Imperial Authority

Climate, Race, and Imperial Authority: The Symbolic Landscape of the British Hill Station in India Author(s): Judith
T. Kenny Source: Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 85, No. 4 (Dec., 1995), pp. 694-714 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Association of American Geographers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2564433 . Accessed: 04/12/2013 12:39
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Climate, Race, and ImperialAuthority: The Symbolic Landscape of the Hill Stationin India British
T. Kenny Judith Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee hill stationin modern India is frequently viewedby theWestern visitor as an island ofVictorian valuesand symbols without a clientele. When thearchitectural historian Philip Davies visited the municipality of Ootacamund'intheNilgiri mountains ofsouthern India, he marveled at the landscape's "curiouslydistortedvision of England,an in an Oriental anachronistic reflection mirror" (1985:128). British journalistMollie PanterDownes had been similarly impressed with this little and "still "comforting piece of England" flourishing reflection of British rule"(1967:8, 105). Perhapsitis notsurprising that theseEnglish visitors the landscape of Ootacainterpreted mund as a misplacedrelicof India'scolonial pastbothin form and function. As a derivative of a Western colonialexperience, the hillstation'sinstitutional complexand morphological images included Christian churches,private in the English schoolstaught theadlanguage, ministrative headquarters of district and state and the kindsof recreational fagovernment, cilities associatedwithBritish usually country life or an English spa. or Ooty as itwas moreaffecOotacamund, tionatelynicknamed,was one of approximately eighty settlements2 builtby the British to serve as mountain retreats fromthe "hot season" of the Indianplains(Figure 1). Shortly after the establishment of the first of the hill in 1819, British stations colonialslooked forwardto the annualsummer migration up into the hills the heat,the dust,and the away from "natives." in the 1860s, select hill Beginning stations also servedas summer of the capitals word forrulewhichbecame "Raj"-a Sanskrit withBritish synonymous crownrule.Forsixto who eightmonthseach year,administrators believedthat thecomfort ofthecolonialrulers
Annals of the Association c Anmerican Geographers, 85(4), 1995, pp. 694-714 ?1 995 by Association of American Geographers
The
took precedence over the accessibilityof government to their minions conducted imperial governmentfromthese remote locations. The superiority of the hillclimate forAngloIndians (as British colonials called themselves3) was summarized by one colonial who wryly observed that"likemeat, we keep betterhere" (Eden 1983:129). And just as the climate was the popular prescription forthe physicalhealth of Anglo-Indians, the environmentsuited their mental health as well. Sparsely settled by Indians, the hillswere viewed as a blank slate on which Anglo-Indians could create a familiar
Distribution of British-built Hill Stations
gO
1. British-built hill stations. Distribution of InFigure dian hill stations built in the nineteenth century.
Source:Mitchell 1972.
Published byBlackwell Publishers, 238 MainStreet, Cambridge, MA02142, and 108 CowleyRoad,Oxford, OX4 lIF,UK.
HillStationin India The British piece of Englittle landscape, a "comforting land." Colonial planning policies continue to the persistthrough modernIndians influence of urbanareas structure ence of boththe built and colonial models of landscape. The large however,has not predegree of continuity, of the hillstation's cluded a reinterpretation are not thehill stations valueand use. Certainly, ofthesopieces and thecoexistence museum with towns India cialist goalsofan independent colonialvalassociatedwithelitist, historically for and dilemmas tensions ues createintriguing "Down HillAll the Way?,"a recent planners. magazineIndiaTocover story of the national on the fu1989), focusedattention day (June Inaddition to questiontureofthehill stations.4 ofthestations attractiveness ingthecontinued ofa growgiventheimpact as summer resorts on the environmental ing numberof visitors toucheson ofthe hill towns,thearticle quality roleas a "parastation's thedebateoverthehill form.In this sitic"or 'generative" settlement forthe fuand planning anticipating context, stations cannotavoid an examitureofthe hill norofthe ofthe legaciesof imperialists nation and aestheticvalues thatthe social, political British inscribedon these resortsettlements ofthe "Raj." and summer capitals The hill stationsbuiltsome two hundred in Indiawere not arrived the British yearsafter British landscape. They a transplanted simply rather of broadernineteenthwere expressive worldapart that setthecolonial beliefs century and rereflected stations Europe.The hill from differinforced ofsocialand racial assumptions the separaence, and in so doing naturalized form and ruled.This settlement tionof rulers and landscape model was embedded, of systemof colonialcontrol course, in a larger discourseofimperialism.5 Byimand a general that discourseI mean the framework perialist and repinterpretation shaped the imperialists' worldviaa sysofthenon-western resentation tem of meaningand a process thatsustained them of domination by representing relations is a withimperialism Intertwined as legitimate. classical second discourserootedin European difofclimate and race whichdefined theories and "torrid" zones. ference bythe"temperate" with beenvironment, Race,and itsassociation definicame keyto thelatenineteenth-century betweenthe tionofdifferential powerrelations rulersand those they ruled.At the imperial
695
forensame time,Indiaservedas a laboratory and forappropriate "knowledge" vironmental (Frenkel to thetropics adaptations "European"
and Western 1988; Aiken 1994).6
aboutthe suggest Whatdoes the hillstation and the Indibetween the British differences ans? How was thislandscapeshaped to serve forthe British rulers? as a place appropriate role in And what was the government's and material itssymbolic significance affirming was ofdifference ideology The imperial effect? specific, as well as geographically historically I cannotcover but owingto space limitations of the hillstationin British the entirehistory ofthe on the hill stations India.I focusinstead century and earlytwentieth late nineteenth the "hill craze" ofthehighimpewhen,during and thenumincreased rial grandeur age, their be exAs might ber of stations grew rapidly. hill were not stations Indian pected,theeighty of to differences all createdequal. In addition hillstations variedin social site and situation, und-the Ootacam and function. acceptability hillstation of the Madras Presidency premier "Raj"and a summercapital of the British context for servesas a particularly appropriate betweengovernment the relations examining practicesand discoursesof the Other in the landscapes. shapingof hill-station
Discourses of the Other

To conceptualizediscourseis to open an of the relation avenue forthe consideration and between betweenlanguageand ideology practice. Dislinguisticand non-linguistic courses can be definedas social frameworks and actwaysof thinking thatenable and limit "embrace particular ing.7These frameworks of narratives, concepts, ideolocombinations thatcorrespond practices" gies and signifying and Duncan to an area ofsocialaction(Barnes in the concept are relations 1992:8). Inherent between discourses,knowledge,representaworkin thisposttions,and power.Scholarly mode of analysis addresses disstructural courses of the Other(e.g., of race, genderor ofdifference) category anyotherconventional One of these, thatimplypower differentials. conis specifically colonialdiscoursetheory,8 of the colonial cerned with"the construction subject in discourse, and the exercise of colonial power throughdiscourse" (Bhabha
696
Kenny
1994:67). Bydefinition, imperial discourseand be subsumedin thediscourse ofclimate might thiscategory. Maintaining their distinctiveness, however, clarifies their historical role. Examplesabound in which cultural groups have perceivedothercultures notso muchas thatbenefit the perceivtheyare butin terms ing group. The phrase "imaginative geographies" introduced by the literary theorist Edward Said (1979) describesthese transformaThese colonialgeogrationsof othercultures. itsown sense of phies"helpthemindintensify the distanceand differitself by dramatizing ence between what is close and what is far disaway" (1979:55). Farfrom beinginnocent tortions of other cultures, those representations imply power relations. "Taxonomic lores"developed as partof these geographies serve to separateraces, regions, and nations to categories ofdifference. according Although Said'sworkon Orientalism is perhaps thebestknownanalysis of imperial practices and discoursesoftheOther-an analysis whichshows how "European culture was able to manageand even produce-the Orientpolitically, sociologically, militarily, ideologically, scientifically and imaginatively" (1979:3)-others have extended hisargument (e.g., Inden1990). constructions of Orientalist Initially, critiques dealt primarily with a Western discourse shaped by Western experts, government agents, and authors in service of Western of such analysesrests power.The significance in parton the centrality in the of imperialism cultural of Britain representations to the British (Spivak 1985:261). Subsequently,however, broadenedthisperspecpostcolonial critiques tiveto accommodate theambivalence ofcolonialdiscoursein social relations between imelites.Employing such perialand indigenous and cultural concepts as mimicry hybridity, these latercritics exposed the ironiesof the imperialists' 'civilizing mission," a mission whichdepictedindigenous people as: "almost
the same, but not quite . . . Almost the same
but not white . . . a mimic man .
