Mental Distress Amongst Ethiopian Youth in Israel

International Social Work
http://isw.sagepub.com Factors in the integration process of adolescent immigrants: The case of Ethiopian Jews in Israel
Shoshana Ringel, Natti Ronell and Shimcha Getahune International Social Work 2005; 48; 63 DOI: 10.1177/0020872805048709 The online version of this article can be found at: http://isw.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/48/1/63
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International Social Work 48(1): 6376 Sage Publications: London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi DOI: 10.1177/0020872805048709
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Factors in the integration process of adolescent immigrants

The case of Ethiopian Jews in Israel
Shoshana Ringel, Natti Ronell and Shimcha Getahune
The increasing global migration of non-Western immigrants and refugees into Western countries and worldwide cultural and ethnic diversity have become important increasing concerns (Shuval and Leshem, 1998). Hence, multiculturalism is becoming a crucial issue in post-modern social work. Within the multicultural domain, it is important to understand how the process of acculturation and integration of non-Western immigrants into Western societies takes place. Since 1973 Ethiopian immigrants have come to Israel in several immigration waves, and today most of the Jewish Ethiopian community lives in Israel. The total number of Ethiopian Jews in Israel was 88,900 in 2002, according to the Central Statistics Bureau of Israel (2002). In Ethiopia, the Jews lived alongside their fellow Ethiopians. They shared a common economy and a common language, but had distinct traditions and religious beliefs. Ethiopian Jews came to Israel following a period of religious persecution during which they suffered a signicant loss of lives. In Israel, they have had great difculties in integrating and acculturating into Israeli society, and continue to suffer from economic stress and a
Shoshana Ringel is Assistant Professor at the University of Maryland, Baltimore, School of Social Work. Address: 525 W. Redwood St, Baltimore, MD 21201, USA. [email: sringel@ssw.umaryland.edu] Natti Ronell is a senior lecturer at the Bar-Ilan University, Tel Aviv, Israel. Shimcha Getahune is a social worker for ELEM, an at-risk youth social service agency, in Tel Aviv, Israel.
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high incidence of depression and suicide (Kaplan, 1992; Quirin, 1992). Ethiopian immigrant culture within a multicultural framework Acculturation, which is an important aspect of the immigrant experience, refers to the extent to which the immigrant has adapted to the mainstream culture (Hurdle, 1990). The adjustment to the dominant culture can be painful and difcult, and has been found to cause stress and low self-esteem (Padilla et al., 1985), as well as intergenerational conicts within families (Uba, 1994). In Israel, this stress has also been found to bring about depression and a high incidence of suicide among Ethiopian immigrants (Arieli et al., 1996). Older Ethiopian immigrants in particular have found it hard to integrate into Israeli society and continue to experience serious economic problems (Lifshitz et al., 1998). Contributing to the difculties in integration and acculturation are the deep cultural differences between Israelis and Ethiopian immigrants. First-generation Ethiopian immigrants living in Israel have a unique cultural identity, expressed through core symbols, behaviors and value systems (Kaniel et al., 1991; Rosen, 1985). Cultural differences also include the Ethiopians lack of formal Western education, their emphasis on non-verbal skills and their lack of familiarity with Western Israeli society (Kaniel, 1990; Youngman et al., 1999). Ethiopian male adolescents sometimes internalize prevailing Israeli hostile attitudes towards their culture and therefore may suffer from low self-esteem and depression, as do male adults (Arieli et al., 1996; Dothan, 1985). One of the reasons for this, according to Ribner and Schindler (1996), is that there have been few efforts to maintain the cultural continuity of Ethiopian immigrants because of a lack of cultural and religious sensitivity among the Israeli public and professional people, and because most Ethiopian children are educated in boarding schools, separated from their families which live in immigrant housing sites. Attitudes towards ethnic and color differences also appear to play an important part in the Ethiopian immigrants integration process. According to Shuval and Leshem (1998), immigrants may be identiable by their external visibility. The Ethiopian immigrants who have darker skin may thus be dened as new immigrants for an indenite period of time. Several studies indicate that both within Israeli society and in the subjective views of Ethiopian immigrants,
Ringel et al.: Integration of adolescent immigrants
