The Marxist Volume: 03, No. 1 January-March, 1985 Naxalism To ay !

ra"ash #arat IT is nearly two decades since the phenomenon popularly known as naxalism manifested itself on the Indian political scene. What is the state of naxalism today? What has happened to the ideology and politics of the groups, which comprised the naxalite movement? An answer to these questions for the recent period will e instructive, as it confirms the time!lested experience of the international communist movement that left " sectarianism and ultra!left adventurism is the o serve of right!reformism and revisionism and ends up serving the interests of the ruling classes. #ltra " leftism of any variety of which naxalism is type, contains within itself the seeds of disruption and self!destruction. It is well known that the naxalite movement disintegrated into myriad groups and factions in the early seventies within five years of its irth. Along with this organi$ational disintegration, and preceding it, was the ideological disarray and confusion. In this article, the focus is on the ideological deadend these groups have reached, which is the asis for the continuing derailment of the left! adventurist stream. After continuously grappling with the ideologically ankrupt positions taken at the outset, the naxalite groups are nowhere near resolving the pro lems, which egan when they a andoned their %arxist!&eninist moorings. 'very theoretical and political issue, which confronts them, leads of further ideological confusion and consequent organisational splintering. (espite their decade!long struggle to )reorient and rectify* their positions none of these groups have come anywhere near correcting their dogmatic errors. +n the other hand, these groups have further degenerated into anti!left anarchic groups su ,ect to the worst forms of petty! ourgeois deviations. The purpose in this article is not give an historical account of the theory and practice of these groups since the disintegration egan in the early seventies. The emphasis is on analy$ing their ideological and theoretical positions and the inner contradictions and conflicts etween the groups, ased on their own documents and pu lications. 1

Without understanding their current positions on ideological questions, the splintering and kaliedescope merging and splitting of the groups cannot e comprehended. The analysis also shows how the naxalities have had to a andon most of the asic positions adopted y them when they challenged the -.I/%01s ideological! programmatic!tactical line in 2345!46. Where they have persisted in clinging to some of the original positions, they have landed themselves in irreconcila le contradictions etween their theory and practice. 7inally, the article points out that despite the failure of the ultra!left challenge in the ideological sphere, the left!opportunism pursued y these groups is dangerous for the left movement. (espite the political"organisational splintering of naxalism, the potential for mischief y ultra!leftism in new forms remains along with the necessity to continuously fight against petty! ourgeois revolutionism, which finds fertile soil in India due to the crisis and the impact of ourgeois!landlord rule. The $urrent %tate o& Naxalism The much pu lici$ed claim of the naxalities that the -.I/%&0, launched in 2343, heralded the new revolutionary party, collapsed in sham les in 2352!58. 'ven efore this the movement had egun to splinter. A rief recounting of the organi$ational disintegration is necessary to get a full picture of the state of the naxalite groups today. 'ven efore the announcement of the formation of the -.I/%&0 in 2343, the splintering had egun. In 2346 when the various naxalite groups which split away from the -.I/%0 formed the All India -oordination -ommittee of communist 9evolutionaries /AI--90, two groups roke away that year itself in West :engal!the .arimal (asgupta and Asit ;en groups. The latter formed the %aoist -oordination -entre. This was followed y the AI--9 led y charu %a$umdar disaffiliating the Andhra group led y <agi 9eddy, (= 9ao and .ulla 9eddy. In 2343, the following groups also disassociated from the -haru %axumadar!led naxalites!the :: -hakra orty group which is known currently as the &i eration 7ront, the %oni >uha group, and the ?unnikal <arayanan group in ?erala which maintained a distinct identity.

In ;eptem er, 235@ a few months after the A7irst -ongress1 of the -.I/%&0 which elected -haru %a$umdar as its >eneral ;ecretary, the faction led y ;atyanarian ;ingh revolted and in 2352 formed their own -.I/%&0 -entral -ommittee. In 2352, Ashim -hater,ee, ;antosh 9ana and other split away from the -haruite group. While the ;<; group opposed the line of individual annihilation pursued y the -haru!led party the Ashim -hatter,ee group also opposed the -.I /%&0 of opposing the li eration struggle in :angladesh. In 2358, after %a$umdar1s death, the -haruite committee was led y ;harma and %ahadev %ukher,ee and during this time, the -.I /%&0 totally disintegrated. 7rom this point onwards, the -.I /%&0 -entral -ommittee, which succeeded -haru %a$umdar no longer represented the mainstream of the naxalite movement. The ?hokan %a$umdar group in West :engal, the ;araf group in Bammu and ?ashmir, the .un,a , Tamil <adu and ?erala factions all egan to function independently without any coordination. The -.I /%&0 charuite group spilt two with %ahadev %ukher,ee expelling ;harma. The %ahadev %ukher,ee group itself spilt into two!the anti!&in :iao and pro!&in :iao groups. The anti!&in :iao group which was also pro!-haruite, ased in :ho,pur district, :ihar, later evolved into the -.I /%&0 ked y =inod %ishra. The pro!&in :iao group led y %ukher,ee saw him ousted from leadership and after the emergency the group was led y y <ishit :aner,ee and A$isul Caq, and is ased in West :engal. %eanwhile, ;harma who had parted ways with %ukher,ee, along with the ;uniti >hosh group, the Andhra -ommittee and some others formed the central +rganising -ommittee /-+-0 in 235D. Cowever, this unity did not last long. The +cto er 235E resolution )9oad to &i eration* was a compromise one which soon led to new disagreements. In 2354, the Andhra -ommittee split away. This was followed y the -+- reaking up with the groups parting ways. The northern India group for sometime formed the -ommunist &eague of India ut later ecame defunct. Among the ma,or pro!-haru groups existing today, apart from the =inod %ishra group, there is the .eople1s War group led y ?ondapalli ;eetharamiah in Andhra .radesh. This group originated in the Andhra -ommittee, which spilt away from the -+- in 2354. 7rom this committee the ?ondapali group com ined with the 3