.
as theseanalyses are,muchof As important to this critiqueis peripheral the postcolonial landscapewhich examination ofthehill-station the British told focuses insteadon the stories In the summer capitalsof about themselves.9 of the hillstation isolation the Raj,the relative a stage with "homelike" afforded the British qualitieson which to definetheirdifference in appropriately British terms, and to confirm, the as rulers of India.Although theiridentity sense of selfwas not divorced Anglo-Indian from the Indianas colonialsubject,the rulers elitesand subalcould "overlook" indigenous thus ternswhile in the hills.The hillstations the imaginative role within serveda particular a role that of imperial discourse, geographies "mind[to] intensify its enabled the imperialist and distance own sense ofitself bydramatizing the centersof difference" (Said 1979:55) from in the plains. Indianpopulation whichconveysthisdisOne ofthetropes10 is race. tanceand itsdifferential powerrelations thebiological scienceshave longdisAlthough concept, it enmissed race as a meaningful dured in popularusage as a metaphor forthe essence of difference. As irreducible ultimate, theliterary theorist AbdulJanMohamed has arof racial difference is,in gued,"theperception the first by economic moplace, influenced tives"(1986:80). Borrowing a metaphor from theconqueror/native Frantz Fanon,he defines as a "Manichean" struggle-a dualrelationship and dark-inwhich istic conflict betweenlight thenathecolonialist discourse"commodities" tivesubjectas a stereotyped object.Thisrepargues, resentational "economy," JanMohamed the central disconstitutes tropeof colonialist and political course,one whichties changing to the representation of economic interests an age of race and people and places during of colonial disAmong the shortcomings the mostprominent is coursetheory, arguably the characterization of imperialism as a homogenous ideologyaccompanied by a hoof racism. As NicholasThomas mogenization (1994) observes, peoples have been distinof othercriteria including guishedby a variety the lack of civility, industrial goods, and ecoThatsaid,race endures nomicdevelopment.11 as a key discursive device fordefining difference in muchofthe nineteenth and twentieth An historical of British repreanalysis century. of India suggeststhatthese were sentations informed associatedwitha by otherstandards
imperialism.
not to be English" glicized is emphatically (Bhabha 1994:86-87; emphases in the original). In a relatedintellectual challenge,members of the Subaltern Studiesprojectrejected the discourseof India'selitesas derivative and chose instead the history to rewrite ofcolonial India by giving a voice to the "separateand distinctive ofview ofthemasses"(Guha points and Spivak1988:vi).
. to be An-
The British HillStationin India ofcolonial complextransformation and society, most especiallyby discoursesof imperialism and climate/race.
697
English evangelicalreformer William Wilberforce would promote."Let us endeavor to our rootsintotheir strike soil,"he proclaimed, "bythegradual introduction and establishment ofourown principles and opinion;ofourlaws,
institutions and manners . . ." (Morris 1973:74).
This pronouncement of imperial interest voiced the concernsof a nation"challenged" by the "needs" of India. Europeancontactwithindigenous peoples Assuming control ofa larger portion of India theoretically offered theoptionsof responding resulted inevitably in a separation ofthe British to the Otherin terms of identity or difference. and their new Indian From the1760s, subjects. in the colonialperiod,when tradewith Early the EastIndiaCompany'ssettlements in India India was primarily dependent on thegood will increasingly became models of British status. of Indians, the British tended to ignoresigWhere once the social idealwas to livelikea nificant divergences in behavior or to explain Nawab (a Mughal title), new idealsofsuburban to culture. awaythosedifferences byreference livingand British architectural stylesset the Recall that the merchants of the East India standard forthe colonialeliteof Madras,CalCompany were not a strongcolonial force; the troops that cutta,and Bombay.Similarly they were present onlyatthetolerance oflocal had been concentrated in urbancenters were landowners. Confined as they were to thefour dispersedintocantonments thatamountedto coastalareasofMadras,Calcutta, Bombay, and "petrified military camps" (Davies 1985:77) on Surat from 1619 to the1760s, the British knew the periphery. to the military Adjacent station, of Indiaor Indiansociety. verylittle What has the civilstation was occupied bythemembers been describedas an "easy symbiosis" (Bayly of the colonialbureaucracy. Whilethese new 1988:69) was undermined in the laterpartof sheltered the colonials some settlements from theeighteenth with thecollapseofthe century ofthe inconveniences in India, oflife also they and commercial MughalEmpire conflict fueled isolatedthemfrom Indian society. and French. by wars betweenthe British The Indian society was changing as well.Utilitarincreasing instability ofthecountryside and the ian belief encouragededucationof Indians so growingpresence of the European military thattheymight be raisedto British standards helped to divert the British settlements from and values.Yet,as Bhabhadescribes, the educommercialto imperialist channels (Spear catedIndian subjectbecametheultimate figure 1963; Bayly 1988). of mockery. The "mimic" colonialsubjectsugThe transformation of colonialsocietywas was emphatically gestedthatto be Anglicized also influenced by marked changes in English notto be English. By 1850, the emergenceof societyand culturebetween 1780 to 1850. a WesternizedIndianelite in the port cities and Evangelical Utilitarian reformers called for views of the transformation challengedBritish and in her colonies. They changes in Britain of Indiansociety. Indian ensocietyin general thestyle ofconductthat had brought criticized tereda periodof stress.British policycreated in India by wealthand power to the British the greatlandsetsocialdisturbances through itcriminal The presenceofthe behavior. calling India and the displacetlements of northern in India,however, British was not disputedby and the imposition mentof manylandholders, the reformers. Indian Indeed,as dutyreplacedtrade of British and lawsendangered customs as the expressed interest, the British felta religions. Moreover, aggressive policiesof ansense of permanencein India.Reform greater nexationcarriedout by the East India Comcame in the Charter Act of 1813 whichbroke the Marquess of pany's Governor-General, the monopoly of the EastIndiaCompanyand in British control of threeDalhousie,resulted theultimate made Parliament in India. of Indiaby 1856. The "improvement authority fifths of Such a move would have been unthinkable India"appeared to be a plot againstthe old when in 1774 the govonlyforty yearsearlier of India.British cultures and authorities military Warren ernor ofBengal, declaredthat membersof the East India ComHastings, high-caste "the dominionof all of India is what I never theflashpoint to pany'sBengalArmy provided wishto see" (Watson1981:129). Butdominion theincendiary situation. Policies disliked on rewas preciselywhat the nineteenth-century ligiousgrounds,including the movementof
The Transformation of Colonial Society(1 760s-1 850s)
698
Kenny ThomasMetcalf (1989:7) makesthispointexplicitly; imperial architectural styles were,inhis of an interconnected view, manifestations structure of power and knowledgethat informed colonialism everywhere. Although ilovergeneralized, Metcalf's thesissometimes luminates as when he notesthat: "Inthepublic buildings put up by the Raj it was essential alwaysto make visibleBritain's imperial positionas ruler, for thesestructures were charged withthe explicit propose of representing empire itself" (1989:2). Butthereare manyways of building a building or landscape,and the of British self-consciousness debates over architectural stylesnicelyrecordtheir changing visionsofthemselves as rulers of India. The expression oftheseconcernswas rarely in British straightforward, however, settlement planning. Frequently, publicsafety servedas a metaphor forcontrol(Oldenburg1984), and decisionsputatively based on health concerns maskeddesiresforcomfort and a prestigious environmentfor the colonial populations (Frenkeland Western1988). Veena Oldenburg'saccount of the rebuilding of Lucknow itsdestruction after intherebellion of1857,for instance, emphasizes the British concern for from internal security conspiracy. Bydemolishofthetraditional British ingthe "labyrinth" city, planners createdspace fora broad street networkthat facilitated surveillance and policedeinthe hills, ployment. Similarly, the British sustainedthe illusion of an English town (Kanwar 1990) byhousing theIndian servicepopulation in segregated areas.
