THE DOCTRINE OF FASCISM BENITO MUSSOLINI (1932)

(This article, co-written by Giovanni Gentile, is considered to be the most complete articulation of Mussolini's political views. This is the only complete official translation we know of on the web, copied directly from an official Fascist overnment publication of !"#$, Fascism Doctrine and Institutions, by %enito Mussolini, &rdita 'ublishers, (ome, pa es )-*+. This translation includes all the footnotes from the ori inal.,

NOTE: BRIEF STATEMENT OF PUBLICATIONS PRINCIPLES The -orld Future Fund serves as a source of documentary material, readin lists and internet links from different points of view that we believe have historical si nificance. The publ !"# $% $& #h ' ("#e) "l ' % %$ *"+ *h"#'$e,e) "% e%-$)'e(e%# $& #he'e , e*p$ %#' b+ #he .$)l- Fu#u)e Fu%-/ u%le'' e0pl ! #l+ '#"#e- b+ u'1 A' $u) *eb ' #e ("2e' ,e)+ !le")/ *e ")e #$#"ll+ $pp$'e- #$ -e"' 'u!h "' )"! '(/ )el 3 $u' %#$le)"%!e "%- !$((u% '(1 .owever, in order to combat such evils, it is necessary to understand them by means of the study of key documentary material. For a more detailed statement of our publications standards click here.

/ike all sound political conceptions, Fascism is action and it is thou ht0 action in which doctrine is immanent, and doctrine arisin from a iven system of historical forces in which it is inserted, and workin on them from within (!,. 1t has therefore a form correlated to contin encies of time and space0 but it has also an ideal content which makes it an e2pression of truth in the hi her re ion of the history of thou ht (+,. There is no way of e2ercisin a spiritual influence in the world as a human will dominatin the will of others, unless one has a conception both of the transient and the specific reality on which that action is to be e2ercised, and of the permanent and universal reality in which the transient dwells and has its bein . To know men one must know man0 and to know man one must be ac3uainted with reality and its laws. There can be no conception of the 4tate which is not fundamentally a conception of life5 philosophy or intuition, system of ideas evolvin within the framework of lo ic or concentrated in a vision or a faith, but always, at least potentially, an or anic conception of the world. Thus many of the practical e2pressions of Fascism such as party or ani6ation, system of education, and discipline can only be understood when considered in relation to its eneral attitude toward life. & spiritual attitude (#,. Fascism sees in the world not only those superficial, material aspects in which man appears as an individual, standin by himself, self-centered, sub7ect to natural law, which instinctively ur es him toward a life of selfish momentary pleasure0 it sees not only the individual but the nation and the country0 individuals and enerations bound to ether

by a moral law, with common traditions and a mission which suppressin the instinct for life closed in a brief circle of pleasure, builds up a hi her life, founded on duty, a life free from the limitations of time and space, in which the individual, by self-sacrifice, the renunciation of self-interest, by death itself, can achieve that purely spiritual e2istence in which his value as a man consists. The conception is therefore a spiritual one, arisin from the eneral reaction of the century a ainst the materialistic positivism of the 818th century. &nti-positivistic but positive0 neither skeptical nor a nostic0 neither pessimistic nor supinely optimistic as are, enerally speakin , the doctrines (all ne ative, which place the center of life outside man0 whereas, by the e2ercise of his free will, man can and must create his own world. Fascism wants man to be active and to en a e in action with all his ener ies0 it wants him to be manfully aware of the difficulties besettin him and ready to face them. 1t conceives of life as a stru le in which it behooves a man to win for himself a really worthy place, first of all by fittin himself (physically, morally, intellectually, to become the implement re3uired for winnin it. &s for the individual, so for the nation, and so for mankind (*,. .ence the hi h value of culture in all its forms (artistic, reli ious, scientific, ($, and the outstandin importance of education. .ence also the essential value of work, by which man sub7u ates nature and creates the human world (economic, political, ethical, and intellectual,. This positive conception of life is obviously an ethical one. 1t invests the whole field of reality as well as the human activities which master it. 9o action is e2empt from moral 7ud ment0 no activity can be despoiled of the value which a moral purpose confers on all thin s. Therefore life, as conceived of by the Fascist, is serious, austere, and reli ious0 all its manifestations are poised in a world sustained by moral forces and sub7ect to spiritual responsibilities. The Fascist disdains an :easy; life (<,. The Fascist conception of life is a reli ious one (),, in which man is viewed in his immanent relation to a hi her law, endowed with an ob7ective will transcendin the individual and raisin him to conscious membership of a spiritual society. ;Those who perceive nothin beyond opportunistic considerations in the reli ious policy of the Fascist re ime fail to reali6e that Fascism is not only a system of overnment but also and above all a system of thou ht. 1n the Fascist conception of history, man is man only by virtue of the spiritual process to which he contributes as a member of the family, the social roup, the nation, and in function of history to which all nations brin their contribution. .ence the reat value of tradition in records, in lan ua e, in customs, in the rules of social life (=,. >utside history man is a nonentity. Fascism is therefore opposed to all individualistic abstractions based on ei hteenth century materialism0 and it is opposed to all ?acobinistic utopias and innovations. 1t does not believe in the possibility of ;happiness; on earth as conceived by the economistic literature of the 8@111th century, and it therefore re7ects the theolo ical notion that at some future time the human family will secure a final settlement of all its difficulties. This notion runs counter to e2perience which teaches that life is in continual flu2 and in process of evolution. 1n politics Fascism aims at realism0 in practice it desires to deal only with those problems which are the spontaneous product of historic conditions and which find or su est