?othandaraman pro!-haru group of Tamilnadu and formed the -.I /%&0 .eople1s War group in 236@. The decided to persist in armed struggle while also working in mass organisations. Another pro!-haru group existing today is the -entral 9eorganising -ommittee /-9-0 led y =enu. A section of the ?erala pro!-haru naxalites and a splinter group from Andhra formed this group in 2353. This group also defends the -haruite line while accepting the need for mass work. Among the anti!-haru %a$umdar groups also a process of splits and realignments has een going on. In Andhra the naxalites who from the eginning refused to accept the -.I /%&0 understanding and tactics, were led y <agi 9eddy, .ulla 9eddy and (= 9ao. This group spilt into two in 2352 with .ulla 9eddy forming his own group. after the death of <agi 9eddy in 2354, (= 9ao assumed the leadership of this group in Andhra. In 235E the <egi 9eddy group had ,oined with the %oni >uha group of West :engal and the <orth Fone unity center to form the #--9I /%&0. In 2354, they divided again with %oni >uha and (= 9ao expelling each other from the organi$ations, and resumed separate functioning. The (= 9ao!led #--9I also underwent various splits. In the meantime, the other ma,or anti!-haru stream led y ;< ;ingh had een ,oined in 2355 y the #nity committee comprising the ?hokan %an$umdar /< :engal0 and =askar <andy groups. They constituted the -entral committee led y ;< ;ingh. In 235E, the -handra .ulla 9eddy group from Andhra united with the ;<; group and they formed from West :engal, %aharashtra and .un,a revolted from the ;< ;ingh group and formed what is known as the -entral Team. The ;<;!.ulla 9eddy group which ecame a ma,or group in the <axalite movement roke up in 236@ with the .ulla 9eddy group walking off and resuming independent functioning. Another formation of naxalite groups, which opposed the -haruite line originated with the leaders lodged in the =i$ag ,ail. ?anu ;anyal, the erstwhile lieutenant of -haru %a$umdar, took the initiative to form the +rganisng -ommittee of -ommunist 9evolutionaries /+--90. <aga husanam .atnaik also out of ,ail, formed his own group. :oth these leaders have een trying without success to forge some unity among the warring groups.

%oni >uha after the de acle of the #--9I, has een advocating the pro!Al anian line and is considered anathema y other groups. The onlyothe rpro!Al anian faction is the >hadar .arty which is .un,a . The ;araf group plouged a lonely furrow and after eing decimated in Bammu and ?ashmir has formed its own party titled the A.roletariat .arty.1 7rom the a ove ma$e of splits and realignments, it can e said that the ma,or groups, which have not ecome defunct areG .ro!-haru groupsH 2 -.I /%&0!=inod %ishra group 8. -.I/%&0!.eople1s War group I. -.I/%&0!-9-/=enu group0 D. -.I/%&0 ;econd -entral -ommittee groups /.ro &in :iao0

Anti!-haruite groupsG 2. -.I/%&0!;< ;ingh group 8. -.I/%&0!-. .ulla 9eddy group I. -.I/%&0!-+- groups D. +--9 /?anu ;anyal0 E. #--9I /%&0!/<agi 9eddy (= 9ao0 4. %aoist -ommunist -enter 5. &i eration 7ront 6. -.I/%&0!-entral Team.
Apart from these, there are minor ones which still maintain some existence such asG 2. ;hanti .al group /West :engal0 8. ?unnikal <arayanan group /?erala0 I. : . ;harma group /9a,isthan, #.0 D. -helapati 9ao group /A.0 E. Tamil <adu splinters A+- and ;+- 4. >hadar party 5. .roletariat .arty!;araf group 6. 9evolutionary -ommunist .arty /.un,a 0 Cowever, it must e remem ered that the situation is not static. The a ove groups constantly divide and re!form. 7or instance in 236D, splits have occurred in the ma,or groups of ;< ;ingh and -handra .ulla 9eddy committees. In the ; < ;ingh!led group efore his death in ;eptem er 236D, a serious split developed etween the ; < ;ingh! led minority in the .--, and the ma,ority led y =askar <andy and ;antosh 9ana leading to the formation of parallel committees. ;imilarly in the .ulla 9eddy led group also a split occurred a few months efore his death with a faction led y .alia =asudeva 9ao ;plitting off. The political!ideological ases for these splits are eing dealt with in a later section. 'utile (uest 'or )nity Alongside the endless splintering of the groups, an equally endless ut futile for unity has also een going on. The earliest move was in 5

%arch 235E when the ;<; group united with the .ulla 9eddy group and formed the .rovisional -entral -ommittee of the -.I /%&0. This roke up in 236@ ecause of sharp differences etween the two groups on the question of united front tactics at the international and national levels against Asocial imperialism1 and AIndian fascism1. (uring the emergency in 235E the ;<;!.ulla 9eddy group had initiated a meeting with the -+- the unity -ommittee and the #--9I and a ,oint declaration was issued for the formation of an Aanti!fascist united front1. Cowever, soon after the -+- and #--9I denounced the declaration and the move failed. This was allowed, as stated, with the -+- itself reaking up into four groups. In 2353, the =inod!%ishra group and the ;< ;ingh!.ulla 9eddy group issued a ,oint statement and agreed to take up ,oint activities. :ut quarrels, in (ecem er 2362, <aga hushanam .atnaik and other took he initiative to call a meet in which 2I groups attended. This meet also ended in mutual recriminations and the unity effort ended in a fiasco. In April 2368, a conference was held in (elhi initiated y the =inod %ishra group, which the .ulla 9eddy, <aga hushanam .atnaik groups and others attended. The conference sought to achieve organi$ational coordination and to uild up a Anational alternative1. The -onference announced the formation of an Indian .eople1s 7ront /I.70. .redicta ly the front and its concept of national alternative came in for itter attack from the ;< ;ingh group, -9;araf, and others. The ;<; group saracastically commented, )<+ sane political creature elieves that any single political party can emerge as the <ational Alternative to Indira fascism right nowJ 9ecently one group and its supporters held a national conference in (elhi and formed the Indian .eople1s 7rontJ #tpoian dreams ased on exaggerated self!esteem is a disease that drives a victim to commit suicide. ;o the Indian .eople1s 7ront led y one revolutionary group has ecome the <ational AlternativeK* /7or a new democracy, %ay (ay, 23680 The failure to unite is not surprising given their ideological difference and ina ility to come to any common asseements regarding the past theories and practice of naxalism. There are some group like the =inod %ishra group, -9- and .eople1s War group which refuse to renounce the -haru %a$umdar line and defend his asic positions with some minor criticisms. +n the other hand the ;<;!led group, #--9I and .ulla 9eddy groups consider the -haruite line disastrous and responsi le for the de acle of naxalism. ;ome like the +--9 and <aga husganam .atnaik group are attempting organi$ational coordination unity, skirting these divisive 6

