua O’Donnell’s departure to Spain)
departed Ireland as a Group of ninety nine from Rathmullen on Lough
Swilly in September 1607. O’Neill, O’Donnell and their entourage
stopped off for the winter in the Irish College in Louvain and then
headed on to Rome where they were welcomed by Pope Paul V.
In the interim, like Hugh Rua before them in Spain O’Neill spent his
time in Rome trying to secure Spanish armed assistance from King
Phillip III. The bigger picture was to return to Ireland and overthrow
the English. Meanwhile however, the Spanish economy was weak
following a war with the Dutch at Gibraltar and Phillip III was in the
throes of making peace with James I, successor to Elizabeth I. Hugh
O’Neill died in Rome in 1616 not having had the opportunity to return
to Ireland and was buried in the Spanish Franciscan church of San
Pietro, Montorio.
An example of a revered woman in exile is Rosa O’Doherty, whose

remains are in Louvain, buried with two of her sons from her marriage
to Caffer O’Donnell, brother of Rory O’Donnell.
Rosa provides a natural bridge between two of the waves of emigration

east. She herself was part of the Flight of the Earls first wave in 1607
following the failure to stop English colonisation in Ireland. She was
originally married to Caffer O’Donnell, brother of Hugh O’Neill. She lived
in Louvain with her two sons. Following Caffer’s death in exile, Rosa
married Eoghan Rua O’Neill, a nephew of Hugh O’Neill and an officer in
the Irish regiment of the Spanish army in the Spanish Netherlands
for 40 years.
Eoghan Rua returned to Ireland as one of the leaders in a nation-wide

uprising in which the Gaelic Irish and Old English joined together in
THE REASONS WHY
the Confederation defending the monarchy of Charles II against the

Parliamentarians led by Cromwell and against further plantations.
Rosa returned to Ireland in 1648 and following the death of her
husband by poisoning or disease, she escaped out of Ireland on the
second wave in 1649. While in exile, she held court in Brussels and is
described as “Ireland’s first ambassador” because throughout her life
in Louvain, she provided Irish people with papers to facilitate their
travel across Europe.
Hugh Dubh O’Neill, a nephew of Eoghan Rua, who had been born
in the Spanish Netherlands and had gained enormous insight into
strategic war-fare there, returned to Ireland with his uncle. Hugh
Dubh is famous for having led the greatest military coup against
Cromwell during the Siege of Clonmel. It is said that in one day, 3,000
of Cromwell’s men lay dead and wounded, more casualties than in
years of English civil war. It was the biggest defeat that Cromwell had
endured in Ireland or England. O’Neill had sent Irish agents to Brussels
for assistance from the ardent Catholic Duke of Lorraine but by his
surrender in 1651, it had not materialised. Hugh Dubh was imprisoned
in the Tower of London and spent his remaining days in Spain.
Another character during this period was Thomas Preston. Born

in 1605 to an old English family, he joined an Irish regiment in
the Spanish Netherlands which defended Louvain against a vastly
superior French and Dutch force in 1635. He returned to Ireland to
support the 1641 uprising as Confederate general and fought against
Cromwell. In 1650, King Charles II created him Viscount Tara. Preston
was governor of Galway when, in April 1652, it became the last Irish
town to surrender to the Parliamentarians. He then left for France to
join the exiled Royalist court and died in Paris in 1655.
The defeat of the remaining Gaelic clan families who had

supported Charles II in exile prior to his return in 1660 against the
Parliamentarians resulted in huge confiscations of land from Catholics
and the further suppression of their religion. Conditions were horrific
for Irish natives and combined with the outbreak of The Plague in
1649 slums, low food supplies and hunger were prevalent. Irish land
and agriculture had been slashed and burned, cattle had been stolen
and farmhouse inhabitants evicted. The Irish population has been
THE REASONS WHY
successfully uprooted to the West of the Shannon through the Act

of Settlement, the most radically effected plan of the British Isles.
As a consequence, thousands of catholic women and children in the
1650s were shipped off as slaves to the Caribbean, some estimate
up to 50,000 in total. Historians claim that in those last 4 years
before Cromwell’s suppression of the Rebellion (1645-49) more
that a quarter of the Irish population died through hunger, disease
and battle. Thousands left for exile to Spain and France following
an agreement between the Confederation and the Parliamentarians.
Some historians approximate this number at 40,000 who were never
to see Ireland again.
Influence of the Irish Friars on Irish History and

Catholic Education
As Irish people, particularly when travelling to any corner of the
globe, we become more and more aware of the clear brand of Irish
people and Ireland. Ironically, it was in the Irish College of Louvain,
just outside Brussels, where this cultural identity both at home and
in exile was first instigated and formed.
Up until the 17th century, our island as we have seen above was a
nation of clans. We were made up of clans of Celtic Irish and Old
English families such as the Butlers of Ormonde and Fitzgeralds of
Desmond who were part of the original failed attempt of Ireland’s
conquest in the 16th century under the Tudor Conquest. They
maintained independence from the monarchy and the New English.
Life on all levels was based upon local allegiance.
The Louvain friars cared for the Irish emigrants and refugees as
they passed through the Gateway of the Irish College in the Spanish
Netherlands. In addition, they launched an ambitious plan known
as the “grand project” to forge a national identity. One of their
achievements was to compile the first dictionary in the Irish language.
They also created a simplified grammar and developed the first lead
fonts for printing books in Irish, basing the design on the handwriting
of one of the friars at Louvain.
THE REASONS WHY
The friars also took it upon themselves to organise the writing of

the first history of Ireland. This was an extremely visionary step and
long-term means to create a common sense of identity amongst Irish
folk which would naturally evolve from a common sense of history.
In order to gather up historical facts, a chronicler and his two assistants

were sent from Louvain to Ireland to collect cultural, and historical, some
ancient and to make copies of them. This was to form the basis of our
Annals of the Four Masters or Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland which
chronicles Irish history from the biblical flood to AD 1616 documenting
the births, dates and activities of the Gaelic Irish nobility.
A colourful personality amongst the friars was Dominic De Rosario