troops overseas and the use of greased carin violation ofcaste restrictionstridges-both were the rallying pointsforthe "IndianMualso known as the Sepoy Rebellionor tiny," of 1857. For fourteen Uprising months,the world of British dissolved on the authority northern plainsof India. the spirit of reform Although had been inofracial withexpressions sucreasingly tinged the hostilities periority, associatedwith the uprising underlined of irreconcilthe impression able difference. The yearofthemutiny marked shifts in the British significant representations of Indiaas expressedintheir theories of imperial authority and discourses of difference. themutiny Blaming on theEastIndiaCompany, the Parliament in Londonabolishedthe Company and named Victoria of British sovereign Indiain 1858. India became an imperial possessionand the Crown'srepresentatives there and civilianofficials) (military acquired new statusand responsibility. Rather thanpromote was to protect change,the new government and preserveIndians'religious and traditions cultural differences. the prevalence ofnew "scienConcurrently, tific" theoriesof racialsuperiority duringthe 1850s supporteda growingBritish preoccupation with the "grandeur of our race" (Sir CharlesDilkecitedinElridge 1973:49)-or, less kindly, withthe "mutiny mentality." The irony ofthis fixation on racial was thepsydifference chic and social distortion it entailedforthe British in India.
While profiting from the fearon whichthe Raj theAnglo-Indians ofa fear rests, are victims which Indiaarouses in them.They live amidstscenery sense thatIndianshate theydo not understand, themand feel Indiato be a poisonouscountry evilagainst them.(Parry intending 1972:279-280)
Climate, Race and Imperial Authority

Climateand Health The modestscholarly attention devoted to hillstation in Indiareflects the British perhaps its seemingly "natural" existencein a cultural the hill station ecologyof coloniallife. Initially, was the upland counterpart to the lowland save foritsdistancing ofAnglomilitary station, Indiansfromthe perceivedunpleasantries of lifein India.Hillstations were a relatively new colonialsettlement form when, in 1838, Emily Eden wrotefrom the Himalayan hillstation of Simla to a family member in England (1983:129):
If"their imaginative geography" the reinforced Anglo-Indian it likewise sense of superiority, fed their fearsof a "scenery theydo not understand." The transformation ofVictorian British values and beliefsnecessarily spilledover onto the landscapesof the colonialworld (King1976; and Western1988; Oldenburg1984; Frenkel Metcalf1989; Kanwar 1990). Scholarswho have analyzedthe social and political underofcolonialarchitecture and urban pinnings dehaveemphasizedthat theimposing velopment builtby the British served as social buildings controls over the indigenous populations and/or as health forAnglo-Indians. sanctuaries
The British HillStationin India

Itcertainly is very pleasant to be in a pretty place, with a nice climate. Not that I would not startoff thisinstant, and go dak [transport by relay]all over the hot plains,and throughthe hot wind, ifI were told that I mightsail home the instantI arrived at Calcutta,but as nobody makes me thatoffer, I can wait here betterthan anywhere else....
699
mationto the climateof the plains; and 2) women owing to their"highly mobile"temperaments (presumably temperamental) and/or preference for the sociallife ofthe low country. Ironically, by the latenineteenth century manywould describethe hillstations as places forwomen whilethe "men of action" Miss Eden'ssentiments regarding hill-station popularized inheroic talespreferred theplains. life would be sharedby severalgenerations of Despite the perceivedhealthbenefits, the Anglo-Indians. Patrons of the colonialhillstahillstations' separation from the low country tionsliberally praised natural environments that caused concernwhen British miofficials first were relatively cool, green,and unpopulated. grated to thesesanitaria. Before theabolition of The contrast with the lowlands seemed to prothe East IndiaCompany, the Companycomvoke the question"couldthisbe India?" (Panplainedof the expense incurred by these anter-Downes 1967). Inthecase ofOotacamund, nual, unofficial retreats (Kenny1991). But by assessments from ranging Tennyson's descripthe1850s,persistence overcameofficial objectionof the "sweet half-English air"of Ootacations as district, and imperial provincial, admund(Baker1967:217) to a laterpaean to its moved theirsummerheadquarministrations valueas "an islandof British atmosphere hung ters to the hillstations. Imperial government above the Indian plains" (Pentland 1928) commoved 1,200 milesfrom Calcutta to Simla;the municated thesite'ssuperiority and theescape. MadrasGovernment spentsix months at OoGeographic research on the hillstation emthe Bombay tacamund; Government occupied phasizes its role in the physicaland mental Mahableshwarand Poona for four months health ofthecolonials (Mitchell 1972; Spencer each; the BengalGovernment wentto Darjeeand Thomas1948). As Nora Mitchell notes in lingforthreemonths; and the Government of herdiscussion of the hill station, theAnglo-Inthe North-Western Provinces and Oudh spent dians' perceptionof healthful environments fivemonths in NaniTal(Figure 2).12 These habwere shaped by a combination of classical itsbecame official onlyafter Simlawas desigand themedieval theories inmiasmic belief airs natedas the Viceroy of India'ssummer capital (poisoned by noxious,decayingorganicmatin 1864. In 1870, Ootacamund,nextin rank, in hindsight these ideas guided ter).Although officially became the seat of summer governthe developmentof the hillstations and the mentforthe governorof the Madras Presiof themas healthy perception environments, dency.Othersummer capitalssoon were acthe earlyrecordof British encounter suggests corded official status. a morecautious, ifnot mixed,reaction to the The definition of who would benefit from of the hills. "discovery" As Sir Richard Burton thehill and for whatreasons, was a key station, explainedin talking about the hillstationof disaspect in an evolvingnineteenth-century Ootacamund, "we demi-Orientals, who know course. The discourse also justified governby experiencethe dangersof mountain air in mentpractices whichfurther sanctioned racial India, only wonder at the man who first and spatialcategories. Imperial practices supplanted a roof-tree upon the Neilgherries" ported thedistinction ofthisBritish enclavenot (1851:270). Without an understanding of maonly as an appropriate place forcolonialadlaria'scause, the disease was ascribedto the butalso as a racial and spatial ministrators, cateof mountain air in India."Only after "dangers and gorythat symbolizedBritish superiority oftheinterior refined thecolonials' exploration difference. Features whichseemed to set apart definition of "fever zones" did the cooler cli"Europeans" (used as a nineteenth-century ramate and the assumed absence of disease cial category) were ascribedto the hillstation serve as a rationale fortheirhillstations. Proand inscribed in itslandscape. motion of thisnew resourcewas required, as was an interpretation of its benefits (Kenny 1991). Notallwere suited to thehills according Race and Imperial Authority to Dr.Baikie medical (1834; 1857),the resident expertof Ootacamund.He warned thattwo The Victorian revival oftheories race relating find the hill European ungroupsmight climate and climate coincidedwiththe waningof reformenthusiasm in post-Mutiny satisfactory: 1) pensioners accliIndia.These owingto their
700
Kenny having evolvedina physical environment (Britain) that bred a superiorpeople capable of administering others(Hutchins 1967; Metcalfe 1964). Races of the world were differentiated by anatomyand intellect and kept apartby climate, with each sharing its"prescribed salubrious limits" (Hutchins1967:161). The theory further impliedthatan Englishman placed in Bengalwould live witha tolerable degree of healthbut he "would soon cease to be the and his descendantswould same individual" The Europeanconstitution could degenerate. in the climate notsurvive thethird generation of India proclaimedthe Parliament's "Select on Colonization and Settlement Committee (of India)"of 1857 (Hutchins 1967:61). The theoretical relationship between cliwas refined mate,race,and health throughout In the latter partof the nineteenth century. Health Resorts for Tropical Invalids, the Surgeon General of the Bombay Presidency launcheda protest againstthose "who have theclimate ofIndiaas notinimical to portrayed Europeans" (Moore 1881:3-4). Perhaps itisthe in 1881 thatis most need forsuch a protest notable.He arguedthatthe climateand the exposureto disease in the plainsthreatened Itis onlyby "perithe health of Anglo-Indians. odicalescape from theinfluence oftheplains," themajority ofEuropeans can he advised,"that and physical health and vigretain bothmental our."The need to escape "theheat"meantof course a simultaneous escape from"the native." of India Althoughthe new government graduallyaccepted these "hill migrations," from the governedmountedwith complaints the time spent in the hillsand the expense associatedwithmaintaining second, summer seatsofgovernment. Indian reachedits protest peak in 1884 when thirty thousand petitioners from the Madraspresidency alone asked Parliament to haltthe annualexodus to the hills and the "hill and cercraze." FormanyIndians tainmembers of the non-official British comit appeared thatthe government was munity a permanent planning move to Ootacamund and thateverydistrict collector was building a summer office on higher Protests were ground. heardfrom othercitiesin British Indiawhere Indian subjects questioned themovesofimpeand district offices intothe hills rial, provincial, often for morethanhalf theyear(Kenny 1990).