issues and hoping for unity through united work and struggle. The o stacle to unity is not only on pro and anti!-haruite lines. Within these two road camps, there are innumera le difference on the content of %ao Fedong thought, attitude to the -hinese -ommunist .arty application of the three world theory, participation in parliamentary activities, individual annihilation and armed struggle tactics and the concept of mass work and mass organi$ations. It is necessary therefore, to look at the ideological and political controversies which hold these groups in a arren and vice! like grip. * eolo+ical ,isarray In 2346, when the naxalite left!adventurist deviation challenged the -.I/%01s %arxist!&eninst! ased stand on ideological and programmatic issues, they put up a left!sectarian position on a whole range of question pertaining to the international communist movement and the path of the Indian revolution. The naxalite condemned the -.I/%0 as Aneo!revisionists1 on the question of the character of the Indian state, stage of the revolution, strategy tactics, assessment of the ;oviet #nion and the international correlation of class forces. Their stand then could e summed up as followsG India is not politically independent it is semi!colonial, semi!colonial, semi!feudalH the Indian state is controlled y imperialists, compradore ureaucratic capital and feudal landlords, the stage of revolution is national li eration against imperialism, compradore capitalism and feudalismH people1s war ased on armed struggle of the peasantry is the tactical line for li erationH the ;oviet #nion is revisionist /later modified to social imperialist0 which is colla orating with #; imperialismH adherence to %ao Fedong thought is the test of a communist party. They condemned participation in parliament as reformist and adopted oycott as a strategic sloganH they denied the role of mass organi$ations and a andoned trade unions as reformist organi$ations, further in the sphere of tactics, they negated the role of united fronts, randing them as class colla orationist. The -.I/%0, countering the left!adventurist positions, has statedG *If we take all the arguments of the critics of the ideological document 7

what do they amount to? They amount to a total repudiation of the understanding of the epoch. They imply liquidation of the socialist campH they convey that capitalism has een restored in the #;;9 leading to imperialist policiesH that the ma,or fight of the working class of the world is not against American imperialism ut against ;oviet and American imperialism. The fight against the revisionist leaders of the ;oviet #nion is replaced y the fight against the )imperialism* of the ;oviet ;tate.* /Ideological (e ate ;ummed #p y .olit :ureau, p.25I0 This was the package of left!infantilism which characteri$ed the various naxalite groups who challenged the revolutionary credentials of the -.I/%0. Today after nearly two decades of naxalite activity, when we assess where this platform has taken them, it is clear that they have een forced to a andon most of these position. In fact they have retreated pell!mell from the Arevolutionary1 platform they adopted. Where they cling to such positions their own makes it difficult to reconcile it with the theories they espouse. &et us look some of these key positions and their derailment. Mao -e on+ Thou+ht an -.ttitu e to $!$ The distinctive characteristic of the naxalite groups since their inception has een their advertised allegiance to %ao Fedong thought was the essence of %arxism!&eninism of our epoch. 'xcept for the pro!Al anina groups who were denounced %ao Fedong thought, all our groups extant continue to swear allegiance. Cowever, their perceptions of its content and role differ and each accuses the other of distorting or revising %aoist ideology. The pro! -haru groups, except the =inod %ishra group, continue to hail the 9evolution and refuse to accept the -.-1s critical revaluation of this period and the damage it cause the party and socialist construction. The whole gamut of left!sectarian positions on the international situation and uilding of socialism is considered y these groups to e the main content of %ao Fedong thought. +n the other hand the ;< ;ingh, - .ulla 9eddy and (= 9ao groups accept the -.evaluation as presented in the eleventh congress and the sixth plenum of the - - and the denunciation of the gang of four. The pro! -haru .eople1s War group, after initially accepting the -.positions, has now come round to considering them revisionist. The -.-1s own assessment of some of the erroneous concepts upheld y the party under %ao1s leadership is not accepta le to the -9-, .eople1s War and ;araf groups. These groups now maintain that the 8

-.- has ecome a revisionist party. At the extreme, the pro!&in :iao group has taken the a surd stand that -hina has ecome a social imperialist power. 7rom the naxalite groups who held that -hina was the center of the world revolution, a su stantial num er now have gone over to the position that the -.- has etrayed world revolution. The -.-1s authoritative documents produced in the sixth plenum of the --, the eleventh and twelfth congresses, have ecome for them the edrock of revisionism and etrayal of %ao Fedong thought. The lind and dogmatic adherence to %ao Fedong thought as the essence of %arxism!&eninism of the epoch! a position which the -.- itself does not maintain now!is the key to the ideological disarray these groups have reached. Three /orl Theory

Another important aspect of the differences etween the groups on the content of %ao thought concerns the Three world Theory. ;ome of the itterest polemics are directed as to whether it forms an integral part of %ao Fedong thought or not. %ost of the groups whether anti!-haru or pro!-haru, the ;<; group, the .ulla 9eddy group, the =inod %ishra group. ( = 9ao, etc., uphold the Three World Theory as a component part of %ao Fedong thought and creative application of %arxism &eninism. It is on this asis that they work out their political line on international and national questions. The -.I/%0 had in 23D5 itself, when this theory was put out y the -.-, critici$ed it as anti!%arxist not eing ased on class analysis. The division of the world into three! the first world of the two superpowersH the second world of other imperialist countries and the third world of the underdeveloped countries!went against the asic analysis of class relations in the international sphere and eliminated the central contradiction etween imperialist system and the socialist system. <ow, some of the naxalite groups like the -9/=enu group0. ;araf group /and of course the pro!Al anian splinters0 have launched a itter attack on the Three World Theory. They argue that no such theory was formulated y %ao Fedong and such a ogus theory has een smuggled in y the Arevisionist clique1 headed y (eng Liaoping. In order to defend their version of %ao thought, they argue that %ao had only talked of differentiating the 9