their own solutions (",. >nly by enterin in to the process of reality and takin possession of the forces at work within it, can man act on man and on nature (!A,. &nti-individualistic, the Fascist conception of life stresses the importance of the 4tate and accepts the individual only in so far as his interests coincide with those of the 4tate, which stands for the conscience and the universal, will of man as a historic entity (!!,. 1t is opposed to classical liberalism which arose as a reaction to absolutism and e2hausted its historical function when the 4tate became the e2pression of the conscience and will of the people. /iberalism denied the 4tate in the name of the individual0 Fascism reasserts The ri hts of the 4tate as e2pressin the real essence of the individual (!+,. &nd if liberty is to he the attribute of livin men and not of abstract dummies invented by individualistic liberalism, then Fascism stands for liberty, and for the only liberty worth havin , the liberty of the 4tate and of the individual within the 4tate (!#,. The Fascist conception of the 4tate is all embracin 0 outside of it no human or spiritual values can e2ist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism, is totalitarian, and the Fascist 4tate - a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values - interprets, develops, and potentates the whole life of a people (!*,. 9o individuals or roups (political parties, cultural associations, economic unions, social classes, outside the 4tate (!$,. Fascism is therefore opposed to 4ocialism to which unity within the 4tate (which amal amates classes into a sin le economic and ethical reality, is unknown, and which sees in history nothin but the class stru le. Fascism is likewise opposed to trade unionism as a class weapon. %ut when brou ht within the orbit of the 4tate, Fascism reco ni6es the real needs which ave rise to socialism and trade unionism, ivin them due wei ht in the uild or corporative system in which diver ent interests are coordinated and harmoni6ed in the unity of the 4tate (!<,. Grouped accordin to their several interests, individuals form classes0 they form trade-unions when or ani6ed accordin to their several economic activities0 but first and foremost they form the 4tate, which is no mere matter of numbers, the suns of the individuals formin the ma7ority. Fascism is therefore opposed to that form of democracy which e3uates a nation to the ma7ority, lowerin it to the level of the lar est number (!),0 but it is the purest form of democracy if the nation be considered as it should be from the point of view of 3uality rather than 3uantity, as an idea, the mi htiest because the most ethical, the most coherent, the truest, e2pressin itself in a people as the conscience and will of the few, if not, indeed, of one, and endin to e2press itself in the conscience and the will of the mass, of the whole roup ethnically molded by natural and historical conditions into a nation, advancin , as one conscience and one will, alon the self same line of development and spiritual formation (!=,. 9ot a race, nor a eo raphically defined re ion, but a people, historically perpetuatin itself0 a multitude unified by an idea and imbued with the will to live, the will to power, self-consciousness, personality (!",. 1n so far as it is embodied in a 4tate, this hi her personality becomes a nation. 1t is not the nation which enerates the 4tate0 that is an anti3uated naturalistic concept which afforded a basis for 818th century publicity in favor of national overnments. (ather is it the 4tate which creates the nation, conferrin volition and therefore real life on a people made aware of their moral unity.

The ri ht to national independence does not arise from any merely literary and idealistic form of self-consciousness0 still less from a more or less passive and unconscious de facto situation, but from an active, self-conscious, political will e2pressin itself in action and ready to prove its ri hts. 1t arises, in short, from the e2istence, at least in fieri, of a 4tate. 1ndeed, it is the 4tate which, as the e2pression of a universal ethical will, creates the ri ht to national independence (+A,. & nation, as e2pressed in the 4tate, is a livin , ethical entity only in so far as it is pro ressive. 1nactivity is death. Therefore the 4tate is not only &uthority which overns and confers le al form and spiritual value on individual wills, but it is also 'ower which makes its will felt and respected beyond its own frontiers, thus affordin practical proof of the universal character of the decisions necessary to ensure its development. This implies or ani6ation and e2pansion, potential if not actual. Thus the 4tate e3uates itself to the will of man, whose development cannot he checked by obstacles and which, by achievin self-e2pression, demonstrates its infinity (+!,. The Fascist 4tate , as a hi her and more powerful e2pression of personality, is a force, but a spiritual one. 1t sums up all the manifestations of the moral and intellectual life of man. 1ts functions cannot therefore be limited to those of enforcin order and keepin the peace, as the liberal doctrine had it. 1t is no mere mechanical device for definin the sphere within which the individual may duly e2ercise his supposed ri hts. The Fascist 4tate is an inwardly accepted standard and rule of conduct, a discipline of the whole person0 it permeates the will no less than the intellect. 1t stands for a principle which becomes the central motive of man as a member of civili6ed society, sinkin deep down into his personality0 it dwells in the heart of the man of action and of the thinker, of the artist and of the man of science5 soul of the soul (++,. Fascism, in short, is not only a law- iver and a founder of institutions, but an educator and a promoter of spiritual life. 1t aims at refashionin not only the forms of life but their content - man, his character, and his faith. To achieve this propose it enforces discipline and uses authority, enterin into the soul and rulin with undisputed sway. Therefore it has chosen as its emblem the /ictorBs rods, the symbol of unity, stren th, and 7ustice.

POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DOCTRINE

-hen in the now distant March of !"!", speakin throu h the columns of the Popolo d'Italia I summoned to Milan the survivin interventionists who had intervened, and who had followed me ever since the foundation of the Fascist of revolutionary action in ?anuary !"!$, 1 had in mind no specific doctrinal pro ram. The only doctrine of which 1 had practical e2perience was that of socialism, from until the winter of !"!* - nearly a decade. My e2perience was that both of a follower and a leader but it was not doctrinal e2perience. My doctrine durin that period had been the doctrine of action. & uniform, universally accepted doctrine of 4ocialism had not e2isted since !"A$, when the revisionist movement, headed by %ernstein, arose in Germany, countered by the formation, in the see-saw of tendencies, of a left revolutionary movement which

in 1taly never 3uitted the field of phrases, whereas, in the case of (ussian socialism, it became the prelude to %olshevism. (eformism, revolutionism, centrism, the very echo of that terminolo y is dead, while in the reat river of Fascism one can trace currents which had their source in 4orel, 'e uy, /a ardelle of the Movement Socialists, and in the cohort of 1talian syndicalist who from !"A* to !"!* brou ht a new note into the 1talian socialist environment - previously emasculated and chloroformed by fornicatin with Giolitti's party - a note sounded in >livetti's Pagine Libere, >rano's Lupa, Cnrico /eone's Divenirs Socials. -hen the war ended in !"!" 4ocialism, as a doctrine, was already dead0 it continued to e2ist only as a rud e, especially in 1taly where its only chance lay in incitin to reprisals a ainst the men who had willed the war and who were to be made to pay for it. The Popolo d'Italia described itself in its subtitle as the daily or an of fi hters and producers. The word producer was already the e2pression of a mental trend. Fascism was not the nurslin of a doctrine previously drafted at a desk0 it was born of the need of action, and was action0 it was not a party but, in the first two years, an anti-party and a movement. The name 1 ave the or ani6ation fi2ed its character. Det if anyone cares to reread the now crumpled sheets of those days ivin an account of the meetin at which the 1talian Fasci di combattimento were founded, he will find not a doctrine but a series of pointers, forecasts, hints which, when freed from the inevitable matri2 of contin encies, were to develop in a few years time into a series of doctrinal positions entitlin Fascism to rank as a political doctrine differin from all others, past or present. :1f the bour eoisie - 1 then said - believe that they have found in us their li htenin -conductors, they arc mistaken. -e must o towards the people... -e wish the workin classes to accustom themselves to the responsibilities of mana ement so that they may reali6e that it is no easy matter to run a business... -e will fi ht both technical and spiritual rear- uirdism... 9ow that the succession of the re ime is open we must not be fainthearted. -e must rush forward0 if the present re ime is to be superseded we must take its place. The ri ht of succession is ours, for we ur ed the country to enter the war and we led it to victory... The e2istin forms of political representation cannot satisfy us0 we want direst representation of the several interests... 1t may be ob7ected that this pro ram implies a return to the uilds (corpora6ioni,. 9o matterE . 1 therefore hope this assembly will accept the economic claims advanced by national syndicalism F 1s it not stran e that from the very first day, at 'ia66a 4an 4epolcro, the word ; uild; (corpora6ione, was pronounced, a word which, as the (evolution developed, was to e2press one of the basic le islative and social creations of the re imeG The years precedin the March on (ome cover a period durin which the need of action forbade delay and careful doctrinal elaborations. Fi htin was oin on in the towns and villa es. There were discussions but... there was some-

