Ethnicity and Economy in Rural Mexico: A Critique of the Indigenista Approach Author(s): Scott Cook and Jong-Taick Joo

Source: Latin American Research Review, Vol. 30, No. 2 (1995), pp. 33-59 Published by: The Latin American Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2503833 Accessed: 20/09/2010 16:11
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ETHNICITY AND ECONOMY IN RURAL MEXICO: A CritiqueoftheIndigenista Approach* Scott Cook, University ofConnecticut Jong-Taick Joo, University ofConnecticut

The ethnic questionhas been central to the historical processof nation-state building or "nationalization" in Mexico(Adams1967).To a significant degree, thisprocesshas been a criolloand a mestizoproject (Aguirre Beltran 1976;compare Anderson 1983,1988). Accordingly, indion thenon-criollo has beenimposed and non-mestizo genaidentity popuwiththe identification lationby the Mexicanstate, processhistorically displaying arbitrariness and inconsistency acrossa rangeof biological identifiers or cultural identifiers lan(especially phenotype) (especially guage)or both(MarinoFlores 1967).1 Following colonialprecedents and in stepwiththeevolving ofpolitical and society, structure the economy in postcolonial ofethnic Mexicoassociated identification process HispaskincolororSpanishdescent or Spanishlanguage) with nicity (viawhite in theethno-class themorevalued locations and indihigher hierarchy withthelower, In postrevolutionary genaidentity less-valued locations. thanks to thecontribution ofanthropologist ManuelGamio,the Mexico, of mestizaje was stripped ofbiological content and culturized. concept Yetthemestizo project toMexicanize indigenas through de-Indianization as proclaimed intelleccontinued, by MoisesSaenz,a leadingindigenista tual oftheearlytwentieth century: "The logicalexitfortheIndianis to becomeMexican"(see HernandezDiaz 1991, 9-11;Aguirre Beltran 1970, and in terms of practical the 131-32, 136).In bothits discourse policy, mestizoindigenista thatled one scholarto projectcreatedconditions concludethatbeingindigenain twentieth-century Mexico,collectively and individually, is a negative in a thatdenotesmembership identity
*This article has undergone several revisions, thanks to a batteryof anonymous reviewers. We are especially gratefulfor the many thoughtfuland constructivereviewer commentsand suggestions that led to the presentversion and hope that we have done justice to them 1. In order to conformto standard usage in Mexican anthropologicaldiscourse and to avoid the inevitablypejorativetermsIndian and indio, we have decided to use the Spanish termindfgena thisarticleto refer to people identified throughout by themselvesor othersas Amerindian.

33

Research Latin American Review class ofruraldirect subaltern producers who are subjected to economic ethnic and political-cultural domination exploitation, discrimination, (see Hernandez Diaz 1991, Friedlander 1975, esp.71;compare Knight 1990,100; chap.1; 1992, chap.1). In twentieth-century Mexico, underbourgeois mestizo hegemony of theSpanishcolonialdoctrine of "raza" and thelingering aftereffects de sangre" the official indiand "limpieza (and its odious castesystem), It has celebrated genista ideologyhas been contradictory (Stolcke 1991). pre-Hispanic indigenous civilization as an essential sourceof national whilesimultaneously linkentitlement to culture, promoting policiesthat ofnational full and economic with learncivil, political, rights citizenship mestizoidentity ing Spanishand acquiring (Friedlander 1975;Riding 1984,chap.10;and Knight 1990). MexiMorespecifically, sincetheMexican Revolution (1910-1920), theindigena has either can statepolicyvis-a-vis population emphasized national forging a strong homogeneous mestizo culture through assimilation of indigenas(de-Indianization) or envisioned nationalculturein inwhich is pluralistic and pluri-ethnic terms, nationalization ofindigenas with as compatible their albeit with perceived respecting culture, Spanish as thenational Thispluralistic whichis no less integralanguage. policy, in itsgoals thanassimilationist tionist has developedin counterpolicy, antiethnicist and neopopulist pointto an insurgent (butnotnecessarily in civilsociety theconcept of a unified thatrejects Marxist) movement It seeks insteadautonomy forthe nationalindigena nationalculture. of the indigenous minorities and redress of minority or empowerment their social and economic Batalla1981;Diaz-Polanco grievances (Bonfil 1987, 51-60;Varese1988). Ethnopopulist discourse inMexican studies superimposes theethand national nicdichotomy versus ofmestizo regional society indigenous biocultural "etnia" distinctive a par(an ethnically population occupying as defined in Aguirre Beltran on theeconomic ticular territory, 1970,131) ofcapitalist market versus econdichotomy economy peasantsubsistence and Barabas1986).This superimomy(Nolasco 1972,12-13;Bartolome in effect of pettycommodity position ignores the presence production in peasantcommunities and small-scale accumulation and also capitalist to whichtheseeconomicprocessescrosscut obfuscates the extent the dividebetweenmestizoand indigena(compare withCook and ethnic Binford 1990, especially 6-7). and analytical abouttheblanket Scholarly skepticism applicability as indigena is reinforced relevance Mexican ofdesignating peasants bythe ofethnographic most ofrural where weight experience throughout Mexico, has notbeen regularly invoked in populardiscourse ethnic by identity ruralpeoplewithreference to collective or self-identification (Nagengast in therecognition and Kearney is also grounded 1990, 62).Thisskepticism 34

ETHNICITY IN RURAL MEXICO

that to embrace indigena identity in Mexicois to seektobe discriminated or exploited Diaz 1991, 286). against or dominated (Hernandez as indigena Yettheturn awayfrom collective or self-identification ofmestizo identity (Hernandez shouldnotbe construed as an embrace identity be Diaz 1991). Neither shouldtheassertion ofa claimtoindigena an outsider (etic) assumedto imply a rejection ofmestizo identity.-From that is informed aboutinsiders' views(emics), itis possible to perspective as having hyphendesignate manyruralMexicanindividuals accurately atedidentities-indigena and mestizo orMexicano. Onlycareful empiriat thelocaland regional levelscan determine cal research thecircumstantialand relational conditions theseidentities. For heuristic surrounding in viewing at least,itseemspointless to persist theseidentities purposes, exclusive or negating. as mutually ofthe Thisskeptical posture regarding thedegreeofapplicability inMexicotoday, as an exclusive identity, designator "indigena" especially is also reinforced of ethnohistorical evidencepointing to by theweight ofindigenous institutions in keyareasofprecolonial Mexreconstitution thecolonialperiod.Accordingly, postico,liketheOaxaca Valley during colonialinstitutions and cultural lifein such areas are mostaccurately as syncretic characterized chap.1; Whitecotton (Cook and Diskin1975, As prominent AlanKnight historian 1977; Cook1982,16-18; Chance1986). gulf-of historical recently stated, "Empirical evidence points tothegreat twentieth-cenand cultural transformation-which separates experience forbearturyMexicanIndians fromtheirsupposed sixteenth-century ofa collective inheripsychological ers,and whichconsigns anynotion 1990,95). The "great gulf" tanceto the realmof metaphysics" (Knight from calls intoquestion, an anthropological perspecpositedby Knight claimtocollective cultural between continuity sixteenthtive, anygeneral MexicanIndians and ruralMexicanstoday (compareKnight century forthisskepticism is proadditional 1990, 76).Finally, empirical support videdbythepaucity reproductive instituofcultural practices orsocially tionsoperating reexclusively amongone ethnic groupin pluri-ethnic Cook 1993, 326-27). gionalpopulations 1990;compare (SChryer and ethnographic record that reinforces Giventhisethnohistorical ofruralMexican aboutthea priori skepticism designation by outsiders from ruralgroups' populations todayas exclusively indigena (as distinct dewhatsustains theongoing claimsto such identity), anthropological in Mexico?The answeris clear:thisembate about indigenaidentity record does nothelpin understanding whytheclaimsto indigena pirical in muchof ruralMexicotoday.In thisregard, Aguirre identity persist Beltran's of a cenadmission now thanit did a quarter ringseventruer in feeling Indianand in conserving an identury ago: "theindio persists from thenational one" (Aguirre Beltran 1970, 136). tity different the termsof the debate have shifted In postmodern discourse, 35