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race and ethnicity play an important role in how they are treated and perceived by the larger culture. One study that compared Israeli attitudes towards Arabs, foreign workers and Ethiopian immigrants found that Israelis expressed the least racial bias toward Ethiopian immigrants (Pedahzur and Yishai, 1999). However, a second study found that Ethiopians believed that at least some Israelis, especially Russian immigrants, had prejudicial attitudes towards them based on their African origin. The Ethiopian immigrants in this particular study also reported a lack of social relationships with the general Israeli population (Ojanuga, 1993). A third study found a strong awareness of color differences, and a preference for white and light skin among Ethiopian pre-schoolers and 1st- and 2nd- grade children (Munitz and Priel, 1985), attitudes that seem to mirror general Israeli social values. According to a fourth study, the subjective awareness of color discrimination and attitudes in Israeli society induced despair, sadness and desperation among the Ethiopian immigrants (Ben-David and Ben-Ari, 1997). The majority of these studies illustrate that racism plays an important role in the Ethiopian immigrants adjustment difculties and their integration process. Differences in communication systems also seem to be a key factor in the Ethiopian immigrants integration difculties. Ethiopian culture emphasizes non-verbal communication, indirect expression, silence and soft-spokenness, and this has frequently led to misunderstandings with their Israeli caregivers, mental health professionals and others (Andersen, 1997; Ben-Ezer, 1985; Schneller, 1985). A study by Lynn (1994) concludes that Ethiopian immigrant children and adolescents low verbal expression signies lower cognitive abilities. This conclusion seems to point to misunderstandings and misperceptions regarding the Ethiopian Jews cultural traditions, or worse, to indicate that some in Israeli society consider Ethiopian Jewish culture to be second-class. As a result, many Ethiopian immigrants experience stress and depression around their integration process (Schindler, 1993). Second-generation Ethiopian immigrants face multiple risk factors: a high percentage of them lives in a one-parent family, a large family household or with elderly fathers. In many families the parents ability to speak and write Hebrew is limited, and therefore they are unable to help their children socially or academically (Lifshitz et al., 1998). Consequently, Ethiopian immigrant children have a high incidence of school dropout and delinquency.
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This pilot study examines the different attitudes and perceptions of the Israeli adolescents and Ethiopian immigrant adolescents concerning their process of mutual adjustment and integration, and makes recommendations to help enhance the integration process based on the views of the adolescents themselves. Methods Participants The study was carried out in a town in central Israel during the spring of 1999. It consisted of three focus groups. The rst two groups comprised a total of 24 Ethiopian adolescents of 1215year-old 7th- and 8th- graders; one group consisted of 13 males and the other of 11 females. The third group consisted of nonEthiopian adolescents (N 16), of which seven were male (44%) and nine were female (56%). The investigators decided to include the non-Ethiopian group in order to examine both points of view. The participants were recruited by the schools administrators based on their availability from classes during the period the investigators spent at the school. The schools collaboration with the Forum for Children and Youth Affairs allowed the investigators ready access to conduct the study. The investigators explained to the participants that they were interested in listening to their personal views and experiences in order to learn and understand more about existing problems so as to eventually develop and implement an intervention program in the school. Procedure The study was conducted using semi-structured group interviews comprised of open-ended questions that were designed to explore the issues discussed above. The interviews were conducted in an orthodox Jewish junior high school, which has a signicant group of Ethiopian immigrants born in Ethiopia. The interviews (see Appendix A) were based on problems identied in the literature review and on the objectives of the study. They lasted approximately 1.5 hours each and were manually recorded in Hebrew by a recorder and later translated into English. In order to maintain condentiality, participants names were not included. Content analysis was used as a data analysis method. The investigators initially translated the manually recorded interviews into English. The data were then analyzed starting from raw data and moving to aggregate data and to basic content questions. These
