THE VENDEE AND R U R A L REBELLION

Charles T i l l y The U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan September 1975

CRSO Working Paper # 122

Copies a v a i l a b l e through : Center f o r Research on S o c i a l Organization The U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan 330 Packard /I214 Ann Arbor, Michigan 48104

Charles Tilly September 1975

NOTE:

T h i s e s s a y i s a d r a f t p r e f a c e f o r t h e Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s
/

paperback e d i t i o n of The Vendee, which i s scheduled f o r p u b l i c a t i o n i n 1976.

Harvard f i r s t p u b l i s h e d -. The Vendee i n 1964.

The f i r s t

paperback e d i t i o n was p u b l i s h e d by Wiley i n 1967, and i s now o u t of print. i n 1970.

A French e d i t i o n ,

Vendee, w a s p u b l i s h e d by Artheme Fayard

Rosenberg & S e l l i e r i s scheduled t o p u b l i s h a n I t a l i a n Each of t h e s e e d i t i o n s h a s i t s own

\

edition, La Vandea, i n 1976. preface.

I f you c i t e o r q u o t e t h i s v e r s i o n , p l e a s e do s o a s a CRSO

Working P a p e r , s i n c e t h e d r a f t i s s t i l l s u b j e c t t o change.

The VendLe was one of Europe's last great rural rebellions. There would be more: the Spanish insurrections which persisted into

the twentieth century, the peasant movements which arose during the Russian Revolution, rural France's own massive resistance to Louis Napoleon's 1851 coup d'etat, still others elsewhere. Nevertheless, the lineage of the vende'e was already declining in 1793. The family
#'

had been great. Among the ancestral portraits in the dark hall of rural rebellion, a curious visitor would find France's Jacquerie of 1358, England's Peasant Revolt of 1381, Bohemia's Hussite and Taborite rebellions in the 1420s, Germany's Peasant War of 1525. Although these ancients are recognizably of the lineage, details of the costume often give them an unfamiliar air; millenarian visions, egalitarian preaching, demands for freedom were paradoxically more characteristic of medieval than of modern rebellions. The family resemblance to the vend& would become more apparent

as our imaginary visitor strolled by the great cluster of seventeenthcentury canvases. In the French branch alone he would notice the NuThere he would see many of

Pieds, the Croquants, the Bonnets Rouges.

the striking features of the vendere's 1793 rebellion: its anti-bourgeois, anti-captialist, anti-state animus, its mobilization of whole communities as communities, its reliance on nobles, priests and professionals for almost all links and almost all leadership above the level of the single community. The Vend6-e came late, but did not lack a pedigree. The apparent nineteenth-century dwindling of the rural rebellion was actually an intercontinental migration. As the rural rebellion disappeared in Europe, it swelled in Asia and Latin America. Nor was

t h a t simple coincidence.

For t h e r u r a l r e b e l l i o n t r a c e d t h e r i s e of By t h e n i n e t e e n t h

n a t i o n a l s t a t e s , markets and bourgeois p r o p e r t y .

c e n t u r y , n a t i o n a l s t a t e s , markets and bourgeois p r o p e r t y had triumphed over t h e p r i v i l e g e s and l i b e r t i e s of r u r a l communities i n most of Europe. The European v i l l a g e ' s c a p a c i t y t o resist had c o l l a p s e d . t r u e of inost of North America. The same i s

