The Arians of Alexandria Author(s): Christopher Haas Source: Vigiliae Christianae, Vol. 47, No. 3 (Sep., 1993), pp.

234-245 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1583805 . Accessed: 27/08/2013 13:03
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Vigiliae Christianae 47 (1993), 234-245, E.J. Brill, Leiden

THE ARIANS OF ALEXANDRIA

BY

CHRISTOPHER HAAS

Over the past two decades, the stream of scholarly studies on the Arian controversy has risen to a veritable floodtide, resulting from symposia and book-length treatments of Arius's theology (particularly his Thalia), his theological antecedents, and the appeal of his preaching as a message of salvation. The vast majority of these valuable studies treat the outbreak of Arianism within Alexandria as a purely theological phenomenon. If the Alexandrian context of the controversy is considered at all, it is treated as only one factor in the theological and philosophical climate which bred Arius' teaching.2 Intellectual history, however, seldom takes place in a vacuum. Alexandria in the early fourth century was probably the second largest city in the Roman Empire, and served as the commercial entrepot for the entire eastern Mediterranean. Tightly organized communities of Jews, pagans, and Christians jostled one another in their ongoing competition for socio-cultural hegemony within this cosmopolitan urban milieu.3 Arius' teaching gained its first popularity within this richly-textured, socially complex urban environment. Consequently, our understanding of both this outspoken Alexandrian presbyter and his message may be sharpened further by looking closely at the social composition of his first adherents within the city. Early on, both sides in this local theological dispute appealed to authorities outside Alexandria, thereby embroiling emperors and bishops in over a half-century of empire-wide conflict. The Alexandrian patriarch, Alexander (312-328), enlisted the support of various bishops throughout Palestine and Syria. For his part, Arius gained the backing of several high-placed churchmen, including Eusebius of Nicomedia. Henceforth, the focus of the dispute shifted away from the great Egyptian metropolis. The see of Alexandria became just one of several prizes in the broader arena of ecclesiastical politics fought over by the adherents of various factions. In time, the contentious Alexandrian

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presbyter became something of a cipher in the complex theologies of the episcopal opponents of Nicaea-lumped together under the derisive epithet, "Ariomaniacs," by Athanasius.4 Some have even argued that eventually, Athanasius' Alexandria became a theological backwater, with the intransigent bishop maintaining positions decades old, out of step with the evolving Trinitarian consensus forged by the Cappadocian fathers in the second half of the fourth century.5 Despite Athanasius' long tenure as head of the city's Homoousian community (albeit frequently in exile), and his reputation for brutality in suppressing dissent within his church, Arianism continued on as an Alexandrian phenomenon for decades.6 Who were these Alexandrian Arians? And how did this embattled faction change over time? The initial focus of Arianism in Alexandria was Arius' parish church of Baucalis or Boukolou. This was a relatively minor church in a parochial organization which, by the beginning of the fourth century, included at least nine churches.7 The city's most important church, named for the beloved former bishop Theonas, was situated in an area largely given over to public buildings at one end of Alexandria's principal boulevard, the Via Canopica.8 Indications are that the episcopal residence and its attached church, that of St. Dionysius, were likewise located on the fringes of the city's center.9 Christian buildings on the urban periphery were common on the eve of the Peace of the Church, and it was left to later bishops, (notably Athanasius and Theophilus) to fill in the center of the city with large churches. Baucalis was one of a handful of lesser churches which probably could trace their origins back to private donations in the previous two centuries.?1 It appears as though the church of Baucalis was not in the city at all, but rather was situated in a nearby extra-mural suburb, on the opposite end of town from the bishop's main church. The church took its name from a larger sparsely inhabited region, just beyond the suburb and the adjacent necropolis, which was populated mainly by herdsmen and their flocks of sheep and cattle. This is the district known in the sources as Boukolia or Boukolion, that is, "the pasturage."" Throughout Antiquity, grazing took place all along the shores of Lake Mareotis and the canals which criss-crossed this region. extending east of the city as far as the Canopic branch of the Nile.12 This region of pasturage should be distinguished very carefully from the intensely-cultivated agricultural area of Mareotis to the city's southwest. Augustus seems to have had more than simple logistics in mind when he planted his garrison camp