Latin American Research Review from provenance and content oftheindigena cultural repertory, withits implicit concern forseparating authentic from inauthentic elements or dichotomies" ascertaining theobjective "cultural contents ofethnic (Barth 1969,14), to a concern withhumansubjectivity or social consciousness in shifting and withhumanmaneuver orsocialpraxis political-economic unlikenational conjunctures. According to this perspective, ethnicity, and mayexist ofcultural origin and language, is "subjective independent Caso 1948).Thus thetaskof traits" (de la Garza et al. 1991, 5; compare from insider claimsagainstanthroanalysisshifts weighing subjective determined culturalcontent to makinga structural, funcpologically or materialist tional, situational, analysisoftheclaimants' discourse.
ETHNICITY IN THE OAXACA VALLEY: AN OVERVIEW

In theOaxaca Valley today, insider notions ofindividual orcollectiveidentity areby no meansfound onlyin communities that are designatedas indigena and mayalso be foundin mestizocommunities. The same is trueof discourserelatedto community-level with institutions or content, suchas kinship, economic relevance fictive-kinship, reciproc'a" sponsorships, ity, weddingor other lifecyclecelebrations, "mayordom and civil-religious thatLynn cargos, institutions Stephen calls"kin-based ofsolidarity and socialreproduction" institutions (1991, 29-34).In other or unambiguous of theseinstitutions arenotdefinitive indicators words, or economic activities ethnic to indigenous community identity specific groups(see Campbell1990). In theOaxaca Valley theinformed byand large, outside observer is to distinguish between mestizoand Zapotecnonlanguage hard-pressed ofethnocultural forms areshared expression. Manycultural practices by and Zapotec-speakers as well as by individuals who Spanish-speakers claimor do notclaimZapotecidentity. mestizos have Forthemostpart, justas much(oras little) senseofhistorical identity orcommunity loyalty as Zapotec-speakers. in neither idenethnic Moreover, groupis a specific at theintervillage or regional asserted level.Identities tity systematically built orcitizenship around thanaround class, residence, occupation, rather havemoreimportance outsidethevillage. language-marked ethnicity tendnotto refer to eachother Valley Zapotecsand mestizos (orto in direct ethnic terms likemestizo, or Zapoteco, themselves) indio, indigena, itis notuncommon formestizo urbanites to use theterm indio although workas a categorical for all peasantsor members oftherural pejorative who also speakSpanishusuallyrefer to their ingclass.Zapotec-speakers ownlanguageas "idioma" thanas rather (language)or "dialecto" (dialect) "Zapoteco" (although theyalso have a Zapotecwordforthatlanguage). at leastuntilrecently, have nottypMoreover, valleyZapotec-speakers, term to refer to their ancesicallyused thegeneric Zapoteco indigenous 36

ETHNICITY

IN RURAL MEXICO

in Spanishsimply tors. Theyrefer to them as "nuestros antepasados" ("our or as "losgentiles" ("thegentiles"). tendto ancestors") Zapotecspeakers havea general senseoftiesbetween themselves and their pre-Columbian buttheydo notoften in terms of ancestors, express their consciousness concern withbeingZapotec,even thoughtheymay have a particular Zapotecwordto refer to their ancestors. in Teotitlan One exception can be found del Valle, wherethecelebration ofbeing Zapotecnowgoeshandinhandwithexceptional success in tourist-oriented and capitalist-organized weaving on thetreadle loom Cook 1993, Our ownfield and reading (Stephen 1991; 310-15). experience in theOaxaca Valleyinclines of theliterature on Zapotecidentity us to withJoseph thesisthat"[t]hedesignation agreegenerally Whitecotton's
Zapotec ...

unitfor meaningful thepeopletowhomithas beenapplied"(1977, 271).2

OPERATIONALIZING ETHNIC IDENTITY: ANALYZING THE OVSIP SURVEY DATA

has been more of an artifact of externalobservers than a

is certainly thesingle most marker Language important identifying in Mexico, that operates to reinforce separate identity insideand outside ethnic or "comunidades In thestate ofOaxaca in1990,39 groups indigenas." ofthepopulation five ofage and older(more thana million percent years were persons)spoke some indigenous language.Of these,73 percent weremonobilingual (theyalso spoke Spanish),whileonly19 percent lingualin an indigenous language.Of the speakersof indigenous lanfollowed guages,Zapotec was the languagespokenby 34 percent, by Mixtec (24 percent), Mazatec(14percent), Chinantec (9 percent), and Mixe (9 percent).3 Scott Cook and LeighBinford's and soci(1990)studyofeconomy SmallIndustry etyin thevalleyused theOaxaca Valley Project (OVSIP) data setand considered thepossibility ofethnocultural explanations for economic or behaviors, oflaborby specific patterns suchas thedivision and gendercrossover in treadlegenderin the palm-plaiting industry loomweaving(Cook and Binford 1990, 80,96). Nevertheless, giventhat and the dystudy'sfocuson the debateover "peasantdifferentiation"
2. One anonymous reviewermade the point that "ethnicity" is most commonlyused to refer to self-identity thatemergesfrom oppositionand conflict: "The factthatmostorganized in the Oaxaca Valleyis betweenneighboring social conflict communitieswhichpresumably have the same culturalresourcesis no doubt a major reason why 'ethnicity'has not been more salient."This is a good point. Cook can also attestto the factthatin the Mitla-XaagaAlbarradas cornerof the Oaxaca Valley and its mountainhinterland, conflicts linked to the development,operation,and subsequent expropriation and redistribution of land fromthe former hacienda of Xaaga have tended to reinforce ethnicconsciousness pittingZapotecs against mestizos to a degree greaterthan average forthe valley (see Cook 1983). definitivos, datospor localidad(Mexico City: InstitutoNacional de Estadistica,Geograffae Informatica, 1991).