But i n t h e r e s t of t h e world statemaking Where they en-

and t h e expansion of c a p i t a l i s m were proceeding apace. countered w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d

r u r a l communities and i n f r i n g e d t h e e x i s t i n g

r i g h t s of t h o s e communities, r e b e l l i o n ensued. Not t h a t a l l r u r a l r e b e l l i o n s a r e a l i k e . One of t h e most impor-

t a n t l e s s o n s of r e c e n t r e s e a r c h i n r u r a l h i s t o r y i s t h a t t h e g r i e v a n c e s which l e a d t o r e v o l t a r e both c o n c r e t e and v a r i a b l e . I n contrast with

a n o l d e r p i c t u r e of r u r a l r e b e l l i o n s a s unfocused r e a c t i o n s t o h a r d s h i p o r t o r a p i d s o c i a l change, t h e l a s t two decades' work on t h e s u b j e c t has r e v e a l e d a g e n e r a l p a t t e r n of response t o s p e c i f i c v i o l a t i o n s of well-established r i g h t s . I n Europe, and v e r y l i k e l y i n t h e rest of

t h e world, new and i n t e n s i f i e d t a x a t i o n h a s been t h e s i n g l e most imporI

t a n t s t i m u l u s t o r u r a l r e b e l l i o n on a s c a l e l a r g e r than t h e i n d i v i d u a l village. Tax r e b e l l i o n s have an important l e s s o n t o t e a c h .

On t h e

s u r f a c e , they seem l i k e d i r e c t , uncomplicated r e a c t i o n s t o misery. t a x e s , one might t h i n k , a r e simply t h e l a s t s t r a w .

New

On c l o s e r examina-

t i o n , h o w e v e r , . r e b e l l i o n s t u r n o u t t o focus on t a x e s which v i o l a t e e x i s t i n g l o c a l r i g h t s and which t h r e a t e n t h e r u r a l community's a b i l i t y t o c a r r y on i t s valued a c t i v i t i e s .

Tax r e b e l l i o n s do n o t break o u t most o f t e n o r most f e r o c i o u s l y

where h a r d s h i p i s most a c u t e . Really m i s e r a b l e people d e v o t e s o much In

of t h e i r energy t o s u r v i v a l t h a t they have none l e f t f o r r e v o l t .

order to understand why the North American colonists mobilized massively to resist unjust taxes in the decade before the American Revolution, we have no need to invoke material hardship, clever manipulation or shortsighted greed. We can even take the colonists' own word for it: they

believed the new taxes imposed by the British violated American rights and principles of good government. British assault on American rights. The same general observation applies to other characteristic forms of rural rebellion: conscription movements. the food riot, the land occupation, antiSo believing, they resisted the

Their common denominator is the redress of In these cases the prior rights

specific violations of rural rights.

of the village to food produced or stored locally, to local land, to

I

the labor power of its young men are at issue.

When those rights are

well-established, when merchants or landlords or officials violate those rights and when the village has enough organization and resources to resist, some form of rc1,cllion occurs. The grievances are concrete, specific, well-defined. Yet they vary from rebellion to rebellion just

as the patterns of local rights and of exploitation vary from place to place.

I have written as though rural rebellions were always defensive,

always reacting to someone else's disruption of the established order. "Always" overstates the case. For rural Europe over the last few

centuries, defensive rebellions arc the gencrnl rule, hut not the iron law. Two crucial qualifications apply. First, some rural rebellions which begin defensively change direction.or become tied to a major movement of social or political transformation by allying with other groups of rebels, with different

grievances, outside the rural area.

Wars of the Twentieth In his Peasant ---

Century, Eric Wolf has shown how a number of our era's greatest rural movements

--

including those of Russia, China, Mexico and Viet Nam

--

began with a strong orientation to the redressing of local grievances, yet developed through the play of coalition and opposition into powerful forces for revolution. Wolf's analysis holds for rural participation in major European revolutions. The second qualification is that genuine offensive, forwardlooking movements asserting new rights rather .than simply.defending old ones have arisen in some rural areas, and have sometimes provided the bases of important rural rebellions. Spanish rural anarchism and Italian rural socialism are examples. In these cases and others like

them the movements themselves began defensively, but had acquired a new offensive orientation b,efore the point of rebellion. Again coalitions with outsiders, especially organized craftsmen and radical intelligentsia, have played a crucial part in the swing from defensive

