NATIONALISM IN INDIA, 1917-1949 Khadi- Symbolism and Values Meghna Acharya Ramjas College, Roll No- 192 MA.

History Final, Sem IV Course 7: Nationalism in India, 1917-49 Date of Submission- 2/04/12

The significance of Khadi in the national movement is unarguable, even to the uninitiated. But the extent of the centrality that Khadi came to have in the quest for the attainment of Swaraj, and the emphasis given to it by Gandhi was only fully realised by me when reading The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (February 1920- May 1924)1. While there is any number of subjects or issues that one may look at, I would like to explore the meaning (or rather meanings) that came to be associated with or invested in Khadi/ Khaddar. Going through these documents- whether they be letters, speeches, or articles in a journal or newspaper- the growing popularity of Khadi is evident in the different instructions given, or even the changing rhetoric employed by Gandhi. From lauding very few figures for their adoption of Khadi attire2, pleading Khadis artistic virtues, offering various other uses Khadi could be put to, we gradually see more and different examples of the adoption of Khadi, more specific injunctions as to the production or supply of spinning wheels, etc, and an ever more forceful iteration of the importance of Khadi and Swadeshi in the struggle for Swaraj as an absolute necessity, and as an inherent part of this struggle. In a way, the ultimate testimony to the place that Khadi began to have in the minds of the people was the proliferation and circulation of fake Khadi, reflected by multiple warnings issued by Gandhi on the identification of fake Khadi.3 What I specifically wish to examine is not the spread of Khadi, or the practical or economic aspects that were constantly being interrogated in the correspondence between Gandhi and the people that we see in these sources, but rather the values that Khadi came to symbolise. The meanings and symbols that it embodied did not develop in a vacuum, but were appropriated by Gandhi in his discourse on Khadi. Khadi was symbolised by the spinning wheel or charkha. The spinning wheel was compared to the ratnachintamani- a fabulous gem fulfilling ones desires.4 A frequent comparison was made by Gandhi to kamadhenu- the anthropomorphic figure of the cow,
1

The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting Government of India, Documents used- February 1920- March 1922 2 Volume XVIII, 13. Swadeshi in the Punjab, in Young India- 7.7.1920 - Gandhi refers to Shrimati Saraladevi Chaudhrani wearing heavy Khaddar sarees. 3 Vol. XXI, 22. My Notes, in Navajivan 7.9.1921 Also Vol. XX, 191. My Notes, in Navajivan 17. 7.1921 4 Vol. XX, 205. Discarding Old and Creating New, in Navajivan, 21.7.1921

supposed to grant wishes, signifying wealth and prosperity. The spinning wheel is also seen as a cow5. A home without a cow (spinning wheel) was no home; milk (yarn) could be drawn from it at will, according to its capacity. Thus, spinning was linked with the powerful rhetoric of cow protection, or the valences, normally those of bounty and prosperity, that the symbol of the cow carried. Another aspect to the visualisation of the Charkha in the imagination of the people is looking further than the symbols that were appropriated to it, and noting how the charkha or Khadi became the predominant symbol of nationalism. The Gandhian cap was one manifestation of Khadi becoming a very visible symbol denoting an ideology.6 The Gandhian cap came to be seen as the marker of identity of a nationalist. That the charkha was seen by Gandhi as a potent symbol for the nation is evidenced by his wish to design a flag with the symbol prominent. Non-cooperation was seen by Gandhi as a sacred struggle.7 It behoves us to investigate the sacral elements of this struggle, at the heart of which lay the fact that Gandhi redefined the religious and the political. When asked whether the movement was religious, Gandhi replied firmly in the affirmative. The religious was not conceptualised in the narrow sense of defining religious communities, but rather that not a single activity in the world should be independent of religion8. Spinning was seen as a sacrament to be performed by all9, and clothes made of Khadi were called holy10. The use of Khadi in religious ceremonies like weddings11 and funerals12 was heartily approved of by Gandhi, who even brings up the issue of foreign cloth being used for decorating idols in temples13. Thus Khadi was increasingly being seen not just as the only means of ensuring economic self-sufficiency, providing a subsidiary occupation to cultivators and others, but as a sacred duty. Gandhi also saw Khadi, or the spinning wheel as a means of redemption or purification. It was an activity through which the weak, the fallen, the subjected classes could support themselves and ultimately save themselves.14 Women, children, the lame, the crippled, all can join this movement and they should. The fallen women, widows, the untouchables, could all be included in the national movement through spinning. Perhaps it would be going too far to ascribe an overtly religious connotation to Khadi or charkha, which tends to ensue from describing them as means of purification. But they were certainly seen as redemptive; a way to gain self-sufficiency and thus self-respect. The rhetoric of purity in Gandhis discourse of Khadi was one that had special significance in how women were seen to relate to the movement. The idea of sacrifice constituted the very fabric of the movement, and the activity of spinning itself could be said to specially appeal to women. What was the special connection made between women and
5 6

