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Creating a Landscape of Africa: Baines, Haggard and Great Zimbabwe Author(s): Lindy Stiebel Source: English in Africa, Vol. 28, No. 2 (Oct., 2001), pp. 123-133 Published by: Institute for the Study of English in Africa, Rhodes University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40238934 . Accessed: 04/12/2013 12:36
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Creating a Landscape of Africa: Baines, Haggard and Great Zimbabwe

LindyStiebel
This article looks at how the work of Thomas Baines (1820-1875) and Rider Haggard (1856-1925), both Norfolk men - though a generation apart and using different discourses: painting and mapping in Baines' s case, and storytelling in Haggard's - contributed to the popular myth of Great Zimbabwe as the site of King Solomon's Ophir, built for the Queen of Sheba. This was at the time a potent myth which, coupled with the discovery of diamonds and then gold in southern Africa, caused speculators to flock to these parts as iron filings to a magnet. For those at 'home' in England in the nineteenth century, explorers and writers in southern Africa had above all to represent a localised landscape which helped their audience move from a vague sense of remote space to its contextualisation in a recognisable place on the map of their imagination. From the mid- to late nineteenth century it was amateur explorers such as Baines with his prodigious output of paintings, maps and drawings of scenes from his southern African travels, and popular novelists such as Haggard with his romances set in Africa, who crystallised the representations of the imperial landscape for the domestic market. Not only did they help those at 'home' to imagine the far-off lands of Africa but they also, through these positive depictions, did much to encourage those adventurous at heart and anxious to prosper to try their luck in southern Africa. The work of Baines which holds most interest in regard to the Great Zimbabwe / Ophir link is his "Map of the Gold Fields of South Eastern Africa" (1877) and the diaries, notes and letters he kept of the trips from Natal to Matabeleland and Mashonaland between 1869 to 1872. The purpose of this journey was to survey land for the South African Gold Fields Exploration Company, a subsidiary of the Natal Land and Colonisation 28 No. 2 (October inAfrica 2001):123-33 English
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Company based in London, with a view to securing a claim for the Company should the land prove to be gold bearing. Baines was appointed leader of the expedition and undertook his task with loyalty and energy far beyond that which the Company deserved, for they let down their employee both financially and morally once these objectives had been achieved. Baines secured a sizable claim of land in what he termed the Northern Goldfields, south of modern-day Harare, for the Company from Lobengula during the succession crisis. During his two trips up to this area, he worked tirelessly on a map of his route, literally filling in what had been blank spaces on previous maps. His effort to lead an under-resourced expedition, hunt for the pot, take scientific readings for latitude and longitude, mend broken equipment, sketch to generate more funds, write up his diary and letters back to the Company, and keep the map up to date (plus make a number of copies to scale, some of which he gave to missionaries he met on the way) is hard to imagine today: I had hard work to finish the map in triplicate with semi-cardboard paper, besides the rough original. The sun was intensely hot, so that the perspiration of my hands was continually staining the paper, while the wind, blowing freshly nearly all day, seemed ever on the watch to lift the edges and tear away any unguarded sheaf, and men, dogs, goats, etc. were continually ready to aid and abet it. (quoted in Wallis 1946, 166) In a letter to Carl Behrens, Manager of the Natal Land and Colonisation Company in Durban, Baines wrote after his first trip to the Gold Fields: I have given a copy of my map to the Company and it is much prized - it will do the Company good ... I will do my best to meet Mr Oliver's [Secretary of the Company in London] request respecting definition and description but it must be remembered that we must make our money by working the gold which is given to me and not by selling land which we have no right to do. (15 Feb. 1871; Plough Hotel, Pietermaritzburg) Baines was convinced of the potential wealth of the claim he had secured and, indeed, that of much of the land from the Tati diggings in the south to the Company claim to the north. He could thus corroborate Carl Mauch's optimism after his 1866 gold findings, and understood the reason why Mauch's "vivid and glowing descriptions, highly tinted by the rainbow hues of hope attracted to our shores a host of adventurers from well-nigh