andProvincial TheImperial SeatsofGovernment 1857-1910 for British India,

Naini TalIA
isi
Agra*
rjlg
Calcutta _Bom~Bobay
Maah
APoona habeleshwar
Figure 2. The imperialand provincialseats of government for BritishIndia, 1857-1910. The informal practice of conducting business in the hill stations during summer months was formalized after1864. headImperialGovernmentthen moved theirofficial quarters to Simla during the hot season, while the Madras Presidencyspent the season at Ootacamund, the Bombay Presidency visited Poona and Mahableshwar four months each, the Bengal Government leftCalcutta for Darjeeling, and the Government of the North-WesternProvinces and Oudh moved its seat of administration from Agra (later Lucknow) to the hill station of Naini Tal. Sources: Gopal 1965; Mitchell1972.
differtheoriesrationalized the irreconcilable and Indiansas a ences between "Europeans" The links form of environmental determinism. between environmentand racial characcenteristics were not new to the nineteenth butthe discourse of climate was dressed tury, in new scientific terms.By the early1850s, theories ofracial difference assumedthatracial of multiple typeswere fixedand the products creations. The theory ofevolution, whileoverthesebeliefs, did notloose the holdof turning racism. pseudo-scientific Indeed,evolutionary for survival"provided a theory's "struggle and conmechanism forracialdifferentiation Inthat flict. struggle, the"White race"prevailed because itwas moreadvanced and adaptable

In defense of this practice,the liberalgovernor of the Madras Presidencycited the greater in the hills. Referof administrators efficiency ringto gentlemenfrom"the rainyisles" at work in the hillstation,he pictured"one of the most hard working men in the Presidency,rubbing his hands in a drivingScotch mist,as happy as a Newfoundland dog on a frosty day in England" (Madras Mail: July 1, 1884). Representing the contrary views of the petitioners, an editorial in the Madras Mail (April 1, 1884) argued that: Ootacamund is a very good kindofplace for men on leave,fordames,damsels, smallboysand ponies;butitis nota good placefor thedevelopment of a highsense of duty, or the attainment of that activesympathy ofthepeople ofIndiawhichis as oil to the bearing of state. This representation was a popular one among
701
those who picturednot increasedefficiency but men on holiday leisureactivities pursuing in the hills (Figure 3). As the stayof the upper inthehill echelonsofgovernment station capitalsincreased to eight months out oftwelve,it was onlynatural that thestruggle forthedominant representation of hill-station activity would become critical. the government's Ultimately, thesis of inina climate creasedefficiency suited to natives ofBritain thepetitioners' outweighed demands foraccessibility to decisionmakers. The petitionerswere effective, however,in reducing the amountof timespent in the hills. On the recommendation of Parliament, the governors and theirsecretariats were limited to six to seven months a year in the summercapitals. Despite growingnationalist the buprotests, reaucraticmachine of imperialgovernment
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thelookofa rising English watering place."(Trevelyancitedin Price1909:64)
had momentum on itsside. With the approval of Parliament, of British the practice authority and the hillstationwere inextricably linked. The summer seat of government had in effect become a symbolof the Raj. Successive administrators, from governors to municipal councilmen, believed itwas their dutyto enhance the beautyof the new capitalsand to As one retiring increasetheir attractions. governorof the MadrasPresidency reminded his be sure to "make Ootacamund constituents, make it convenientbut above all beautiful, keep it healthy" (Ootacamund Municipal CouncilOctober 20, 1900).
The English Landscape of the Hill Station

For many outside the hill station'ssocial world,Ootacamundservedas a symbol ofthe colonialadministration's disregard for the people of India.To the colonialofficials, however, the landscape of Ootacamund symbolizeda viewofsocialorder, the "natural" environment forthe British representatives of imperial government. The viceroy LordLytton this captured view during his visit to Ootacamundin 1877: "I affirm itto be a paradise.... The afternoon was rainy and the road muddy, butsuch Englishrainsuch deliciousEnglish mud" (quoted in Price 1909:63). Lytton further describeda landscape composed of familiar British features: "ImagineHerefordshire lanes, Devonshire downs, Westmorelandlakes, Scotch trout streams." visitors also projectedimEarly onto the natural environment ages of England of Ootacamund and therebyinfluenced the developmentof the landscape (see Kenny 1990). The "founder" of Ootacamund,John set out to make the hillstationan Sullivan, IndianUtopiawithan English landscapeby innot only Europeantrees, flowers, troducing fruit and vegetables,but also the serpentine torsto the hillstation commentedon the remarkablesimilarities between this landscape and home.The British statesman and utilitarian ThomasBabington inOotaMacauley, arriving camundin 1834, saw:
a pleasant ofan ampitheatre ofgreenhills surprise encircling a smalllake,whose bankswere dotted with red-tiled cottages surrounding a pretty Gothic Church. The whole station presented "very much lake of a countryestate (Figure4).3 Latervisi-
The "English watering place" awaiteditstransformation fromsanitarium to summercapital after 1870. Following Ootacamund'sdesignation as the seat of summergovernment, the hillstation underwent significant change. Between1871 and 1901, population grewrapidly from 9,932 to 18,596 permanent residents and a seasonal of more than twice that.The inpopulation crease in officials and staff was accompanied byrising numbers ofIndians and Anglo-Indians seekingcommercial opportunities. The 1884 of permanent establishment military headquartersofthe MadrasArmy on the hills extended the official presence.Ooty was perceivedby theAnglo-Indian as a British community settlement despitethefact that theIndian population outnumbered the European of more by a ratio thanten to one and thatthe site includeda small but significant Indiancommercial class. Indian Although residents ofOotacamundheld the majority of the station's realestateduring thisperiod,theywere "absent"forthe most the settlement's partfrom social and political circles. The landscape model chosen forthe summer capital,therefore, need not incorporate the monumental of colonialauthority displays in the "IndianFeudal"or Indo-Sarcenic styles of publicbuildings inthe plains.14 typical Symand aristocratic bolizingthe genteel,refined, imagesof English upper-class as the living-or, British have newspaper The Statesman might race" (citedin Southof put it,the "aristocratic India Observer(SIO): September12, 1877)the hills were well-suited forthis"elegant pasmodeland theruling toral" class life associated withit.In the case of Ootacamund,contemliterature porary depicteditas a siteof unpretentiousdignity, beautiful surround(English) ings, and a legitimacy based in its history (Eagan1912:31 ).
In structureand architectural design, the public neitherelaborate nor prebuildingsare, naturally, tentious. Yet, the prominence usually afforded them by theirpositionon hillcrests, coupled with their beautifulsurroundings,lends them a certain while much of historicinterest dignity, attaches to them.