O’Daly from Kerry, born in 1595 to the Desmond branch of the
Fitzgerald family or Geraldines on his mother side and the Ó Dálaigh
from his father’s side. He became a Dominican in Tralee, Co. Kerry
and travelled throughout Europe studying in Spain and Bordeaux.
In 1627, he was sent to teach theology in the Catholic University of
Louvain, in 1425. Two years later he travelled to Madrid on business
and with three Irish friars established the Irish Dominican College
in Lisbon, supported by Phillip of Spain. Womens’ education was not
forgotten and O’Daly constructed a convent of Irish Dominican Nuns
in Lisbon. In 1650, he was appointed Spanish diplomatic envoy to
Kings Charles I and Charles II and Pope Innocent X. The Portuguese
queen appointed him envoy to Pope Alexander VIII. He worked as the
Queen’s Confessor. Later, he accepted the title of Bishop of Coimbra
on the condition that he could finance a larger Irish college building.
He was appointed by King John IV of Portugal to conclude a Treaty
and forge alliances between the kingdoms of Portugal and France. In
addition, O’Daly had recognized that the Portuguese would have to
obtain English support to avoid domination by Spain or France. He
played a significant role in negotiating the marriage of the English
king, Charles II, to Catherine of Braganza, daughter of the Portuguese
king in 1661. O’Daly died in Lisbon the following year.
THE REASONS WHY
The Wild Geese - the Treaty of Limerick 1691 -

the Third Wave
The next wave of migrants which left for Europe from Ireland were
part of ‘The Flight of the Wild Geese’ following an agreement under
The Treaty of Limerick 1691, for James II supporters who were
defeated by William of Orange and his supporters in the Williamite
War that concluded at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. Again, the
Irish had become embroiled in an external struggle, this time between
Catholicism and Protestantism.
Under the Treaty, some families were allowed emigrate from Ireland.
They were marched down to Cork and the boat-trip to exile was
labelled “The Flight of the Wild Geese” a reference to the lonely call of
such wild fowl. It is said that 14,000 took this option to go to France
and to become part of the Irish Brigade there under James II. The term
“Wild Geese” later broadened to include all those who had left Ireland
for Europe during the late 17th and 18th centuries as a consequence
of the Penal Laws imposed on Catholics, many of whom went into
further battle. In fact life would not be easy for those in exile either,
particularly those who went on to become involved in European wars.
In a letter in 1732 written to Dean Swift, a Sir Charles Wagan stated
that in the preceding 40 years, more than 120,000 Irish had been
killed or wounded in battle in Foreign Service.
In truth, we have paid for our EU position through the blood sweat
and tears of our ancestors, lest we forget.
The Entrepreneurs
Some of the personalities in exile have had an immensely positive
impact on European and even world life. Long before the Smurfits,
the O’Reillys, and the Dunnes business families, Irish entrepreneurial
families were establishing themselves in exile. The label and brand
of being Irish does inevitably lead to conversations regarding Irish
stout and whiskeys. I bet you never thought of Ireland vis-à-vis wine
routes and cognac? Well it’s true and here’s why.
THE REASONS WHY
Richard Hennessy, Cognac Hennessy

One major example of a world brand is that created and nurtured by
Richard Hennessy, an aristocrat who was born in County Cork in 1724.
The Hennessy family are said to have suffered under the Cromwellian
and Williamite regimes. When Richard was about twenty, he left for
the west of France following family members who had already moved
there. He spent some time serving in the French army. In 1765 he
set up a brandy business from the Chateau de Bangle, in the town
of Cognac, exporting the Hennessy brand to England and Ireland. In
1794, the first order came in from the U.S.
Following Richard’s death in 1800, his son James Hennessy who

married into the Martell family took over. Orders were flooding in
from King George IV of England, Russia in 1818, China in 1859 and
Japan in 1868. In 1856, the Hennessy coat of arms became the official
brand for Hennessy Cognac. In 1865, Maurice Hennessy created a
classification system for cognac worldwide. Since Richard’s creation,
some eight generations have nurtured and expanded the Hennessy
tradition and in 2001, Hennessy broke the record for having sold
35 million bottles worldwide. Hennessy is famous for its marketing
of eaux de vie (“water of life”), how wonderful that an uisce beatha
travelled so far!
Michel Lynch, Bordeaux Wines

In Ireland, a traditional trading route emerged in the 17th century
between the port of Galway and the port of Bordeaux. John Lynch
fought with James II at the Battle of the Boyne and in 1691 fled
Ireland to Bordeaux following the Treaty of Limerick. He went on to
establish the Château Lynch-Bages winery which was retained by
the Lynch family for three quarters of a century. During this time in
the 18th century, Count Jean-Baptiste Lynch, who was also mayor of
Bordeaux, inherited the estate and handed over management of it to
his brother Michel Lynch.
Interestingly, Michel was also mayor of Pauillac during the French

Revolution. Michel Lynch was a knowledgeable winegrower and in
the 18th century was one of the main forces in the progress made
in the wine sector through conducting first trials of de-stemming
(separating the stalk and the berries) before fermentation, a method
THE REASONS WHY
that was to become widespread during the 19th century in the Médoc
region. The linx on the Michel Lynch label can also be found on the
Irish Lynch family coat of arms.
Over the centuries, developing on from the natural trading routes

and the Flight of the ‘Winegeese’, the Bordeaux region has become
synonymous with Irish names in viticulture and politics claiming fourteen
chateaux, 10 streets, 2 wine communes and 1 public monument to
an Irish/French President of France, Patrice MacMahon.
By the middle of the eighteenth century in Bordeaux, the Irish