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of Nicopolis in Boukolia, on the only broad landward approach to the city. For the proximity of troops to this pasture-land also served to police the shepherds and herdsmen of Boukolia who were notoriously rough characters, known for assaulting travelers and murdering one another. Palladius tells us of one Roman matron, returning from her tour of the holy places, who ordered her boats to be tied up along the canal near Nicopolis while she went into Alexandria. Her entourage was attacked by locals who killed some, maimed others, and tossed one unfortunate bishop into the canal.'3 And depending upon one's trust in the information provided by Greek romances and by a highly stylized passage in Cassius Dio, the inhabitants of Boukolia may have even broken out in open insurrection against Roman authority in the late 2nd century.'4 In light of the variegated evidence for Baucalis and its adjacent region, I would place the city's cattle market in this suburb, thereby envisioning its economic activity to be roughly comparable to that of early Rome's Forum Boarium. This excursus into Alexandrian topography will assist us in understanding religious factionalism in Alexandria. Epiphanius tells us that presbyters were appointed in each of the parish churches of Alexandria to serve the needs of people dwelling in their immediate neighborhood.15 This structure was common enough in the larger cities of the empire, but he then goes on to explain that, in Alexandria, the parishioners were exceptionally devoted to the style of Biblical exposition practiced by their respective presbyters-so much so that a rivalry sprung up between the partisans of these local pastors.'6 When one considers that Alexandria had a long tradition of barrio pride and competition, and that the bishop of Alexandria (for all his authority in the Egyptian chora) had a difficult time asserting his will within his own city, it is not surprising that religious factionalism in Alexandria was shaped, at least in part, by the city's topographical divisions. Thus, in March of 339, when the Arian appointee, Gregory the Cappadocian, made his violent adventus into the city accompanied by Philagrius, a veteran Praefectus Aegypti, the Arian mob which attacked the church of Quirinus included herdsmen and shepherds. 1 Athanasius even tells us that they were armed with clubs-in this case probably shepherds' staves. Two decades later we find a similar topographical connection between Arianism and Alexandria's extra-mural regions. Before his appointment to the throne of St. Mark, the Arian bishop George of Cappadocia had spent a portion of his career as a urcoexrSq

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Tx,tax)ov (treasury contractor) in Constantinople, and had acquired

thereby a measure of business acumen and a reputation for ruthlessness.18 It is instructive to note that during his ill-fated tenure in Alexandria, George sought monopolies on papyrus manufacture and reed cutting, as well as a special tax on the extraction of nitreeconomic activities concentrated in Alexandria's suburbs. This reliance on the city's peripheral regions is confirmed by George's control over the city's collegium of grave-diggers and coffin-bearers, who seemed content with giving George a portion of their profits in exchange for the bishop's patronage.19 Arius' congregation at Baucalis also included large numbers of ascetically-minded Alexandrians. This association between Alexandrian asceticism and early Arianism can be accounted for by several factors. The church at Baucalis appears to have been adjacent to the martyrium of St. Mark, since all the various recensions of Mark's passion place his execution and eventual burial at a site known as Boukolou.20 If one discounts the disputed testimony of the Passio of bishop Peter, who was said to have prayed at the tomb of Mark in Boukolou prior to his execution in 311, the earliest mention we have of the evangelist's martyrium dates from the end of the fourth century.2' It is probable, however, that there was some sort of commemorative shrine for the founder of the Alexandrian church at least as early as the time of Arius, if not before. Several mid- to late fourth century canons attributed to Athanasius carefully regulate the behavior of ascetics (especially virgins) who frequented the shrines of Alexandrian martyrs.22The clear inference from these detailed canons is that the most famous martyrium in the city must have attracted monastic devotees. This connection between Alexandrian asceticism and the Evangelist's martyrium continued until the time of the Arab conquest, when both the shrine and its neighboring monasteries were burned during the city's siege.23 Besides this link between ascetics and St. Mark's martyrium, we find that many of Alexandria's earliest ascetics retired to the suburban regions just east of the city. It was here that some of Alexandria's most extensive cemeteries were located, known today by the names of Chatby, Ibrahimiya, and el Hadra.24 During the middle years of the fourth century, these tombs became the hermitages of numerous Alexandrian ascetics.25 The necropoleis in and around Boukolia continued to appeal to ascetics until the founding of Alexandria's suburban monasteries towards the end of the fouth century.26St. Antony himself