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were given names and codes and the codes were then organized into major themes after the data had been saturated. The data were analyzed by two of the investigators, who then compared their results with each other and consulted with the third investigator in order to provide an inter-rater reliability. The limitations of the study included its subjective nature and limited number of participants, which may have affected its external validity and made it difcult to generalize the ndings. In addition, peer pressures may have affected the internal validity of the study, as the interviews were done in a group context. Discussion of the ndings between the researchers, however, helped to increase reliability and to recognize and minimize any cultural or racial biases in the ndings, as one of the researchers was an Ethiopian immigrant. One researcher did not participate in the data collection phase and therefore served as an external agent. Another limitation is that the interviews were manually recorded because of the Ethiopian participants distrust of and discomfort with the tape-recording process. Results Three predominant themes emerged from the ndings. These themes were perceived by the participants to be crucial to the integration process of Ethiopian immigrant adolescents into the Israeli culture. Racism and discrimination Racism and discrimination emerged as the richest and most complex theme in the study. This area included the Ethiopian immigrant adolescents perception of racist attitudes in their teachers, Israeli parents and the larger society, as well as their peers. The Israeli participants also raised racist attitudes as the most important area for discussion and exploration. Although in some ways the Ethiopian and the Israelis perspectives differed, there were surprising similarities as well. In addition, there were some differences in perspectives among the Ethiopian immigrant adolescents themselves. Generally, there seemed to be a consensus between both groups that their teachers did not treat the Ethiopian immigrant students equally and that they favored the Israeli students. For example, an Ethiopian student stated, We would like them to teach us as equal, without race or color differences. Another said School teachers are part of the problem, because they take part in discrimination. They give more projects and encouragement to native Israeli (students) rather than to us, the immigrants. Generally, both groups
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agreed that there was less racism from their Israeli peers and that there was some level of socializing. For example, both groups mentioned that students visited each others homes and played together. Initially, the Israeli students denied the existence of any racial problems at all. However, eventually they suggested that racial tensions between the two groups did exist. But one of the Ethiopian adolescents, referring to his Israeli peer, stated that The problem exists but its natural, because they are still children, suggesting that Israeli students racist attitudes started at home, when some of the parents would tell them that Ethiopians are dirty, dont play with them, but that some of the Israeli children disobeyed their parents. Both groups agreed that race and color were important topics to explore in mutual discussion groups. For example, when asked what would be important topics for mutual discussions, several Israelis noted skin color, differences in skin color. Although the Israeli students vehemently denied their own racist attitudes, they asked the Ethiopian investigator questions about several Ethiopian customs that they found problematic, indicating a lack of knowledge and understanding that could potentially encourage or maintain racist attitudes and stereotypes towards the Ethiopians immigrants. They wanted to know, for example, why Ethiopians in Ethiopia lived in houses made of cow manure, it must be stinky, and why Ethiopians wore tattoos. The Ethiopian investigators ability to explain the origins and meaning of these customs seemed to be an important step towards constructing new meanings and thereby developing a greater cross-cultural understanding and acceptance between the two groups. Intergenerational conicts The Ethiopian immigrant students who participated in our study stressed the signicance of intergenerational conicts with their parents during their adjustment and integration process. The adolescents noted that as they became more acculturated to Israeli society and its norms, they began to go out in the evenings rather than helping their parents at home, and that their parents did not understand the new Israeli customs and behaviors that they had adopted. One participant noted, They dont know the (Israeli) culture and look at what we do as useless. Another stated, They want us to behave in accordance with Ethiopian cultural values. Some participants described ghts and conicts that occurred as a result of the cultural differences that had developed. Several Ethiopian adolescents also suggested that they were forgetting their native culture