three worlds for purposes of foreign policy tactics and had never ela orated and elevated the three worlds into a full!fledged theory. 'xposing the groups who uphold this thesis, they point out that this theory has led to the formulation that out of the two super!powers, the ;oviet #nion1s social imperialism is more aggressive and dangerous. This has led to these groups ecoming soft on #; imperialism and ending up allying with #; imperialist forces and the parties that represent them in India. 7or instance the -9- group states, )+pportunists like ;atyanarain ;ingh in India advanced the thesis of uilding a united front with pro!American ruling classes. The Three World Theory1 has come as a orn to these opportunists who were already well ahead on this path of colla orating with the pro!#; section of the ruling classes* /? =enuG %ao Fedong and Three World Theory1 p. 830 7urther, it exposes the international implications of this line while talking a out A;'A<. Three World Theories shows great enthusiasm in holding up this organi$ation as united front against ;oviet social imperialism and as one of the factors conducive to the uilding of a road front of the third world countries. In reality however this organi$ation has een formed, with the full acking and lessings of #; imperialism y the imperialist lackeys the compradore feudal states of .hilippines Indonesia, Thailand, %alaysia and ;ingapore with the o ,ective of chalking out schemes for suppressing the people1s revolutionary struggles.* /=enuG %ao Fedong and Three World Theory1 p. I80 :ut the -9- naxalite group1s fierce denunciation of the Three World Theory is only partial, as they do not dispute the existence of two super!powers and ;oviet social imperialism. Their only difference is that the ;oviet #nion should not as a general principle e considered the more aggressive imperialist power. :oth the Aimperialisms1 are dangerous and which is more dangerous will depend on country and situation to situation. As an illustration, according to them, #; imperialism is more dangerous in &atin America, while the ;oviet #nion poses a greater threat in Afghanistan and ?ampuchea. 'ven in the interpretation of the Three World Theory there are differences etween those who uphold it, on how to implement it. 7or instance the .eople1s War group interprets it in a different way from the ;< ;ingh group. on uilding united fronts ased on this theory also the ;< ;ingh and .ulla 9eddy groups got divided. In 236@ the unity of these two groups was disrupted on the question of uilding 10

an anti!;oviet front on the asis of the ;oviet #nion eing the main enemy of the Indian people and the necessity of forgoing a united front against Indira fascism y including even pro!#; allies. After the split the ;<;!led group claimedG )it was our party which initiated and forged a road united front against 9ussian aggression on Afghanistan, and united >andhites and 9oyists, ;ocialists and ;arvodayites. :B. and the %oslem &eague on the same platform to oppose hegemonism and aggression.* /7or a <ew (emocracy, %arch! April, 23680 The crux of the matter lies in the fact that the various naxalite groups are forced to stick to the erroneous ideological positions put out y the -.- during the left!sectarian phase of the cultural revolution. To ,ustify their existence, with all their dogmatic position eing re,ected y life and experience, leads them to cling to those very concepts which eyen the -.- has critically a andoned. %trate+y 0 !ro+ramme: ,isorientation >iven their distorted loyalty to a dogmatic A%ao Fedong thought1 it is ut natural that in the sphere of strategy and programmatic formulations these groups show the same variety of left opportunism, sectarianism and hopeless confusion. In recent years, particularly after the emergency was lifted, most of the groups have een undertaking the exercise of holding Aparty1 congresses and Aspecial conferences1 preparing draft programme and resorting to intermina le discussions within their groups and amongst the different groups. The ;<; group held its party congress in 2368 and prepared a programmeH the =inod %ishra group held a party congress in Banuary 236IH the -9- group held a party conference in Banuary 2368H the Andhra groups have also held a series of conferencesH the ;araf group held a party congress with 2D delegates and formed a .roletariat .arty in 236I. simultaneously all the groups have een analy$ing each other1s efforts and su ,ecting them to itter polemics, and at times a use. In 235@, the -.I/%&0!led y -haru %a$umdar had adopted its programme y which India was termed semi!colonial and semi! feudal. The state was characteri$ed as imperialist!compradore ureaucratic capitalist and feudal. The stage of the revolution was national li eration and the principle contradiction had een termed as that etween feudalism and the road masses of the people. In 11

reassessing the programmatic formulations and tasks, sharp differences have arisen. The Andhra group which did not ,oin the -.I/%&0 in 2343 continues to differ from the 235@ propositions. According to (= 9ao of the #--9I group, India is a neo!colony, which is exploited y oth superpowers India is not a semi!colony and had achieved political independence in 23D5. It lost its independent status and ecame a neo!colony of the superpowers. As for the compradore ourgeoisie, he has his own peculiar interpretation. Ce states that there is a compradore class in the industrial ourgeoisiesH the compradore class is part of the Indian ourgeoisie, there y recogni$ing that there are sections of the ourgeoisie, which are not compradore. Then he goes on to further confuse the issue y stating, )-ompradore ourgeoisie class means a ourgeoisie class having a compradore character, not a mere commission agent.* /(= 9aoG .eople1s (emocratic 9evolution in India, p. 8D0 While most groups pay lip service to the principle contradiction eing etween feudalism and the Indian people, ;araf violently disagrees. According to him the principle contradiction should e termed as that etween the alliance of imperialism, the compradire ourgeoisie and feudalism on the one hand, and the Indian people on the other. Ce inveighs against the other groups for not understanding the key role of alliance of these forces in state power. /A 9evolutionary view point, Ban!%arch 2356, ;araf p. 6I0 B . (ixit who runs his own ,ournal /.eople1s .ower0 pounces on the alliance theory and attacksG )a suggestion of alliance etween the native classes and imperialism means an end of the economic and political su ,ugation of imperialismJ. The theory is dangerous as it supports the imperialist fraud that their lackeys are not lackeys ut their friends and allies.* /.eople1s .ower, Ban "Bune 2368, p.E0 The ; < ;ingh group is also su ,ected to this attack as in their draft programme they amended the principle contradiction on the lines of the alliance of imperialism, compradore ourgeoisies and feudalism. <ot content with this attempt to stretch all logic and credulity to maintain the sem lance of a lackey ourgeoisie in the state power, the -9- /=enu0 group has also made its creative contri ution. )We have to recogni$e that clas relations are undergoing change in differing degrees and that new classes like the rural ourgeoisie and the local ourgeoisie in the industrial sector are emerging. If the o servations are proved correct we will have to make su stantial 12