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considered settling in the region of Boukolia before he withdrew to his inner mountain.27 Boukolia also served as a recruiting ground for monasticism, as seen especially by the conversion of a young shepherd named Macarius, who murdered one of his comrades along the shore of Lake Mareotis and then fled to the desert as a hermit.28Given this context, we find that Arius, the presbyter charged with the pastoral oversight of this region, was noted for his ascetic demeanor and even a style of dress which was characteristic of early Egyptian monks.29 At the time of his excommunication, over 700 virgins were expelled along with him-a graphic testimony to the appeal of Arianism among Alexandrian ascetics.30 In addition, there is also the testimony of bishop Alexander who, in a letter to his namesake in Thessalonica, speaks of Arians "troubling us in the lawcourts by the pleas of disorderly women whom they have duped and also discrediting Christianity by the way in which the younger women among them immodestly frequent every public street"- precisely the same immodest behavior addressed by the Alexandrian canons.3' A letter of Athanasius, preserved in part by Theodoret, complains of, "the impiety of the Arians, [who] block up the gates, and sit like so many demons around the tombs, in order to hinder the dead from being interred."32The dating of this fragment is uncertain and may refer to George's monopoly of the funerary collegia. However, it could easily be read as an indictment of Arian ascetics, in a vein not unlike the anti-monastic diatribes of a Libanius or a Rutilius Namatianus. Of course, the bonds between Alexandrian asceticism and Arianism were decisively broken by Athanasius' vigorous courting of the monks, begun as early as the 330's.33 The clearest expression of this alliance between Athanasius' Homoousion party and the ascetics, both in Alexandria and in the chora, was the celebrated visit of Antony to the city in 338.34 Though the vita gives the impression that Antony came to Alexandria in order to refute publicly the rumors that he secretly espoused Arian doctrines, a close reading makes it clear that Antony's sojourn was orchestrated by Athanasius, doubtless with the intention of enlisting a revered holy man on the side of the Homoousian party.3 This appears to have become a regular policy of Athanasius, since under similar circumstances he also brought Abba Pambo to Alexandria from Nitria.36 These high profile monastic endorsements of Athanasius in Alexandria suggest that his cultivation of the monks was a more multifaceted policy than is usually presented, i.e., that the bishop sought to

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invoke monastic aid to counterbalance Melitian influence in the chora and also prepare a strategic retreat for himself during moments of imperial displeasure. In light of the make-up of the initial Arian faction in Alexandria, it seems likely that Athanasius also felt a specific need to thwart Arian sentiments among the city's ascetic communities. However, the complexion of the Alexandrian Arian faction was also changing during the decades following Nicaea. Although Arius' congregation at Baucalis was the most visible center of opposition to the bishop's authority, (in part, a function of the literary sources' preoccupation with Arius), it is worth noting that during the episcopate of Alexander (ca. 312-328) at least five presbyters and five deacons were excommunicated by the bishop, and that each presbyter was likely to have had authority over an individual church. Given the often-fractious nature of the Alexandrian clergy, there is no more reason to believe that these "Arians" formed a monolithic party than that the bishop's party formed a solid phalanx of support. In this context, Athanasius' allegedly brutal methods for enforcing ecclesiastical discipline and doctrinal conformity become much more comprehensible.37 Despite Epiphanius' enthusiasm for Athanasius, he tells us that Athanasius "kept trying accusations, threats, and admonitions, and no one paid
attention. " 38