3. Thesefigures comefrom XI Censo General dePoblacion y Vivienda 1990: resultados Oaxaca

37

Latin American Research Review namicsofcommodity production, mostoftheavailableOVSIP data that in shapingthe could shed lighton the possiblerole of ethnic identity in theOaxaca and performance ofcommodity organization production Valley was notanalyzedin thatundertaking.4 in Village Ethnic Identity andEconomic Organization TheEmpirical Record theOaxacaValley: SmallIndustries was conducted accordTheOaxaca Valley Project oftheOaxaca Valleythat ing to thepremise widelysharedby students and southern Oaxaca was the "ruralIndianpeasantculture of central and ofthings a conglomeration ofthings pre-Spanish Spanish"(WhiteIn thisarea,Whitecotton "rural cotton reported, Zapotecsiden1977,219). witha community tified and verylittle witha Zapotec ethnic mostly group," and therefore "Zapotec ethnicity" abovethelocallevelwas found in several tobe of"little Cook'sfieldexperience consequence." Zapotecspeaking communities that had beendesignated bytheMexicangovernment and byanthropologists him as "comunidades convinced indigenas" thatofficial commuand anthropological (etic)designations of discrete nitiesas "indigenas"did not automatically translate into a collective oranything elseofsystematic relevance for underethnocultural identity did notrequire a postelocaleconomy, and culture that standing society, riori determination. fortheOVSIP project to proceed withdata Manyreasonsexisted rural and analysis on theassumption that thevalley's collection economy linesand thattherural-urban was notorganized antinomy alongethnic than the indigena-mestizo one in regional was muchmoreimportant theethnic It was therefore assumedthat oflocalpopulasociety. identity intheir tions differences economic wouldnotcausemeasurable organizamade was thatethnicor tion and performance. Another assumption and othersocial identities derivedfrom indigenous language,locality, similar would haveto be determined factors through empirical analysis and subjective behavior and conditions. For thatpurpose, of objective from data weresystematically collected a subsample ofthetotalhousehold survey aboutattitudes toward and participation in the population thefiesta and reciprocity civil-religious hierarchy, cycleofmayordomia, Theseinstitutions or cultural arewidelyaccepted (guelaguetza). practices
4. TheOaxacaValley in Spanish SmallIndustries as theProyecto Project (OVSIP),known de Estudios Socioecon6micos sobre las Pequenias Industrias de Oaxaca (PESPIDEO),operatedbetween 1978and 1983under a research grant from theU.S.National Science Foundation.Scott Cook was theprincipal investigator. Additional funding fordata analysis and was provided ofConnecticut write-up bytheUniversity Research Foundation. Fora more oftheproject and itsdata,see Cookand Binford detailed description (1990, 243-49).Cook and Joowishto acknowledge contribution to ourreanalysis oftheOVSIP LeighBinford's data set.

38

ETHNICITY

IN RURAL MEXICO

designators ofindigena status orofthereproduction ofindigena identity at thelocal level(Diskin1986;Stephen 1991). The OVSIP project's methodological turnaway from anya priori assumption thatethnic identity (as mestizoor indigena)deservedconlikelocality, sideration as an independent variablemeantthatvariables and class-ratherthanlanguage-wereused todifferentiate occupation, theOaxaca Valley population for analytical purposes(Cook1990, xi-xiii; Cook and Binford in this 1990,chaps.2 and 3). The analysisdescribed and in somesensecompletes article thusextends theearlier of analysis theOVSIP data.In theprocess, thepresent thebasisfor study provides a retrospective empirical evaluation of thewisdomof theproject's methturn indicator odological awayfrom usinglanguageas a validor reliable ofethnic identity villagewide. The OVSIP data set coverssix typesof craft industries: treadlehardfiber(palm loom weaving, backstrap-loom weaving, embroidery, brickmaking, and twining), and mixed and ixtle) processing (plaiting broommaking, lime processing, crafts metate (reed basketry, making, thread spinning, and wood carving). Exceptforbrick making (whichis as mestizo), predominantly associated withlocalpopulations designated withlocalpopulations that thesecraft occupations aremainly associated as Zapotec.Most areidentified and in anthropological officially practice oftheseoccupations havepre-Hispanic themostnotable origins, excepbrickmaking. None of tionsbeingtreadle-loom weavingand probably such as them, however, have been immune to postconquest influences, wovenfrom thread spunfrom sheep'swool,backstrap weavings factoryand metates and woodenutensils made withsteeltools. spun threads, The historical and ethnographic records also showthatmanycraft occuin thevalleydivision oflaborhavebeensubject toethnic, pations gender, or locational in responseto changing shifts or crossovers conjunctural conditions (Cook and Binford 1990).
ResultsoftheOVSIP SurveyData Analysis

instrument was notdesignedspecifiBecausetheoriginal survey thesocialconstruction ofethnic orthedynamcallyfor studying identity icsofself-identification and becausewe arefocusing on thevillagerather than on the householdas the unit of analysis,languageis the most marker forthisreanalysis of the accessible and reliable ethnic objective relianceon OVSIP data. It bears emphasizing thatour methodological forlocal and regional marker ofidentity languageas an ethnic populainthemainstream tradition ofprevious tions placesouranalysis squarely studiesoftheethnic factor in ruralMexicoand Oaxaca anthropological and Varese NolascoArmas1972; (suchas MarinoFlores 1967; Ayre 1978). a random The OVSIP survey data set contains information from 39

LatinAmerican Research Review TABL E I Language-Indicated Ethnic Identity ofTwenty OaxacaValley Settlements, 1977-1978 Households Language Spokena in OSVIP Survey Zapotec Spanish Bilingual (%) (%) (N) (%) 79 68 25 38 34 69 37 38 42 64 51 40 24 27 35 55 74 56 54 42 17 11 10 28 3 0 1 1 8 15 3 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 1 6 23 27 5 1 2 2 95 94 100 75 99 99 90 58 55 83 88 90 71 91 77 71 93 90 83 96 5 6 0 24 0 1 10 42 46

Name ofCommunity Zapotec del Valleb Teotitlan Diaz Ordaz San Migueldel Valle SantoDomingo Albarradas SantaCeciliaJalieza SantoDomingo Jalieza MagdalenaOcotlan San PedroMartir SantaAna del Valle San Baltazar Chichicapan SantaLucia Ocotlan Mestizo San Juan Chilateca San IsidroZegache San DionisioOcotlan San Jacinto Chilateca Xaaga San Lorenzo Albarradas SantaLucia del Camino Transitional SantoTomasJalieza San PedroGuegorexe
b

in thecolumns aThefigures arepercentages ofthetotalsamplepopulation by village.

Because the OVSIP household survey in Teotitlandid not cover language, these figures were derived fromthe 1970 Mexican census.

sample of households in twentyvillages on the languages spoken by the household head and thesecond principalhousehold member(usually the wifein male-headed households). These language data, backed up by our ethnographic experienceand knowledge of the region,provided the emthe twentysurveyvillages into threemutupirical means forclassifying ally exclusive language-derived ethnic categories:Zapotec, mestizo, or transitional. A given village was classifiedas "Zapotec" ifthree-quarters or more of the sample population spoke Zapotec eithermonolinguallyor along withSpanish. A village was classifiedas "mestizo"ifthree-quarters or more of the sample population spoke only Spanish and "transitional" ifmore than one-halfof the sample population was exclusivelySpanishspeaking, with no Zapotec monolinguals.Table 1 presentsthe resultsof 40

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IN RURAL MEXICO

it and derivedfrom theanalysisoflanguagedata and theclassification by name. each villagesurveyed identifies thatalthoughthis sample of villageswas deIt is noteworthy as havinga highincipreidentified signedto includeonlysettlements almosthalfof themwere cateproduction, dence of householdcraft us to obliged Thiscategorization mestizo ortransitional. as either gorized was an production in craft notion thatparticipation anya priori discard in thistable Thedata presented identity. ofindigena marker unequivocal but toward Zapotec-speakers ourvillagesampleis skewed also showthat of mestizovillageswitha low incinumber also includesa substantial forcomdivision a clear-cut thusproviding denceofZapotec-speakers, to which thesedata showtheextent Finally, analysis. empirical parative in the Oaxaca Valleyand Zapotec tendsto be Spanishpredominates The factthat populations. thanmonolingual rather spokenby bilingual and notwith onlywithSpanish-speakers is evidenced monolingualism in Zawiththehighdegreeofbilingualism combined Zapotec-speakers confirm theimpact villages and thelow degreein mestizo potecvillages in theOaxaca Valley. and culture ofmestizaje on ruralsociety theaveragemedianvalues (themeanofmedian Table2 presents vilfor thetwenty variables socioeconomic selected values)ofseventeen Withregardto incomeand lages groupedby the languageindicator. in B,C, E, F,and G),households byvariables (as measured expenditures in mestizo villagesearnmoreincomeand spendmorethanhouseholds betweenmestizoand villages.The difference Zapotecand transitional income(thesumofvariables household weekly Zapotecvillagesin total eightyversus for mestizos dollars ninety-six E, F,and G) cameto almost per whenincome disappears Butthisdifference twodollars for Zapotecs. E, F, thesum ofvariables is calculated (by dividing member household morethanfifteen slightly size),yielding and G by thevalue forfamily in incomedifferand Zapotecsalike.The reduction dollarsformestizos averagesize of the household(shown encesis a function of the larger contradicts in the tableas FAMSIZE) in mestizovillages.This finding due thatZapotec villageswould have largerfamilies the expectation families, a sociocultural of extended incidence higher to a presumably hallmarkof indigenastatus in Mesoamericanstudies (Nutini 1976, villagehousetransitional that oftable2 discloses analysis 9-10).Finally, mestizo or Za(paid and unpaid) thaneither holdshavemoreworkers and doubt We haveno explanation forthisdifference potechouseholds. classthata valid one can be advancedon thebasis of the three-way ification. the means of production, householdstatusvis-a-vis Regarding ofrenters largeproportion display a relatively households Zapotecvillage who and carts) (suchas ox teams ofkeyagricultural meansofproduction YetZapotechouseholds also lead the on thisrental. amounts spendlarger 41