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exhausted auriferous regions in California, Australia, and New Zealand . . ." (Baines 1877, 120). How much more then would the popular fantasy that the fabulous wealth of Ophir lay in this broad region have drawn such adventurers?Rumours of Ophir were repeated: Wallis recounts how, in December 1871, Baines "heard that the German traveller, Carl Mauch, had found the buried city of Ophir at Zimbabwe" (1976, 209). Meticulous amateur scientist that he was, Baines was not immune to such a suggestion for, on his map, along with the correct names of rivers and mountain ranges, is written in his fine copperplate hand the legend in an enticingly blank space "Supposed Realm of the Queen of Sheba" above "Simbaby: Ruined Cities. C Mauch 1871." In the account of his trip to the Gold Fields published by his friends posthumously, he discusses Monomotapa and the ruins, again making this link - "The largest of these [ruins] was traditionally supposed to have been the Queen of Sheba's Palace" (1877, 2) - whilst acknowledging later that, "whether indeed this locality was the Ophir' of gold is of course still open to discussion" (121). Baines' s imaginative sketch of the Tower, done from the descriptions of Mauch, the discoverer of the ruins at Great Zimbabwe in 1871, has a caption listing this structure as being in "The Land of Ophir" believed by the Portuguese to be part of the City of the Queen of Sheba. Robert White, Baines' s friend who wrote the Preface, has no hesitation in stating that, though the region is clouded in mystery, "our own opinion of the situation of Ophir is undoubtedly in favour of South eastern Africa" (vi). Baines was never able to test these theories more fully for, in preparation for his third trip to the Northern Gold Fields - and now without Company support - he contracted dysentery and died in 1875 in a Durban boarding house. One of the manuscript maps of the 'great map' as he called it is now housed at the Killie Campbell Museum in Durban as past of the Campbell Collections, where plans are afoot to have it digitally scanned and made more accessible to the public. Baines died in Durban a few months before Rider Haggard, a nineteenyear-old member of Sir Henry Bui wer' s staff, arrived there. Baines had been a friend of Sir Theophilus Shepstone, then Secretary for Native Affairs in Natal and Haggard's future mentor on matters African, and it seems likely that the impressionable Haggard would have seen some of Baines's paintings whilst in Durban. If so, his imagination might have received this kind of influence: Many of Baines's landscapesdepict what was hithertounknown or little known to the British public or colonists - spaces
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LINDYSTIEBEL interruptedby mountains and rivers which, when crossed, permit further territorial expansion. The viewer (and by allusion the explorer / colonizer) is invited to enter and travel through pictorial space, and - through the gaze - to take possession of a real spatial situation. (Carruthers & Arnold 1995, 92)
Haggard, whose future fame was to result from his adventure stories set in Africa, described African landscapes which depict similar vistas of untamed wilderness, seen from an imaginary aerial perspective. Carruthers and Arnold analyse Baines's painting "Bird's Eye View of the Victoria Falls from the West" (1874) - which shows a herd of elephants in the foreground with the Zambesi river and Victoria Falls laid out map-like in the background - using words that could with some qualification be used for Haggard's African landscapes too: He structures a statement that is literally and metaphorically dependent on a point of view. By adopting a 'bird's-eye- view', a commanding magisterial gaze, the artist surveys miles of African terrain as detail subsumed by distance. His gaze is also the imperial gaze, for here is Edenic Africa awaiting civilization and uninhabited except by elephants. (1995, 99) Etherington points out that Haggard would have had further contact with Baines's work in that, as a member of Shepstone's staff in the Transvaal, post annexation by Britain in 1877, Haggard would have used Baines's "Map of the Gold Fields of South Eastern Africa" mentioned