Among the Arians, there are hints that a more distinctly urban element came to the fore in the thirty some years between Nicaea and the episcopate of George of Cappadocia. Alexander's excommunication of various Alexandrian clergymen suggests that Arian doctrines had found a hearing in several of the city's parishes. In addition, several sources, including a letter of Constantine to the Alexandrians, speak of the spread of Arian sentiments via multi-class urban institutions where the populace would gather, notably the marketplaces, the theatres, and (most frequently) unspecified public assemblies.39This may provide at least a partial backdrop for understanding Arius' Thalia, and also the well-known comment of Philostorgius on Arius' composition of popular songs designed for sailors, millers, travellers, and others.40 Perhaps the most telling indication of Athanasius' lack of unquestioned support among the urban populace was the use that his opponents at the Synod of Tyre made of a formal document listing complaints by the Alexandrian demos.41 During the 340's, when imperial coercion was increasingly brought to bear upon the issue of ecclesiastical factionalism in Alexandria, the

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urban complexion of the diffuse community labeled as "Arians" by our hostile sources continued to grow. Indeed, there is a direct correlation between official pressure and the morphology of the Arian community, as groups especially vulnerable to outside influence increasingly identify themselves as Arian. These groups tend to cluster at opposite ends of the Alexandrian social spectrum, and their shifting allegiance indicates that the primary issue at stake was patronage, not theology. With their wealth and status at risk, it is not surprising that large numbers of the so-called bouleutic class took up the Arian cause. These bouleutai were members of a hereditary urban elite who made up the Alexandrian senate/council (pouX;l).42On several occasions, the bouleutai of the city were specifically singled out in imperial directives and threatened with fines, confiscations, and imprisonment if they did not renounce Athanasius and accept the imperial nominee.43 For those who did comply, there were tangible benefits, most importantly, the prospect of ordination as bishop and its attendant privilege of exemption from public duties.44By and large, it seems that the bouleutic class was eager to embrace positions which would be deemed inoffensive during an age of frequent reversals in imperial policy. No wonder Athanasius denounces so bitterly these upper class chameleons; the political realities of the day called for "easy-natured men" (uxoXoL).45 Their non-confrontational stance was bound to raise the ire of a factious patriarch who had been exiled several times for his views. At the same time, there is also evidence that the Alexandrian upper classes hardly constituted a unified bloc.46 As with the curiales of other large cities, considerable diversity of religious allegiance persisted throughout the entire Late Antique period-provided that dissenting opinions were not publicly expressed. During the summer and fall of 356, in the period just prior to the installation of George of Cappadocia as Arian bishop of Alexandria, groups of Alexandrian young men took a leading role in the violence directed against the supporters of Athanasius. These youths are depicted vandalizing churches, assaulting clergy, and shouting obscenities at virgins.47Athanasius attempts to paint these young men as thoroughgoing pagans, claiming that they cast incense on bonfires of church furniture, sang praises to pagan gods, and even waved tree branches in the church sanctuaries-perhaps an indication of Dionysiac behavior. Yet, some of these same youths are ordained, in short order, as Arian bishops throughout Egypt.48Despite Athanasius' characteriza-