These qualities thevirtues imply, asmoreover, sociated withthe late nineteenthand early modelofan essentially rural twentieth-century
The BritishHill Station in India
703
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and an essentially unchanging England. The rural mode impliedgreatness centerednot on the commercial class and the industrial towns buton thetraditional aristocracy and landownership (Weiner 1981; Williams 1973). Intracing theseattitudes toward thecity and thecountry, Raymond Williams observed thatthe cultural importance ofrural idealsgrewdespitethedeclining importance of the working rural econidealsofhow to livewell,"from omy.Rural the of the country-house style to the simplicity of the cottage"(Williams 1973:248),afforded an image of Home forthe colonialsociety:"its rural peace contrasted with thetropical or arid places of actualwork; itssense of belonging, of community, idealisedby contrast withthe
tensions of colonialruleand the isolated alien settlement" (1973:281). Historic attachments to place and a sense of in the official belongingwere incorporated landscapeof Ooty.In 1870, Stone House-the inthe hill oldestbuilding station and one associated withthe "discoverer" of Ootacamund, John Sullivan-was chosen to house theSecretariat's offices. Thissingular exampleofEnglishstylestone structure became the center of official business. The first effort to improve the official landscapeinvolved thebeautification of the groundson StonehouseHillfollowedby improvements to the Secretariat If building. earlierobservations of Ootacamund'snatural environment had inspired comparisons to the
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Kenny construcafter, Ooty forthatpurpose.Shortly designedalong tionbegan on a new mansion house, the lines of the Duke's own country Buckingham's Stowe House,Buckinghamshire. country house repchoice of a Palladian-style the Duke's ideas on the resented, presumably, house as well appropriate designof a country in replicating home. Although as his interest facade the classicalcolumnsof the Palladian during the lateeighteenth wentout of fashion the the influence ofromanticism, century with intheearlynineteenth censaw a revival style tury justas Stowe House was in the planning stages. Perhaps,as Mark Girouardsuggests, house symthe classicalportico ofa Palladian bolized morethaneducationand culture.
the architect GilbertScott, who was Certainly brought up in the 1820's underthe shadow of
park,these later landscape of a gentleman's investments groomed the image (Price 1909:20-21). While Stonehouse Hill was the center of House would official business,Government sosoon become thecenterofOotacamund's in to itsconstruction cial life(Figure 5). Prior viedwith other visitors to rent 1877,governors houses during the one ofthe moresubstantial and other expenditures season,buttheserents were the peron personalaccommodations ofthe governors and their sonal responsibility But in 1876, inspiredperhaps by the staffs. queen proclamation namingQueen Victoria thepresiding oftheMadras empress, governor the Duke of Buckingham, estabPresidency, The governor acquired lisheda hillresidence. hillin a house on the slopes of the highest
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Stowe and the dukes of Buckingham,saw authoriin great classical houses. "Theircold and tarianism proud palladianism. .. seems to forbidapproachthe only ruralthoughtsthey suggest are of game keepers and park rangers."(Girouard 1978:242)
705
While romanticstyleswould dominate the hill station's residential,commercial, and governmental office buildings,the Governor's Palladian mansion was an exception. This mansion was not without controversy. The ImperialFund was tapped over a number of years in an effort to complete Government House and to furnishit. Monitoringthese expenses, the Madras Mail newspaper voiced loud criticism of the governor's hillstationconstructionprogram.Aftercompletion of the facilities,however, Government House and the Secretariat Officescame to be seen as "natural" parts of the landscape and of governance.
Literally and figuratively, Government commandedthe highgroundof the hillstation, as did the English towncenter. Figure 6, entitled "A General View of Qotacamund,"captures Telegraph Hill-Ooty'sBritish center-as it appearedduring the 1880s. Concentrated within thisarea,and locatedabove the Indian bazaar, were theofficial church (St.Stephen's), district and municipal government offices, and, in increasing businesses. numbers, British-managed St.Stephen's, built in1826 with EastIndia Company fundsand with timbers fromthe destroyed palace ofan Indian ruler (showninthe foreground of Figure6), served as the geographiccenterof the hillstation, the historic center from whichthe station had grown, and the geometric centerfrom which all mileage within the district was figured. Although "English" land uses clusteredon
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thishilltop fromthe station's earlyyears,the town became a developmentof an English after 1870. Colloquially, Teleconscious effort graphHillbecame Cutcherry, or publicoffice, Hill.
Efforts have been made duringthe past few years forthe convenience of the public, to concentrate around the Collector's Officesand Courts,the Post & Telegraph Offices and Courts, the Post & Telegraph Offices,the TahsildarSubmagistrate's Court, the Registration Office,and in a few days the Bank will be in our midst.In shortwhat is known as the CutcherryHill [is] the very heart of Ootacamund. ... (S5O: March 22, 1884)
The "Unhealthy"Indian Settlements

The British inthehill faceda dilemma station. Gotacamund as a British settlement depended on a large Indianpopulationto supportthe privileged lifestyle ofAnglo-Indians. ButthisindispensableIndian laborpool was also viewed as a source of disease thatcould threaten the hillstation's role as sanitarium. The extentof the governor'sentouragesuggeststhe labor required formanaging hill-station life:
Severalspecial trainsconveyed his [the governor's]patriarchal following of staff, band, clerks, servants of all kindswiththeir between families, fiveand six hundred souls,besides nearly a hundred horses from the stables.
In 1884, the MadrasArmy locateditsheadon an easternspurof Telegraph Hill. quarters Tenyearslater, municipal business was accommodatedin the lastadministrative building to be constructed on the hill.Located on the lower side of the hillabove the bazaar, the Municipal Building was the onlypublicoffice Hillwitha view of the Indian on Telegraph ofOoty areasoftown.The English towncenter was thus separate from and superior to downslope landscapes. The British vantage hills point opened vistasto the surrounding and the lake below while closingoffforthe mostpart theviewofthe"natives." Evenwithin thehill therulers from station, height distanced the ruled. In Ooty, social rank was closely matched withelevation. thepicturThismatch reflected of the setting as well as a favoresque quality able interpretation of the site's healthfulness. in OotacaFromthe arrival of the first British of mund,theyhad comparedthe topography thestation ofhills to an amphitheater surroundingthe lake.Accordingly, the British "subuilt periorclass" residenceson the crestsof the hillsthat made up this amphitheater. To be over exposureto sure,some worriedinitially certain winds,or to possibleassociations between crestsitesand illness, or even to distances between bungalowsthat were timeand perhapsdangerous(DeWend consuming 1829). Butthese were momentary concerns. hillstations After were firmly established, their morphologies were seen as "natural" and picthanprecarious and their altituresquerather tudinal as indicators of the salubrity positions of residential sitessafely distancedfrom"unhealthy" Indian settlements.
1928:137)15
. .
. (Pentland
In Simla, the Viceroy'shunting expeditions alone required 2,000 bearers (Kanwar 1990:135).The luxurious lifestyle did notguarantee immunity from the disease thatspread through thelow country, and theIndian settlementswithin the station servedas a reminder of thatfact(see Figure 4). A choleraepidemic in 1877 raised serious questionsamong the British residentsof Gotacamund.How was Gotacamund's reputation as a beautiful and sawho lubrious spa to be insured? Furthermore, was to benefit from the sanitation measures? Seven months before Lord Lytton's 1877 the was paradise, declaration that Ootacamund aslocalnewspaper delivered a rather different sessment.Reporting on "another case of imthe Anglo-Indian portedcholera," newspaper South of India Observerexpressed concern aboutthe (British) to avoid community's ability a severe epidemicwiththe growing migration of Indians the lowlands.Disease "imup from an ported"withmigrant Indiansrepresented external threatto the healthand welfareof Ootacamund.Assessments of Ootacamund's health problemsand the methods used in them reflected not only the concombating of medical probtemporary understanding concernfor thehealth lems,butalso a primary of the Europeanpopulation. built Controlling "social hyspace as a means of maintaining giene" had been partand parcelof European in medical"knowledge" advancements since the eighteenth century (Foucault 1980; Burke
1985).16 Fearing that the coalescence
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the lake to the right of the earthen bridge would be filledin to improve sanitary conditions and to add to British and Records Office, London. Collection No. 394/87. Reprintedby perpark land. Source: India Office Library mission of The British Library.