Vol. XX, 3. Swadeshi v Khadi in Navajivan, 5.3.1922 This was not without its problems as the outer covering of Khadi did not a nationalist make. 7 Vol. XIX, 122. The Secret of Swaraj, in Young India, 19.1.1921 8 Vol. XIX, 150. Some Questions, in Navajivan 30.1.1921 9 Vol. XXI, 136. Notes, (The Charkha in the Gita), __.10.1921 10 Vol. XIX, 137. Speech At Womens Meeting, Calcutta (25.1.1921) in Amrita Bazar Patrika, 28.1.1921 11 Vol. XXI, Wearing Khadi at the Time of Marriage, pg 300 12 Vol. XIX, 262. Notes, Growing Prestige of Khadi in Navajivan, 3.4.1921 13 Vol. XX, 103. Khadi in Temples, in Young India, 15.6.1921 14 Vol. XXI, 40. My Notes, Childrens Blessings, in Navajivan, 11.9.1921

Khadi? One reply at least can be found in the idea that spinning was a safeguard of womans virtue. The valorisation of this kind of manual labour seemed to go hand in hand with keeping women in their own homes for their protection, employing them in an occupation that means so much barkat15 (blessing). Of course, keeping women in the sanctity of their homes was seen in context of the dangers women faced when working outside the home. (Gandhi refers to their working on public roads.) One will not go into the question of whether keeping women inside the home was the answer, but spinning and Khadi was certainly seen as a way that women could be self-sufficient, protect their chastity, contribute to the production of Khadi, and thus be part of the movement for Swaraj. Chastity and the sacrifice of finery were continually emphasised by Gandhi, most often through the example of Sita. Sita embodied the virtues that women were to have and pass on to their children. Thus Sita refused whatever Ravana offered her, and wore no fine dresses or ornaments.16 Referring to a womans meeting in Punjab, Gandhi says: Their patience, their simplicity, their innocence are above praise.17 Referring to Bengal, he notes: Her sons are clever and pushful, her daughters graceful, simple and lovely.18 Women thus had a special place in the Khadi movement, but this place was defined and to some extent circumscribed by the values attributed to women by Gandhi. This is not to say that women could not act outside the roles given them, or that they had no place in the national movement outside of Khadi and spinning. Instead, I would say that there was a certain conceptualisation of women that informed the relationship between them, Khadi and the struggle for Swaraj. Moving on to a wider framework, Id like to briefly examine how Khadi came to signify a sort of litmus test for the people of India. While being an integral tool to restore Indias prosperity, or at least grant it self-sufficiency, and feed millions, it was at the same time a trial for the people to determine whether they were ready for independence or not. Khadi represented the heart of the struggle by reflecting all the values or tenets that Gandhi held essential to the success of the movement. Khadi put to a fairly stiff test a mans perseverance, his firmness, his sincerity, and his patience.19 Khaddar involved, or inspired unity, organising power, self-sacrifice, ingenuity, patriotism, etc., and these qualities were necessary for acquiring Swaraj. Boycott of foreign cloth is the acid test20, Gandhi asserts. He asks if the majority of their audience present even the appearance of Swadeshi, and has to conclude that they do not.21 If with all these efforts we do not succeed we shall know that we are still not ready for Swaraj.22
15 16