Merchant Community had become the most powerful of the expatriate
minorities. Abraham Lawton from Cork had become the most
important winebroker of the time. Thomas Barton from Fermanagh
soon became the leading wine shipper in Bordeaux and Nathaniel
Johnston from Armagh had cellars that held the equivalent of six
million bottles.
From winemakers to befriending Kings and Emperors, on the

battlefields and in the arenas of politics and aristocratic diplomacy,
the Irish were certainly talented.
Patrick Sarsfield, Earl of Lucan and signatory to the Treaty of

Limerick was one of the most famous of the Wild Geese and excelled
militarily and diplomatically. Born in Lucan in 1650 of mixed Old
English and Gaelic Irish descent, he was educated at a French military
academy. He then went onto serve in the army of Catholic James II
in England. In 1689, he was made Member of Parliament for County
Dublin in Westminister and in the same year guarded Athlone from
attack from the Orangites. During the first siege of Limerick, he
forced William of Orange’s withdrawal following a daring raid on
Williams artillery in 1690. William of Orange was not to be defeated
however and when it became obvious for Sarsfield that defeat was
inevitable during the second siege, he led the peace negotiations.
He negotiated permission for his army of 11,000 to go into exile in
France. He marched his army of 11,000 to Cork and they sailed onto
France on 22 December 1691.
Upon his arrival in France, Sarsfield was given a senior position in

THE REASONS WHY
the French army. Less than two years later however, he was seriously
wounded at the Battle of Landen in July 1693 in Flanders, Belgium
and died a few days later from his wounds. Patrick Sarsfield is buried
at Huy in Belgium.
Another famous Irish-French family in the Burgundy region is that of

John Baptiste MacMahon and his grand-son Patrice McMahon who
excelled on the battlefields and politically. As a child, John Baptiste
MacMahon and his family emigrated from Toorodile County Limerick as
the penal laws severely curtailed their chances of making successful
careers in Ireland. He became a doctor and married into French
aristocracy. He was appointed Marquis d’Eguilly by King Louis XV.
Patrice MacMahon, a grandson of John Baptiste was number 16 of

17 children born in 1808. He took up a military career, leading the
Foreign Legion from 1843 and serving in Algeria and the Crimean
and Franco-Prussian wars. He stayed in Algeria from 1834 - 1854.
Following his stint in Algeria, he secured a crucial victory for France
and Sardinia against the Austrians at Magenta in 1854 in the Second
Italian War of Independence following which Emperor Napolean III
created him Duc de Magenta.
He was appointed to the French Senate in 1856 and went on

to become the third President of France from 1873 to 1879.
He died fourteen years later in 1893. His descendants continue
to live in the family home, the Chateau de Sully in Burgundy.
He is also commemorated in Bordeaux by a public memorial
amongst the Irish stronghold of ‘winegeese’ such was their influence
on vitaculture.
Richard Wall (Ricardo Wall) was born into an Irish Jacobite

refugee family originally from County Limerick in France and went
on to become Spanish Foreign Minister. He joined the Spanish navy
in or around 1716 and transferred to the Spanish navy. He was
asked to go on diplomatic mission to Russia in 1727 and travelled
widely in Europe. In 1747, The Spanish King appointed Wall Spanish
Ambassador to London in 1747 following an injury from battle. He
was recalled back to Spain to become Minister of Foreign Affairs in
1754. He died in 1777.
THE REASONS WHY
A friend of the Russian Tsars, Peter Lacy, born in 1678 in Killeady

near Limerick was born into an Irish noble family of Norman origin, De
Lacy. At the age of 13 he fought to defend Limerick with the Jacobites.
Following the Irish defeat, he and his family travelled as part of the
Flight of the Wild Geese from Limerick to France where he, his father and
his brother joined the Irish Brigade. His family lost their lives fighting
for Louis XIV in Italy. Peter moved to work with the Austrian Army
and then onto Tsar Peter I Russian Army following his former Austrian
Commander at the age of 22. The Tsar recruited experienced soldiers
from Western Europe to improve his armies and to increase their
chances against enemies such as the Swedes.
Lacy was rapidly promoted and found favour with Peter’s successors,
including Catherine the Great. In the mid 1730s Lacy fought in
Russia’s war against the Turks. When the Russo-Swedish war broke
out in 1741, Lacy was appointed Commander in Chief of the Russian
Army where he successfully ended Finnish and Swedish hostilities. In
1743 he retired to his estates in Livonia, on the eastern coast of the
Baltic, now North Latvia and South Estonia where he died in 1751.
His doctor recalled that the citizens of Riga, now Latvia mourned
his death so much that they tolled their bells for eight days. He is
remembered in Russian history as one of the most successful Russian
imperial commanders and his son Franz Motitz von Lacy became one
of the most successful imperial commanders of the 18th century.
From one empire and emperor to the next, Laval Nugent, born
in County Westmeath in 1777 served in the Austrian Army. Five
members of his family also served in the armies of the Hapsburgs.
He was rapidly promoted within the Austrian army and became a
major general at the age of 25 and Chief of Staff of the Army corps
of Archduke Johann of Austria at the age of 32. In 1813, he captured
Trieste from the French and drove them out of Italy. In 1816 he
received a title from the Pope and in 1817 he entered the service
of Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies. In 1848, at the age of 71, Nugent
campaigned in the war between Austria and Savoy and was promoted
to Field Marshal by Emperor Franz Joseph. His full title was Count
Nugent of Westmeath. Like other Austrian-Irish soldiers who were
given titles, Nugent was proud of his Irish connections and kept them
alive in his title. Laval Nugent died in 1862.
THE REASONS WHY
We have seen some Irishmen’s contribution to wars in Austria, Italy,