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tion of them as belonging to the &yopXoi, (i.e., the lower class fre-

quentersof the agora),it is moreplausibleto believethat they belonged to the same class as the other Arian nominees-the Alexandrian
in the sources, bouleutic class. These youths are simply styled ve&6Tpot

and this may be an echo of upperclass youth organizations known in the earlyEmpireas the neoi. The neoi wereclubsof youngmenjust past the age for ephebes(17), and often wereconnectedwiththe gymnasium, club treasuries.49 Their electingtheirown officers and even maintaining class are a letter of Constantius to origins stronglysuggestedby upper the senateand peopleof Alexandria,whereinhe requires the youngmen "to assembletogether,and eitherto persecuteAthanasius,or consider themselvesas (the emperor's)enemies."50 Formal groups of Alexandrian youths appearto have taken an active role in political brawling as far back as the Ptolemaicperiod. Theirimportancein urbanpower politics was tacitly recognizedby Caracalla,who assembledthem and then orderedtheir massacrein 215.51Like their uppercrust elders, the madeup an easilydistinguished socialgroupwhich youth of Alexandria could be threatened and mobilized by imperial directives. By all they had no abidingconcernwith theologicalissues, but appearances, were motivatedby class interestsand civic pride. At the otherend of the social scale, the recipients of publicassistance were also susceptibleto the coercivepowersof imperialofficials. One method of coercion employedtime and again was simply to limit the In addition, grain dole to those who conformedto imperialdictates.52 thereis evidencethat oil and other regularalms wereconfiscatedfrom Athanasius'supporters.53 This may, in part, reflect the government's wishto disruptthe patriarchate's elaboratenetworkof patronage within the city. Widowsand the city's destitute(&vgo8ot) sufferedmost under these measures.54 Athanasiusgives us the impressionthat despitethese coercive methods, the lower orders remainedfaithful Homoousians. However, the veracityof his claim is difficult to determine,especially given the wide success enjoyed by the Prefect Florus a centurylater, whenriotingin the city was promptlyextinguished afterthe Prefectcut off the bread dole.55 There are hints that other groups within Alexandriansociety gave their allegianceto the Arian (or more precisely, the imperial)cause of Athanasius duringthe 340'sand the 350's. One crypticremark speaks
of certain unspecified collegia who were incited to anti-Homoousion violence by imperial agents.56In addition, we also hear of the ayopoaot,

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i.e., otherwise unoccupied lower class frequenters of the agora, who are enlisted in pagan and Arian mobs.57 Given the attractions of the Arian cause to certain sections of Alexandrian society, one can more easily understand how it was possible for Gregory the Cappodocian to find a viable local community of coreligionists when, in 339, he entered Alexandria backed by imperial troops.58Though diffuse, this Arian "community" possessed enough of a self-identity to insist on the ailing Gregory's replacement in 346 with someone who would promote their interests more vigorously.59 These Alexandrian Arians wished to present a clear alternative to Athanasius, who had incurred both imperial and ecclesiastical ill-will through his violent methods. Consequently, the Arians found Gregory to be a liability, since his tenure as bishop was marked by violence and arson. The next Arian occupant of the throne of St. Mark was Gregory's countryman, George. It is only with the disastrous episcopate of George of Cappadocia (357-361) that Arianism loses all appeal among the Alexandrians, due to the association of the Arian cause with this unpopular and inept imperial appointee. George instituted a brutal regime which indiscriminately persecuted pagans, Jews, and Homoousian Christians. These methods led to George's death at the hand of a mob in December of 361.60 The collapse of the Arian cause in Alexandria is clearly evidenced some 15 years after George's murder, when the support for the Arian Lucius (himself an Alexandrian) extends only as far as the coercion bought by the Prefect's spears.6'
NOTES ' As a mere sampling of this extensive literature, consult M. Simonetti, La crisi ariana del IV secolo (Rome, 1975); A.M. Ritter, 'Arianismus' in Theologische RealEnzyklopadie G. Krause and G. Miller, eds. (Berlin, 1978) 3: 692-719; R.C. Gregg and D.E. Groh, Early Arianism: A View of Salvation (Philadelphia, 1981); C. Kannengiesser, 'Arius and the Arians,' Theological Studies 44 (1983): 456-475; R.C. Gregg, ed., Arianism: Historical and Theological Reassessments (Philadelphia, 1985); R. Williams, Arius: Heresy and Tradition (London, 1987); R.P.C. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God (Edinburgh, 1988). 2 L.W. Barnard, 'The Antecedents of Arius,' VigChr24 (1970): 172-188; M.H. Marrou, 'L'Arianisme comme Ph6nomene Alexandrin,' Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Comptes Rendus (1973): 533-542; C. Kannengiesser, Holy Scripture and Hellenistic Hermeneutics in Alexandrian Christology: The Arian Crisis, Protocol of the Colloquy of the Center for Hermeneutical Studies in Hellenistic and Modern Culture, no. 41 (Berkeley, 1982). The best treatments of the Alexandrian background for the controversy