above. Furthermore, he suggests that the three treasure-seekers in King Solomon's Mines (1885) might have paralleled the following gold-seekers in Mashonaland around 1869: "Sir John Swinburne, Captain A. L. Levert and the old South African artist and explorer Thomas Baines engaged in extensive the succession of time at the with Lobengula negotiations Baines mentioned crisis" (Etherington 1977a, 437). Indeed, Haggard himself and his potential influence as explorer primarily: When I was a lad in Africa I met many men, the pioneers of settlement and exploration - those who had first become acquainted with some of the great savage races of the interior, or who had helped to shape history when they and the white man came face to face. Although I think Mr Baines, one of the first wanderers in much of the country which is now Rhodesia, died
ANDGREAT HAGGARD ZIMBABWE 127 BAINES, shortlyafter I reachedNatal [Baines died 8 May 1875, Haggard arrivedAugust 1875], I knew his family and heardsomethingof the country fromthemandothers. . . (Haggard, L. 1951, 122) Further,in Haggard's Preface to Wilmot's Monomotapa (1896), he refers to "Baines, and other travellers now dead; [who] reported on the existence of great ruins in the territories known as Matabele and Mashona Lands . . ." (Wilmot 1896, xiii). It is certain then that Haggard knew of Baines, his journeys of exploration and more than likely his Gold Fields map with its romantic inscriptions concerning the "Supposed Realm of the Queen ofSheba." Haggard's second visit to South Africa was to serve on the Dominions Royal Commission after his knighthood in 1912. The Commission's task was to report on the state of various parts of the Empire including India, Ceylon, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Canada. It was February 1914 by the time the Commission reached South Africa, after which he continued up to Rhodesia where he visited the Zimbabwe Ruins. There he discovered to his amusement and chagrin that the local guidebook claimed that he had used these ruins as the setting for ancient Kr in She (1886). He denied the specific connection saying: Theseandsimilarlegendsarequiteapocryphal. WhenI wroteShe, I had only heardin the vaguestway of the ZimbabweRuins and not at all of the famouscaves in east Africawhicharealso reported to be herresidence. Theseearlyromances wereentirelythe product of my imagination,stimulatedin the case of King Solomon's I heardwhenI lived in SouthAfrica. Minesby vaguerumours (Haggard, L. 1951,231) Haggard's probably more-than-vague knowledge of the existence of the Ruins could have come as suggested from working with Baines' s map and also J. R. Jeppe's "Map of the South African Republic" (1877), used by British administratorsof the time, which shows Mauch's route and features a "view of the ruins" (Etherington 1977a, 437). s Mines and By attributingthe ruins and stone carvings in King Solomon* the ancient city of Kr to the work of ancient white civilisations, probably of Phoenician origin, Haggard contributed to a powerful part of the myth about Africa in the nineteenth century, as had Baines with his tantalising map inscription. This myth was linked to race theories of the nineteenth century
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which held that African cultures were inevitably less sophisticated than European ones. The discovery of ancient stone-walled cities and gold mines in Africa posed a problem for these were unknown in comparable European Iron Age sites - hence the theory that other, European races must have built them in some far distant age. Popular theory held that the southern African region was the site of the Biblical Ophir, a belief traceable to sixteenthcentury Portuguese explorers. Thus, when Mauch found Great Zimbabwe, its singularity and antiquity led him to claim it as the site of King Solomon's Ophir, built for the Queen of Sheba, with a Phoenician substratum.Though there was some scientific resistance to this idea by, for example, Hartmann, who had seen Africans building in stone, "[h]is scepticism was quickly relegated into obscurity, and Mauch's views were popularised further by support from Thomas Baines [and his] rather romantic imaginings of Great Zimbabwe . . ." (Tangri 1990, 295). Baines tended to think that the ruins were "apparently Egyptian but perhaps early Portuguese" and situated "in the ancient kingdom of Monomotapa, a name Shepstone . . . interpreted as 'the place of the people of the mines' and it was said that nearby were the most productive of the old gold workings" (Wallis 1976, 165). Haggard