Russia, Spain and France. One point that is less well known in Irish
history is the major Irish contribution to the Battle of Waterloo, 18th
June 1815 both with and against Napoleon.
Battle of Waterloo
Irishmen frequently fought on opposing sides on the European
continent. They joined armies as individuals or in whole units, and
special sections of continental armies were established. One clear
example is that of the Battle of Waterloo, just south of Brussels.
Irish soldiers fought as the Legion Irlandaise in Napoleon’s Army
and as the Royal Irish Brigade in the Anglo-German allied forces
under the command of the Irish born Allied Commander in Chief,
the Duke of Wellington. Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington was
born in Ireland in either Dublin or Meath in 1769. He was a Member
of Parliament representing Trim in the Irish House of Commons and
was Commander in Chief of the English-German-Dutch army allied
with the Prussians who defeated Napoleon. It is documented in an
extremely valuable resource that the 27th Inniskilling Fusiliers/Royal
Irish Brigade, in the course of Ney’s cavalry attacks was bombarded
by a French horse battery. By the end of the battle the battalion had
suffered 478 casualties from a pre-battle strength of 750. An officer
from a nearby battalion, Captain Kincaid, commented that the 27th
seemed to be lying dead in its square. Kincaid, a veteran of the
Peninsular War, said “I had never thought there would be a battle
where everyone was killed. This seemed to be it.”
During my research, I found this poignant letter in the New York

Times, January 4, 1904. In it, Major Rudolph Fitzpatrick claims that
of the 32,000 English troops who fought under Wellington, over
20,000 were Irish. He goes on to quote the distinguished French
General-wounded at Waterloo-Maxamillan, Sebastian Foy whose
oration captured the valor and courage of the English and Irishmen,
who fought to their death “Wounded, vehicles, reserve ammunition
trained auxiliary troops were hurrying in confusion toward Brussels.
The Angel of Death was ever before their eyes and busy in their
ranks. Disgrace was behind them. In these terrible circumstances
neither the bullets of the Imperial Guard fired at point blank range
THE REASONS WHY
nor the victorious French cavalry, could break the immovable

British infantry.”
The Duke of Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, the champion at the

Battle of Waterloo went on to become Prime Minister of England a
decade later in 1828-1830 and caretaker Prime Minister 1834-35.
The Irish would even become involved in European national wars

such as Italian unification and the Spanish Civil War. For example,
1,000 Irish volunteers organised and funded by the Catholic Church
in Ireland to fight in defence of the Papal States unsuccessfully. Not
only were the Irish involved in the continent’s military battles in
pre-world war times, but we were right in the thick of it during the
World Wars also.
When two bullets were fired assassinating Archduke Franz Ferdinand

and his wife on 28 June, 1914, Sarajevo, in an attempt by Southern
Slavs to release themselves from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, a
chain of events commenced which would directly affect Irish people
in every part of Ireland and some of those living in Britain, Australia,
New Zealand, Canada and the United States.
During World War One approximately 210,000 Irishmen served in

the English Army many of them on the battlefields of Flanders and
in Northwest France in the Somme. It is estimated that 140,000
joined during the war as volunteers having enlisted for various
reasons such as for the cause, and for the freedom of fellow small
nations such as Belgium, in anticipation of Home Rule. During the
Battle of the Somme alone, the number of casualties exceeded one
million including the deaths of some 3,500 Irishmen. Nationalists
and Unionists sometimes fought side by side, an example being the
16th (Irish) and 36th (Ulster) Divisions fighting together at Messines
Ridge, 1917, south of Ypres in Belgium.
Tom Kettle, a lawyer and Irish nationalist MP, was killed in battle
at the Somme in September 1916. In January 1915, Kettle wrote of
the war: “Used with the wisdom which is sown in tears and blood,
this tragedy of Europe may be and must be the prologue to the two
reconciliations of which all statesmen have dreamed, the reconciliation
THE REASONS WHY
of Protestant Ulster with Ireland, and the reconciliation of Ireland

with Great Britain.”
In between World Wars, the Irish were drawn into the Spanish War
in 1936 voluntarily and on both sides. This war was perceived to
be a worldwide struggle between capitalism and communism. Many
fought on the side of General Franco in his military revolt against the
Centre Left Government spurned on by Irish bishops, by the majority
of Irish press and political parties and particularly by Eoin O’Duffy’s
Blueshirts. Irishmen fought on the socialist side also. For example,
The last surviving Irish volunteer, Bob Doyle, who passed away in
January 2009 fought with the International Brigade against fascism
on the socialist side.
As the Spanish Civil war was nearing its end, Hitler was galvanising
his troops to the east. By January 1942, records show that 23,549
Irish-born soldiers and 28,287 Northern Ireland soldiers fought with
the English Army in World War II with figures increasing in later years
to 27,840 from the Republic.
Conclusion
It was De Gaulle who suggested that Ireland is an island behind an
island on the periphery of Europe. On the contrary, De Gaulle had
underestimated the spirit of the Irish notwithstanding our geographical
position to become a world identity and brand. Commencing with
the Celts, moving forward to the dissemination of Christianity via
Irish missionaries and the impact on the European continent since
the Flight of the Earls, Ireland has had a massive impact on Europe
culturally, politically and spiritually.
Many of our Irish aristocracy and military champions looked naturally

to the Continent for formal alliances and military support. During
many waves of forced emigration, we left the island as refugees
and as ‘outsiders’ to the European continent. The Irish spirit within
us however brought us to Europe with a vibrancy and ambition to
become ‘insiders’.
THE REASONS WHY
As we have seen, we were accepted as ‘insiders’ and joined ranks

with the continent’s royalty, papacy, empires, presidents and
army generals and achieved prominence as diplomats, merchants,
academics, religious and military men. The Irish tradition of military
action in Europe continued from the 16th century right through to the
latter part of 20th century.
The inhabitants of an island on the periphery of Europe have always

been enmeshed at the core of the European Continental tapestry
of wars, politics, business, religion and diplomatic alliances without
forgetting the land they had left behind.
The clear link between Ireland with the European continent was
formally and legally established in 1973. The European Union supplied
Ireland with a counterweight to completely dilute our economic
dependence on Britain. Prior to our independence, Ireland’s spirit
had been suppressed by England for far too long, even as emigrants
abroad, Protestant England controlled the hiring and firing of Irish
Catholics for example on the east coast of America.
Post 1922, we were tied to Britain economically and were closed as a

market economy. Ireland needed formally to come out from behind
the shadow of Britain historically and to take its place as a World
nation. Membership of the European Economic and Steel Community
would provide Ireland with this opportunity to continue our talent of
becoming ‘insiders’ of a very influential club.
Through Ireland’s joining of the European Union, we have not only

safeguarded centuries of our connection to Europe but in addition
we have successfully nurtured our connection to America. Our
membership of this prestigious organisation provides our American
friends with a natural and very effective Gateway to Europe.
Of course it is not all one-sided. Without Ireland, Europe and the