LatinAmerican Research Review TABL E 2 Average Median Values for Seventeen Socioeconomic Variables in Twenty OaxacaValley Villages Grouped byLanguage-Indicated Ethnic Identity Ethnic Indentity Variable Label
A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I. J. K. L. M. N. 0. P. Q. BUYCORNa FAMEXPWKb FAMINCWKc FAMSIZEd INCWKHEDe INCWKL21f INCWKLY2g LNDWKTOTh LNDWRKDli NETINCWKJ PAIDJOBSk RENTMP' RENTVALm SALEVALln TOTVALANo TOTVALMPP UNPDJOBSq

Zapotec (N=11)
8.045 30.136 30.409 5.409 33.045 19.909 29.227 1.355 1.055 .091 1.545 8.818 26.000 43.682 39.455 25.409 .545

Mestizo (N=7)
6.857 42.714 43.143 6.286 44.286 14.643 36.857 1.229 1.114 .071 1.857 4.500 24.643 312.357 22.786 11.500 .357

Transitional (N=2)
8.000 29.000 18.000 5.500 29.500 10.500 22.250 1.400 .900 -5.000 2.000 3.250 7.500 55.250 28.250 2.500 .500

NOTE: All monetary valuesare as of1979, when1 U.S.dollarequaled22.50pesos. aNumber ofmonths cornwas bought lastweek bFamily spending forlastweek income cFamily in household dNumber income eWeekly (1) ofhousehold head income fWeekly (1) ofsecondhousehold member income head gWeekly (2) ofhousehold hTotal areaofland worked (in hectares) iAreaoftype1 land (irrigated in 1/10 hectares) iNetweekly household income kNumber ofpaid working housemembers or borrows 'Rents meansofproduction forrental mExpenses ofmeansofproduction nMarket in 1 cycle valueofproducts produced oValueofanimals ofmeansofproduction PValue (agricultural) qNumber ofunpaidworking housemembers

inthetotal other household valueofagricultural means village categories ofproduction and farm animalsowned. The surveyanalysisalso shows thatmestizovillagehouseholds produce a much larger volume ofproducts for themarket (seetheSALEVAL Rather thanconstruing variable). thisfinding as supporting theethnothesis thatequatesmestizo withmarket and indigena populist economy withsubsistence we think thatitis simply a reflection ofmeseconomy, 42

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Socioeconomic Variables TABL E 3 Pearson Correlation Matrix for Seventeen Variable Label
A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I. J. K. L. M. N. 0. P. Q. BUYCORN FAMEXPWK FAMINCWK FAMSIZE INCWKHED INCWKL21 INCWKLY2 LNDWKTOT LNDWRKD1 NETINCWK PAIDJOBS RENTMP RENTVAL SALEVALl TOTVALAN TOTVALMP UNPDJOBS

Identity Ethnic
-0.109 0.137 0.017 0.228 0.081 -0.168 0.023 -0.030 -0.038 -0.108 0.375 -0.310 -0.144 0.204 -0.188 -0.274 -0.111

Probabilities
(0.647) (0.565) (0.943) (0.335) (0.736) (0.479) (0.925) (0.901) (0.873) (0.652) (0.103) (0.183) (0.545) (0.388) (0.427) (0.243) (0.640)

NOTE:Chisquareis 336.776, equal153, and probability is lessthan.001. degrees offreedom

inhandmade brick production, which yieldssubtizoidentity prevailing and incomethananyother craft annualsales revenues stantially higher intheOaxaca Valley 25;Cookand Binford 1990,137). industry (Cook1984, identified The economic variables aboveare theonlyones shown data analysis to reflect ofpatterning anydegree byvillage byoursurvey and thatpatterning ethnic appearsto be oflittle analytical sigidentity, it is impossible to deriveany pattern of economic nificance. Moreover, in thesevillageswhen movingsequenimprovement or differentiation to mestizoareas,a pattern often astiallyfrom Zapotecto transitional sumedtooccuraccording to themodernist-developmentalist paradigm's The survey data show transitional villagehouseconceptof mestizaje. in levelsof holdsto be muchworseoff Zapoteccounterparts thantheir socioeconomic performance. thePearsoncorrelation coefficients forthesame Table3 presents variables and language-indicated seventeen socioeconomic villageethnic The Bartlett matrix is statistestforthecorrelation identity. chi-square from thistable, all the tically significant (see table3). As can be inferred variables are correlations between ethnic and thesocioeconomic identity and -0.310 very weak.Thehighest correlations areonly0.375(PAIDJOBS) theprobabilities associatedwitheach correla(RENTMP).Considering we findthatno correlation is significant. tioncoefficient, Nevertheless, we cannotconcludethatthevariables are completely unrelated despite theweak correlations.
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LatinAmerican Research Review

We also subjected theentire matrix oftwenty villagesand seventeenvariablesto multidimensional scaling(usingthe MDS moduleof SYSTAT)to measurethe "distance" in terms of similar and dissimilar valuesfor thesocioeconomic variables orbetween withregard villages to those values.Thesedistances reveal theimportance ofethnic as a identity determinant ofsocioeconomic performance. Similarities wereexpressed in a two-dimensional distance plot.5 In the MDS plot of all seventeen socioeconomic variableswith ethnic identity is relatively from (ETHNICID),thelatter isolated thesocio= 0.178). variables offinal economic With (stress configuration theexceptionofthevariable for household size (FAMSIZE),thedistances between ethnic and thesocioeconomic identity variables aregenerally long,and it does nottendto cluster withthem. Bycontrast, income-related variables (N, B,E, C, F) tendtocluster as do property-related together, variables (I, P, 0, H) and thevariablefornumber of paid employees in households or K).6 (PAIDJOBS In thefinal stepofthisanalysis, we examined theMDS plotfor the twenty villagesto ascertain in clustering the similarities betweenthe villagesgroupedby ethnicidentity. If ethnicidentity is an important determinant ofsocioeconomic in thesevillages, conditions three distinctive clusters should appear in the plot linking ETHNICID and socioOuranalysis economic variables. disclosed in cluster onlyonediscernible theplot,whichis composedofone transitional village(San PedroGuefourZapotecvillages(Teotitlan del Valle,Santa CeciliaJalieza, gorexe), and San PedroMartir), SantoDomingo and four mestizo Jalieza, villages San IsidroZegache, San Jacinto and (San Juan Chilateca, Chilateca, Santa Lucia del Camino).The remaining three mestizovillages(San Dionisio Ocotlan, aredistantly situated from Xaaga,and San Lorenzo Albarradas) themixed cluster. Theother Zapotecvillages (Diaz Ordaz,San Migueldel Valle,Santo DomingoAlbarradas, MagdalenaOcotlan,Santa Ana del San Baltazar Valle, Chichicapan, and SantaLuciaOcotlan)and thesecond transitional village(SantoToma's Jalieza) arerandomly scattered throughout theplot.Thisconfiguration that suggests only Zapotecvillagesare thantheir somewhat less homogeneous mestizocounterparts in socioeconomic similarities.

we conclude from thetabular Overall, and MDS plotanalysis that the OVSIP surveydata disclosemoresignificant variations within vil5. Forreasons ofeditorial itwas decidednottopublish for these expediency, thefigures MDS plots. to obtain theauthors. Anyone wishing copiesofthem maydo so bycontacting 6. To further theroleofethnic another MDS plotwas drawnexcluding clarify identity, = .176). theETHNICID variable (stress fox theshift in theclusters Except from one side of theplotto theother, theconfiguration ofthevariables in theplotis almost identical. This demonstrates thatethnic finding is relatively identity independent vis-a-vis the socioeconomic variables.