contributed to the popular view that these impressive ruins were built in antiquity - he thought by a people of Phoenician origin who were overrun by an indigenous African people. He asserted that "the ruins of Zimbabwe ... are undoubtedly of Phoenician origin," the inhabitants being taken over after a few hundred years by savages [who] were of the Zulu sectionof the Banturace;at least they stamped out whatever civilisation, Christian or so completelythat still flickeredin Monomotapa Mohammedan, even native tradition is silent concerning it, and once more oblivioncoveredthe landandits story. (quoted in Wilmot 1896, xiv-xv) The belief in a 'white' origin for the ruins was due in part to current which nineteenth-century studies in anthropology and ethnography differentiated between Saharan and sub-Saharan peoples, the former being Arabic and considered more civilised than the latter. Saharan peoples being paler in colour were taken to be more refined, whereas sub-Saharan, darker people were assumed to be savage, literally and morally darker, dwelling in a darkened African interior. While Haggard's writing seems to suggest his belief in cultural relativism, there are passages in his work which contradict this, suggesting instead a belief in a hierarchy of races. In his diary which he
BAINES, HAGGARDAND GREATZIMBABWE kept of his Royal Commission Zimbabwe trip, he questioned,
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after visiting Great
How he [Professor Mclver, a supporter of the 'black-built' Great Zimbabwe theory] can think so after seeing them I cannot imagine, especially as I remember that the Portuguese writers of three centuries ago say that the natives of that day asserted that they were the work of the Devil in unknown antiquity. (2000, 149) Haggard attempted to dramatise the rise and fall of the civilisation of Great Zimbabwe in his novel Elissa - first published serially, after which it was published in book form in the United States in 1900. In the preface he repeats his ideas on the origins of the ruins, that it is "almost beyond question that Zimbabwe was once an inland Phoenician city" and that it was perhaps "weakened by luxury and the mixture of races, that hordes of invading savages stamped it out of existence beneath their blood-stained feet" (1916, vii-viii). The narrative tells of the illicit love of Prince Aziel, a Hebrew, for Elissa, a priestess of Baaltis and daughter of the governor of Zimboe (Zimbabwe), a city held under threat by the tyrant King Ithobal, who demands Elissa in return for the city's safety. Ithobal is described as being of mixed race, of which Haggard is always most critical, believing (as did current thinkers) that this led to the degeneration of races. The ending of the novel is suitably tragic as it describes Zimboe' s downfall - Elissa converts to Christianity but finally commits suicide rather than be taken by the wicked heathen Ithobal, who also dies by one of Aziel's arrows: And thus, because of the fateful and predestined loves of Aziel the Prince, and Elissa the priestess and daughter of Sakon, three thousand years and more ago, the ancient city of Zimboe fell at the hand of King Ithobal and his Tribes, so that there remains of it nothing but a desolate grey tower of stone and beneath, the crumbling bones of men. (243) This passage recalls one of Haggard's abiding interests - the rise and fall of empires in a kind of Darwinian cycle of change and flux which further explains the littering of his African topography with ruins. She, for example, has frequent references to ancient white civilisations and their influence in Africa: A country like Africa ... is sure to be full of the relics of long dead and forgotten civilisations. Nobody knows the age of the Egyptian civilisation, and very likely it had offshoots. Then there
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LINDYSTIEBEL were the Babyloniansand Phoenicians,and the Persians,and all manner of people,all moreor less civilised .... It is possiblethat or they, any one of them, may have had colonies or trading stationsabouthere.(Haggard 1991, 45)