An inverse process worked itself out in the'vendee. A, serles

,

of local conflicts which had much in common with the standard local .conflicts of the old regime evolved and coalesced into a rebellion which was emphatically counter-revolutionary. This book traces the development of the counter-revolutionary movement from 1789 to 1793, and relates its pattern to the social structure of local communities in western France. It shows grievances similar to those which had

long activated tax rebellions, food riots and anti-conscription movements becoming the fuel of a mass movement against the Revolution. Indeed,

it shows grievances and forms of action which worked for the Revolution

i n o t h e r p a r t s of r u r a l France working powerfully f o r t h e c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n i n t h e vendee.

,

The book's r e s o l u t i o n of t h a t c o n t r a d i c t i o n i s n o t t h e obvious one: t h a t g r i e v a n c e s and forms of a c t i o n a r e simply i r r e l e v a n t t o

t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y o r c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y c h a r a c t e r of a r u r a l movement

-- e i t h e r

because r u r a l people absorb whatever s p e c i f i c g r i e v a n c e s

they have i n t o t h e i r e s t a b l i s h e d world-view o r b e c a u s e m a n i p u l a t i v e l e a d e r s d i r e c t t h e d i f f u s e a n g e r of t h e countrymen t o t h e i r own ends. I n s t e a d , t h e book i m p l i c i t l y invokes an o l d p o l i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e : enemy of m y enemy i s my f r i e n d .
7

the

It p o r t r a y s a c o a l i t i o n of p e a s a n t s ,

r u r a l a r t i s a n s , p r i e s t s , and n o b l e s l i n i n g up i n d i f f e r e n t ways, a t d i f f e r e n t t i m e s , f o r d i f f e r e n t r e a s o n s , a g a i n s t a b o u r g e o i s i e which had been g a i n i n g economic s t r e n g t h d u r i n g t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , and which r a p i d l y s e i z e d c o n t r o l of t h e l o c a l and r e g i o n a l p o l i t i c a l a p p a r a t u s

-,

d u r i n g t h e e a r l y y e a r s of t h e Revolution.

A s they d i d elsewhere i n
/-

France, t h e b o u r g e o i s who came t o power i n t h e Vendee r e c e i v e d s t r o n g s u p p o r t from t h e i r fellow-bourgeois i n t h e n a t i o n a l government. Unlike

t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n most o t h e r r e g i o n s , t h e y l a c k e d t h e a l l i e s and power b a s e i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e t o c r u s h t h e i r enemies, n e u t r a l i z e t h e d i s a f f e c t e d and g e n e r a t e a c t i v e s u p p o r t among t h e rest of t h e p o p u l a t i o n .

I .

Why and how t h a t happened a r e t h e book's c e n t r a l problems. On i t s own ground, The ~ e n d 6 e h a s s t o o d up w e l l t o t h e dozen y e a r s of s c h o l a r s h i p and c r i t i c i s m which have passed s i n c e i t s publication. Subsequent s c h o l a r s h i p h a s g e n e r a l l y confirmed t h e con-

c l u s i o n s of t h e book c o n c e r n i n g i t s main a r e a of c o n c e n t r a t i o n , s o u t h e r n Anjou. For example, C. ~ e t i t f r e r e ' snew a n a l y s i s of t h e

p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n of 1793 adds e v i d e n c e from

post-revolutionary pension applications to the documents from 1793 I had studied and examines both bodies of evidence closely; Petit&re comes to essentially the same conclusions concerning participation

as you will find in the book. Scholarship concerning other counter-revolutionary sections of western France has been less kind to any hopes for a simple extension The vendgels findings elsewhere; other students of the subject of .. have confirmed the importance of local anti-bourgeois coalitions, but they have shown that those who lined up against the rural bourgeoisie varied greatly depending on the character of the region. In Brittany,

for example, T. J. A. LeGoff and D. N. G. Sutherland find that the entire rural community tended to oppose the "petty notables" who opted for the Revolution. The ~endgk'scritics have complained mainly about the book's I deliberately

analytic framework and about its incompleteness.