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and language, a fact that further contributed to conicts and misunderstanding with their parents. The adolescents conveyed deep respect for their parents and for their native culture. They expressed a strong desire to mend any intergenerational conicts through mutual discussions with their parents and by learning the native Ethiopian language (Amharic) and culture. They suggested that these subjects be added to their schools curriculum. They also noted that they would like to help their parents to learn more about Israeli culture so that they would better understand and value their own new behavior. One of them noted that We need to give respect and status back to our parents and another added We need to teach them about Israeli society. Consequently, these adolescents seemed motivated to nd a way to bridge their native culture with the new Israeli way of life and to forge a new bicultural identity that would encompass both cultures. Differences in verbal and non-verbal communication styles Because the interviews were done through focus groups, it was difcult to accurately assess the impact of differences in communication styles on the integration process between the Ethiopians and the Israeli adolescents. However, the interviewers observations of the differences in communication among the Israeli and Ethiopian groups, and indirect comments from several of the participants, indicated that misunderstandings regarding verbal and non-verbal communication signals and differences in communication styles could contribute to difculties in the integration process. Several Israeli participants, for example, maintained that the Ethiopian immigrants seemed shy, did not say much and that maybe it was necessary for teachers to ask them questions, rather than wait for them to speak up. Some Ethiopians participants, on the other hand, stated that maybe they should take more initiative to speak up, or to approach the Israeli students in order to develop friendships rather than waiting for them to make the rst move. One unusually outspoken Ethiopian participant, a girl who was born in Israel, made an interesting comment about some of the Ethiopian students who tended to stand quietly in a corner, and stated that Israeli students should show compassion and empathy, rather than make fun of them. However, she also suggested that some of the Ethiopian students themselves behaved with similar insensitivity and that perhaps this behavior was more a function of personality style, rather than typical Israeli behavior. This participants observations made it
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clear that cultural stereotypes could be easily developed and sustained by either side. Other Ethiopian participants also noted that the Israelis behaved in a typically loud and aggressive manner and that the more acculturated Ethiopians typically emulated them. It appeared that the communication styles between the Israelis and the Ethiopian immigrants in this study differed, but not as greatly as previous research indicates. In general, the Ethiopian participants seemed more soft-spoken and shy compared with the Israeli group, which was more verbally expressive. It is possible that the participants in both groups were relatively open and expressive because they perceived the investigators to be truly interested in what they had to say, and consequently felt safer and more able to participate. Discussion The ndings suggest that biases in Israeli social attitudes based on differences in color and ethnicity, intergenerational conicts between traditional immigrant parents and their acculturated adolescent children, and differences between Ethiopian and Israeli communication systems all contribute to difculties in the integration and adjustment process of Ethiopian adolescents in Israeli society. This study, unlike much of the previous research, was based on a young adolescent group. Consequently, some of the differences in ndings from previous research may be attributed to the participants developmental stage as well as other factors. These differences included the Ethiopian immigrants attitudes towards their parents and their native culture and their perceptions regarding racism and discrimination in Israeli society. The differences in the studys ndings may have also been inuenced by the presence of an Ethiopian researcher who was familiar with the Ethiopian culture, and with whom the Ethiopian adolescents may have felt more at ease. The study found that the Ethiopian adolescents experienced anger and resentment towards perceived racist attitudes in the Israeli society, especially from their teachers. This nding differs from an earlier study, which found Ethiopian students to experience depression, despair and low self-image as a result of racism and discrimination in Israeli society (Ben-David and Ben-Ari, 1997). The ndings also diverge from Munitz and Priel (1985), that found Ethiopian children to have low self-image, expressed by their stated wish to be lighter. The adolescents in this study seemed proud of their ethnic and cultural heritage and fundamentally angry, rather than depressed at racist attitudes in Israeli culture as a whole. Finally,