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ofdifferent ethnic lagesofthesameethnic identity thanbetween villages at all exists beidentity. We cannotassert, however, thatno association tweenethnic identity and thesocioeconomic variables. to Results ofthe Analysis ofOther OVSIP Data Relevant the between Ethnic andEconomy Relationship Identity texts ofresponses to TheOVSIP datafiles also includetranscribed inand attitudes four on participation toward civilopen-ended questions was conducted with religious hierarchy and mayordomia. Thisinterview a subsample of160craft eight differproducers (74men,82 women)from entvillages.The OVSIP filesalso includehouseholdsurvey data from in thesystem reciseveral ofceremonial villagesregarding participation procity (guelaguetza). Our analysisof thesetwo additionalsourcesof in attitudes or experiences among data showsno significant differences ethnic identity of informants that can be related to thelanguage-marked their villages. in cargos thisanalysisshowsthatparticipation Morespecifically, to socioeconomic status and religious and mayordomias variesaccording affiliation be expected, Protestants do notsponsor mayordomias). (as might exhibit ofparticiparates Middle-and upper-strata Catholics thehighest in mayordomia tion.Wheninformants wereasked whythey participate as 'Village custom is thelaw" sponsorship, theymade such statements serYeta broadconsensus holdsthat and 'One mustcomply." voluntary service or exviceor ceremonial expenditure is preferable to obligatory or festive ceremonial cycle penditure. Agreement is also widespread that on is becoming participation increasingly expensiveand burdensome household and smaller-scale activbudgets, leadingtomuchlessactivity continue nevitiesthanin thepast.Economically successful households in the fiesta ertheless to participate cycleby staging largevoluntarily scalecelebrations. Theseinformants moresupport for theidea expressed that thesechanges arepositive rather thannostalgia aboutthe"goodold Once again, no days" when morevillagesparticipated moreactively. in attitudes differences on thesematters could be foundacsignificant to thelanguage-marked ethnic ofrespondents. cording identity Results ofOVSIP Data Concluding Summary ofthe ofthe Analysis Ourreanalysis from theOVSIP dataset ofsocioeconomic variables at thevillage levelwith language-marked seeking significant relationships ethnic failedto findanythatcompelus to redefine itsminimal identity structure and perforrolein shapingcontemporary regional economic mance.A minimal assumproleforethnic identity was theunderlying tion of Cook and Binford's previousanalysis(1990).That assumption 45

LatinAmerican Research Review

in thisarticle. appearsto be validated by theanalysispresented We are inarguing that nowon firmer empirical ground classcrosscuts languagemarked ethnic identity vertically in Oaxaca Valleysociety. Forexample, canbe found at anylevelofthelocalclasssystem. Zapotec-speakers Also, in theartisanal division oflaboris not becausemostlocal participation restricted by ethnic identity, mestizo or indigena communities mayparin the same branchof artisanal ticipate production (as in treadle-loom weaving, palm plaiting, and embroidery). One of thefewexceptions is whichis carried out onlyin Zapotec-speaking commetate production, in thiscraft munities, although MagdalenaOcotlandid notparticipate until thefirst decadeofthetwentieth century (Cook1982,166). Finally, the in theOVSIP multivilpatterns of wealthdeployment and distribution oftheOaxaca lage sample(and probably throughout theruraleconomy thedivision between and mestizo. Valley)crosscut indigena we are satisfied Although thattheseconclusions are accurate for and analytical relevance theOVSIP data,broader theoretical is limited by theshortcomings oftheory and method in two setsof conditions: first, thetraditional ethnic and anthropological approachto studying factors withtheinherent in Mexicanstudiescombined of economy complexities thesubject; as a claimed and second, theresurgence ofethnicity basisfor socialidentity and political or economic activity by ruralMexicansand its impacton research. The concluding partof thisarticle presents the to rethink ourapproach and to suggest directions for results ofan effort and analysisthatmightmake future theory, method, anthropological and economy more reliable work between ethnic on theinterplay identity thanit has beento date.
TOWARD MEXICAN AN OPERATIONAL STUDIES: DEALING APPROACH TO ETHNICITY AND ECONOMY IN

OBJECTIVELY

WITH SUBJECTIVITY

The Problem

The highincidence ofreferences to being"indigena" or 'mestizo" in theethnographic on ruralMexicogoes handin handwitha literature of theoretical claimscastingthe ethnicfactor as a plethora variously historical or political a heuristic or a prime mover, independent variable, primordial cultural-psychological identifier. Theseclaimsare manifestain tionsin Mexicanstudiesof a globalprocessof postmodern disorder has observed, 'the decline as anthropologist Friedman which, Jonathan ofa homogenizing modern has led to increasing ethnification of identity nationalsocial space and increasing ethnicconflict" (1993,207).7 The
7. Friedman's thought-provoking essay contains manypropositions and potential hythat merit consideration. We do notsharehisbelief, that the potheses empirical however, ofcultural in many Third World nation-states wide"politics identity" necessarily implies

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in the social prolific and unquestioning use of themodifier "indigena" toidentify science literature rural Mexicans the todayseemstocontradict ethnohistorical and ethnographic record acculturation and soregarding ciocultural mestizaje. Scholars who studythe 'new ethnicity" or whatAnthony Smith termed 'theethnic revival" ineither (Smith 1981) tendtoviewtheprocess primordialist or situationalist terms. The primordialists view ethnic conor gender. sciousness as beingas elementary or fundamental as kinship Thisprimordial driveprovides a persisting basis forgroupoppositional identity (as in "us" versus'them")thatdemandsexpression, or what to as 'ineffable GeorgeScotthas referred affective that significance" 11most often surrounds imagesofthegroup's distinctive past" (Scott 1990, 147;compare Geertz1973, 259).Mostscholars who reject primordialism are inclined to view ethnicity thatis as a situationally shifting identity imaginable or adoptableby different or social classes,class fractions, groups according to their fluctuating existential circumstances (oroppoof internal sitional and external relations) origin.These two opposing viewsofethnicity aredifficult toreconcile. Thesituational-circumstantial viewis morecompatible withtheoperational and empirical approach to In short, research thatwe favor. we agree withPeter anthropological
Worsleythat "[elthnic and racial identity.

in different on who uses themforwhat meanings contexts, depending situational notabsolutes" purposes. Theyarerelative, categories, (Worsley1984, 242;compare Knight 1990, 74). Predictably, anthropological inquiry has been greatly affected by theglobalprocess of"ethnification" and has often beenintheforefront of thepostmodern celebration ofwhatDavid Harvey calls 'the authenticity ofother voicesand other worlds"(Harvey1989, 49). Ironically, however, inrecent anthropological workon Mexico, fewmajor studies at theextravillagelevelofanalysishavecombined systematic survey research with fieldwork orhavefocused on publicattitudes and values anthropological related to majorquestions of ethnic and social identity. Recent anthroto Mexicanstudieshave been relatively silent pologicalcontributions
or dilution of an ideologyof national or identity as well as spreaderosion citizenship of the mainstream weakening thatecodevelopmentalist-modernist ideologyasserting nomic willresult from and improvement in material standards industrializagrowth living tion. In ourview, thequestfor inMexico constituencies empowerment byvarious popular whether on thebasisofclass,gender, orregional with an ethnicity, identity-is compatible of the hegemonic run by the acceptance developmentalist ideologyof the government PartidoRevolucionario a desireformore Institucional (PRI). This questreflects simply distribution ofthematerial benefits ofthedominant economic equitable development plan or moredirect involvement in policyformulation within frametheexisting hegemonic work.In thissense,thepopularmovements withthenew politics associated ofcultural are reformist rather thanrevolutionary. As such,theyare best understood as identity within the hegemonic framework rather than pursuing a countermerely negotiating hegemonic project.