EU is missing out on one of Europe’s X factors one which has
enriched the Continent historically, spiritually, artistically, politically
and economically.
THE REASONS WHY
As to our exiled forefathers across the Continent and the world, let
us not forget them or their influence, but let us remember them and
celebrate them and continue the noble tradition of leadership as they
have left us.
THE REASONS WHY
Chapter Eight
THE LISBON TREATY: FACT NOT FICTION
Introduction
On June 2008, 53.6% voted against the Lisbon Treaty with 46.4%
voting in favour. 48% of Irish people abstained from the vote and
46% of these non-voters explained that they chose not to vote
because they did not understand the Lisbon Treaty. We have to
take responsibility for the lack of understanding. We have to take
responsibility for the void in communicating Europe. Together, we
have enabled the lies and misrepresentations of the No campaigns
since the 1960s to fester and take root.
Almost all other Member States have ratified the Lisbon Treaty. The
Czech Republic and Polish parliaments have declared an emphatic
democratic Yes to the Treaty. Their Presidents are playing antics
and chose to await the Irish vote. In real terms however, the only
obstacle between the EU becoming a more democratic, transparent
and efficient body is the vote in Ireland on October 2nd.
The eyes of Europe and the world are upon us again. They were on us
during the Nice II referendum and we did ‘wise-up’ to the fact that we
were the only obstacle blocking the European family’s reunification
following its artificial separation by war. We need to ‘wise-up’ again to
the strategic choice that we have for Ireland’s future. As the Taoiseach
has rightly pointed out in the Foreword:
“The world will hear either that Ireland says yes to Europe, or that
Ireland says no. Few will pause to enquire why.”
What is particularly baffling for Europeans and the watching world is

to digest a possible No vote when Ireland cannot point to any specific
national problem. If we did, our European family would reach out, as
they have done in the last months with legal and political guarantees
and compromise on a 27-Member Commission. An Irish No this time
round will no doubt place Ireland on the periphery. A third No in a
decade is a serious signal within any family.
THE REASONS WHY
And, the No campaigners are not coming clean on their agenda.
The lies of the past continue to haunt us! These scaremongering,

emotional and sometimes even terrorising and abusive
misrepresentation, mistruths and downright lies have effectively
disabled the voters through the creation of strategic confusion and
reasonable doubt. One misrepresentation of the truth has proven last
time around to encourage a non-vote and a No vote.
Where are the No campaigners then when the pieces have to be

picked up in Brussels and glued back together?
In the last chapter we discussed The Reasons Why a new Treaty post-
Nice was required - the need to provide a bridge to facilitate you the
citizens to come closer to the EU institutions and to provide two-way
traffic to bring Brussels closer to you. Secondly, the Lisbon Treaty
provides us with an efficient tool-box which enables the Governments
and Members of European Parliaments together with the scrutiny of
the National Parliaments to effectively address global 21st century
challenges which we cannot address alone.
Let’s take a look at the fiction that has been placed before us leading
up to the Lisbon I and II campaigns and I can give you the facts.
After that, it is up to you to decide.
THE LISBON TREATY: THE FACTS & THE REAL TRUTHS
Background
The Irish Government were the central negotiators of the Constitutional
Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty and those that control the agenda control
the direction. This point is a simple one but a crucial one.
Do you remember in my earlier chapter when I described how our

former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, while in the Irish Presidency hot seat
during the 2004 Irish Presidency June Summit pulled agreement
on the Constitutional Treaty out of the bag? The Irish Treaty team
THE REASONS WHY
from the start had what is termed red-line issues - non-negotiation

points that cannot be touched, for example tax and neutrality. As
negotiations directors, the Irish team ensured that all of our ‘red line’
issues were not crossed.
From the embryonic stage of the Constitutional Treaty negotiations

during the Convention, Ireland was well represented by former
Taoiseach John Bruton who was chosen as one of the Presidents of
the Convention’s top advisors or drivers. During the crucial final six
months of the negotiations Ireland was in the Presidency seat. Your
team Ireland were there at technical civil servant level, at Ambassador
level, at Foreign Minister level ably held by our current Taoiseach
Brian Cowen and finally at Prime Ministerial level by Bertie Ahern. We
could not have had amore strategic position from the get-go!
What Are The Red-lines?

The red lines for Ireland over the decades have been consistently
clear. We will not accept any change to our sovereign decision to
control our direct tax-rates. By the way, many of the other Member
States feel exactly the same. Within the sphere of criminal justice and
civil law cooperation, Ireland has always been sensitive to adopting
a harmonisation of laws in this area due to our different common
law system so we chose to opt-in and opt-out as we please and
this has been accepted. The Irish team introduced the concept of an
emergency brake provision for national parliaments discussed in the
previous chapter which was accepted. A number of countries with
us negotiated the continuing of the veto in our common commercial
policy dealing with health, education and social services. On the issue
of enhanced cooperation vis-à-vis common foreign and security policy
in troubled hot spots, Ireland and the other neutral countries can
mutually recognise an EU peace-force while these countries recognise
our neutrality wishes.
We can go into more detail on these issues as these are the issues
where much purposefully placed confusion arises.
THE REASONS WHY
Tax
Throughout the decades of Treaty negotiations, Ireland and the other
Member States have only relinquished their sovereignty on tax issues
in the area of what is termed indirect tax. Indirect tax includes tax
on customs, excise and VAT and rules can only be harmonised if the
Commission can demonstrate that this is necessary to ensure the
good functioning of the internal market and it is necessary to avoid
distortion of competition. Again, legislation is governed by unanimity
and Ireland retains its veto.
Direct tax which includes for example our income tax, our corporate
tax rate, capital gains tax and foreign investment tax - in simple
terms individual tax - in EU law is a matter for each nation. This does
not change under the Lisbon Treaty. In Ireland this is a matter for
our Minister of Finance. The Lisbon Treaty copper-fastens Ireland’s
position on tax and the EU will never have the power to dictate to
Ireland how our direct taxes are run.
The No campaign has very cleverly ‘picked and mixed’ concepts and
text from the Treaty, and presented them persuasively to give us
the impression that tax harmonisation could come in the back door.
They are playing on our emotions and our fears. We need to turn
the lights on.
To suggest that the European Court of Justice could apply internal