changes in the programme. The character of the <ew (emocratic 9evolution will remain to e anti!imperialist and anti!feudal, ut the emphasis will shift on to the anti imperialist aspect. The main target of attack e oth the imperialist locs and their Indian allies, the ureaucratic compradore ourgeoisie.*/%ass &ine, %ay 236D, Interview with =enu0 &ike a specter, the original sin committed in the 235@ prograame continues to haunt them and there seems to e nothing availa le to put them out of their endless misery of intermina le and divisive discussions. The -9- group is still formulating the new -.I/%0 programme and it seems to e a protracted affair. This group and some others including the recently formed <andy!;antosh 9ana faction of the ;<;!-.I/%&0, are una le to reconcile the evidence of capitalist development with a semi!colonyMsemi!feudal model. The escape route sought y the -9- group to maintain the fiction is to ring a out the theory of imperialist!sponsored Acapitalist development1 in India, plagiari$ing the >under!7rankM;amir amin theories. The other attempt as y (= 9ao is to term India a neo! colony. Net some others, like the ;antosh 9ana!=askar <andy faction1s special congress held in 236D, attempts to state that imperialism is directly sharing power in the Indian state as opposed to the rival faction1s stand that imperialism is indirectly ruling through the ig ourgeoisie and landlords. Whatever the effort, the naxalites are caught in the trap of the Acompradore ourgeoisie1 from which they find so salvationK The -.I/%0 has pointed out at the very outset that the naxalite version of the programme )leads to left sectarian and adventurist errors, and overestimation of the situation. What is the implication of a stooge government in a period when imperialist is collapsing all over the world? It implies that the state and government is already completely isolated, universally hated and armed struggle is the only from left to the peopleH it has only to e called for to e started. This formulation ignores the existing class realities underestimates the ideological and organi$ational hold of the ruling classes and their parties on the people the illusions nurtured and undermines the preparations for the requisite class alignment for uilding the .eople1s (emocratic 7ront.* /+n &eft (eviationG 9esolution of the -entral -ommittee, -.I/%0, August, 2345, p.E0 Who is the main enemy of the Indian revolution? Cere the villain in the form of the Three World Theory has further confused the 13

naxalites. While some staunchly maintain that the ;oviet social imperialists are the main enemy, others vehemently disagree and put forward the alternative theories that A oth imperialist powers are ,oint enemiesH feudalism is the main enemyH the imperialist! acked ig ourgeoisie and landlords are the main enemy and so on and so forth. ( = 9ao commenting on these group statesG )'ven while claiming revolutionaries some are una le to see the difference etween the two superpower and he upper hand off the ;oviet #nion. As a result whenever the ;oviet #nion is exposed, they call such an attitude pro!#;.* /(= 9aoG ).eople1s (emocratic 9evolution in India, forward, p.8D0. The same difference in perception of the ;oviet #nion as the main enemy divides the otherwise pro!-haru =inod %ishra and -9- groups. This difference in perception of the main enemy creates insupera le pro lems for them to agree on a common united front strategy of the classes in the revolution. The ; < ;ingh group, =inod %ishra group and the anti!-haru Andhra groups /.ulla 9eddy and ( = 9ao groups0 pivot their strategic class front on fighting );oviet social imperialism* which is claimed to e the dominant imperialist power having a stranglehold on the Indian state and economy. This programmatic position is re,ected y other groups which see this as the asis for class colla oration with the pro!#; section of the ruling classes. While oth sides maintain that the Indian ruling classes /compradore ourgeois and feudals0 are divided into two factions, eing lackeys of either ;oviet or #; imperialism, they are also divided on the primacy of the former and the nature of strategic class fronts to e developed. In a perversion of %arxist analysis, all the groups su scri e to the position that there are four oppressor enemy classes to e overthrown to make the new democratic revolution ";oviet social imperialism,1 #; imperialism, compradore capital and feudalism. While united in their determination to deny the reality of an Indian national ourgeoisie led y the ig ourgeoisie and its dual character, these groups have engendered further disintegration y forcing class analysis to fit into a mythical anti!communist Asocial imperialism.1 Tactics-1all Mar" o& 233ortunism an ,isru3tion .i in+ 4ulin+ $lass

<axalite tactics had een characteri$ed y a dogmatic and sole reliance on armed struggle in its first phases. This was ased on the sectarian Apeople1s war thesis put forward y &in :iao at the ninth 14

congress of the -.-. In India this rand of adventurism was interpreted y -haru %a$umdar to e the tactic of individual terrorism. After the de acle of this tactic in 235@!52 many group split away condemning the Aannihilation theory1. Cowever the pro! -haru groups have persisted in defending this revolutionary line1 and continue to e practitioners of terrorism. The pro &in :iao groups in West :engal, the =inod %ishra group in :ho,pur the .eople1s War group in Andhra .radesh and the =enu group in ?erala have all in some form or another continued to rely on the line of annihilation. The difference exists only in the emphasis. The -9- /=enu group0 egan talking of a Arevolutionary mass line in 2353, y which they mean that annihilation of any which enemy must e part of the mass struggle and resorted only which the masses of an area approve of it. 'xcept for the extreme fringe of the pro!&in :iao groups the other groups who uphold he -haruite line currently talk of annihilation of the class enemy as an extension of the mass line. Though many groups have denounced the past practices as wrong, the condemnation has stemmed more from the failure of the tactic rather than any honest self!introspection as to its anti!%arxist character. 'ven those who renounce it as anti!%arxist, still cling to the theory of permanent armed struggle1. The +--9 led y ?annu ;anyal statesG )the terrorism pursued y the struggles against revisionism. That is, the new process of forming a %arxist!&eninist party which was set in motion after the <axalite uprising of 2345 was again nipped in the ud and communist revolutionaries were split up into various groups.* /=oice of <axal ari Buly 23680. Cowever, the +--9 has no clear programme or tactics to reak with this old adventurism. All that has een modified is that mass work must e com ined or lead to armed struggle. :y the de acle of individual annihilation all the naxalite groups have had to a andon their original tactical position that work in mass organisation is reformist and the trade union movement means economism. ;elf! criticism y the group is, however, com ined with the contradictory chant a out the Arevolutionary situation1 o taining in the country. The su ,ective assessment that India is on the rink of revolution and the corollary that the Indian ruling classes are totally isolated continues to e sanctified dogma. !artici3ation in 5lection All naxalite groups at the inception had vehemently denounced the -.I/%0 for participating in parliament and elections. :oycott of the 15