. takes on quite different

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LatinAmerican Research Review

aboutethnicity, ethnic relations, and socialidentity at local and regional levelsfrom the perspective of nationalculture or nationalcitizenship, with a few notable exceptions (suchas Margolies 1975; Arizpe 1989; Schryer Andfewstudies 1990; Lomnitz-Adler 1992). haverejected thetendency to in mutually in order to advocate viewethnic identity exclusive terms the thesis ofmultiple identities thatare situationally claimed.8 Thistrend is ofpopularmovements somewhat seeksurprising, giventheemergence ingempowerment in theMexicanfederal system and thegrowing politiand Craig1990).The thisissue (see Foweraker cal literature addressing theextent to whichanthropological tendency probably reflects thinking to theindigenista and its aboutruralMexicoremains hostage paradigm focuson theparochial obsessive indigena'Other" (Cook1993).9 In opposing thepostmodernist and deconstructionist tendency to in socialscienceinquiry belittle thenotion ofobjectivity by replacing it withambiguous discourses and knowledge orpower, notions ofmultiple we maintain that in scientific objectivity is bothachievable and necessary orconcepts, whether suchinquiry. Theoretical principles Marxist ornoncan and shouldbe subjected towhatDanielLittle defined as the Marxist, "multitude of empirical methods and procedures through whichsocial and confirm scientists the social worldto test, their interrogate falsify, hypotheses and theories" (Little 1993, 365).Thisempirical approach is all forself-deception and invention themoreimportant giventhepenchant individuals ofongoing ethnooften characterizing caught up in theferment Diaz 1991, populist movements (Campbell 1990, 52;Hernandez 281-82).10
8. In their recently Arthur and AlexStepick seemto holdthis published study, Murphy viewwhenthey state theOaxacaValley, from selfregarding "Migrants indigenous villages their likeMexicans in thecity and as indigeconsciously manipulate identity bybehaving and Stepick nous peoplewhenin thevillage"(Murphy 1991, 217).Yetin thepreceding "In thecity[Oaxacade Juarez], paragraph, they muddlethisinsight byasserting people's identity is Mexican, Thisstatement notZapotec-Mexican orMixtec-Mexican." apparently is meant to applyonlyto long-established and notto recent or it is cityresidents migrants, tobe interpreted meant in outsiders' rather thaninsiders' terms. In anycase,we think that and Stepick are by implication on target in viewing ruralOaxacansfrom Murphy right villagesdesignated as "indigena" as havinghyphenated identities as Zapotec-Mexican, and so on (compare Cook1993, Mixtec-Mexican, 321-22). 9. Three notable recent studies that break theanthropological silence on national identity areArizpe(1989), and Lomnitz-Adler Itis worth Schryer (1990), (1992). recalling here that in ofLatin and Marvin Harris their typology American subcultures, Charles Wagley observed abouttheir of"modern Indiantypes," "TheIndians ofeachcommunity category generally think of themselves from other thenaas ethnic unitsseparate Indiangroupsand from tionals ofthecountry in whichthey reside. . ." (Wagley and Harris1974, 38). Theyalso from distinguished Indians peasants: "Unlike theModern Indians, Peasants generally considerthemselves to be nationals ofthecountry in which they reside"(1974, 39). 10.Thisdiscussion does notimply that we reject thethrust ofpostmodern discourse or failto appreciate theimportance of its critique of modernist discourse, especially postmodernism's focus on thepolitics oflanguage ofsubjectivity. and itsanalysis Butwe share Robert Albritton's reservations aboutthethree postmodernist excesses thathe identifies: new dualisms, and one-sidedness collapsing distinctions, (1993, 26-28).

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andIncidence Production: Ethnicity, Location, ofCraft Dimensions versus Objective Subjective The assumption is pervasive thata direct linkage exists between in Mexico regarding craft and indigenaidentity historical production and contemporary origin participation at thevillagelevel.Hence June ... maycontinue Nash'sthesis that the'artisan orweaver tobe the potter theprogram oftheancestors" a agentin transmitting (1993a, 20) strikes resonant chordamongmanystudents of Mexicancrafts (forexample, Eberand Rosenbaum Stephen 1993;Nash 1993b; 1993). The typical consumer ofmostOaxaca craft products viewsthem thehelpofgovernment (with and private-sector propaganda) as authenticartifacts ofindigena laborand artistic ofindigena culture expressions who rec(Novelo 1976;Cook 1981;Kaplan 1993).Even anthropologists, craft like ognize the non-indigena provenance of a particular industry treadle-loom stillinsistthatits practice is a mainelement of weaving, to Stephen, theweavindigena identity (see Stephen 1991,12). According del Valle construct and project theirZapotec identity ers of Teotitlan a "claim on textiles oftreadle-loom ... as theoriginators through weaving in Oaxaca." She notesfurther, thetechto Teotitecos that 'It is irrelevant were thatthey used to producethefirst nologyand materials weavings brought by theSpaniards"(Stephen 1991, 20). Onlya thinlineseparates this on thepremise that theethnic ofweavers position (predicated identity is whatever the axiomatic a priori of theysay it is) from identification artisan with In other artisans. theanthropologiindustry indigena words, cal identification ofcraft and indigena is stillmade evenwhenthetechand mostrawmaterials nology used toproduce particular craft products aredemonstrably in origin aredesigned, and theproducts non-indigena and used mainly styled, bynon-indigenas (as intheembroidery industry in the Oaxaca Valleyand in treadle-loom weavingof all acrylic, most and somewool products). cotton, inOaxaca choose Theproblem here is notthat artisans present-day toidentify themselves and their as Zapotecbutthat theanthroproducts who study them often failto consider theprobability thatsuch pologists artisans havemultiple in an identities from their deriving participation ofnested structures ofsocialrelations, from and household array ranging to nation-state and international Suchidentities family system. defy priin terms of absolutesignificance in the artisans'daily lives oritization Lewis1960, arisesofabandon(see Wolf 1956; chap.4). Also,theproblem claimsto Zapotecidentity ing thetaskof empirically verifying (or any other madeaccording to theproducers, theproducindigenous identity) tionprocess, in terms ofanyrigorous or theproducts cultural-historical framework that includes a definition ofZapotecness that embraces many inaddition criteria tolanguage Carrasco Whitecotton (compare 1951; 1977, 49