Indian and European sectionsof Ooty'spopulation threatened the"health ofthetown"(SIO: May 30, 1877), Ooty's planners made Indian areas the prime targets for"improvement." Ironically, the cholera epidemic in the hill in improvements station in the British resulted landscape.A February 1877 report on Ootacamund's sanitary conditions notedthat thelargest number residednearthe ofcholeravictims bazaararea and thecontaminated waterofthe lake(Figure 7). Dense living conditions, sanitationproblems, and disease definedthe environment of the bazaar and, according to one travel guidebook, climate and race explained it:
whereyou have Indians in congregating together congeriesof dwellings called parcherries, agra-
harams or anythingelse you like, you must have insanitary conditions,and the danger is immeasurably more in a cold hillstationwhere the temptation to huddle more closely together for warmth in unclean surroundingsis proportionately greater. There has been more than one plague spot of this kind in Ootacamund for many generations now. (Higgenbotham1912:74)
In cold hillstations, the Indians' need to "huddle moreclosely together" merely exaggerated "natural" tendencies.Commentsof this sort were commonplacefrom the earliest yearsof hill-station living. British explanations invariably focused on Indians'reactionsto the Britishclimate style ofthehill stations and to thebasic insuitability oftheclimate to the"race," and just as invariably of omitted the social constraints limited space forIndiansettlements and the
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extreme measures to preserve the station's health (51: June6, 1903) followingthe plague of 1903. The local Anglo-Indian newspaper commented on the incidentalbenefitsof these public health measures: Ifthe scourgeof plaguehad not visited Ootacamundlastyear, we shouldhave probably gone for yearswiththose unsightly and insanitary native housesclose to themain road.Now nearly allhave been swept away and the road broadened.The gradients from the lowerto the upperpathinthis neighbourhood have been much improved, and thewhole locality altered. (51: March12, 1904) The new carriage road in the area of the lake suggested other possibilities. Portions of the bazaar characterized as "centres of disease" were destroyed, but the problem of overcrowding was merelyexacerbated as displaced residents sought housing in the bazaar's reThe 1907 HillSanitariaMumainingstructures. nicipal Act reinforced these measures by to raise taxes and authorizinghillmunicipalities control land uses in order to maintain the healthful statusof these stations.Anglo-Indians these extreme measures as a means of justified preservingthe convenience, beauty,and salubrityof hillstations in environmentssuited to in India. the British
expense of hill-station real estate. Moreover, the British usually glossed over the caste distinctions and agraassociatedwithparcherries harams-thedifference betweenthe living areas of braham ins and untouchables, respecthatIndian areas tively-thus implying dwelling in termsof environwere indistinguishable mental quality. in the The crowded, unsanitary conditions bazaar were lamented but not remedied. attention Budgetary focused instead on the market locatedin the bazaar where municipal were describedas unhealthy conditions and inconvenient. Municipalcouncil records extolledthe benefits of improving the drainage within the market area which would enable "Europeans to do their own marketing" and to forhill-station improvefood quality residents (Ootacamund Municipal Council April 14, 1877). The newlyconstructed market, withits cleanliness and "picturesque" color,soon became a favorite excursion forEuropean visitors to Ootacamund. OotacamundLakewas targeted forimprovement as well. Fromthe construction of the lake in the 1820s it had popular serpentine served as a source of drinking waterforthe bazaar until 1877 when the sanitary commissionerwarnedIndian residents to avoid drinkthe lake. Previously, the municipality ingfrom had reclaimed some oftheswampy area at the easternend of the lake; thisreducedthe area as itcreateda new pubof"unhealthy" ground lic recreation area. In 1875, the reclaimed land was enclosed, plantedas a park,and named Lord Hobart.The aftera previousgovernor, of the lake draining culmination scheme took anothertwenty years,in partdue to the ongoingprotest against "robbing Ooty of one of its most beautiful features" (SIO: January 12, 1884). The drained area,whichextendedfrom the bazaar to the lake's easternedges, was ultimately added to HobartParkand prepared for "public"use. In 1895, what had been a was turned intoa socialasset sanitary problem forthe upper-echelons of hill-station society. The purposeof healthwas served,according to Victorian an extenstandards, by providing sive fieldforexerciseas well as a necessary for the bazaar residents. sanitary improvement the British neverconsideredusing Apparently the reclaimed landas an area forresettling the crowdedarea of the bazaar. Ootacamund'smedical officer urged more
Visitors to the SummerCapital

British Guests
Appropriateto the statusof local society and the significanceof the landscape, hill stations drew many visitors "season." duringthe official No longersimplya refugeforthe Anglo-Indian, travel guides "packaged" Ootacamund as a summer capital of the Empirewhich combined the romantic"call of the East" with the amenities of an Englishtown. As increasingnumbers of British travelersadded the empire to their list of required destinations,travel guides assumed that the Nilgirishill country would be included on theiritineraries: we have in abunand flowers fruits, vegetables, and produceofthetropdance; butalso thefruits our theEast;... instyle and interior icsto identify houses are verylike English country places; but with their thelarge compounds surrounding them, Ingodownsand out housesare characteristically
of the Nilgiris.. general characteristics
is wonderfully of the "half-English" descriptive

.
. English

dian.... inmany essential we hereenjoy respects the advantages of the West,coupled withmany otherEastern advantages whichthe West is denied.(Niligiri Information Bureau [NIB]1911:1) These guides forthe hillstationspoke favorably of the countryatmosphere: Broad, well-laid roadssweep and undulate overa country of beautifulgardens and extensive stretches of turf studded withornamental trees whichgivesto the whole the appearanceof one
vast park. .