market rules on competition to matters of corporation tax or any
other tax for that matter is simply unsupportable. All previous ECJ
judgments have found that the words “tax provisions” in the Treaty
cover all areas and aspects of taxation. This means that all aspects of
taxation must be provided for under a unanimous legal base. In other
words they remain within the competence of the Member States.
During the Lisbon Treaty I campaign another tax issue - a potential

Commission proposal on a Common Consolidated Corporate Tax
Base (CCCTB) - was raised. If the Commission ever presented such
a proposal, it would require unanimous support to become law and
Ireland and other Member States are against any such proposal.
THE REASONS WHY
Finally, The Irish Government has secured a political and legal

guarantee reiterating that the Lisbon Treaty does not make “any
change of any kind for any member state to the extent or operation
of the EU in relation to taxation” which confirms that Ireland remains
in control of its own tax rates.
Neutrality
Neutrality also is a worry particularly for young adults, mothers and
grandmothers. Those who objected to us joining the EEC even in the
1960s warned us that we would lose our neutrality then. I wonder
where this invisible army is all these decades later? Another very
clever ploy to effectively play on emotions! And then, just to ensure
more confusion, the conscription card was played and was most
effective. Ireland is and always has been a neutral nation and this is
protected under Bunreacht na hÉireann. The Lisbon Treaty does not
affect this in any shape or form. In fact, if Ireland is to take part in a
peace-keeping mission we have to satisfy three tests called the “triple-
lock mechanism”. Our peacekeepers can only be deployed abroad if
the mandate is endorsed by the UN, the Dáil and the Government.
The Lisbon Treaty in no way erodes Irish neutrality. The neutrality of
Ireland, Sweden, Austria and Finland is actually reinforced.
Furthermore, the legal guarantee on neutrality secured by the Irish

Government on neutrality and defence states that the Lisbon Treaty
“does not provide for the creation of a European army or conscription”;
and the scope of CFSP is clearly outlined: “The Union’s common
security and defence policy is an integral part of the common foreign
and security policy and provides the Union with an operational capacity
to undertake missions outside the Union for peace-keeping, conflict
prevention and strengthening international security in accordance
with the principles of the UN Charter.”
Ireland can decide in a spirit of solidarity to participate or even lead

a peace-keeping force like it has so proudly done in Chad. Peace-
keeping does not prejudice our neutrality. Any decision to move to a
common defence will require a unanimous decision of the European
Council. This will be a matter for each of the Member States, including
Ireland, to decide whilst obviously respecting the Constitution.
THE REASONS WHY
Under this Treaty foreign affairs matters continue to be dealt with in

the Council alone which means that they are subject to the unanimous
rule, meaning each country has a veto right. Furthermore, let us not
forget that the Irish have proudly taken part in peacekeeping missions
in Bosnia and commanded a major EU peacekeeping operation in
Chad. Not only are we involved in peace-keeping in missions under
the UN Charter but we are also involved in helping new democracies
with judicial reform, the creation of modern police forces and actions
to combat corruption. In fact, Ban-Ki-Moon has requested in a recent
visit to Dublin that the EU grow into being a full partner to the UN in
peacekeeping missions.
Abortion / Euthanasia
Like neutrality, ethical issues such as abortion and euthanasia are
raised over and over again in Irish referenda debates over the decades.
The simple fact is, abortion and euthanasia are issues of ethics and
national sovereignty and the EU has no competence to legislate on these
matters and they cannot come in through the backdoor if there is no
competence in the first place. The European Court of Justice only has
competence to deal with matters which are subject to EU competence
and can only interpret EU legislation. The ECJ is a judicial body and
not a legislative body so can only interpret the law that is there.
As ethical maters are only subject to national competence, the ECJ
has no such jurisdiction.
Furthermore, the Irish government has secured a legal guarantee:

“Nothing in the Treaty of Lisbon attributing legal status to the Charter
of Fundamental Rights of the EU or in the provisions of that Treaty
in the area of Freedom Security and Justice in any way affects the
scope and applicability of the protection of the right to life in Article
40.3.1. 40.3.2. and 40.3.3, the protection of the family in Article 41
and the protection of the rights in respect of education in Articles 42
and 44.2.4 and 44.2.5 provided by the Constitution of Ireland.”
The guarantee on the right to life, family and education says the Treaty
does not affect the Irish constitution’s provisions on these issues.
THE REASONS WHY
Let me also clear up some confusion on the jurisdiction of the European