King Solomon's Mines, which in an echo of Baines has its own treasure map1and also refers to Ophir, describes Solomon's Great Road leading between the mountains known as Sheba's Breasts in terms of an archeological layering of civilisations - it is "a sort of Roman road" in which "no difficulty had been too great for the Old World engineer who designed it." The three colossi which guard the entrance to the diamond mines recall for the hero Quatermainthe gods of "the Phoenicians, who were the great tradersof Solomon's time" (1992, 258-59). One of the reasons for the penchant of Haggard and his contemporaries for placing non-African ruins in Africa was a desire to validate the British presence in Africa, for if foreign civilisations had once established themselves in Africa, then a historical precedent had been set for Britain to do likewise. In the case of Great Zimbabwe, for example, "Haggard's message was that of the British South Africa Company: Britain was heir to of southern Africa was Phoenicia and British colonization justifiable" (Tangri 1990, 296). It could be argued that Tangri doesn't take into account Haggard's ambivalent feelings about the British presence in South Africa and the impact this would have on the indigenous peoples. However, again and again, Haggard points to a prior 'white' presence in Africa - the huge temple of the ruined city of Kr is "almost as large as that of El-Karnac, at Thebes" (1991, 173), the Pongo envoys in 77**? Holy Flower are "tall, light-coloured men with regular and Semitic features, who were clothed in white linen like Arabs" (1915, 176), the Makalanga people in Benita have "no negro blood, but ratherthat of some ancient people such as Egyptians or Phoenicians; men whose forefathers had been wise and civilised thousands of years ago" (1986, 234) . . . and so one can continue throughoutHaggard's romances. Not only are the ancient 'white' ruins in Haggard's Africa a historical precedent for Britain's own presence in Africa, they also could act as a demonstration of the inevitable transience of empires, including Britain's own, together with a reminder of civilised Britain's intimate relationship with a savage Africa in which the classical world, humankind's cradle, had also once has its roots. Etherington makes the following comments in this regard:
ZIMBABWE 13 1 ANDGREAT HAGGARD BAINES, In fact, the point of bringingcolour and ancient ruins into the romances is not to make statementsabout race but to make statementsabout us, about our psychology, our past. Ruins of vanishedwhite civilizationsare thereto remindus that Africa is ourinterior self . . . (1977b, 193-4) For Haggard, the ruins mark imperialism's "interrogation of its own historical origins and of the relations between exploitation and civilization" (Chrisman 1990, 50) in a profoundly contradictory manner, seeing Africa as both "primordialand secondary (having been preceded by an ancient white civilization); as both fundamentally antagonistic towards, and supportive of, the imperial project" (Chrisman 1992, 3; see also Chrisman 2000). Following this position, it seems then that Haggard tried to construct an Africa which he could understand and contain, and yet which defied his attempts. Chrisman suggests that this contradictory impulse is typical of imperialist discourse which seeks to rationalise its own operations yet also simultaneously tries to maintain ruins such as Great Zimbabwe as "a vacant site of indeterminacy" (1990, 50), a place for speculation such as Baines's inscription "Supposed Realm of the Queen of Sheba" suggests. The popularity of Haggard's romances set in Africa made his contribution to the myth of ancient white civilisations in Africa, and in particular of Great Zimbabwe being the site of wealthy Ophir, potentially far-reaching.Tangri speculates: It mightnot be too cynical to perceivein the workof Haggarda influenceon laterwhite lay opinion in southern Africa, profound alreadyreceptiveto ideas aboutOphirand foreigncolonists after centuriesof foreign speculation.Certainly,local apostles of the Ophirtheorylike Chilverspaid due homageto Haggard,and the can be found in all early reportson basic ideas he perpetuated whichadvocatean exotic originfor the site. GreatZimbabwe (1990,295) Chilvers, mentioned above by Tangri as a subscriber to the 'white-built' theory of Great Zimbabwe, includes in his book, The Seven Wonders of Southern Africa (1929), a photograph of Haggard standing in front of the ruins during his 1914 visit reciting Andrew Lang's poem "Zimbabwe"to the members of the Royal Commission. He reinforces the popular link between Haggard, the ruins and his early fiction in his chapter on Great Zimbabwe: Behindthe walls of this toweringrock-pilelived RiderHaggard's the heroine of the vivid creation, 'She-who-must-be-obeyed':
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LINDYSTIEBEL romance which that master of fiction wrote in the white heat of an inspiration born of the mystery enveloping the Acropolis [of Great Zimbabwe]. (1929, 318)