cast the book as an analysis of community structure, of urbanization and of related political processes. Some historians found that the

definitions, analogies, models, and reiterated arguments cluttered an otherwise intelligible analysis of the counter-revolution. Many social scientists claimed that the emphasis on urbanization distorted an otherwise interesting account of the political impact of modernization, or centralization, or some other major social process. After years of reflection, I find myself unshaken on the first charge, but a bit rueful on the second. Were I to rewrite the book today, I would be at least as careful as before about definitions, analogies, models and explicit statement of arguments. An author aids his readers, including other students of the same subject, by stating

the nature.05 the problem, 'identifying the connections he wants to make with existing work on that problem, and laying out the criteria of proof and disproof he regards as appropriate. concepts is correct. The book's concern with

I have, on the other hand, lost some of my confidence that urbanization was the best possible analytical focus. The growing and changing

influence of cities unquestionably played an important part in shaping western France's response to the Revolution. As I see it now, however,

the emphasis on urbanization obscures the influence in the vendhe of two other processes which have strongly influenced the development of rural rebellions in the western world: the expansion of capital-

ism and the concentration of power in national states. Cities and urbanization have fundamental roles in both processes. Too great a

focus on urbanization (or too broad a definition of urbanization) nevertheless draws attention away from the independent effects of capitalism and statemaking. In the vend& itself, it is valuable to

learn the place of cities and city-based merchants in the growth of the cottage textile industry. It is also important to realize that

the property relations which developed were not those of "city" or

It

country" but of classic mercantile capitalism.

As for the incompleteness of this book, I was the first to

lament it. Scattered through the chapters you will find apologies

that I was unable to carry out a more detailed analysis of changing property relations in eighteenth-century Anjou, of the revolutionary
,

sale of church properties, of a number of other crucial topics.

regret now that the book says so little about the implications of

what happened in the ~end6e for our understanding of the course of the French Revolution as a whole. I would be happier if it con-

tained a more sustained treatment of counter-revolutionary movements elsewhere in France during the same period. Any one of these improve-

ments, however, would have added months or even years to the eight years it took me to prepare the book that actually appeared. It is

not certain that the improvement would have justified the additional investment of time. In the light of the excellent studies of rural history and rebellion which have been published since the appearance of The ~endge, some other problems wh5ch the book neglects now deserve attention. me mention only two examples. First, where did the rural proletariat come from, and what was happening to it in the years before the rebellion? The book devotes quite a bit of space to documenting the importance of rural textile artisans in the vende/e1spopulation and in the counter-revolbtion. It also shows in passing that something like a tenth of the adult male population consisted of essentially landless agricultural laborers. As studies of the proletarianization of the rural population in Let

other parts of Europe begin to come in, nevertheless, it becomes clearer that my treatment neglects a significant problem and a fine opportunity. Where did those landless workers come from? Was rapid population growth or the consolidation of land in the hands of noble and bourgeois propertyholders forcing the children of peasants to choose among enigrating, remaining single on their family farms, or taking up work as weavers or day-laborers? If so, we might better understand the pressures on the rural population at the start of the

R e v o l u t i o n , and t h e c o o p e r a t i o n of p e a s a n t s and a r t i s a n s i n t h e c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y movement. Again, t h e book n e g l e c t s t h e d a r i n g expansion of t h e c e n t r a l government t h e French r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s sought t o accomplish from 1791 t o 1793. Not o n l y d i d t h e y i n t e g r a t e t h e s t r u c t u r e of t h e C a t h o l i c

.~..