Latin American Research Review 14-15). Ethnographers who focus on the problemof ethnicidentity incontemporary Mexicoshouldrigorously (whether mestizo orindigena) it within a framework that assumes multiple examineany claim to amongruralMexican identity sourcesand dimensions of sociocultural these taskis to analyzeand compare populations. The ethnographer's in terms ofsituational, factors (see claimed identities class,and historical Cook 1993, 332). embrace objecIn short, concept ofethnicity must anymeaningful to intiveand subjective indicators thatare perceivable and significant alike.It shouldalso includethepolitical economic, sidersand outsiders dimensions and cultural of inter-ethnic-relations. social organizational, and instrumental phenomenon as a purely subjective Viewing ethnicity it to an identity "usedin different waysby peoplein and thusreducing 1991, 12; claim"(Stephen varioussituations, usuallyto stakea particular But such be in analysis. may acceptable political compare Campbell 1990) a perspective should be replacedby a broaderview in analysesthat in thetotalsystem of socialrelations.-" to privilege ethnicity purport is to have ramifications beyond If discrete ethnic groupidentity ofa local population and outsidetheconfines ofan esothemicro-level oflocalidiosyncrasies, itmust be identified bothinterteric anthropology and its existence mustbe significant to local-level nallyand externally levelsofthewider locatedat higher practitioners as wellas to outsiders Barth 1969, 11;Adams 1990, 152).Giventhepervasive system (compare in pluri-ethnic likeMexico nation-states ofethnic identity politicization ormanipulatodeception, and itssusceptibility invention, opportunism, tionby insidersand outsiders alike,it is crucialthatanthropologists withas muchoperational and analytical thestudyofethnicity approach and objective betweensubjective rigorand attention to the interplay as possible. and outsider and insider factors factors the Paradigm: Rethinking Indigenista-Ethnopopulist Mestizo versus as a Heuristic Assumption Indi'gena has relevance for definition ofethnic group The following working the Oaxaca Valleysituation: an ethnicgroupis largelya biologically
11. Undoubtedly,fundamentalepistemologicaldimensions like objective versus subjective and insider (emic) versus outsider(etic) oftenseem to get confusedin discourse about about the need ethnicity. Fromthe perspectiveofeconomic anthropology, Cook has written foroperationalmethod informed by these considerations(1974,803-8). Harris remainsthe best source on emics and etics in broader anthropologicaldiscourse (1980, 32-41). The important methodologicalpoint is thatthe subjective-objective and emic-eticvectorsinterthus highlighting the imporpenetrateinternallyas well as externallyor intervectorally, tance of operationalproceduresin attempting to disentanglewhat is by nature entangled. Schryer's(1990) studyofethno-classrelationsin theHuasteca regionsets a highstandardto emulate regardingoperationalcontrolover subjectiveversus objectiveand emic versus etic factors(compare Cook 1993,323-30).

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socialcollectivity identified self-perpetuating bymyths ofa common provenanceand byidentifying markers (Barth 1969, 10;Adams1990,152). We emphasizethe qualifier "largely" because the ethnographic record for Zapoteccommunities in theOaxaca Valleyshowsthatwhileendogamy (marrying within thecommunity) predominates statistically, it is by no meanspracticed exclusively inthese communities. Thereference to"myths ofa common provenance" raisesimportant questions aboutthemechanismsand results of intergenerational cultural transmission as well as likehistorical abouthowtooperationalize orconsciousconcepts memory In Mexico, nessforempirical research. as in Guatemala, thesequestions and existentially imply conscious identification witha particugrounded larlocality, together withsomesenseofitshistory in local as represented documentary and oral tradition. Accounts of thishistory mayalso link local communities thefounding ofparticular to another comprecursor munity or to a widergrouping oflocalities. Identifying markers refer to objective primarily cultural phenomena and especially to whatFredrik Barth refers to as "overt or signssignals thediacritical features thatpeoplelook forand exhibit to showidentity, often suchfeatures as dress, orgeneral oflife" language, house-form, style (1969,14). Among these, we highlight theimportance oflanguage because theOaxacaValley of has experienced a well-documented historical process reduction ofcultural differences between ethnic groups and thedevelopment ofa generalized rural culture. syncretic As Margarita NolascoArmas "In Oaxaca, the indigenous ... is not a problem of observed, problem is tosay, cultural that ofdress, oruse ofactualindigematerial, habitation, these[traits orcustoms] canbe substituted nousartifacts; bymestizo ones and continue beingindigenous" (NolascoArmas1972,11). Byimplication, in Oaxaca is one of culture then,the indigenous problem viewedproButin our view,there is a limit cessually. of beyondwhichsubstitution customs withmestizo customs indigena implies, objectively and etically thereplacement ofindigena (anthropologically) speaking, identity bymestizoidentity, or claimsto thecontrary. despite subjective assertions It cannot in structuring be deniedthat thelow profile ofethnicity socialrelations in theOaxaca Valley other is notcharacteristic ofcertain in thestatewhereethnopolitical movements like regions haveemerged, thoseamongTriquis, Chatinos, Mixes,and ZapotecosJuchitecos (de la thespecialattention Cruz 1986). Theseimportant cases merit ofcarefully and theoretically research as an antidote to informed designed empirical theseductiveness ofwhatHowardCampbell has labeledas "thepolitics workby of cultural recent revivalism" (Campbell 1990).In thisregard, and Campbell(1993)is exemplary. Diaz (1991)and Binford Hernaindez Complicating (and somewouldsaycompromising) anthropology's in Mexicohas beenthehistoric rolein thestudyofethnicity roleplayed in formulating and implementing Mexicanstatepolby anthropologists 51

Latin American Research Review indigenista thatis rootedin the icy vis-a-vis theindigenas-thepoliftica thenineteenth during and colonialera buthas undergone permutations al. 1954; Adams 1967,1990; Aguirre Beltwentieth centuries (see Caso et In theaftermath 1984;Knight 1990). train 1970;Leon-Portilla 1979;Riding in 1968, of theTlatelolco massacre anthropologists havebecomepromiorconsultants for oppositional movements among nent advocates popular inMexico anthropologists practicing Mexican indigenas. Inevitably, then, of official and theInpoliticaindigenista have servedas handmaidens as servants oranother toit,whether ofonebranch of dianreaction acting or as students or advocatesoftheinterests or theMexicangovernment constituencies. Giventheextent towhich anthropolagendasofindigena disclassist,and ethnopopulist ogy has becomeembeddedin statist, it is especially foranthropologists to courseand practice, challenging and analytically at thelevelof Mexicanethnicity approach operationally in civil societywhereit is "existentially small organizedcommunities ... in everyday life"(Worsley 1984, 287). grounded inquiry intoethnicity is no Themainquestion for anthropological in anyprimordial or historical sensebuthow longer one ofauthenticity and whypresumed ethnocultural or affiliations and identities originate of are represented within of asymmetrical relations structures complex classand power. that thedeclared toa group's shared allegiance Granting of culture sufficient to establish groupmembership regardless is socially content of thatculture or thepractice of it,we theovertand objective ofethnicity mustalso thatanyanalytically contend meaningful concept witha distinctive and objective cultural content thatis be identifiable to and practiced and observable by outsiders. meaningful by insiders thehistorically content ofparticular cultural forms Nevertheless, shifting mustbe weighedagainsttherecord of how,why, and by and practices in particular whomgivenforms and practices are ethnicized situations and conjunctures. among Mixtec-speakers The situationalist positionon ethnicity in migratory has involved Mexicoand California laborin northwestern been eloquently and insightfully by Carole Nagengastand presented in a way thatis compatible witha focuson historical MichaelKearney As theyexplain, "we takeethnicity consciousness. notas an ontological oflife, butas a socialconstruction a natural fact formed from the given, interface of material thestructure of political econconditions, history, In other that there and socialpractice. we contend is nothing words, omy, itis one way (amongothers) in whichpeople automatic aboutethnicity; define and aredefined to themselves who standin opposition by others can be a modeofexpressing them. ofdefending Ethnicity consciousness, thestatusquo, or (potentially) oforganizing socialprotest" (Nagengast and Kearney 1990, 62). A common inMexon indigenous identity flawofstudies focusing 52