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it became clear from the non-Ethiopian participants responses that racist attitudes were based not only on differences in skin color but on lack of cross-cultural knowledge and understanding. The ndings suggest that these problems all need to be addressed in order to improve the process of integration of Ethiopian adolescents into Israeli society. An important nding was that from both the Ethiopian and the Israeli students perspectives, teachers attitudes towards the Ethiopian immigrants were at best culturally insensitive, and at worst heavily biased. In addition, the study suggests that some native Israeli parents maintain discriminatory attitudes towards Ethiopians that inevitably inuence their childrens attitudes as well. Although the ndings indicate that there was some mutual socialization between Israeli and Ethiopian students, the Israeli students seemed to lack an understanding and knowledge of Ethiopian cultural norms and customs that could potentially lead to the development of cultural stereotypes and racist attitudes. The ndings indicate that it would be important to develop a practice model of cross-cultural competence in order to promote better integration and communication between Ethiopian immigrants and Israeli students. There is also a strong need to develop a better multicultural competence training for schoolteachers in particular, and to train more teachers of Ethiopian origin. The authors found some acculturation among Ethiopian adolescents, but also a wish to maintain their native culture. These ndings suggest that Ethiopian adolescents are in the process of creating a new bicultural identity of being Ethiopian-origin Israelis, which includes components from both their parents cultural identity and from the prevailing society, and at the same time is different from both. The ndings also suggest that the creation of this bicultural identity is an empowering experience that may improve self-concept and self-esteem. It includes active resistance to the racist attitudes that Ethiopian youth encounter, rather than an attitude of passivity and despair. These ndings differ from previous ndings that emphasized the difculties of Ethiopian adolescents in maintaining a positive sense of ethnic identity (Newman, 1985), and suggest that the development of a bicultural identity, combining features of the ancestral culture as well as the dominant social context, may enhance adolescent immigrants integration in the prevailing society. Therefore, following the paradigm of partnership with oppressed populations (Rosenfeld, 1993), the authors recommend that this model of ethnic identity development be taught in social work education.
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This study has additional implications for social work education and practice. According to the Council on Social Work Education in the United States all social work programs now require multicultural training as an integral part of their curriculum. A recent survey of all graduate social work programs in the United States, however, found that most programs teach multicultural courses using traditional didactic methods and large classes that do not offer students the opportunity for more effective experiential learning methods (Le-Doux and Montalvo, 1999). In essence, the students learning took place in the classroom rather than through concurrent eld assignments, thereby providing an inadequate integration between theory and practice. In addition, other authors emphasize training in cultural competence, because most social workers in the United States are of European descent and come from the majority culture. Therefore, they are likely to require cultural competence skills that are developed through increased personal awareness, understanding their clients cultural context and the utilization of appropriate interventions (Lum, 1999; PackBrown, 1999). This study has implications for school social work with immigrant communities, in that it suggests that cultural competence is an important skill for school social workers in the ever more complex multicultural context of school social work. Increased cultural competence would enable school social workers to better address the adjustment, integration and intergenerational challenges that immigrant adolescents face. The need for a better multicultural training was supported by a study done in Israel (Ben-David and Amit, 1999). The authors found that schools of social work in Israel did not prepare students to address issues of cultural diversity