thin more sacred and more important... death... Fascists knew how to die. & doctrine - fully elaborated, divided up into chapters and para raphs with annotations, may have been lackin , but it was replaced by somethin far m 5, re decisive, - by a faith. &ll the same, if with the help of books, articles, resolutions passed at con resses, ma7or and minor speeches, anyone should care to revive the memory of those days, he will find, provided he knows how to seek and select, that the doctrinal foundations were laid while the battle was still ra in . 1ndeed, it was durin those years that Fascist thou ht armed, refined itself, and proceeded ahead with its or ani6ation. The problems of the individual and the 4tate0 the problems of authority and liberty0 political, social, and more especially national problems were discussed0 the conflict with liberal, democratic, socialistic, Masonic doctrines and with those of the Partito Popolare, was carried on at the same time as the punitive e2peditions. 9evertheless, the lack of a formal system was used by disin enuous adversaries as an ar ument for proclaimin Fascism incapable of elaboratin a doctrine at the very time when that doctrine was bein formulated - no matter how tumultuously, - first, as is the case with all new ideas, in the uise of violent do matic ne ations0 then in the more positive uise of constructive theories, subse3uently incorporated, in !"+<, 19 !, and !"+=, in the laws and institutions of the re ime. Fascism is now clearly defined not only as a re ime but as a doctrine. This means that Fascism, e2ercisin its critical faculties on itself and on others, has studied from its own special standpoint and 7ud ed by its own standards all the problems affectin the material and intellectual interests now causin such rave an2iety to the nations of the world, and is ready to deal with them by its own policies. First of all, as re ards the future development of mankind, and 3uite apart from all present political considerations. Fascism does not, enerally speakin , believe in the possibility or utility of perpetual peace. 1t therefore discards pacifism as a cloak for cowardly supine renunciation in contradistinction to self-sacrifice. -ar alone keys up all human ener ies to their ma2imum tension and sets the seal of nobility on those peoples who have the coura e to face it. &ll other tests are substitutes which never place a man face to face with himself before the alternative of life or death. Therefore all doctrines which postulate peace at all costs are incompatible with Fascism. C3ually forei n to the spirit of Fascism, even if accepted as useful in meetin special political situations -- are all internationalistic or /ea ue superstructures which, as history shows, crumble to the round whenever the heart of nations is deeply stirred by sentimental, idealistic or practical considerations. Fascism carries this antipacifistic attitude into the life of the individual. ; 1 don't care a damn H "me ne frego# $ the proud motto of the fi htin s3uads scrawled by a wounded man on his banda es, is not only an act of philosophic stoicism, it sums up a doctrine which is not merely political5 it is evidence of a fi htin spirit which accepts all risks. 1t si nifies new style of 1talian life. The Fascist accepts and loves life0 he re7ects and despises suicide as cowardly. /ife as he understands it means duty, elevation, con3uest0 life must be lofty and full, it must be lived for oneself but above all for others, both near bye and far off, present and future. The population policy of the re ime is the conse3uence of these premises. The Fascist loves his nei hbor, but the word nei hbor :does not stand for some va ue and unsei6able conception. /ove of one's nei hbor does not e2clude necessary

educational severity0 still less does it e2clude differentiation and rank. Fascism will have nothin to do with universal embraces0 as a member of the community of nations it looks other peoples strai ht in the eyes0 it is vi ilant and on its uard0 it follows others in all their manifestations and notes any chan es in their interests0 and it does not allow itself to be deceived by mutable and fallacious appearances. 4uch a conception of life makes Fascism the resolute ne ation of the doctrine underlyin so-called scientific and Mar2ian socialism, the doctrine of historic materialism which would e2plain the history of mankind in terms of the class stru le and by chan es in the processes and instruments of production, to the e2clusion of all else. That the vicissitudes of economic life - discoveries of raw materials, new technical processes, and scientific inventions - have their importance, no one denies0 but that they suffice to e2plain human history to the e2clusion of other factors is absurd. Fascism believes now and always in sanctity and heroism, that is to say in acts in which no economic motive - remote or immediate - is at work. .avin denied historic materialism, which sees in men mere puppets on the surface of history, appearin and disappearin on the crest of the waves while in the depths the real directin forces move and work, Fascism also denies the immutable and irreparable character of the class stru le which is the natural outcome of this economic conception of history0 above all it denies that the class stru le is the preponderatin a ent in social transformations. .avin thus struck a blow at socialism in the two main points of its doctrine, all that remains of it is the sentimental aspiration-old as humanity itself-toward social relations in which the sufferin s and sorrows of the humbler folk will be alleviated. %ut here a ain Fascism re7ects the economic interpretation of felicity as somethin to be secured socialistically, almost automatically, at a iven sta e of economic evolution when all will be assured a ma2imum of material comfort. Fascism denies the materialistic conception of happiness as a possibility, and abandons it to the economists of the mid-ei hteenth century. This means that Fascism denies the e3uation5 well-bein I happiness, which sees in men mere animals, content when they can feed and fatten, thus reducin them to a ve etative e2istence pure and simple. &fter socialism, Fascism trains its uns on the whole block of democratic ideolo ies, and re7ects both their premises and their practical applications and implements. Fascism denies that numbers, as such, can be the determinin factor in human society0 it denies the ri ht of numbers to overn by means of periodical consultations0 it asserts the irremediable and fertile and beneficent ine3uality of men who cannot be leveled by any such mechanical and e2trinsic device as universal suffra e. Jemocratic re imes may be described as those under which the people are, from time to time, deluded into the belief that they e2ercise soverei nty, while all the time real soverei nty resides in and is e2ercised by other and sometimes irresponsible and secret forces. Jemocracy is a kin less re ime infested by many kin s who are sometimes more e2clusive, tyrannical, and destructive than one, even if he be a tyrant. This e2plains why Fascism - althou h, for contin ent reasons, it was republican in tendency prior to !"++ - abandoned that stand before the March on (ome, convinced that the form of overnment is no lon er a matter of