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may be found in Williams, Arius, pp. 29-32, 41-47; and in C. Kannengiesser, 'Athanasius of Alexandria vs. Arius: The Alexandrian Crisis,' The Roots of Egyptian Christianity, B. Pearson and J. Goehring, eds. (Philadelphia, 1986), pp. 204-215. 3 On Alexandrian in Late Antiquity, see M. Rodziewicz, Les Habitations Romaines Tardives d'Alexandrie a la lumiere desfouilles polonaises a K6m el-Dikka, in the series, Alexandrie III, (Warsaw, 1984); P.M. Fraser, 'Alexandria, Christian and Medieval' in The Coptic Encyclopedia I: 88-92 (New York, 1990); H. Heinen, 'Alexandria in Late Antiquity' Idem 1: 95-103; and C.J. Haas, Late Roman Alexandria (Baltimore, forthcoming). For the wider Egyptian context during this period, see the useful summary article of R.S. Bagnall, 'Late Roman Egypt' in Dictionary of the Middle Ages 10: 453-456 (New York, 1988), as well as his fuller exposition in Late Roman Egypt (Princeton, forthcoming). 4 A catalogue of Arian disavowals of Arius may be found in Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God, pp. 123-128. 5J.M. Leroux, 'Athanase et la seconde phase de la crise arienne (345-373),' in Kannengiesser, ed. Politique et Theologie chez Athanase d'Alexandrie (Paris, 1974), pp. 145-156. 6 For recent surveys of Athanasius' career, see the important collection of articles in C. Kannengiesser, ed., Politique et Thdologie chez Athanase d'Alexandrie (Paris, 1974); M. Tetz, in Theologische Realenzykopadie 4: 333-349 (New York and Berlin, 1978); G.C. Stead, in Dizionario Patristico e di Antichita Cristiane 1: 413-432 (Casale Monferrato, 1983); A.S. Atiya, in The Coptic Encyclopedia 1: 298-302 (New York, 1991); T.D. Barnes, Athanasius of Alexandria: Theology and Politics in the Constantinian Empire (forthcoming). A useful bibliographical essay may be found in C. Kannengiesser, 'The Athanasian Decade 1974-1984,' Theological Studies 46 (1985): 524-541. 7 Epiph. Haer. 69. 2. 2-7. The best single survey of church topography in Alexandria is A. Martin, 'Les premiers siecles du christianisme a Alexandrie: Essai de topographie religieuse (IIIe-IVe siecles),' Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 30 (1984): 211-225. On parochial organization see A. Martin, 'Topographie et Liturgie: Le Probleme des 'Paroisses' d'Alexandrie,' in Actes du XIe Congres International d'Archeologie Chretienne, Ecole Francaise de Rome (Rome, 1989) 2: 1133-1144. 8 Athan. Apol. ad Constant. 15: M. petr. Al. 16. in P. Devos, 'Une passion grecque in6dite de S. Pierre d'Alexandria et sa traduction par Anastase le Biblioth6caire,' AnBol 83 (1965): 157-187. See also C. Haas, 'Alexandria's Via Canopica: Political Expression & Urban Topography from Augustus to 'Amr ibn al-'As,' in Alexandrian Studies in Memory of Daoud Abu Daoud, ed., Nabil Swelim (Cairo, 1993), forthcoming. 9 Socrates HE 2. 11. 6; Hist. Aceph. 2. 3, 5. 4. '0 For a useful comparative study of this process, see L.M. White, Building God's House in the Roman World: Architectural Adaptation Among Pagans, Jews, and Christians (Baltimore, 1989). " Epiph. Haer. 69. 1-2; Chron. Pasch. 252 cols. 608c-609a; M. Petr. Al. 11. R. Williams suggests (Arius, p. 264, n. 107) that the church in Baucalis derived its name from the Greek word for a wine or water cooler, and that the church was formerly used as a vintner's warehouse. Given the economic differentiation of Alexandria's topography, it seems more likely that vinters' warehouses would be located, on the opposite side of the city, near the famous wine growing regions of Taenia and Mareotis: Strabo 17. 1. 15; Pliny HN 14. 74, 117; Virgil Georg. 2. 91; Horace Odes 1. 37; Athenaeus Deipnosophistes 1. 33; v. Jo. Eleem. 10.