Church i n t o t h a t of t h e Fr.ench government ( a stormy p r o c e s s which t h e book d o e s d i s c u s s i n d e t a i l ) , b u t a l s o t h e y made t h e unprecedented s t e p of e x t e n d i n g t h e purview of t h e n a t i o n a l government t o everyday l i f e at t h e l o c a l scale. Although Louis X I V had gained a g r e a t rep-

u t a t i o n . a s a s t a t e - b u i l d e r and h i s s u c c e s s o r s c o n t i n u e d t h e work of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , t h e i r e f f o r t s t o p e n e t r a t e l o c a l communities had been p a r t i a l , t e n t a t i v e and o f t e n u n s u c c e s s f u l . i n t h e r e a l m of t a x a t i o n They had succeeded mainly

--

and even t h e r e t h e method of c o l l e c t i n g

t h e major t a x e s was t o a s s i g n a quota t o t h e whole community and l e t t h e l o c a l c o u n c i l do t h e a s s e s s i n g and c o l l e c t i n g . For t h e r e s t , a

kind of i n d i r e c t r u l e v i a l o c a l l a n d l o r d s , p r i e s t s and p r o f e s s i o n a l s s u b o r d i n a t e d t h e r u r a l community t o t h e s o v e r e i g n . The s u b s t i t u t i o n of d i r e c t f o r i n d i r e c t . l o c a 1 r u l e has'happened many t i m e s and i n many p l a c e s s i n c e 1789.

It i s a p r o c e s s which h a s

r e p e a t e d l y produced c o n f l i c t i n European c o l o n i e s b o t h b e f o r e and a f t e r independence. R e v o l u t i o n a r y France was t h e f i r s t l a r g e w e s t e r n c o u n t r y T h i s book d e s c r i b e s t h e impact of t h a t

t o t r y i t on a n a t i o n a l s c a l e .

e f f o r t on l o c a l e l e c t i o n s , r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e , r o u t i n e record-keeping and a number of o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s . But i t does n o t s e r i o u s l y a n a l y z e

t h e t e c h n i c a l and p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s under which t h e e f f o r t could succeed ,5Scpdi~si,o,f.,<hPPe ?T,er r,or i n lo,tzh.e.r,? p a r t s .of,Fr,ang.e.,
4 .

-..for; example . -, . :,., ,

C;

b r i n g o,ut; Qke __ .:widesp,read, ,.. , ,.u~:e~(,wh%th.er jipt,ent.&ona&; 0 5 Iu,n.int.%nt;ional). . o f :-.. -.:

two i n t e r i m s o l u t i o n s :

f i r s t , mobilizing t h e l o c a l population a g a i n s t

s t h e R e v o l u t i o n ; second, s u b s t i a small number of p r e ~ u m e d ~ e n e m i eof t u t i n g i n d i r e c t r u l e v i a l o c a l networks of t r u s t e d b o u r g e o i s f o r i n d i r e c t r u l e v i a p r i e s t s and n o b l e s . P r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n and s t a t e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n a r e i m p o r t a n t The ~ e n d ~ tou e c h e s , b u t o n l y touches. problems on which others: There a r e

t h e n a t u r e of r e v o l u t i o n a r y l e a d e r s h i p , t h e r o o t s of v i o l e n c e , Yes,

t h e e f f e c t s of r e p r e s s i o n , t h e r i s e and f a l l of p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s . leaves The ~ e n d g e a l a r g e agenda u n f u l f i l l e d .

L e t me t a k e r e f u g e i n

a s e l f - s e r v i n g homily: t o e n t e r them.

a good book opens d o o r s , and makes people want

I f The vendge opens t h e way t o p l a c e s o t h e r people

want t o e x p l o r e , t h a t w i l l b e r e a s o n enough f o r i t s w r i t i n g .

SELECTED REFERENCES

A c c a t i , L. ."Vive l e r o i s a n s t a i l l e e t s a n s g a b e l l e :

una d i s c u s s i o n e 1972),, .

s u l l e r i v o l t e c o n t a d i n e , " Quaderni S t o r i c i , 7 (Sept.-Dec.