preeminent importance, and because the study of past and present monarchies and past and present republics shows that neither monarchy nor republic can be 7ud ed sub specie aeternitatis, but that each stands for a form of overnment e2pressin the political evolution, the history, the traditions, and the psycholo y of a iven country. Fascism has out rown the dilemma5 monarchy v. republic, over which democratic re imes too lon dallied, attributin all insufficiencies to the former and pronin the latter as a re ime of perfection, whereas e2perience teaches that some republics are inherently reactionary and absolutist while some monarchies accept the most darin political and social e2periments. 1n one of his philosophic Meditations (enan - who had prefascist intuitions remarks, ;(eason and science are the products of mankind, but it is chimerical to seek reason directly for the people and throu h the people. 1t is not essential to the e2istence of reason that all should be familiar with it0 and even if all had to be initiated, this could not be achieved throu h democracy which seems fated to lead to the e2tinction of all arduous forms of culture and all hi hest forms of learnin . The ma2im that society e2ists only for the well-bein and freedom of the individuals composin it does not seem to be in conformity with nature's plans, which care only for the species and seem ready to sacrifice the individual. 1t is much to be feared that the last word of democracy thus understood (and let me hasten to add that it is susceptible of a different interpretation, would be a form of society in which a de enerate mass would have no thou ht beyond that of en7oyin the i noble pleasures of the vul ar ;. 1n re7ectin democracy Fascism re7ects the absurd conventional lie of political e3ualitarianism, the habit of collective irresponsibility, the myth of felicity and indefinite pro ress. %ut if democracy be understood as meanin a re ime in which the masses are not driven back to the mar in of the 4tate, and then the writer of these pa es has already defined Fascism as an or ani6ed, centrali6ed, authoritarian democracy. Fascism is definitely and absolutely opposed to the doctrines of liberalism, both in the political and the economic sphere. The importance of liberalism in the 818th century should not be e2a erated for present day polemical purposes, nor should we make of one of the many doctrines which flourished in that century a reli ion for mankind for the present and for all time to come. /iberalism really flourished for fifteen years only. 1t arose in !=#A as a reaction to the .oly &lliance which tried to force Curope to recede further back than !)="0 it touched its 6enith in !=*= when even 'ius 18th was a liberal. 1ts decline be an immediately after that year. 1f !=*= was a year of li ht and poetry, !=*" was a year of darkness and tra edy. The (oman (epublic was killed by a sister republic, that of France . 1n that same year Mar2, in his famous Kommunist Manifesto, launched the ospel of socialism. 1n !=$! 9apoleon 111 made his illiberal coup d'etat and ruled France until !=)A when he was turned out by a popular risin followin one of the severest military defeats known to history. The victor was %ismarck who never even knew the whereabouts of liberalism and its prophets. 1t is symptomatic that throu hout the

818th century the reli ion of liberalism was completely unknown to so hi hly civili6ed a people as the Germans but for one parenthesis which has been described as the :ridiculous parliament of Frankfort ; which lasted 7ust one season. Germany attained her national unity outside liberalism and in opposition to liberalism, a doctrine which seems forei n to the German temperament, essentially monarchical, whereas liberalism is the historic and lo ical anteroom to anarchy. The three sta es in the makin of German unity were the three wars of !=<*, !=<<, and !=)A, led by such ;liberals; as Moltke and %ismarck. &nd in the upbuildin of 1talian unity liberalism played a very minor part when compared to the contribution made by Ma66ini and Garibaldi who were not liberals. %ut for the intervention of the illiberal 9apoleon 111 we should not have had /ombardy, and without that of the illiberal %ismarck at 4adowa and at 4edan very probably we should not have had @enetia in !=<< and in !=)A we should not have entered (ome. The years oin from !=)A to !"!$ cover a period which marked, even in the opinion of the hi h priests of the new creed, the twili ht of their reli ion, attacked by decadentism in literature and by activism in practice. &ctivism5 that is to say nationalism, futurism, fascism. The liberal century, after pilin up innumerable Gordian Lnots, tried to cut them with the sword of the world war. 9ever has any reli ion claimed so cruel a sacrifice. -ere the Gods of liberalism thirstin for bloodG 9ow liberalism is preparin to close the doors of its temples, deserted by the peoples who feel that the a nosticism it professed in the sphere of economics and the indifferentism of which it has iven proof in the sphere of politics and morals, would lead the world to ruin in the future as they have done in the past. This e2plains why all the political e2periments of our day are anti-liberal, and it is supremely ridiculous to endeavor on this account to put them outside the pale of history, as thou h history were a preserve set aside for liberalism and its adepts0 as thou h liberalism were the last word in civili6ation beyond which no one can o. The Fascist ne ation of socialism, democracy, liberalism, should not, however, be interpreted as implyin a desire to drive the world backwards to positions occupied prior to !)=", a year commonly referred to as that which opened the demo-liberal century. .istory does not travel backwards. The Fascist doctrine has not taken Je Maistre as its prophet. Monarchical absolutism is of the past, and so is ecclesiolatry. Jead and done for are feudal privile es and the division of society into closed, uncommunicatin castes. 9either has the Fascist conception of authority anythin in common with that of a police ridden 4tate. & party overnin a nation :totalitarianly; is a new departure in history. There are no points of reference nor of comparison. From beneath the ruins of liberal, socialist, and democratic doctrines, Fascism e2tracts those elements which are still vital. 1t preserves what may be described as ;the ac3uired facts; of history0 it re7ects all else. That is to say, it re7ects the idea of a doctrine suited to all times and to all people. Granted that the 818th century was the century of socialism, liberalism, democracy, this does not mean that the 88th century must also be the century of socialism, liberalism, democracy. 'olitical doctrines pass0 nations remain.

-e are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tendin to the ; ri ht ;, a Fascist century. 1f the 818th century was the century of the individual (liberalism implies individualism, we are free to believe that this is the ;collective; century, and therefore the century of the 4tate. 1t is 3uite lo ical for a new doctrine to make use of the still vital elements of other doctrines. 9o doctrine was ever born 3uite new and bri ht and unheard of. 9o doctrine can boast absolute ori inality. 1t is always connected, it only historically, with those which preceded it and those which will follow it. Thus the scientific socialism of Mar2 links up to the utopian socialism of the Fouriers, the >wens, the 4aint-4imons 0 thus the liberalism of the 818th century traces its ori in back to the illuministic movement of the 8@111th, and the doctrines of democracy to those of the Cncyclopaedists. &ll doctrines aim at directin the activities of men towards a iven ob7ective0 but these activities in their turn react on the doctrine, modifyin and ad7ustin it to new needs, or outstrippin it. & doctrine must therefore be a vital act and not a verbal display. .ence the pra matic strain in Fascism, itBs will to power, its will to live, its attitude toward violence, and its value. The keystone of the Fascist doctrine is its conception of the 4tate, of its essence, its functions, and its aims. For Fascism the 4tate is absolute, individuals and roups relative. 1ndividuals and roups are admissible in so far as they come within the 4tate. 1nstead of directin the ame and uidin the material and moral pro ress of the community, the liberal 4tate restricts its activities to recordin results. The Fascist 4tate is wide awake and has a will of its own. For this reason it can be described as ; ethical ;. &t the first 3uin3uennial assembly of the re ime, in !"+", 1 said :The Fascist 4tate is not a ni ht watchman, solicitous only of the personal safety of the citi6ens0 not is it or ani6ed e2clusively for the purpose of uarantyin a certain de ree of material prosperity and relatively peaceful conditions of life, a board of directors would do as much. 9either is it e2clusively political, divorced from practical realities and holdin itself aloof from the multifarious activities of the citi6ens and the nation. The 4tate, as conceived and reali6ed by Fascism, is a spiritual and ethical entity for securin the political, 7uridical, and economic or ani6ation of the nation, an or ani6ation which in its ori in and rowth is a manifestation of the spirit. The 4tate uarantees the internal and e2ternal safety of the country, but it also safe uards and transmits the spirit of the people, elaborated down the a es in its lan ua e, its customs, its faith. The 4tate is not only the present0 it is also the past and above all the future. Transcendin the individual's brief spell of life, the 4tate stands for the immanent conscience of the nation. The forms in which it finds e2pression chan e, but the need for it remains. The 4tate educates the citi6ens to civism, makes them aware of their mission, ur es them to unity0 its 7ustice harmoni6es their diver ent interests0 it transmits to future enerations the con3uests of the mind in the fields of science, art, law, human solidarity0 it leads men up from primitive tribal life to that hi hest manifestation of human power, imperial rule. The 4tate hands down to future enerations the memory of those who laid down their lives to ensure its safety or to obey its laws0 it sets up as e2amples and records for future a es the names of the captains who enlar ed its territory and of the men of enius who have made it famous. -henever respect for the 4tate declines and the disinte ratin and centrifu al tendencies of individuals and roups prevail, nations are headed for decay;.