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2 dates back before Alexander's foundaThe use of this region as pasturage by [ouxo6Xo tion of the city; Strabo 17. 1. 19. 13 Hist. Laus. 15. 1, 35. 14-15. 14 Achilles Tatius 3. 15; Heliodorus 1.5-30; Cassius Dio 71. 4. On the evolution of the as a literary type, see J. Winkler, 'Lollianos and the Desperadoes,' JHS 100 pouxoXot (1980): 155-181, esp. 175-179. 5 Epiph. Haer. 69. 1. 1. 16 Epiph. Haer. 69. 2. 6. 7 Athan. Hist. Ar. 10. 18 Greg. Naz. Or. 21. 16; Athan. de Syn. 12; ad Episcopos 7; Hist. Ar. 75. 19 Epiph. Haer. 76. 1. 5-7. See also C. Haas, 'The Alexandrian Riots of 356 and George of Cappadocia,' Greek, Roman & Byzantine Studies 32. 3 (1991): 281-301. 20 A thorough discussion of the traditions connecting Mark with Boukolou/Boukolia may be found in B.A. Pearson, 'Earliest Christianity in Egypt: some Observations,' The Roots of Egyptian Christianity, B. Pearson and J. Goehring, eds. (Philadelphia, 1986), pp. 132-159. 21 M.Petr. Al. 11-14; Palladius Hist. Laus. 45. 22 Canons of Athanasius 91-92, 98-99, ed. and trans. W. Riedel and W.E. Crum (London, 1904). 23 History of the Patriarchs 1. 14, p. 495 <231 >, ed. and trans. B. Evetts Patrologia Orientalis 1. 4 (1907). 24 M. Petr. Al. 14 indicates that Peter's executioners took him "from the south side of the commemorative chapel of the holy evangelist Mark, and stood him in a deep valley where there were tombs." On these cemeteries, see A. Bernand, Alexandrie la grande (Paris, 1966), pp. 210-216, 222-228. 25 E.g., an unnamed ascetic who inhabited a cell for many years near the military camp at Nicopolis, (Apoph. Patr. Systematic Coll. 237). 26 Palladius Hist. Laus. 5. 1. 27 Athan. v. Ant. 49. 28 Palladius Hist. Laus. 15. 29 Epiph. Haer. 69. 3. 1. 30 Epiph. Haer. 69. 3. 2. 31 In Theodoret HE 1. 3. 32 TheodoretHE 2. 11. 3 L.-T. Lefort, 'Saint Athanase ecrivain copte.' Le Museon 46 (1933): 1-33; P. Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority, and the Church in the Age of Jerome and Cassian (Oxford, 1978); G.J.M. Bartelink, 'Les rapports entre le monachisme egyptienne et l'6piscopat d'Alexandrie,' Alexandrina: Hellenisme. judaisme et christianisme a Alexandrie, Melanges offerts au P. Claude Mondesert, l'Institut des Sources Chretiennes (Paris, 1987), pp. 351-363. 34 Athan. v. Ant. 69-71. 35 Several years later, Flavian of Antioch followed an identical policy by persuading a desert ascetic named Julianus to publicly denounce Arianism in Antioch, (Theodoret HE 4. 24). 36 Apoph. Patr. Pambo 4. 37 On this controversial aspect of Athanasius' episcopate, see T.D. Barnes, 'The Career of Athanasius,' in Studia Patristica vol. 21, Papers presented to the Tenth International