parliament was the sine qua non of naxalism. Cowever, the retreat from this aspect of petty ourgeois revolutionism has led to acrimonious divisions among the naxalites. -ondemning this infantile!left position, the party had stateG A#sing parliamentary institutions, according to them, is remaining ogged down at the level of mass consciousness. The added argument is that parliaments are o solete and hence participation is no good. Thus in the name of a revolutionary struggle this important form is re,ected in principle. This is nothing ut an anarchist deviation, which underestimates the fight against the state in the concrete. This has nothing to do with &eninism. It seeks to reduce the working class and the masses to impotent spectators in the electionsH ypasses the stage of their consciousnessH advances slogans which delink the party from vast sections particularly in the election and hands them over to the tender mercies of the -ongress and the other ourgeois parties.* /+n &eft (eviation p. 2@0 The first group to violate this Arevolutionary oycott1 was the ; < ;ingh!.ulla 9eddy!led which contested the assem ly elections in Bune, 2355. since them, even after they spilt up they have continued to participate in elections oth to the parliament and state assem lies. In this they were ,oined y the +--9 and the (= 9ao group. This plunge into ourgeois election has led to the worst a use heaped upon them y the -9- group the, .eople1s War faction and the ;araf group. The -9- is convinced that the other ma,or pro! -haru group led y =inod %ishra is also preparing to ,oin the Apig! sty1 of parliament. The = % group in its party congress in 236I had cleared the way for such an eventuality. This was confirmed with the =inod %ishra group led I.7 putting up a large num er of candidates in :ihar in the recent assem ly elections. 9efusing to accept the use of the ourgeois parliamentary system as it could negate their Arevolutionary situation1, the strategic oycottists such as ;araf =ainly assert, )the prospect for the compradore parliamentary system is one of confusion uncertainty, one crisis followed y another, ultimately leading to the proletarian revolution.* /;arafG -urrent national and international situationH A 9evolutionary =iew .oint, Buly!;ep. 2356,p. 4D0 If the oycottists1 continuous calls for oycott have gone unheeded y the people the participationsts electoral tactics have een ,ust as 16

disruptive. 7or instance the ;<;!led group has not hesitated to support the worst communal and reactionary forces including :B.! 9;; candidates in many states in the name of defeating the pro! social imperialist parties, which y definition include the left parties. In West :engal they allied with forces like the Bharkhand .arty and %ukti %orcha to fight &eft 7ront candidates in the assem ly polls. When the ma,ority of groups not averse to participation in elections at different levels, the naxalite stance of fighting revisionism y a ,uring parliament has een given a quiet urial. Mass /or" .n Mass 2r+anisations

+n the a andoning of mass organi$ations y naxalite the -.I/%0 had ,oined outG )Thus neglecting the main task of uilding mass organi$ations y refusing to fight for every little relief for the workers and peasants y not paying serious attention to the immediate demands and to simultaneously raising political consciousness, y a mere reliance on organi$ations of force once more leads to a and of select individuals indulging in militant actions, under the pretext of defending or revolutionising the struggles and ringing disaster to the mass movement.* /+n &eft (eviation, p. 280 The ; < ;ingh!.ulla 9eddy -.I/%&0 were the first to float the I7T# to organi$e trade union work. :ut the other naxalite groups kept away from this set!up as it was led y Aneo!revisionists1 and Aliquidationists1. The Andhra groups outside the -.I/%&0 mainstream had never theoretically denounced work in mass organi$ations. They, along with those who have now ,oined the andwagon of mass work1, conceive of work and tactics in the mass organisations in an extremely disruptive fashion which helps the ruling classes. +ne favourtie tactics is to raise immediate urning issue and organi$e protests and then launch a confrontation with the landlord, police, and capitalists without taking into account the correlation of forces and the consequences of such actions. .rematurely inviting police and enemy class attacks leads to crushing of the movement and disorganising the people completely. In :ho,pur district in 235E!54, such tactics led to severe repression and decimation of struggling peasants. In Andhra the de acle of 17

;rikakulam has een repeated on a minor scale in various places which leaves these areas firmly under landlordMpolice domination. In Wynad, in 2362 the Aannihilation1 of a Aclass enemy1 led to repression. The -9- group which oasts of this action statesG )The guerilla action here was done really as the exercise of the people1s political will after mo ili$ing and consolidating it using the method Afrom the people, to the people1. Though the party was not completely smashed in the repression led those y the state, it could not effectively overcome the enemy1s encirclement and suppression*. /Though a <ew .hase of ;pring Thunder, p. 2ED0 >iven their adveturist political line, for the naxalite groups every trade union and mass struggle is seen as an onslaught against the state power and its agentsH in the name of fighting economism, no compromise in struggle is possi le!which leads to anarchism and disruption. The efforts to prettify these disruptionist tactics in the mass movement as A uilding people1s political power1, mass line to defeat revisionism and so on cannot hide the asis truth that naxalite tactics today are geared to disorient mass movements, foil united struggles and isolate the &eft forces. The num er of student, youth, peasant and cultural organi$ations, which have een floated y the various naxalite groups must e seen for what they are and com ated with correct tactics among the people along with ideological exposure. Caving no correct class approach, most of these groups have foiled to develop any mass ase and only succeed in creating temporary disruptions in some pockets like tri al areas, though their mass organisational activities. They are una le to organise the asic classes with a correct political tactical line. >iven their petty! ourgeois character, they are una le to do sustained hard work to uild up united class organi$ations of workers and peasants. Therefore in the post!emergency period, many groups have concentrated on two spheres in their mass work!civil li erties and culture. 7or some of the naxalite groups, civil li erties organi$ations have ecome the mass front to conduct their partisan activities. The history of he .#-&, which originated during the emergency, needs no recounting here. :ut its nature and composition is instructive!it has ecome a forum consisting of a specific group of political elements!naxalite sarvodayites of the >andhi .eace 18