4ince !"+" economic and political development have everywhere emphasi6ed these truths. The importance of the 4tate is rapidly rowin . The so-called crisis can only be settled by 4tate action and within the orbit of the 4tate. -here are the shades of the ?ules 4imons who, in the early days of liberalism proclaimed that the ;4tate should endeavor to render itself useless and prepare to hand in its resi nation ;G >r of the MacKullochs who, in the second half of last century, ur ed that the 4tate should desist from overnin too muchG &nd what of the Cn lish %entham who considered that all industry asked of overnment was to be left alone, and of the German .umbolt who e2pressed the opinion that the best overnment was a la6y ; oneG -hat would they say now to the unceasin , inevitable, and ur ently re3uested interventions of overnment in businessG 1t is true that the second eneration of economists was less uncompromisin in this respect than the first, and that even &dam 4mith left the door a7ar - however cautiously - for overnment intervention in business. 1f liberalism spells individualism, Fascism spells overnment. The Fascist 4tate is, however, a uni3ue and ori inal creation. 1t is not reactionary but revolutionary, for it anticipates the solution of certain universal problems which have been raised elsewhere, in the political field by the splittin up of parties, the usurpation of power by parliaments, the irresponsibility of assemblies0 in the economic field by the increasin ly numerous and important functions dischar ed by trade unions and trade associations with their disputes and ententes, affectin both capital and labor0 in the ethical field by the need felt for order, discipline, obedience to the moral dictates of patriotism. Fascism desires the 4tate to be stron and or anic, based on broad foundations of popular support. The Fascist 4tate lays claim to rule in the economic field no less than in others0 it makes its action felt throu hout the len th and breadth of the country by means of its corporative, social, and educational institutions, and all the political, economic, and spiritual forces of the nation, or ani6ed in their respective associations, circulate within the 4tate. & 4tate based on millions of individuals who reco ni6e its authority, feel its action, and are ready to serve its ends is not the tyrannical state of a mediaeval lordlin . 1t has nothin in common with the despotic 4tates e2istin prior to or subse3uent to !)=". Far from crushin the individual, the Fascist 4tate multiplies his ener ies, 7ust as in a re iment a soldier is not diminished but multiplied by the number of his fellow soldiers. The Fascist 4tate or ani6es the nation, but it leaves the individual ade3uate elbow room. 1t has curtailed useless or harmful liberties while preservin those which are essential. 1n such matters the individual cannot be the 7ud e, but the 4tate only. The Fascist 4tate is not indifferent to reli ious phenomena in eneral nor does it maintain an attitude of indifference to (oman Katholicism, the special, positive reli ion of 1talians. The 4tate has not ot a theolo y but it has a moral code. The Fascist 4tate sees in reli ion one of the deepest of spiritual manifestations and for this reason it not only respects reli ion but defends and protects it. The Fascist 4tate does not attempt, as did (obespierre at the hei ht of the revolutionary delirium of the Konvention, to set up a ; odM of its own0 nor does it vainly seek, as does %olshevism, to efface God from the soul of man. Fascism

respects the God of ascetics, saints, and heroes, and it also respects God as conceived by the in enuous and primitive heart of the people, the God to whom their prayers are raised. The Fascist 4tate e2presses the will to e2ercise power and to command. .ere the (oman tradition is embodied in a conception of stren th. 1mperial power, as understood by the Fascist doctrine, is not only territorial, or military, or commercial0 it is also spiritual and ethical. &n imperial nation, that is to say a nation a which directly or indirectly is a leader of others, can e2ist without the need of con3uerin a sin le s3uare mile of territory. Fascism sees in the imperialistic spirit -- i.e. in the tendency of nations to e2pand - a manifestation of their vitality. 1n the opposite tendency, which would limit their interests to the home country, it sees a symptom of decadence. 'eoples who rise or rearise are imperialistic0 renunciation is characteristic of dyin peoples. The Fascist doctrine is that best suited to the tendencies and feelin s of a people which, like the 1talian, after lyin fallow durin centuries of forei n servitude, are now reassertin itself in the world. %ut imperialism implies discipline, the coordination of efforts, a deep sense of duty and a spirit of self-sacrifice. This e2plains many aspects of the practical activity of the re ime, and the direction taken by many of the forces of the 4tate, as also the severity which has to be e2ercised towards those who would oppose this spontaneous and inevitable movement of 88th century 1taly by a itatin out rown ideolo ies of the 818th century, ideolo ies re7ected wherever reat e2periments in political and social transformations are bein dared. 9ever before have the peoples thirsted for authority, direction, order, as they do now. 1f each a e has its doctrine, then innumerable symptoms indicate that the doctrine of our a e is the Fascist. That it is vital is shown by the fact that it has aroused a faith0 that this faith has con3uered souls is shown by the fact that Fascism can point to its fallen heroes and its martyrs. Fascism has now ac3uired throu hout the world that universally which belon s to all doctrines which by achievin self-e2pression represent a moment in the history of human thou ht.