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ico is thattheyfailto place situational limits on it,assuming thatthose who identify themselves as indigenain one situation also do so in all other In reality, a weaving situations. merchant from thetownofMitla mayidentify himself as Zapotecin hishometown weaving workshop, as a Mitlefio in Oaxaca Citywherehe buysyarnfrom a distributor, as a Mitlawhenvisiting Oaxacanfrom MexicoCity, and as a Mexicancitizen from intheUnited States as an undocumented Oaxacawhenliving worker. The ability to shift between indigena and mestizoor Mexicanidentities homevillageand regional situationally (as between townor city)is presumably lackingtodayonlyamongmonolingual speakersof indigena in Mexico, languages leaving a largemajority ofbilingual indigenas who are likely to be practitioners of hyphenated ethnicities (defined as languageplus cultural ensembles). to a broaderand Only when indigenous languageis connected distinctive cultural and setofpractices repertory amonga local populationshould collective self-identity be interpreted anthropologically as mestizoor indigena.A complete and empirically identifiable package mustexist-languageplus other cultural elements and practices tiedto setsofsharedexpressions ofhistorical consciousness-tojustify specific A majority an anthropological ethnicidentity. of any claimto specific as indigena mustcollectively believe givenlocal population designated that"whatwe are sayingand doingnow is tiedto whatour ancestors weresaying and doing."If sucha collective belief can be demonstrated ofcommunity as sharedby a majority empirically residents, alongwith their in culturally distinctive activities and practices ofsoparticipation inusing cialreproductive then theanthropologist is justified significance, thedesignation in reference In thisway,the to thatcommunity. indi'gena willbe made witha muchhigher than designation degreeofreliability withthemethods that associated on languagemarkers or subjecrelying tiveclaims. that and perhaps Chancesare,however, mostmembers many ofsuchcommunities of in Mexicotodayarealso situational practitioners Mexicanmestizo identity. To avoid misconstruing we or overlooking situational identities, can followOscar Lewis's lead in lookingformultiple sourcesof social ethnocultural Lewis identity, someofwhich mayhaveno specific content. merits as themostprominent ofthe recognition anthropological pioneer in Mexicanstudies(Cook1993, "national citizen" approach 331).He was convinced of the need to combine and political economic sociocultural of village, and nationin Mexicanstudiesand to interpretations region, understand peasant villagesthrough the regionaland nationalsociocultural ofwhichthey area part(Lewis1970, systems 388).He therefore localism eachlittle as is treated rejected "ideological whereby community self-sufficient and isolated"(Lewis 1963,xx-xxi).This approachseparated himmethodologically from theindigenistas, enabling himto study 53

Latin American Research Review of Mexico" (1963,xxi) and to as "partof the largerculture Tepoztlan as an "increasing identification of Tedocument what he interpreted withtheMexicannation and withthestateofMorelos"(1963, poztecans of anthropologists who have seri38). Lewis remains amonga handful as a source "Mexicanidad" rather thanindigena descent of ouslyexamined in Mexico also Wolf1956, social identity (see amongpeasantvillagers 1992). 1958;and especially Bartra 1987and Lomnitz-Adler Lewis'ssituational and socio-spatial loci ofsocialidentity needto as a necessary be tiedto prevailing economic conjunctures step political thetiesmaynotbe direct and unmediin materialist analysis. Although that ethnic and other assumesnevertheless ated,thematerialist paradigm mediated thosethattakepolitical culturally social identities (especially forms ofexpression) tobe responsive to cyclical market-driven arelikely in macroeconomic and conseshifts or statepolicy-driven performance of the distribution of value betweendiscrete social quentlyreflective Thusthematerialist would anticipate the classesand sectors. paradigm orprojects involving proliferation ofidentity-conscious socialmovements in thewakeofthecrisis set various impacted sectors, classes, and regions in motion in Mexicobythe1982devaluation ofthepeso and in response The comto the sweepingliberalization policiesof the Salinas regime. in Mexico's ofthesefactors culminated becoming partofa binedimpact withprofound NorthAmerican commonmarket, forthe implications Grinnational structure of relations ofdistribution (Barry 1992,132-33; spun and Cameron 1993,10,12-13).
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

that external shouldceaseto In sum,we propose observer-analysts as indigena(or Zapotec,Mixtec, a givenMexicanpopulation designate fulfilland so on) unlesstheyare prepared to demonstrate empirically ofa givenensemble of ofthefollowing criteria: thepresence ment first, thatare representacultural elements and practices languageplus other tive of a particular indigenous type;second,proofthatthe people so the economic, meaningful; third, designatedconsiderthe designation in determining and political conditions involved itsmeansocial,cultural, thesituationality ofindigena identity vis-a-vis ingfulness to them; fourth, other socialidentities, mestizo and Mexican; and finally, theconincluding the claimed and the social around of identities projects organized juncturality them. Attributions ofindigenous derived theobjective onlyfrom identity or from unsubstantiated subjective claims, especially languageindicator whenother situational orfundamental identities areignored, offer limited atbestand maybe analytically counterproductive.12 analytical significance
is typicallyassociated with 12. The failureto place situationallimitson indigena identity

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Whilethepopulation ofMexicotodayis predominantly Mexican and mestizoin identity in a capitalist in the and participates economy throes ofcomplete restructuring as a North American common market, discourseis stillevokingthe visionof nonmarket anthropological inin persisting volvement indigena villageutopias.The timehas cometo rid anthropological theory of anachronistic concepts and ideas and to construct a post-indigenista in whichethnic paradigm identity (whether indigenaor mestizo)is perceived as simply one amongmanypossible socially constructed identities "formed from theinterface ofmaterial conthe structure ditions, history, of thepolitical and social praceconomy, tice"(Nagengast and Kearney 1990, 62). This effort shouldnotbe construed as negating thepotential of ofa narrowly ethnicity as a socialforce on behalf economistic and classdriven viewofpolitics. In an eraofintensifying classand ethnic differentiation and confrontation, sucha project is as anachronistic as is itsethnopopulist nemesis.Rather, the effort we are advocating should leave better toproanthropology equippedconceptually and methodologically ducevalidknowledge abouttheever-increasing complexities ofdailylife within theMexican ofthedeveloping North branch American (andglobal) capitalist divisionof labor.Within the unrethisdeveloping structure, solvedgrievances in theRevoluthat nourished theZapatista movement in statepolicyand tionof1910, exacerbated by recent profound changes in economic conditions, haveerupted anewin theguiseofneo-Zapatismo to challenge theend-of-century tecnocratico" for "proyecto Mexintegrating ico intoNorth American capitalism.

the assumptionthatit is the primordialand exclusiveidentity of a particularMexican etnia or ethnic group. This tendency is illustratedin an article published recentlyby Anya PetersonRoyce (1993) on music,dance, and fiestasamong the IsthmusZapotec ofJuchitan, long a mecca for ethnopopulistsand cultural extremists in Mexico. In her opening paragraph,RoyceacknowledgesthatJuchitecos are exposed to "alternate identities"and possess the knowledgeto "choose thebest ofMexican and othernationalcultures"but "choose to be Zapotec." For her,Zapotec seems to be a single cross-situational identityforall Juchitecos, regardless of their sex, age, education, class, occupation, religion,politics, familybackground,and migratory experience.It is our hope thatthe positionwe are advocatingin this articlewill promoteskepticismamong readers regardingany past, present,or futureethnographic claims of this kind about discovering a homogeneous and pervasive sociocultural identityamong a heterogeneouslocal population in Mexico, especially when the claim is unsupported by systematic empiricalanalysis of alternativesituationalidentities.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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