This despite Haggard's protestations to the contrary mentioned earlier! In conclusion, one can say that both Baines and Haggard were part of the mythmaking discourse around Great Zimbabwe. Although Baines' s fascinating map with its reference to the "Supposed Realm of the Queen of Sheba" obviously had far smaller circulation by nature of its format than did Haggard's popular novels, nevertheless as a probable prompt to Haggard's literary imaginings and to many gold-seekers' actual journeys, its influence was powerful indeed. As for Haggard's African romances, especially King Solomon's Mines and She, their influence in attracting settlers to southern Africa was judged enormous by at least this Natal Witness journalist covering Haggard's 1914 visit: Who shall say how many strong and sturdy pioneers have been attracted from the pleasant Homeland to help in winning the African wilds to civilisation as a result of a romantic interest aroused in them when as boys they read and revelled in these romances? Haggard did more to advertise South Africa to the world when it was less known than any man of his time. (quoted in Coan 1997, 48) NOTE 1. Not only did Haggard create the treasure map in his fiction, he went to great lengths to create this artifact in reality too. Together with his sister-in-law, he made a map for King Solomon 's Mines, artificially aged it and had it inked. His pride in the seeming authenticity of the map is evident in a story he was fond of telling concerning an old lady travelling in a train compartment with him en route to taking the map to his publisher to be bound with the MS. The woman was reading King Solomon's Mines and was much taken with the picture of the map. Haggard took out the original map drawn on linen and studied it too, whereafter he exited the train leaving the old lady quite dumbfounded (Haggard 1892, 14). WORKSCITED Baines, Thomas. 1871. Letter to Carl Behrens. Campbell Collections, Durban. KCM91/1/3/3. .1877. The Gold Regions of South Eastern Africa. London: Edward Stanford; Port Elizabeth: J. W. C. Murray.
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Carruthers,Jane and Marion Arnold. 1995. The Life and Work of Thomas Baines. Vlaeberg: Fernwood Press. Chi1 vers, H A 1929. The Seven Wonders of Southern Africa. Johannesburg: Authority of the Administration of the South African Railway and Harbours. Chrisman, Laura. 1990. "The Imperial Unconscious? Representations of Imperial Discourse." Critical Quarterly 32.3: 38-58. . 1992. "Empire and Opposition: Literature of South Africa 1830-1920." D.Phil thesis, Oxford University. 2000. Rereading the Imperial Romance: British Imperialism and South African Resistance in Haggard, Schreiner and Plaatje. London: Clarendon Press. Coan, Stephen. 1997. "'When I Was Concerned With Great Men and Great Events': Sir Rider Haggard in Natal." Natalia 26: 17-58. Etherington, Norman. 1977a. "South African Origins of Rider Haggard's Early African Romances." Notes and Queries Oct.: 436-38. . 1977b. "Rider Haggard's ImperialRomances." Meanjin Quarterly. 36 (July): 189-99. Haggard, Henry Rider.1892."HlustratedInterviews No. VII: Mr H. Rider Haggard." Strand Magazine 3: 2-17. . 1915. The Holy Flower. London and Melbourne: Ward, Lock and Co. . 1916. Elissa: The Doom of Zimbabwe. London: Hodder and Stoughton. . 1986 (1906). Benita. Poole: New OrchardEditions. . 1991 (1886). She. A Critical Edition of H. Rider Haggard's Victorian Romance with an Introduction and Notes by Norman Etherington. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP. . 1992 (1885). King Solomon's Mines. Oxford: OUP. . 2000. Diary of an African Journey: The Return of Rider Haggard. Ed. Stephen Coan. Pietermaritzburg:U of Natal P. Haggard, Lilias. 1951. The Cloak That I Left: A Biography of the Author Henry Rider Haggard KBE. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Tangri, Daniel. 1990. "Popular Fiction and the Zimbabwe Controversy." History in Africa 17: 293-304. Wallis, J. P. R., ed. 1946. The Northern Goldfields Diaries of Thomas Baines (3 vols). London: Chatto and Windus. . 1976. Thomas Baines: His Life and Exploration in South Africa, Rhodesia and Australia 1820-1875. Cape Town and Rotterdam:A. A. Balkema. Wilmot, A. 1896. Monomotapa (Rhodesia). Its Monuments, and Its History From the Most Ancient Times to the Present Century. London: T. Fisher Unwin.

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Creating a Landscape of Africa: Baines, Haggard and Great Zimbabwe

AINES, HAGGARDAND GREATZIMBABWE

after visiting Great

BAINES, HAGGARDAND GREATZIMBABWE

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