APPENDI4
11 Ph l$'$ph ! !$%!ep# $% (!, 1f Fascism does not wish to provide itself with a doctrine. Det clin in to us for all eternity, unforeseen. This doctrine shall be in our daily life. die or, worse still, commit suicide, it must now this shall not and must not be a robe of 9essus for tomorrow is some thin mysterious and a norm to uide political and individual action

1 who have 1 dictated this doctrine, am the first to reali6e that the modest tables of our laws and pro ram the theoretical and practical uidance of Fascism should be revised, corrected, enlar ed, developed, because already in parts they have suffered in7ury at the hand of time. 1 believe the essence and fundamentals of the doctrine

are still to be found in the postulates which throu hout two years have acted as a call to arms for the recruits of 1talian Fascism. .owever, in takin those first fundamental assumptions for a startin point, we must proceed to carry our pro ram into a vaster field. 1talian Fascists, one and all, should cooperate in this task, one of vital importance to Fascism, and more especially those who belon to re ions where with and without a reement peaceful coe2istence has been achieved between two anta onistic movements. The word 1 am about to use is a reat one, but indeed 1 do wish that durin the two months which are still to elapse before our 9ational &ssembly meets, the philosophy of Fascism could be created. Milan is already contributin with the first Fascist school of propa anda. 1t is not merely a 3uestion of atherin elements for a pro ram, to be used as a solid foundation for the constitution of a party which must inevitably arise from the Fascist movement0 it is also a 3uestion of denyin the silly tale that Fascism is all made up of violent men. 1n point of fact amon Fascists there are many men who belon to the restless but meditative class. The new course taken by Fascist activity will in no way diminish the fi htin spirit typical of Fascism. To furnish the mind with doctrines and creeds does not mean to disarm, rather it si nifies to stren then our power of action, and make us ever more conscious of our work. 4oldiers who fi ht fully conscious of the cause make the best of warriors. Fascism takes for its own the twofold device of Ma66ini 5 Thou ht and &ction u. "Letter to Mic%ele &ianc%i, written on &u ust +), !"+!, for the openin of the 4chool of Fascist Kulture and 'ropa anda in Milan, in Messaggi e Proclami, Milano, /ibreria d'1talia, !"+", '. #",. Fascists must be placed in contact with one another0 their activity must be an activity of doctrine, an activity of the spirit and of thou ht .ad our adversaries been present at our meetin , they would have been convinced that Fascism is not only action, but thou ht as well (4peech before the 9ational Kouncil of the Fascist 'arty, &u ust =, !"+*, in La 'uova Politica dell'Italia, Milano, &lpes, !"+=, p. +<),. (+, Today 1 hold that Fascism as an idea, a doctrine, a reali6ation, is universal0 it is 1talian in its particular institutions, but it is universal in the spirit, nor could it be otherwise. The spirit is universal by reason of its nature. Therefore anyone may foresee a Fascist Curope. Jrawin inspiration for her institutions from the doctrine and practice of Fascism0 Curope , in other words, ivin a Fascist turn to the solution of problems which beset the modern 4tate, the Twentieth Kentury 4tate which is very different from the 4tates e2istin before !)=", and the 4tates formed immediately after. Today Fascism fills universal re3uirements0 Fascism solves the threefold problem of relations between 4tate and individual, between 4tate and associations, between associations and or ani6ed associations. (Messa e for the year ! >ctober +), !"#A, in Discorsi del 19(), Milano, &lpes, !"#!, p. +!!,.

21 Sp ) #u"l 5e- !$%!ep# $% (#, This political process is flanked by a philosophic process. 1f it be true that matter was on the altars for one century, today it is the spirit which takes its place. &ll manifestations peculiar to the democratic spirit are conse3uently repudiated5 easy oin ness, improvisation, the lack of a personal sense of responsibility, the e2altation of numbers and of that mysterious divinity called n The 'eople a. &ll creations of the spirit startin with that reli ious are comin to the fore, and nobody dare keep up the attitude of anticlericalism which, for several decades, was a favorite with Jemocracy in the -estern world. %y sayin that God is returnin , we mean that spiritual values are returnin . "Da t%e parte va it mondo, in *empi della +ivolu,ione Fascista, Milano, &lpes, !"#A, p. #*,. There is a field reserved more to meditation upon the supreme ends of life than to a research of these ends. Konse3uently science starts from e2perience, but breaks out fatally into p%ilosop%- and, in my opinion, p%ilosop%- alone can enli hten science and lead to the universal idea. (To the Kon ress of 4cience at %olo na , >ctober #!, !",+<, in Discorsi del 19 .. Milano, &lpes, !"+), p. +<=,. 1n order to understand the Fascist movement one must first appreciate the underlyin spiritual phenomenon in all its vastness and depth. The manifestations of the movement have been of a powerful and decisive nature, but one should o further. 1n point of fact 1talian Fascism has not only been a political revolt a ainst weak and incapable overnments who had allowed 4tate authority to decay and were threatenin to arrest the pro ress of the country, but also a spiritual revolt a ainst old ideas which had corrupted the sacred principles of reli ion, of faith, of country. Fascism, therefore, has been a revolt of the people. (Messa e to the %ritish people0 ?anuary $, !"+*, in Messaggi e Proclami, Milano, /ibreria d' 1talia, !"+", p. !A),. (3) P$' # ,e !$%!ep# $% $& l &e "' " '#)u33le

(*, 4tru le is at the ori in of all thin s, for life is full of contrasts5 there is love and hatred, white and black, day and ni ht, ood and evil0 and until these contrasts achieve balance, stru le fatefully remains at the root of human nature. .owever, it is ood for it to be so. Today we can indul e in wars, economic battles, conflicts of ideas, but if a day came to pass when stru le ceased to e2ist, that day would be tin ed with melancholy0 it would be a day of ruin, the day of endin . %ut that day will not come, because history ever discloses new hori6ons. %y attemptin to restore calm, peace, tran3uility, or. & would be fi htin the tendencies of the present period of dynamism. >re must be prepared for other stru les and for other surprises. 'eace will only come when people surrender to a Khristian dream of universal brotherhood, when they can hold out hands across the ocean and over the mountains. 'ersonally 1 do not believe very much in these idealisms, but 1 do not e2clude them for 1 e2clude nothin . (&t the 'oliteama (ossetti, Trieste , 4eptember ), 19 ) / in Discorsi Politici, Milano, 4tab. Tipo rafico del N 'opolo d' 1talia 0 , 19 1, p. !A),. ($, For me the honor of nations consists in the contribution they have severally made to human civili6ation. (C. /udwi , *al1s 2it% Mussolini, /ondon, &llen and Onwin, 19( , p. 199#