Court of Human Rights. There has been some confusion emanating
from rulings in the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.
This Court is connected to the Council of Europe in Strasbourg. It is
not connected to the European Union. Therefore it has no jurisdiction
over European Union states and matters outside of the Treaty cannot
be prescribed by this Court.
Workers Rights
Workers Rights has become an even more controversial subject
during the current Lisbon II debate. The issue of minimum wage is
a red-herring. The proposers - Cóir - then have the gall to state that
they are not suggesting that the minimum wage would be €1.84
under Lisbon despite spending thousands of euro on posters to put
this in writing. If we are to be truthful, the Lisbon Treaty essentially
balances the previously economic-focused Treaties towards a more
Social Europe.
The Treaty exclusively aims to promote high employment and social

progress; improves living and working conditions and proper social
protection for citizens; promotes dialogue between management and
labour, combats social exclusion and discrimination and promotes social
justice and equality between men and women. 1 Under the Lisbon
Treaty, The Charter of Fundamental Rights becomes law and there are
11 specific extra rights given to workers. In response to those who
suggest that the cases such as the Laval case demonstrates the ECJ’s
direction of encouraging a race to the bottom, this argument does not
include the space that the ECJ will be obliged to take into account the
new Articles 9 & 10 which are clearly promoting social policy.
It’s probably safe to say that had we not been part of the EU, the
implementation of employment and social policy at the level that
we have in Ireland would have been at best a slower process and at
worst never implemented. Soon after Ireland’s entry into the EEC,
Patrick Hillery as Social Affairs Commissioner, introduced and later
implemented EU Equal Pay and Equal Treatment legislation ensuring
employment equality for women and the ban of discrimination.
For example in Ireland, one of the effects of equality legislation
THE REASONS WHY
was the declaration of the Civil Service (Employment of Married

Women) Act, 1973 banning women from employment post-marriage,
unconstitutional.
Since our membership, workers have benefited from further equality-

based legislation and socially based legislation such as maternity and
paternity leave, redundancy, protection of young persons at work,
rights for agency workers, safety, health and welfare rights at work,
rights for part-time workers and fixed-term workers entitlements.
As previously discussed, for the most part social policy is a competence

for the Member States. However national Governments have benefited
from the European Commission’s research and guidelines, an example
was the impetus of Ireland to take up the suggestion from ‘best
practice’ guidelines of the setting of the minimum wage.
A key founding benchmark of the European Community and Union

was always to maximise employment and social standards so that
standards of living for everyone would be higher.
During the convention, the social group featured strongly to ensure

balance between an economic and social vision of Europe. Furthermore,
the Irish Presidency when negotiating the Constitution in the case of
commercial policy successfully inserted a safeguard clause in respect
of trade in social, education and health services.
All the protective legislation in Europe is not worth the paper it’s
written on without employment in the first place. We cannot thus
underestimate the benefit of the increased supply of employment
opportunities as a result of our membership of the EU and the
hundreds of thousands of extra jobs and competitive marketplace.
A protocol attached to The original Lisbon Treaty “recognises the

essential role and wide discretion of national, regional and local
authorities providing, commissioning and organising services of
general economic interest as closely as possible to the needs of the
users.” In addition, the Government has secured a solemn declaration
on Workers’ Rights and Social Policy prior to the next referendum.
Therein, the European Council confirms the high importance which
THE REASONS WHY
the Union attaches to social progress and the protection of workers’

rights; public services and the essential role of national regional and
local authorities in providing commissioning and organising services
of general economic interest.
Justice and Home Affairs

Ireland secured an “opt-in/opt-out position” on the articles of the
Lisbon Treaty referring the framing of common policy on asylum,
immigration and external border control; measures to assist in
coordinating and cooperation between police and judicial authorities
as well as recognition of judgements in criminal and civil matters.
The Lisbon Treaty continues to ensure the direction role of the Council
and Governments as the leading institution in setting down the aims
and direction of the measures. Again, national parliaments have
an increased role of scrutiny here and can avail of an emergency
brake procedure inserted in the Treaty by the Irish negotiating team.
Consequentially, if there is a policy initiative is developing in the
Council and if a Member State has a national sensitivity to it, it can
stall the proceedings.
New procedures to assist the EU with terrorism in this section facilitates

the Parliament and the Council’s ability to define a framework to
freeze funds belonging to an individual or group where it is deemed
necessary to prevent and combat terrorism.
Let’s move to the claims that in voting for the Lisbon Treaty that we
are throwing away the freedom which was so hard fought for during
the 1916 rising.
Sovereignty, National Law and EU Law

Bunreacht na hÉireann remains the fundamental law of the State and
in many areas it is the supreme law. However our Constitution does
recognise the primacy of EU law and has done so since we joined
in 1973. Just to demonstrate, if there was no national recognition
of EU law as primary law in areas such as environment regulations
THE REASONS WHY
and equal pay directives, they would have no binding effect. The
ECJ role has the highest legal authority in the interpretation of EU
legislation. ECJ rulings have always enjoyed primacy over national
judgements in areas which concern EU law but let me emphasise
that the competence of the ECJ is only that of EU legislation. Any
national matters where the EU has no competence remain outside its
competence and this will not change.
As to our loss of freedom, Seán LeMass who fought in 1916 was the
very man who took the initial steps to release ourselves from our
economic dependence on the United Kingdom by applying for EEC
membership! In fact Former President Hillery and John Bruton claim
that this was the second act of independence - economic independence
- from Britain. Do we really want to go back into this shadow? Why
would we even consider it?
Charter of Fundamental Rights - Human Rights

There are other claims that the Charter of Fundamental Rights could be
used to reverse national positions on key issues such as abortion.
We need to get very clear on this. The Charter of Fundamental Rights

is conferred legal status through the Lisbon Treaty. Currently, the
Charter is a political declaration. The Treaty makes it clear that the
Charter applies to the Union’s institutions and to Member States only in
their implementation of EU law. The Charter consolidates fundamental
rights for example dignity, freedom, equality, justice and solidarity.
The Charter does not replace the Constitutions of the Member States
in any way as it applies only to the EU institutions and to the Member
States when they are implementing Union law. Abortion and euthanasia
are not matters for EU law thus are not under the jurisdiction of
the ECJ.
The Claim That This Treaty Can Be Amended