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whatwas "Indian." defining Byascribing qualities of gentleness, grace,and simplicity to the hill tribes, theseBritish representations contributed to the "imaginative geographies" of the hillsand plains (Kennedy 1991) which depictedhighland and lowlandpeoples as intrinas two places and two peosically different, ples. Indian"Guests" Society in the summercapitalswelcomed British visitors, butitdid not extendthe same reception to even the highest rankedIndians. The presenceof Indianprincesin the hillstationswould appear to have been appropriate giventheir status ofIndiaand amongtherulers by thefact thatoutsidethe boundaries of British India,thishereditary ruling class still conone-third of India.18 trolled Moreover, Queen Victoria's proclamation of 1858 acknowledged theirauthority by establishing an alliancebetween these Indianaristocrats and the British and thisfeudalalliancewas reaffirmonarch, med and elaboratedin the Imperial Durbarof 1877 (see Cohn 1983). But even thisfictive kinshipbetween Indianrulersof the Native Statesand British rulers did not ensure Indian wouldreceivea warmreception inthe princes hillstations. The Maharajah ofMysorewas thefirst ofthe in Ootacamund princesto purchaseproperty in1873; by1890,five to tenIndian rulers maintained "hot weather"homes in Ooty. These seasonal residents includedthe Maharajahof Mysore,the Nizam of Hyderabad,and the Gaekwarof Baroda-threeof the fivehighest princesof Indiawho had been honoredwith a twenty-one oftheir gunsalutein recognition roleas a "faithful and their prestige allyof the British Empire"(Forbes 1939:224). In Ooty, theyresidedin "amongthe bestand mostexbuilt" of the Europeanhouses (S10: pensively July 6, 1907). intoOoty society, Butentry as the Nizam of could be quitedifficult. Hyderbad discovered, Despite his rankas first amongthe princesof India,he could not conclude two real estate In 1886, after to buya agreements. attempting mansiononce occupied by the commanderin-chief of the Madras Army,he took the ownerto court for breachofcontract and won. land owners in OotacamunddeThe British
exquisite natural background to man'shandiwork, risethehills, sereneand grand, conveying a sense ofpeace and joy of life. (NIB1911:7)
. All around, formingas it were an
The juxtapositionof the romantic,uncultivated qualitiesof the surroundingNilgiris countryside with the "picturesque" British qualities of the stationitself was appealing indeed to the British eye. The attractiveness of a place of solitude in a naturalstate (i.e., India withonly a few Indians) drew tourists just as ithad interestedexplorers. Inspired partlyby romanticismand partlyby amateur anthropology,one popular touristexcursion visited a Toda mund (village) to see a local aboriginal group. The same enthusiasm did not extend to visitingagriculturist tribal Because the Todas were groups in the hills.17 one of the important"sights"of the hills,one governor hostingthe viceroy,Lord Curzon, arranged for "ten specimen male and ten females" to greet him (AmpthillJuly20, 1902). Whatever their effect,Lord Curzon sang the praises of Ootacamund's charm. According to the viceroy,he came, saw, and was conquered (Ampthill August 20, 1902), presumably by Ootacamund's romanticsettingand a sense of comfortand control conveyed by the British landscape. settlementswas an enterVisitinghill-tribe tainment common to several hill stations. These visits shaped Britishrepresentationsof the indigenous inhabitantsalong with the hillstation retreats (Kennedy 1991). Portraying them as the "noble guardians of edenic sanctuaries" (1991:59) expressed two familiar distropes (solitude and mimesis) of imperialist course (Pratt 1986; Duncan 1993). In these "encounters," the trope of solitude reaffirmed Britishsuperiorityas it provided escape to a romanticsettingtranslating place into another more pristinetime. And the trope of mimesis naturalizedsocial and politicalrelationsby employingthe language of scientific for objectivity
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on theirpart,butthe nied any discrimination Nizam concluded that the government had to bearinan attempt influence to conbrought trolthe sale of "European" housing(SIO: July 7, 1886). Some oftheresistance to theserulers enprobably reflected concernsoverthelarge whichthe Indianprincesbrought tourages to the hillsand the possibility of more disease (Kanwar1990:130). In "Exodusof Hyderabad to Ootacamund," the hill-station Government on the consequences newspapercommented residencein the of the Nizam of Hyderbad's hillsby referring to the Nizam's "followers" (S1: May 21, 1889):
inOotyeven during Notthat theyprefer the living hottest part oftheyearintheDeccan-indeed they inthefear dislike itexceedingly-but ofwhata day in a Government maybring forth so capricious as of Hyderbad.... Selfpreservation that is thefirst law of nature especially amongst Hyderbad officials, and itis notto be wonderedat that every one ofthemdreadsto be separated from theear intowhich the insidious whisperof the enemy might be poured....
thepracman"was gradually incorporated into InOoty,Indians ticeofgovernment. made severalattempts after 1884 to provideaccommodationsforthose who came to Ootacamund forbusinessor dutywhile Government was there (SIO: March 18, 1884). Success finally came in 1911, when the first Indianmember of the Governor's Executive Commission-the Maharajah of Bobili-offered to donatea large to buildthe LawleyInstiportion of his salary tute,a residential club for Indiangentlemen named in honoredof the governor forwhom the Maharajahhad served. The government ofthefacility on condiapprovedconstruction the institute in its tionthat remain non-political affiliation of Madras No. 2749: (Government September9, 1911) A small step had been madetoward theadmission oftheNative Genthe eftlemanto the summer capitalthrough forts ofthe loyalMaharajah of Bobili.
Postscript
Bythe beginning ofWorldWar I,the developmentof Ootacamundas a summercapital had reacheditszenith.After the war,growing Indiannationalism inspired by new campaigns of civil disobedience could not be ignored even in the hills.Referring to Simla,Gandhi describedthe summer capitalof imperial governmentas "government workingfromthe 500th floor" (Pubby 1988:7). AfterWorld War I, the IndianNational Congressorganized a boycottagainstgovernment in the hillstationswhichit labeled as undemocratic. Over the nextfew decades, the British practiceof funds from the low country transferring to the hillsbecame indefensible. By the 1930s, the ended itssix-month summerregovernment treat to theNilgiris; Ootacamundbecame once a place forholidays. againprimarily Today's residentsof the hill stationhold mixedviews of the imperial the years.During municipality's centenary,a former health officer recounted a story ofcity laborers being that"a 'native' putto workto raze a structure of means dared to build in a portionof the town in exclusiveoccupationof whitemen" side"ofthepic(Sankaran 1966:2).The "lighter ture,as he describedit,was the introduction of publicimprovements thatwere "objectlessons and hallmarks for civicbodies alloverthe ambivalence country." (1966:3) This officer's
to explainthe attraction of a summer location forHyderabad's The intertwining government. of imperial discourseand discourseof climate inthenewspaper's statement imply that thehill station's advantages are wasted on these Severalyearslater, a confidential let"guests." ter from Viceroy Lansdowne to Governor Wenlockputthe matter bluntly (Wenlock June
24, 1891): in Native Chiefs endeavorto getholdofproperty hill A good manyhouses in Simlaare alstations. readyowned by Rajas,butwe do notallowany of themto come up or to buy houses without leave. . . My own idea is thatthe presenceof isdistinctly theseChiefs at hill stations undesirable, and thatwe oughtto discourage itin everyway. I recently a highofficial refused to permit to sell hishouse to one ofthem.
"Oriental"traits such as court intrigue helped
Victoria'sproclamations of 1858 and 1877, whichjoined Indian and British rulers as "aristocratic was noteasily translated into brothers," actioninthesmall, closed worldoftheimperial hillstations and provincial the yearsof during
imperialexpansion. Gentlemen" anymore welcoming. As the west-
The theory of authority established in Queen
Nor was the reception of so-called"Native
ern-educated elitethatmade up the majority of late nineteenth-century Indiannationalists won a limited voice, the "caste native Gentle-
The British HillStationin India aboutthe hill Few doubt station is notunusual. thatthe hillstations were replicas of the wellplannedBritish town where Indiansplayed a subservient role(Kanwar1990).