61 E#h !"l !$%!ep# $% 1 called the or ani6ation Fasci 1taliani Ji combat tin onto. This hard metallic name compromised the whole pro ram of Fascism as 1 dreamed it. Komrades, this is still our pro ram5 fi ht. /ife for the Fascist is a continuous, ceaseless fi ht, which we accept with ease, with reat coura e, with the necessary intrepidity. (K n the @11th anniversary of the Foundation of the Fasci, March 3, 19 ., in Discorsi del 19 ., Milano, &lpes, 19 ), '. 9=,. Dou touch the core of Fascist philosophy. -hen recently a Finnish philosopher asked me to e2pound to him the si nificance of Fascism in one sentence, 1 wrote in German5 ((-e are a ainst the :easy, liftE a. (C. /udwi 5 *al1s 2it% Mussolini, /ondon, &llen and Onwin, 19( , p. 19)#. 71 Rel 3 $u' !$%!ep# $% (), 1f Fascism were not a creed how could it endow its followers with coura e and stoicism only a creed which has soared to the hei hts of reli ion can inspire such words as passed the lips, now lifeless alas, of Federico Florio. "Legami di Sangue, in Diuturna, Mi lano, &lpes, 19(), p. 4.#. 81 H '#$) !"l "%- )e"l '# ! !$%!ep# $% (=, Tradition certainly is one of the reatest spiritual forces of a people, inasmuch as it is a successive and constant creation of their soul. "&reve Preludio, in *empi della +ivolu,ione Fascista, Milano, &lpes, 19(), P$ 1(# "9# >ur temperament leads us to appraise the concrete aspect of problems, rather than their ideolo ical or mystical sublimation. Therefore we easily re ain our balance. "5spetti del Dramma, in Diuturna, Milano, &lpes, 19(), p. =<,. >ur battle is an un rateful one, yet it is a beautiful battle since it compels us to count only upon our own forces. (evealed truths we have torn to shreds, do mas we have spat upon, we have re7ected all theories of paradise, we have baffled charlatans white, red, black charlatans who placed miraculous dru s on the market to ive a happiness n to mankind. -e do not believe in pro ram, in plans, in saints or apostles, above all we believe not in happiness, in salvation, in the 'romised /and. "Diuturna, Milano, &lpes, 19(), p. (#. -e do not believe in a sin le solution, be it economical, political or moral, a linear solution of the problems of life, because of illustrious choristers from all the sacristies life is not linear and can never be reduced to a se ment traced by primordial needs. "'avigare necesse, in Diuturna, Milano, &lpes, 19(), p. ((#. (!A, -e are not and do not wish to be motionless mummies, with faces perpetually turned towards the same hori6on, nor do we wish to shut ourselves up within the narrow hed es of subversive bi otry, where formulas, like prayers of a professed reli ion, are muttered mechanically. -e are men, livin men, who wish to ive our

contribution, however 'modest, to the creation of history. "5udacia, in Jiu turna, Milano, &lpes, 19(), p. '# -e uphold moral and traditional values which 4ocialism ne lects or despises0 but, above all, Fascism has a horror of anythin implyin an arbitrary mort a e on the mysterious future. "Dopo due anni, in Diuturna, Milano, &lpes, 19(), p. 6 #. 1n spite of the theories of conservation and renovation, of tradition and pro ress e2pounded by the ri ht and the left, we do not clin desperately to the past as to a last board of salvation5 yet we do not dash headlon into the seductive mists of the future. "&reve preludio, in Diuturna, Milano, &lpes, !"#A, p. !*,. Pne ation, eternal immobility, mean damnation. 1 am all for motion. 1 am, one who marches on (C. /udwi , *al1s 2it% Mussolini, /ot ?on, &llen and Onwin, !"#+, p. +A#,. 91 The %- , -u"l "%- l be)#+ (!!, -e were the first to state, in the face of demo liberal individualism, that the individual e2ists only in so far as he is within the 4tate and sub7ected to the re3uirements of the state and that, as civili6ation assumes aspects which row more and more complicated, individual freedom becomes more and more restricted. (To the General staff Konference of Fascism, in Discorsi del 19 9, Milano, &lpes, !"#A, p. +=A,. The sense of the state rows within the consciousness of 1talians, for they feel that the state alone is the irreplaceable safe uard of their unit and independence0 that the state alone represents continuity into the future of their stock and their history. (Messa e on the @11th all anniversary, >ctober +$, !"+", Discorsi del 19 9, Milano, &lpes, !"#A, p. #oo,. 1f, in the course of the past ei ht years, we have made such astoundin pro ress, you may well think suppose and foresee that in the course of the ne2t fifty or ei hty years the onward trend of 1taly , of this 1taly we feel to be so powerful, so full of vital fluid, will really be randiose. 1t will be so especially if concord lasts amon citi6ens, if the 4tate continues to be sole arbitrator in political and social conflicts, if all remains within the state and nothin outside the 4tate, because it is impossible to conceive any individual e2istin outside the 4tate unless he be a sava e whose home is in the solitude of she sandy desert. (4peech before the 4enate, May !+, !"+=, in Discorsi del 19 7, Milano, &lpes, !"+", p. !A",. Fascism has restored to the 4tate its soverei n functions by claimin its absolute ethical meanin , a ainst the e otism of classes and cate ories0 to the Government of the state, which was reduced to a mere instrument of electoral assemblies, it has restored di nity, as representin the personality of the state and its power of Cmpire. 1t has rescued 4tate administration from the wei ht of factions and party interests (To the council of state, Jecember ++, !"+=, in Jiscorsi Jel !"+=, Milano, &lpes, !"+" p.#+=,. (!+, /et no one think of denyin the moral character of Fascism. For 1 should be ashamed to speak from this tribune if 1 did not feel that 1 represent the moral and spiritual powers of the state. -hat would the state be if it did not possess a spirit

of its own, and a morality of its own, which lend power to the laws in virtue of which the state is obeyed by its citi6ensG The Fascist state claims its ethical character5 it is Katholic but above all it is Fascist, in fact it is e2clusively and essentially Fascist. Katholicism completes Fascism, and this we openly declare, but let no one think they can turn the tables on us, under cover of metaphysics or philosophy. (To the Khamber of Jeputies, May !#, !"+", in Discorsi del 19 9, Milano, &lpes, !"#A, p. !=+,. & 4tate which is fully aware of its mission and represents a people which are marchin on0 a state which necessarily transforms the people even in their physical aspect. 1n order to be somethin more than a mere administrator, the 4tate must utter reat words, e2pound reat ideas and place reat problems before this people "Di scorsi del 19 9, Milano, &lpes, !"#A, p. !=#,. (!#, The concept of freedom is not absolute because nothin is ever absolute in life. Freedom is not a ri ht, it is a duty. 1t is not a ift, it is a con3uest0 it is not e3uality, it is a privile e. The concept of freedom chan es with the passin of time. There is a freedom in times of peace which is not the freedom of times of war. There is a freedom in times of prosperity which is not a freedom to be allowed in times of poverty. (Fifth anniversary of the foundation of the Fasci di 8ontbattimento, March +*, !"+*, in La nuova politica dell'Italia, vol. 111, Milano, &lpes, !"+$, p. #A,. 1n our state the individual is not deprived of freedom. 1n fact, he has reater liberty than an isolated man, because the state protects him and he is part of the 4tate. 1solated man is without defence. (C. /udwi , *al1s 2it% Mussolini, /ondon, &llen and Onwin, !"#+, '. !+",. (!*, Today we may tell the world of the creation of the powerful united 4tate of 1taly, ran in from the &lps to 4icily0 this 4tate is e2pressed by a well-or ani6ed, centrali6ed, Onitarian democracy, where people circulate at case. 1ndeed, entlemen, you admit the people into the citadel of the 4tate and the people will defend it, if you close them out, the people will assault it. (speech before the Khamber of Jeputies, May +<, !"+) , in Discorsi del 19 !, Milano, &lpes, !"+=, p. !$",. 1n the Fascist re ime the unity of classes, the political, social and coral unity of the 1talian people is reali6ed within the state, and only within the Fascist state. (speech before the Khamber of Jeputies, Jecember ", !"+= , in Discorsi del !"+=, Milano, &lpes, !"+", p. ###,. :1 C$%!ep# $% $& " !$)p$)"# ,e '#"#e (!$, -e have created the united state of 1taly remember that since the Cmpire 1taly had not been a united state. .ere 1 wish to reaffirm solemnly our doctrine of the 4tate. .ere 1 wish to reaffirm with no weaker ener y, the formula 1 e2pounded at the scala in Milan everythin in the state, nothin a ainst the 4tate, nothin outside the state. (speech before the Khamber of Jeputies, May +<, !"+) , Discorsi del 19 !, Milano, &lpes, !"+=, p. t$),. (!<, -e are, in other words, a state which controls all forces actin in nature.