Ardant, G a b r i e l . 1965.

~hgorie sociologique de l'impot.

Paris:

SEVPEN,

2 vols. H i s t o i r e d e s Croquants. Paris: Paris: Droz, 1974. 2 vols.

~ e r c e ,Yves-Marie.

.
1974. .Blok, Anton. 1974. Calvert, Peter.

Croquants e t Nu-Pieds.

Gallimard/Julliard,

C o l l e c t i o n "Archives". The Mafia of a S i c i l i a n V i l l a g e . New York: Harper & Row,

A Study of Revolution.

Oxford:

Clarendon P r e s s , 1970.

Davis, N a t a l i e Zemon. Stanford: Dunn, John. 1972. F l e t c h e r , Anthony. Gratton, Philippe.

S o c i e t y and C u l t u r e i n E a r l y Modern France.

S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1975. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ,

Modern R e v o l u t i o n s .

Tudor R e b e l l i o n s .

London:

Longmans, 1968. Paris:

Les l u t t e s d e c l a s s e s dans les campagnes.

Anthropos, 1971. H i l t o n , Rodney. Bond Men Made F r e e . Medieval P e a s a n t London: Movements and

t h e E n g l i s h R i s i n g of 1381. Hobsbawm, E. J . , and George ~ude'.

Temple Smith, 1973.

A Social History

C a p t a i n Swing:

of t h e Great A g r a r i a n U p r i s i n g of 1830. Hoerder, Dirk. People and Mobs:

New York:

Pantheon, 1968.

Crowd A c t i o n i n M a s s a c h u s e t t s d u r i n g Berlin: privately printed,

t h e American R e v o l u t i o n , 1765-1780. 1971. Huizer, Gerrit. Penguin,

P e a s a n t R e b e l l i o n i n L a t i n America. 1973.

Harmondsworth:

Landsberger, Henry A., ed.

Rural Protest: Peasant Movements and Social

Change. London: Macmillan, 1974.

Le Goff, T. J. A., and D. M. G. Sutherland.

"The Revolution and the

Rural Community in Eighteenth-Century Brittany," Past and Present, 62 (1974), 916-119. Lewis, John Wilson, ed. Peasant Rebellion and Communist Revolution in

Asia.. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974. Lida, Clara E. Anarquismo y revolucidh en la Espana del XIX. Siglo, 1972. Lucas, Colin. The Structure of the Terror. and the Loire.
-t

Madrid:

The Example of Javogues

London: Oxford University Press, 1973.

Mazauri~ , Claude.

Sur la ~gvolution francaise. Paris : Editions Sociales,

Mitchell, Harvey.

"The ~endge and Counterrevolution: A Review Essay,"

French Historical Studies, 5 (autumn, 1968), 405-429. Mollat, Michel, and Philippe Wolff. Ongles bleus, Jacques et Ciompi.
,

Les ~Aolutionspopulaires en Europe aux XIVe et XVe si2cles. Paris: Calmann-Levy, 1970.

Moore, Barrington, Jr.

Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy. Boston:

Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World. Beacon, 1966. Mousnier. Roland.

Fureurs paysannes: Les paysans dans les revoltes Paris: Calmann-Levy,

du XVIIe siecle (France, Russie, Chine). 1967. Peacock, A. J.. Bread or Blood:

The Agrarian Riots in East Anglia,

1816. London: Gollancz, 1965. petitrire, C. "Les grandes composantes sociales des armees vendeennes
/
/

dlAnjou," Annales historiques de la Revolution francaise, January-March 1973: 1-20.

S c h e i n e r , Irwin.

"The Mindful P e a s a n t :

S k e t c h e s f o r a Study of

R e b e l l i o n , " J o u r n a l of Asian S t u d i e s , . 32 (August 1 9 7 3 ) , 579-591. S h e l t o n , Walter James. London: E n g l i s h Hunger and I n d u s t r i a l D i s o r d e r s .

,

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