Vol. XIX, 181. Hand Spinning Again, in Young India 16.2.1921 Vol. XXI, 253. Speech at Womens Meeting, Belgaum (8.11.1920) in Navajivan 28.11.1920 17 Vol. XIX, 232. My Last Visit To the Punjab, Sisters of The Punjab, in Navajivan, 20.3.1921 18 Vol. XXI, 73. Notes, Bengal, in Young India, 22.9.1921 19 Vol. XX, 39. My Notes, Skill in Work, in Navajivan 8.5.1921 20 Vol XX, 200. Notes, Congress Committees, in Young India, 21.7.1921 21 Ibid. 22 Vol. XXI, My Notes, The Honours List (pg 325)

It is evident that Khadi, linked with Swadeshi, constituted a determining factor for whether India was ready for Swaraj or not. Khadi was also the most visual aspect of the movement. Gandhi thus comments on the Khadi pledge, that part of the difficulty felt in keeping it lay in the fact that breaking the pledge was immediately apparent to all, and could not involve deception. The problems with Khadi as the definitive symbol of nationalists become evident in the circulation of fake Khadi, and later in the comment that hardly 50 could be found dressed in hand-spun khaddar from top to toe. Some more could be found wearing Khaddar for outer covering23(emphasis mine). Khadi or handspinning had various aspects: economic, where millions of weavers and carders could revert to their original occupations, moral, saving women from violation of their purity, begging as a means of livelihood, and finally, political, where Indians ability would be proved and Indians opinion would become an irresistible force. Khadi in these various aspects thus constituted the test to see if India could stand as a nation. We become used to begging24, Gandhi states, and it was only by universal use of Khadi or handspun cloth that Swaraj was attainable. Gandhi made the distinction between achieving independence with arms, without unity and without the spinning wheel, but reiterated that this independence would not be Swaraj. At this stage, the question of what Gandhi means by Swaraj comes to prominence. The aim of Swaraj is simply this, that the starving people of India may be fed, famine may be banished from the country, the chastity of Indian women may be safeguarded and Indian children may get a little milk.25. Gandhi explores what Khadi and Swadeshi mean. He implies that the idea of Swadeshi is a wide one, comparing it to an ocean, and that its meaning has changed and developed in stages, or rather that its true meaning has been grasped gradually.26 People have realised that Swadeshi means Khadi woven by hand from handspun yarn27 and that Khadi means the spinning wheel. As we see, Khadi embodied a multitude of symbols and values that held strong meanings for the national movement. An indicator of how important Gandhi held Khadi for Swaraj is Gandhis comment on the permanence of the movement. When he is asked whether the emphasis on Khadi is a passing phase, that would fade when Swadeshi was not uppermost in the agenda, Gandhi refutes this on various grounds. First, that Swadeshi was of a permanent nature, and unlike certain other aspects of non-cooperation, applied to all sections of society. Swaraj was impossible without Swadeshi, and on attainment of Swaraj, it could not be dropped as reversion to foreign cloth would be expensive, and Swadeshi was in any case at the heart of what they were trying to achieve. Thus Gandhi saw Khadi as not just a means to an end, but as both the means and the end itself.28 We see the increasing significance of the idea of Khadi, and the different connotations it held. With the caveat that the different symbols and values of Khadi described here are taken mostly from the rhetoric of Gandhi himself, and that the interpretation of them are by
23 24

Vol. XXII, 190. Our Laxity, in Young India , 23.2.1922 Vol. XXI, 113. Pitfalls in Swadeshi, in Navajivan, 6.10.1921 25 Vol. XXIII, 3. Swadeshi v. Khadi, in Navajivan, 5.3.1922 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Vol. XXI, 178. Notes, Is Khadi a Passing Phase?

no means exhaustive or definitive, we can see the place Khadi held in the imaginations of the people, even if this was not always the belief or action Gandhi desired. We see both how Khadi appropriated symbols, and how Khadi was appropriated as a symbol for a larger cause. Khadi could be linked to cow protection, or to the chastity of woman. Khadi could be understood in the narrowest economic terms, as an instrument for the betterment (financial and moral) of degraded classes, and as the ultimate test for the people of India to prove that they were worthy of the Swaraj they were fighting for. Khadi was thus a heavily value-laden concept. The centrality it came to assume in non-cooperation was the result of the potency of the meanings that came to be invested in it.