-e control political forces, we control moral forces we control economic forces, therefore we are a full-blown Korporative state. -e stand for a new principle in the world, we stand for sheer, cate orical, definitive antithesis to the world of democracy, plutocracy, free-masonry, to the world which still abides by the fundamental principles laid down in !)=". (4peech before the new 9ational Jirectory of the 'arty, &pril ), !"+<, in Discorsi del 19 ., Milano, &lpes, !"+), p. !+A,. The Ministry of Korporations is not a bureaucratic or an, nor does it wish to e2ercise the functions of syndical or ani6ations which are necessarily independent, since they aim at or ani6in , selectin and improvin the members of syndicates. The Ministry of Korporations is an institution in virtue of which, in the centre and outside, inte ral corporation becomes an accomplished fact, where balance is achieved between interests and forces of the economic world. 4uch a lance is only possible within the sphere of the state, because the state alone transcends the contrastin interests of roups and individuals, in view of co-coordinatin them to achieve hi her aims. The achievement of these aims is speeded up by the fact that all economic or ani6ations, acknowled ed, safe uarded and supported by the Korporative 4tate, e2ist within the orbit of Fascism0 in other terms they accept the conception of Fascism in theory and in practice. (speech at the openin of the Ministry of Korporations, ?uly #!, !"+<, in Jiscorsi del 19 ., Milano, &lpes, !"+), p. +$A,. -e have constituted a Korporative and Fascist state, the state of national society, a 4tate which concentrates, controls, harmoni6es and tempers the interests of all social classes, which are thereby protected in e3ual measure. -hereas, durin the years of demo-liberal re ime, labour looked with diffidence upon the state, was, in fact, outside the 4tate and a ainst the state, and considered the state an enemy of every day and every hour, there is not one workin 1talian today who does not seek a place in his Korporation or federation, who does not wish to be a livin atom of that reat, immense, livin or ani6ation which is the national Korporate 4tate of Fascism. (>n the Fourth &nniversary of the March on (ome, >ctober +=, !"+<, in Discorsi del 19 ., Milano, &lpes, !"+), p. #*A,. 91 De($!)"!+ (!), The war was revolutionary, in the sense that with streams of blood it did away with the century of Jemocracy, the century of number, the century of ma7orities and of 3uantities. (Ja t%e pane va it Mondo, in *empi della +ivolu,ione Fascista, Milano, &lpes, !"#A, p. #), (!=, Kf. note !#. (!", (ace5 it is a feelin and not a reality0 "$ Q, a feelin . (C. /udwi , *al1s 2it% Mussolini, /ondon, &llen and Onwin, !"#+, p. )$,. 1;1 C$%!ep# $% $& #he '#"#e (+A, & nation e2ists inasmuch as it is a people. & people rise inasmuch as they are numerous, hard workin and well re ulated. 'ower is the outcome of this

threefold principle. (To the General &ssembly of the 'arty, March lo, !"+", in Discorsi del 19 9, Milano, &lpes, !"#A, p. +*,. Fascism does not deny the 4tate0 Fascism maintains that a civic society, national or imperial, cannot be conceived unless in the form of a 4tate "Stab, anti$ Slato, Fascismo, in *empi della +ivolu,ione Fascista, Milano, &lpes, !"#A, p. "*,. For us the 9ation is mainly spirit and not only territory. There are 4tates which owned immense territories and yet left no trace in the history of mankind. 9either is it a 3uestion of number, because there have been, in history, small, microscopic 4tates, which left immortal, imperishable documents in art and philosophy. The reatness of a nation is the compound of all these virtues and conditions. & nation is reat when the power of the spirit is translated into reality. (4peech at 9aples, >ctober +*, !"++, in Discorsi della +ivolu,ione, Milano, &lpes, !"+=, p. !A#,. -e wish to unity the nation within the soverei n 4tate, which is above everyone arid can afford to be a ainst everyone, since it represents the moral continuity of the nation in history. -ithout the 4tate there is no nation. There are, merely. human a re ations. sub7ect to all the disinte ration's which history may inflict upon them. (4peech before the 9ational Kouncil of the Fascist 'arty, &u ust =, !"+*, in /a 'uova Politica dell'Italia, vol. 1110 Milano, &lpes, !"+=, p. +<",. D+%"( ! )e"l #+ (+!, 1 believe that if a people wish to live they should develop a will to power, otherwise they ve etate, live miserably and become prey to a stron er people, in whom this will to power is developed to a hi her de ree. (4peech to the 4enate, May +=, !"+<,. (++, 1t is Fascism which has refashioned the character of the 1talians, removin impurity from our souls, temperin us to all sacrifices, restorin the true aspect of stren th and beauty to our 1talian face. (4peech delivered at 'isa , May +$, !"+< , in Discorsi del 19 ., Milano, &lpes, !"+), p. !"#,. 1t is not out of place to illustrate the intrinsic character and profound si nificance of the Fascist /evy. 1t is not merely a ceremony, but a very important sta e in the system of education and inte ral preparation of 1talian men which the Fascist revolution considers one of the fundamental duties of the 4tate5 fundamental indeed, for if the 4tate does not fulfill this duty or in any way accepts to place it under discussion, the 4tate merely and simply forfeits its ri ht to e2ist. (4peech before the Khamber of Jeputies, May +=, !"+=, in Discorsi del 19 7, Milano, &lpes, !"+", p. <=,.