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in the earlydays of the hillstations were lost bythe latter part ofthenineteenth century and socializationor acclimatization had no explanatory value when assessingthe hillsas a resourceforBritish use. The eventsof the Inthe growing dian revolt of1857 confirmed beliefthat Indianswere irreconcilably different Conclusion and "scientific" racial theorysupportedthe view. In thisway,the hillstation was tiedto a Nostalgia for home is quite natural among liferecreframework ofmeaning that influenced theBritexpatriates. Butthe English country ish view of the non-western worldin general. ated in the hillstation also elaboratedon the Examination of these discoursessuggests links greater prestige of an imperial people. From 1870 to WorldWar I, the official status of Ooto our understanding of modern repreofthe people and conditions ofthe tacamund was encoded in the landscape. sentations a construction) "third world"(itself as well. Separatedas theywere fromthe centersof in ofthehill station allowedthe British was not represented Creation population, authority their such a manneras to legitimize imperialists to emphasizetheir conceptsofsetstatusas whether tlement rulers to those theyruled.In fact, by planning and their priorities forsecuthe Indian and theestablishment ofvarious benignneglector consciouseffort, rity, sanitation, was limited to government theoriesof disease population clerks, amenities.Environmental and servants. themodel inthelatter were refined part ofthenineteenth shopkeepers, Instead, ofBritish life was adaptedto servicein Concountry century by new insights on contagions. India.When British colonialsthought of Engthe "native" sequently, became the siteof disto segregate Inland,theysaw not merely a historic countryefforts ease, and Anglo-Indian side filledwith countryhouses and public diansettlements securedunanticipated ameniwere schools where officers and gentlemen ties.The planning ofthese ideal British towns, withrespectto fortheir invite reinspection particularly bred, but also a model of authority British control oftheIndian "infrastructure" that relationswith subordinates.Nostalgia and thusguidedthe British the "comforting little authority interpretation supported piece of England."Giventhe rather of the natural environment and the construcheavyhandofthe Britenvironment inthe hill tionofthe built stations ish,it is not surprisingly thatthe ambivalence theearly ofIndia. From ofOoty's thathas surrounded Indianinterpretations of development these settlements lake to the Palladian-style of Government the imperial during age has not entirely faded away.The Victorian social, House, a British place was createdin orderto work.Within carry out "European" thisplace political,and aestheticvalues inscribedon of colonial authority, settlements and summer heightcarried further these resort capitals raise issues today that defy easy resolution Locatedin commanding symbolic significance. the when weighedagainst the goals of a socialist positionsabove the Indian settlements, India.The hillstations are no longerenclaves church,government offices, and the English townremained and superior to anyof of a foreign separate power and, yet the questionof inlight the uses below. their future retains symbolic significance Itis a widely oftheir acceptedtenetincultural geogpast. raphythat landscape constitutes a culturally of socialorder. producedexpression Thatwas what one governor's wifehad in mindin deOotacamundas "an islandof British Acknowledgments scribing atmospherehung above the Indian plains" The majorportion ofthisresearch was funded by natu(Pentland 1928). Her imagery splendidly Shell Fellowship and suppleSyracuseUniversity's ralizesthe socialworldofOotacamundand its from mentedby a Graduate School Research Grant the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. Cambridge intheplains. from theIndian centers separation CentreforSouthAsianStudiesand the University's Both thenineteenth-century discourse imperial IndiaOffice and RecordsOffice have kindly Library and the discourseof climate servedto reflect from forthe use of photographs given permission and reinforce the emerging beliefin racialdiftheir aredue to James S. Duncan, collections. Thanks ference. Forthe mostpart, the lessonslearned Herb Childress, RinaGhose, and threeanonymous
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(1978:2), ". . . tropingis the soul of discourse ... the mechanism withoutwhich discourse cannot do itswork or achieve its end." See Adas (1989). The Governmentof IndiaAct of 1861 established in addition to the imfour provinciallegislatures perial government (Gopal 1965:165). Territorial reorganizationtook place in 1905. As argued by Cosgrove (1985), a well-managed country house and its lands represented a selfsufficient world, a microcosm of the mercantilist state. This "English" landscape was composed of the Palladian country house and its enclosed parklandof sweeping lawns, artistically-grouped trees, and serpentine lakes. See Cohn (1983) and Metcalfe (1989) for a discussion of these two stylesand the deliberations over the appropriateness of one or the other of these "culturalconstructions"as a reflectionof the new colonial order in India. Train service to Ootacamund was only completed in 1908, and service fromMadras to Metdid not exist tapollium(at the foot of the Nilgiris) priorto 1873. Priorto trainservice, tongas and bullock carts broughtpeople and goods the remainingthirty miles fromMettapolliumto Ootacamund. This portion of the journey alone required eight to ten hours. Studying the shift of emphasis within architecture and cityplanningduringthe eighteenthcentury, Foucault (1980:150) noted thatthe principalspatialvariables were related to social hygiene, and these rendered the cityas a "medicalisable object." Hilltribesinclude the Todas, Kota, Badagas, and Kurumbas.The Todas were the only non-agriculturalpeople. See Dutt and Geib (1987) for maps of Britishcontrolledterritory and the Native States in 1857 and priorto independence in 1947.
of this reviewersfortheircomments on earlierdrafts paper and the UW-M Cartographic Lab for cartographic assistance.
11. 12.
Notes
1. Udagamandalam is currently the official name for the settlement. of the resiAlthoughthe majority dents continue to use the hill tribe name, the state of Tamil Nadu has tied the hillstationinto the language of the plains in its selection of an officialtitle. For consistency, Ootacamund and other colonial-period spellings (such as Simla for Shimla) will be used in this article. Indian 2. See Mitchell (1972) for a listof ninty-six and more recently hillstationsbuiltby the British by Indians. Her extensive discussion distinguishes stations by age and eight categories of size and function. colonials in In3. Anglo-Indianas applied to British dia is historically accurate in this paper. The term was applied to the Eurasian population in India only afterWorld War I. 4. For a case studyof Simla (ShimIa) and the recent impact of urbanization in a hill station, see Sharma (1986). 5. Following Said (1993:221), I use the term imperialism to mean "the practice,the theory, and the of a dominatingmetropolitan attitudes center ruling a distantterritory." 6. The British used "European" as a racial category to distinguish themselves fromtheir Indian subjects, and this paper uses it in that sense. Although I do not wish to overstate the congruence between European and British in terms of policies and/or adaptations to lifein the tropics, the Spanish, Dutch, and Americans in Southeast Asia also constructedsettlementsakin to hillstations. 7. The definition of discourse used in this paper is not the deterministicone of Michel Foucault (1967), which assumes that discourses are incommensurable or indisputable from the outside. I assume that while some discourses are hegemonic, others are contestatory. 8. As defined by Said (1993:9), colonialism "which is almost always a consequence of imperialism, is the implanting of settlementson distantterritory."AlthoughI define the discourses analyzed in this paper as imperial,Bhabha (1994) and the literary theoriststhat have followed his direction employ the term "colonial discourse theory" to describe theirwork. 9. Kanwar (1990) gives some attentionto Indian views of the imperial hill station of Simla, although she notes that mythsratherthan documentable accounts make up most of this record. These, of course, have value in themselves. For the many in India who never saw the hills,they became a symbol of the government'sdisregard for the people of India. For an analysis of hill stationsas summer capitals of the Raj fromthis perspective, see Kenny (1990:133-171). 10. Tropes are rhetorical devices thatcarrymeaning other than their literalsense. Following White 13.
14.
15.
16.
17. 18.
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versityCentre for South Asian Studies, ManuscriptCollection. Pratt, M. L. 1986. Scratches on the Face of the Country; or What Mr. Barrow Saw in the Land of the Bushmen. In "Race,f"Writing and Difference, ed. H. Gates, pp. 138-162. Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press. Price, Sir F. 1909. Ootacamund: A History.Madras: Government PublishingPress. Pubby, V. 1988. Simla: Then and Now, Summer Capital of the Raj. New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company. Said, E. 1979. Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books. . 1993. Culture and Imperialism.New York: Vintage Books. Sankaran, Dr. K. 1966. Ootacamund: Through Passing Time, Across a Centuryand Half.(pamphlet) Ootacamund MunicipalityCentenary Souvenir. Ootacamund: Municipal Council. Sharma, U. 1986. Women's Work, Class, and the Urban Household. London: Tavistock Publications. South of India Observer (Ootacamund) (SIO). 18771914. India Office Library and Records, London. Spear, P. 1963. The Nabobs: A Study of the Social
Kenny,Judith T. 1995. Climate, Race, and ImperialAuthority: The Symbolic Landscape of the British Hill Station in India. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 85(4):694-714. Abstract. Nostalgia for home is quite naturalamong expatriates.The Englishcountryliferecreated in the hillstationsof India, however, was elaborated on by the greaterprestigeof an imperialpeople. This paper examines the hillstationas a landscape type tied to nineteenth-century discourses of imperialism and climate.Both discourses serve as evidence of a beliefin racialdifference and, thereby, the imperialhillstationreflectedand reinforced a framework of meaningthatinfluenced European views of the non-western world in general. Because the hill station was seen as a resource to be protected for use by the British ruler, the standards used in colonial settlement planningare framed in these discourses of privilegeand difference.Primary attentionis given to the high imperialage from1870 to 1914 when constructionactivity was greatest.Ootacamund, the summer capital of the Madras presidency in southernIndia,serves as the case study forevaluatingthis landscape type. KeyWords: climate,colonial settlementplanning,hillstation, imperialdiscourse, India, Ootacamund, race. Correspondence: Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 53201.

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Climate, Race, and Imperial Authority: The Symbolic Landscape of the British Hill Station in India Author(s): Judith

Distribution of British-built Hill Stations

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