7oundation variety a sprinkling of pro!western li erals and some :B.! 9;; activists. This is pro a ly why the ; < ;ingh!led -.I/%&0 has made this forum its main front of activity as it tallies with their anti! ;oviet, anti!fascist front line,. Cowever, other naxalite have refused to su scri e to this concept of a civil li erties platform. ;o there are also civil li erties fronts floated y other naxalite groups, some together and some separately. The .eople #nion for (emocratic 9ights /.#(90 roke away from the .#-&. Apart from this there is the Association for .roduction of (emocratic 9ights run y naxalite in West :engal and the +rgani$ation for the .rotection of (emocratic 9ight /+.(90 run y the (= 9ao group in Andhra. The A . -ivil &i erties committee is dominated y the .eople1s War /?ondapalli groups0. ;uch organi$ations also exist in %aharashtra and Tamil <adu. This in the sphere of civil li erties also, the naxalites have their different tactics and different organi$ation. All these organi$ations naturally show a marked preference for taking up cases of victimi$ed naxalite and helping in their legal attles. They also speciali$e in taking up so!called violations of civil li erties y the &eft 7ront governments of West :engal and Tripura. In all civil li erties forums, the naxalite introduce their partisan politics of slandering the &eft 7ronts, there y reducing the whole exercise to a mockery. As for their excursions into culture, the main aim of the numerous cultural groups and squa s has so far een to propagate the politics of the various naxalite groups. Cowever in 236I a more am itious effort was made when after a conference in (elhi an All India &eague for 9evolutionary -ulture /AI&9-0 was announced -ultural squads from the =inod %ishra .ulla 9eddy and .eople1s War groups participated. The AI&9-1s declared aim is to fight, amongst other things revisionist culture and the social imperialist danger. This attempt to pro,ect a Arevolutionary culture1 has een scoffed at y the -9- ;araf groups who do not elieve any such front is possi le without clinching political differences. Naxalite Version o& 'ascism Another curious aspect of their tactical slogans is the insistence of the fallacious elief that -ongress rule represents fascism, and raising slogans on this asis. The ; < ;ingh group has een the loudest in denouncing AIndira fascism1 propped up y ;oviet Asocial imperialism1. At the other end of the ideological spectrum, the -9/=enu group0 is also very li eral with the use of the term to descri e 19

Indian conditions. In fact it termed the assassination of %rs >andhi as the death of a fascist1. It sees every move of the -ongress /I0 government as a move to impose fascism and calls for resisting fascism. It is a very pecular form of fascism in India indeed which allows revolutionaries of the ;<; group of maintain legal offices and participate in electionsH that ena les the leaders of the -9- groups to come out on ail and conduct vigorous anti!fascist propaganda in the capital of the country y pu lishing a paperK %tan on Nationalities (uestion

+ne theoretical position which none of the groups have a andoned is the right to self "determination for the various nationalities in India. .rogrammatically they all extend support to secessionist movements as part of the new democratic revolution. +nly is its application they sometimes differ. 7or the naxalite with the semi!colony and semi! feudal thesis the right of self!determination is to e exercised against a compradore state exploited y superpowers. :y advocating this dangerous and erroneous stand, in practice most of the groups are supporting and participating in the movements led y the divisive forces ent upon reaking up the country and dividing the working people with the acking of #; Imperialism. In no other current question as the national question is the treacherous and pro! imperialist character of naxalite seen. In the case of oth Assam and .un,a , various naxlaite groups have declared support for the separatist movements and where possi le are participating in them. With the exception of the ;<; group, which had some reservations, naxalite groups have hailed the Assam chauvinist movement as a national movement. (= 9ao opinesG )To say that there is the invisi le hand of the #; ehind the national movements going on in the state of the <orth!'ast is only to divert the real issue.* Ce proceeds to exonerate the #;A and targets the ;oviet #nionH )The #nited ;tates, weakened as it is /is0 contenting itself with the export of its capitalJ :ut as for the ;oviet #nion, it is attempting to grip not only the country as a whole, ut all the strategic area within it. The <orth 'ast is one among them.* /( = 9aoG .eople1s (emocratic 9evolution, pp. 8E!840. ;o flying in the face of all facts of #; imperialist su version in the <orth 'ast, a theory is invented to pro,ect the Assam chauvinist movement as fighting ;oviet dominationK

20

+n .un,a most groups categorically state that the extremists activities in .un,a are a fight Anational oppression1. )In the case of .un,a the situation has developed to the demand for national independence involving armed struggle against national oppressors.* /%ass &ine, Bune, 236D0. This is how the -9- group gives the :hindranwale groups the status of fighter for national li eration. <ot to e left ehind, the .eople1s War group statesG )if now leadership /of Akalis0 etrays the movement for the implementation of the Anandpur ;ahi resolution demands half!way, if will e the proletariat who will e primarily to lame. 7rom a ourgeois leadership we could not have expected otherwiseJ It is for the proletariat to take the movement forward, stick to the Anandpur ;ahi resolution and other democratic demands expose the leadership, fight the fundamentalists J and enhance the struggle against the center and the police.* /=arguard, April!%ay, 236D0 As for as this group naxalites is concerned it is the proletariat which has to champion the Anandpur ;ahi resolutionK They also support the Akali stand on Article 8E of the constitution. Their only complaint is that some naxalites have ,oined the :hindranwale gangs and merged their identity, instead of ,oining the movement independently. The ;<;!led -.I/%&0 while inveighing against the chauvinist aspects of the Assam movement is not a ove com ining with tri al separatism. ;< ;ingh writes, )Is it not a matter of proletarian pride that our party has een struggling hard to rescue the separate Bharkhand movement from the opportunist this disruptive hands. With Aseparate Bharkhand on the asis of adivasi "non!adivasi people1s unity1 as our slogan are we not preventing the careerists and opportunists from dividing the exploited people J True to their colour some among the ultra!Aleft1 fraternity can e found championing the chauvinist line of driving out all the non!adivasis from the Bharkhand region.* /;< ;inghG 7or a <ew (emocracy, %arch!April 23680 While ; < ;ingh himself states that they have ,oined the movement to rescue it from chauvinist elements, he also@ admits that those elonging to his Aultra!left fraternity1 are usy fanning the flames of tri al chauvinism. The difference in practices is only one of degree. =arious seminars are eing organised y the different groups of naxalites to espouse dangerous stand on nationalities. A typical example is the seminar organised in August 2362 in madras y the A . 9adical ;tudies #nion where papers were presented supporting the Anational movements1 of Assam, <agaland, -hattisgarh, Bharkhand =idhar a Tamil <adu. 21