effectively. Currently there are no national standard guidelines for school social work in Israel. However, there are several welfare projects that incorporate human services for immigrant adolescents into the formal education system. For example, ELEM, a voluntary organization for youth in distress, has created special classes for at-risk immigrant adolescents (Zaslavsky and Apter, 2001). These classes are now considered an integral part of the formal education system. A coordinator from the same ethnic origin as the target youth population (e.g. Ethiopia or the former USSR), but who is not necessarily a social worker, joins the teacher in everyday class activities. The target population consists of youth who are about to drop out of school, or who have already done so. The coordinators,
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who come from the Ethiopian community, provide outreach services for these youths, encourage them to join the class, contact their parents and assist them during the school year. The project has been considered a success in that it has saved youth at-risk from further delinquency and reconnected them to the formal educational system. In summary, these ndings suggest that further research with Ethiopian adolescent immigrants should be undertaken in order to continue to explore in greater depth the difculties and challenges that these adolescents face in Israel. In addition, a comprehensive social work intervention model should be developed and implemented in Israeli school settings in order to help improve intercultural perceptions and relationships. This intervention model would be likely to further enhance the integration, self-esteem and academic performance of Ethiopian youth. Finally, the study has broader applications for social work education and practice with adolescent immigrants globally. With the increasing numbers of immigrant communities in Europe, Canada and the United States, it seems crucial to place a greater emphasis on culturally competent practice with immigrant communities in both social work education and practice. Acknowledgement This study was carried out with the help of a grant from the Graduate School of Social and Behavioral Sciences, University of Northern Iowa, and from the Forum for Children and Youth Affairs, the Bob Shapell School of Social Work, Tel Aviv University.
References
Andersen, L. (1997) Ethiopian Jews Meet Israeli Family Physicians: A Study of Cultural Somatization, Transcultural Psychiatric Research Review 33(3): 33345. Arieli, A., I. Gilat and S. Aycheh (1996) Suicide Among Ethiopian Jews: A Survey Conducted by Means of a Psychological Autopsy, Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 184(5): 31719. Ben-David, A. and D. Amit (1999) Do We Have to Teach Them to be Culturally Sensitive? The Israeli Experience, International Social Work 42(3): 34758. Ben-David, A. and A. Ben-Ari (1997) The Experience of Being Different: Black Jews in Israel, Journal of Black Studies 27(4): 51027. Ben-Ezer, G. (1985) Cross-cultural Misunderstanding: The Case of Ethiopian Immigrant Jews in Israeli Society, Israel Social Science Research 3(12): 6373. Dothan, T. (1985) Jewish Children from Ethiopia in Israel: Some Observations on Their Adaptation Patterns, Israel Social Science Research 3(12): 97103.
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Hurdle, D. (1990) Ethnicity and Biculturalism, Social Work with Groups 13(4): 5970. Kaniel, S. (1990) The Inuence of Mediation on Working Memory-Differences Between Ethiopian Immigrants and Israelis, Psychologia: Israel Journal of Psychology 2(1): 5767. Kaniel, S., D. Tzuriel, R. Feuerstein, N. Ben Shachar and T. Eitan (1991) Dynamic Assessment: Learning and Transfer Abilities of Ethiopian Immigrants to Israel, in Mediated Learning Experience: Theoretical, Psychosocial and Learning Implications, pp. 179209. London: Freund. Kaplan, S. (1992) The Beta Israel in Ethiopia from Earliest Times to the Twentieth Century. New York: University Press. Le-Doux, C. and F. Montalvo (1999) Multicultural Content in Social Work Graduate Programs: A National Survey, Journal of Multicultural Social Work 7(1/2): 3755. Lifshitz, C., G. Noam and J. Habib (1998) The Absorption of Ethiopian Immigrant Youth: A Multi-Dimensional Perspective (Summary Report). Jerusalem: JDCBrookdale Institute. Lum, D. (1999) Culturally Competent Practice: A Framework for Growth and Action. Pacic Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. Lynn, R. (1994) The Intelligence of Ethiopian Immigrant and Israeli Adolescents: A Comment on Kaniel and Fisherman, International Journal of Psychology 29(1): 556. Munitz, S. and B. Priel (1985) Color, Skin Color Preferences and Self Color Identication between Ethiopian and Israeli Born Children, Israel Social Science Research 3(12): 7484. Newman, S. (1985) Ethiopian Jewish Absorption and the Israeli Response: A Twoway Process, Israel Social Science Research 3(12): 10411. Ojanuga, D. (1993) The Ethiopian Jewish Experience as Blacks in Israel, Journal of Black Studies 24(2): 14758. Pack-Brown, S.P. (1999) Racism and White Counselor Training: Inuence of White Racial Identity Theory and Research, Journal of Counseling and Development 77: 8792. Padilla, A., W. Yuria and K. Lindholm (1985) Acculturation and Personality as Predictors of Stress in Japanese Americans, Journal of Social Psychology 125(3): 295305. Pedahzur, A. and Y. Yishai (1999) Hatred by Hated People: Xenophobia in Israel, Studies in Conict and Terrorism 22(2, Apr.Jun.): 10117. Quirin, J. (1992) The Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews: A History of the Beta Israel to 1920. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Ribner, D. and R. Schindler (1996) Ethiopian Immigration to Israel: The Apparatus of Absorption, Journal of Multicultural Social Work 4(1): 7588. Rosen, C. (1985) Core Symbols of Ethiopian Identity and Their Role in Understanding the Beta Israel Today, Israel Social Science Research 3(12): 5562. Rosenfeld, J.M. (1993) Partnership: Guidelines for Social Work Practice with and on Behalf of Defeated Populations, Society and Welfare 13(3): 22536. Schindler, R. (1993) Emigration and the Black Jews of Ethiopia: Dealing with Bereavement and Loss, International Social Work 36(1): 719. Schneller, R. (1985) Heritage and Changes in the Nonverbal Language of Ethiopian Newcomers, Israel Social Science Research 3(12): 3355.
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Shabtay, M. (1996) The Experience of Ethiopian Jewish Soldiers in the Israeli Army: The Process of Identity Formulation with the Military Context, Israel Social Science Research 10(2): 6980. Shuval, J.T. and E. Leshem (1998) The Sociology of Migration in Israel: A Critical View, in E. Leshem and J.T. Shuval (eds) Immigration to Israel: Sociological Perspectives, pp. 350. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. Uba, L. (1994) Asian Americans: Personality Patterns, Identity and Mental Health. New York: Guilford Press. Youngman, R., I. Minuchin and M. Barasch (1999) Manifestations of Emotional Distress Among Ethiopian Immigrants in Israel: Patient and Clinician Perspectives, Transcultural Psychiatry 36(1): 4563. Zaslavsky, T. and Y. Apter (2001) Schooling and Vocational Training Programs for Young Women Immigrants from the C.I.S. and Ethiopia, in Situations of Risk and Distress. Tel Aviv: Forum for Children and Youth Affairs, Tel Aviv University.
Appendix A: Semi-structured interview guide Ethiopian groups 1. How did you adjust to living in Israel? 2. What changes occurred in your family since you came to Israel? (probe: did family roles change?) 3. Do you see yourself differently since you came to Israel? How? 4. Do you feel that you need to adjust your behavior to the Israeli environment? How? 5. Describe your view of the Israeli society. How did the social and cultural changes affect your family? 6. How do your Israeli peers relate to you? Do they invite you over? 7. Do you invite Israeli students to your home? If so, on what occasions? 8. Are you involved in mutual activities with Israeli students? 9. Do you play with Israeli students during school breaks? 10. In your opinion, how do Israeli students view you? 11. In your opinion, what are the problems between Ethiopian and Israeli students? What are the causes? 12. What changes would you like to see? 13. What can be done, in your opinion, to improve the integration process between the Ethiopian immigrants and Israeli society?
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Appendix B: Semi-structured interview guide non-Ethiopian group 1. Describe your relationship with the Ethiopian students. 2. How do your Ethiopian peers relate to you? Do they invite you over? 3. Do you invite your Ethiopian peers home? If so, on what occasions? 4. Are you involved in mutual activities with Ethiopian students? 5. Do you play with Ethiopian students during school breaks? 6. In your opinion, how do the Ethiopian students view you? Why? 7. In your opinion, are there problems between Ethiopian and nonEthiopian students? What are the causes? 8. What changes would you like to see? 9. What can be done, in your opinion, to improve the integration process between Ethiopian immigrants and Israeli society?

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Factors in the integration process of adolescent immigrants

Shoshana Ringel, Natti Ronell and Shimcha Getahune

International Social Work

Ringel et al.: Integration of adolescent immigrants

International Social Work

Ringel et al.: Integration of adolescent immigrants

International Social Work

Ringel et al.: Integration of adolescent immigrants

International Social Work

Ringel et al.: Integration of adolescent immigrants

International Social Work

Ringel et al.: Integration of adolescent immigrants

International Social Work

Ringel et al.: Integration of adolescent immigrants

International Social Work

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