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Conference on Patristic Studies, 1987, ed. by E.A. Livingstone (Leuven, 1989), pp. 390401;-a depiction which should be seen in light of D.W.H. Arnold, 'Sir Harold Idris Bell and Athanasius: A Reconsideration of London Papyrus 1914,'Ibid., pp. 377-383. See also Hanson, (supra n. 1) pp. 239-246. 38 Epiph. Haer. 69. 11. 7; 68. 7. 5. 39 Socrates HE 1. 6-7; Sozomen HE 2.23. 40 Philostorgius HE 2. 2. 41 "A document was then read, containing popular complaints (xai yparp.t0(azTov that the people of Alexandria could not continue their &avyTtvaXctxo ?xpoilaeo)v) 8qTi.LOtx(CV attendance at church on his account." Sozomen HE 2. 25, col 1004a. 42 See D. Delia, Alexandrian Citizenship During the Roman Principate (Atlanta, 1991); Haas, Late Roman Alexandria, chap. 3. 43 Athan. Ep. Ency. 4; Hist. Ar. 31, 48-49, 54. 44 Athan. Apol. ad Constant. 28; Hist. Ar. 73. 45 Athan. Hist. Ar. 78 col. 788d. 46 Aside from the probable pagan majority among the bouleutai, the urban elite undoubtedly included some Homoousians since Athanasius himself mentions certain who were persecuted during the Arian conflict in 339: "well-born men" (iuyvveisav8poag) Athan. Ep. Ency. 4 col. 232a. 47 Athan. Hist. Ar. 55-56. 48 Athan. Hist. Ar. 73. 49 See C.A. Forbes, Neoi (Middletown, Conn., 1933); J. Delorme, Gymnasion (Bibliotheque des Ecoles Fransaises d'Athens et de Rome, 1960); Pauly-Wissowa R-E s. v. 'Neoi' by F. Poland, vol. 16.2: 2401-2409; and D. Delia, Alexandrian Citizenship, pp. 71-88. 50 Athan. Hist. Ar. 48. 51 Herodian 4. 9. 6-7; Cassius Dio 78. 23. 52 Athan. Ep. Ency. 4; Hist. Ar. 31, 54. 53 Athan. Hist. Ar. 13, Hist. Ar. 72. 54 Athan. Apol. de Fuga. 6; Hist. Ar. 13, 60-61. 5 Evagrius HE 2. 5. 56 Athan. Apol. c. Ar. 15; Hist. Ar. 55. 57 Athan. Hist. Ar. 54-55, 58. For this social grouping, cf. Acts of the Apostles 17: 1-9; Plut. Aem. 38. 3. In Alexandria, they appear earlier in Philo in Flaccum 64, 95; Legatio ad Gaium 122. The &yopaTot appear to be identical to the group referred to as "those of the Dromos," (M. Petr. Al. 16). 58 Athan. Ep. Ency. 6. 59 Festal Index 18. 60 On the sequence of these events, see M. Simonetti, La crisi ariana, pp. 226-230, 326333; E.D. Hunt, Christians and Christianity in Ammianus Marcellinus,' CQ n.s. 35 (1985) 186-200; J. Matthews, The Roman Empire ofAmmianus (Baltimore, 1989), pp. 441-444; M. Caltabiano, 'L'assassinio di Giorgio di Cappadocia,' Quaderni Catanesi di Studi classici e medievali 7 (1985): 17-57; and Haas, supra n. 19. 61 Theodoret HE 4. 18-19: Festal Index 39; Hist. Aceph. 5. 11-13.

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