It is in the matter of facing the challenge of the divisive forces that we see the naxalite at their disruptive worst today. :linded to the threat of #; imperialism y their hatred for the ;oviet #nion and the socialist camp, they are easy prey for recruitment into the imperialist! acked divisive movements, which can e covered with pseudo!revolution rhetoric a out anti!centre national movements. *m3erialist *n&iltration It is this dark side of imperialist infiltration into the naxalite movement that requires further highlighting. The recent episode of the vertical split in the ; < ;ingh!led -.I/%&0 have confirmed the facts already availa le. In mid!236D the .rovisional -entral -ommittee led y ; < ;ingh split down the middle with the ;antosh 9ana ! =askar <andy group and the faction led y ; < ;ingh parting ways after a itter inner quarrel. It is significant as the ankruptcy of naxalite politics once again surfaces sharply with mutual accusations of etrayal of %ao Fedong thought, softness to #; imperialism and divisive movements eing andied a out. The ; < ;ingh minority faction in its document makes serious charges against =askar <andy and company. )In our organisation also, <andy1s close associates esta lished contacts with a foreign voluntary agency and a native voluntary agency financed y Western monopoly capital, keeping it secret from the .+- and the general secretary of the party, ; < ;ingh. They esta lished contact with 9ural Aid -onsortium of Tagore ;ociety which is financed y West 'uropean countries and the #;A and with one (anish +rganisation on the .lea of providing relief to the people of >o i alla pur in West :engal and some areas in :ihar. &akhs of rupees were received for digging tanks, constructing school uilding opening a sewing training center and distri uting chickens and cattle to the needy. It also came to our notice that money was eing received y some of our leaders from the &utheran -hurch. When it came to light to the .-- mem ers, an intense ideological struggle urst forth in the party on this issue.* /+ur differences with <andy!9ana group, .--! -.I/%&0, p. 830 It goes on to stateG )We thoroughly investigated /among the cadres 22

and people0 in >o i allapur and :hargora, where relief work was carried on through money from the )Tagore ;ociety*, 9ohtas -hannpatia and %ushhari, where schools were uilt up y the (a es, and party and dou ted our onafides J ;everal cadres have een exposed to these agencies.* It concludes with the damming indictmentG )It does not require intelligence of a high order to find out why some of the former mem ers of the .-- adopted particular policies on the question of caste, tri e, Assamese and non! Assamese.* 7ollowing a lind anti!;oviet line, ;atyanarian ;ingh found out a few months efore his death that the ma,ority of his .-mem ers sided with <andy and company in whitewashing its links with the imperialist funded voluntary agencies, most having een, corrupted with foreign money. .ttitu e to the $!*6M0 If there is one tenet has not een a andoned y any of the groups, it is their implaca le hatred for the -.I/%0. %ost of the groups characterise the -.I/%0 not only as revisionist party ut also a party of the ruling classes! that section which is allied to ;oviet ;ocial imperialism. Though the phase of annihilating -.I/%0 cadres has een a andoned as an official policy, with some exceptions as in Warrangal district the same aim of liquidating the -.I/%0 is sought to e pursued y opportunity alliances with reactionary political forces and outright slander against the -.I/%0 and the &eft 7ront governments. As an o server who was earlier not unsympathetic to their movement has noted, )+ften the affirmation of the revolutionary identity of naxalism means singling out the -.% and -.I for an onslaught ecause, according to their theory, those parties can e nothing ut o stacles to the popular movement J the anti -.% and -.I aspect of naxalism is not new. The point is that it has ecome increasingly more important over the recent past as the naxalite survival has een threatened.* /.raful :idwai, )7rom Thunder to a Whimper*, The Times of India Banuary 22, 236I0 #na le to explain how the compradors in a semi colony are a le to maintain a via le parliamentary regime, the common rationali$ation is to lame the Arevisionist1 -.I/%0. )The reason why this compradore .arliamentary system sustai3ned for I2 years, does not lie in its via ility created illusions a out the reactionary Indian 23

stateJ. adopted the parliamentary roadJ. lunted the edge of class struggle and prevented the growth of a genuine revolutionary party " thus helping the perpetuation of this rotten system for such period*. /;araf, A 9evolutionary view point, Buly!;ept, 2356, p.4D0 The anti!;oviet Manti!7ascist theorists include the -.I/%0 as one of the forces to e isolated, as according to them the party supports ;oviet hegemonism and is therefore a lackey of the -ongress party too. The newly formed I.7 in the recent parliament elections conducted propaganda calling on people to defeat oth the -ongress/I0 and the &eft 7ront in West :engalK Two naxalite groups in Tripura have openly allied with the separatist T#B; to fight the &eft 7ront there. The only difference etween the oycottists and participationsist in elections is that while those who oycott lame the Arevisionist parties1 for giving a lease of life to the Adecaying parliamentary system1, the participationsis consider that more effective propaganda can e made against the -.I/%0 y intervening in the elections. The hostility is ut natural, for as .raful :idwai points outG )This is one side of contemporary nxalism. The other side cynical and devious real politicH covert, and now increasingly overt colla oration with the most ra idly right wing politicians, class and casts, ehind the scene maneuvers and collusion with the police and communal or regionalist parties.* The experience of naxalism in the two &eft!7ront states of West :engal and Tripura fully ear out this truth. The 'uture o& )ltra-7e&tism-!otential &or ,isru3tion The disorganised and anarchic state of naxalism indicates that this variety of ultra leftism is doomed to extinction. <axalism had arisen in the sixties in the ackground of petty! ourgeois frustrations at the deepening crisis of the ourgeois!landlord system and the left! sectarian line advocated y the -.- during the cultural revolution phase in -hina. With the elimination of the latter, the ideological steam for naxalism has petered out. Cowever, the first factor has not disappeared. As &enin pointed out, )A petty ourgeois driven to fren$y y the horrors of capitalism is a social phenomenon which, like anarchism is characteristic of all countries. The insta ility of 24

such revolutionism, its arrenness, and its tendency to turn rapidly into su mission, apathy, phantasma, and even a fren$ied infatuation with one ourgeois fad or another!all this is common knowledge. Cowever at all rid revolutionary parties of old errors, which always crop up at unexpected occasion, in somewhat new forms, in a hitherto unfamiliar gar or surroundings, in an unusual!a more or less unusual!situation.* /&enin, &eft Wing -ommunism, An Infantile (isorder, selected Works vol. III p. IE60 The horrors of capitalism and feudal remnants still plague Indian society and affect the vast petty! ourgeois sections. #ltra leftism finds fertile soil in such conditions. The farcical and at times agoni$ing disintegration of the naxalite ultra!left trend ears the potential for revival in other forms. The struggle against the left!deviation which the -.I/%0 waged alongside the fight against revisionism has scored ma,or success. Cowever, the .arty has to continue to vigilantly note the continuing efforts to revive ultra!leftism and must effectively com at these trends in whichever gar they appear. The -.I/%0 has een the only party which recogni$ed the counter revolutionary content of naxalism and resolutely waged a political ideological attle without naxalism and resolutely waged a political ideological attle without compromise. The current dead!end of naxalism is a vindication of its line.

25