Without a Referendum
More lies spread effectively by the No campaigners is that if we ratify
the Lisbon Treaty we are allowing faceless bureaucrats or politicians
THE REASONS WHY
to amend the scope of the Treaty without asking you the people. If the
No campaigners chose to read you the full script, you would discover
that Article 48 clearly states that “the amendment shall enter into
force after being ratified by all the Member States in accordance with
their respective constitutional requirements”.
If a Government would like to increase or decrease the competence of

the EU, they can propose to start a process in the form of a Convention
as was done for the Constitution. Following the Convention result,
this would have to be put to an Irish referendum. If EU internal
policies are to be amended with no competence issue, the Council
has to agree to amendments unanimously thus each country has
a veto right. Moving policy areas from unanimous voting to QMV
requires unanimity and ratification in each Member State is required.
Military and defence decisions can only be changed via a Convention
and through an Irish referendum.
Conclusion
Let us wake up to the humbug and in some cases downright
misrepresentation, mistruths and lies spread by the No campaign.
In the hours directly following our No to Lisbon I, it was Sinn Féin

coupled with the Tories along with Cathy Sinnott and the United
Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) who were doing the celebrating.
What a motley crew and as Avril Doyle reminded us in the Strasbourg
European Parliament Plenary Chamber that evening “and a jailbird
thrown in for good measure!” Brian Crowley as President of the UEN
Group patriotically reminded us and the journalists at large about
the Irish Times photograph that painted a thousand words; The UKIP
team in Kitty O Shea’s Irish pub in Brussels with pints on our Irish flag.
Solidarity indeed! The same people in the Press and in the Chamber
screaming at the EU to respect the Irish No! Let’s not let them use us
for their political gain in their domestic politics!
Initially in the campaign The No Campaign did appear as if they

were generating genuine debate. This is always welcome. Instead
they played on our fears and our emotions. May this be the end of
THE REASONS WHY
such future fear-preying now that you have the facts on how the EU
is run.
Do we really believe that our Government and twenty six other

Governments would honestly sign up to giving away our sovereignty on
sensitive, national self-governing legalisation such as the legalisation
of prostitution and drugs, abortion, euthanasia whilst privatising
our health and education, renege on our sovereign right to set tax
rates, conscript your children into an invisible EU army and chip our
children. Those responsible for the 3 monkey campaign asked what
our motivation is from keeping you ignorant. I would like to ask them
what is their motivation in keeping you constantly fearful, mistrustful
and consistently corrupting our trust?
Over the decades we have built up major clout politically and

economically at the central table in Brussels. A third No in a decade
from Ireland to the EU without a specific national reasoning could
erase our reputation in a matter of hours for many years to come!
We will have gone from a Nation that makes things happen in Europe
to a Nation watching things happen with little or no influence. We will
be sitting on the bench.
We are sailing very close to the wind at this defining moment for
our country; economically, politically and internationally. Will anyone
come out and rescue us from the rocks?
Let’s get back to the facts and leave the fantasists in their fog of
false misrepresentation.
We have to make an informed choice which is why I wrote this book;

to give you the right factual and truthful information.

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First published in Ireland in 2009

Copyright © 2009 by Regina O’Connor

Bookcover design by Peter Firth, 207design.co.uk

Photo by Michael De Lausnay, Brussels.

Foreword by An Taoiseach Brian Cowen

Chapter 1 - Ireland - Closer to Boston or Berlin?

Chapter 8 - The Lisbon Treaty - Fact Not Fiction

I believe that it is more accurate to say that Ireland is a natural bridge

Although Minister Harney’s statement was not intended to be deﬁning,

THE REASONS WHY

Spanish diplomatic envoy to Kings Charles I and II, Popes Innocent

What about the great Irish entrepreneurs of Cognac and Bordeaux

Background to the Movement East - ‘The Flight of

We do not so automatically think of the arduous journey east of

THE REASONS WHY

Thousands of Irish emigrated eastwards as refugees, due to land

THE REASONS WHY

be planted by Elizabethan settlers. Without property or authority, the

The Flight of the Earls, 1607

The Irish College of Louvain is one of 34 Irish Colleges set up in

Red Hugh O’Donnell, (Hugh Rua O’Donnell), son of Sir Hugh

THE REASONS WHY

Donal Cam O’Sullivan Beare a powerful Gaelic lord in the southwest

In 1605 O’Sullivan Beare also ﬂed to La Coruna accompanied by several

THE REASONS WHY

He was killed in 1618 in Madrid - it is unclear whether this was as a

An example of a revered woman in exile is Rosa O’Doherty, whose

Rosa provides a natural bridge between two of the waves of emigration

Eoghan Rua returned to Ireland as one of the leaders in a nation-wide

THE REASONS WHY

the Confederation defending the monarchy of Charles II against the

Another character during this period was Thomas Preston. Born

The defeat of the remaining Gaelic clan families who had

THE REASONS WHY

successfully uprooted to the West of the Shannon through the Act

Inﬂuence of the Irish Friars on Irish History and

THE REASONS WHY

The friars also took it upon themselves to organise the writing of

In order to gather up historical facts, a chronicler and his two assistants

A colourful personality amongst the friars was Dominic De Rosario

THE REASONS WHY

The Wild Geese - the Treaty of Limerick 1691 -

THE REASONS WHY

Richard Hennessy, Cognac Hennessy

Following Richard’s death in 1800, his son James Hennessy who

Michel Lynch, Bordeaux Wines

Interestingly, Michel was also mayor of Pauillac during the French

THE REASONS WHY

Over the centuries, developing on from the natural trading routes

By the middle of the eighteenth century in Bordeaux, the Irish

From winemakers to befriending Kings and Emperors, on the

Patrick Sarsﬁeld, Earl of Lucan and signatory to the Treaty of

Upon his arrival in France, Sarsﬁeld was given a senior position in

THE REASONS WHY

Another famous Irish-French family in the Burgundy region is that of

Patrice MacMahon, a grandson of John Baptiste was number 16 of

He was appointed to the French Senate in 1856 and went on

Richard Wall (Ricardo Wall) was born into an Irish Jacobite

THE REASONS WHY

A friend of the Russian Tsars, Peter Lacy, born in 1678 in Killeady

THE REASONS WHY