Literature review Theories

In the current study, two theories are discussed: SaemaulUndong and SukaGakki.

Saemaul Undong was a community-based integrated rural development programme of the Republic of Korea in the 1970s, which contributed to narrowing the developmental gap between urban cities and rural communities over a decade. Its success can be attributed to its implementation of basic strategies of poverty reduction adapting to and making use of the Korean contextspromoting opportunities and facilitating empowerment for rural people. Forty years ago, the people who designed and implemented SaemaulUndong did not have a clear understanding of the concepts and vocabularies that are broadly used in development today. What they promoted, achieved and implemented, however, was not different from the goals, objectives and methodologies that development practitioners promote today. The most important lesson learned from SaemaulUndong is that it devised appropriate strategies and measures reflecting and making use of the specific political, economic and social contexts. Developing countries should carefully study their own situation and devise workable and practical solutions of their own. Sooyoung Park (2009). Analysis of SaemaulOndong: a korean rural development programme in the 1970s. Vol. 16, No. 2, December 2009. P.113-140.

Saemaul Undong As A Mechanism For Social Inclusion Another important aspect of SaemulUndong is its role in promoting social integration during Koreas rapid industrialization. A large body of literature on SaemaulUndong has agreed that it contributed to economic development in Korea during the 1970s. While this is certainly true, it is also necessary to take a balanced point of view. Economic development in Korea in the 1970s and 1980s was mainly driven by indus- trialization, with a smaller contribution by the agricultural sector (Adelman 1997). The number of employees in the agricultural sector decreased steadily. This suggests that the success of SaemaulUndong, which took place mainly in rural agricultural communities, had only limited impact on overall economic development in Korea.

Huck-juKwon(2010) Implications of Koreas SaemaulUndong for International Development Policy: A Structural Perspective.The Korean Journal of Policy Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3 (2010), pp. 87-100. Adelman, I. 1997. Social development in Korea, 1953-1993. In The Korean economy 1945-1995, ed. D. Cha, K. Kim, and D. Perkins, 509-40. Seoul: Korea Devel- opment Institute. SokaGakkai is a lay Buddhist association founded y MakiguchiTsunesa ur 1871-

1944) that originally began as an educational movement in Japan in 1930. Makiguchi was inspired by the thought of the thirteenth-century Buddhist monk, Nichiren. Nichirens rand of Buddhism has exerted a diverse array of influences on modern Japanese society and according to some interpretations this can be partly attributed to Nichirens nationalistic appeal. Under these influences there emerged a num er of religious or semi-religious figures and movements in twentieth-century Japan. SokaGakkai grew into a huge and influential religious group after World War II, and can be regarded as one of the most characteristic associations of Nichiren Buddhism. The postwar recovery and development of Japan paved the way for the growth of SokaGakkai, which taught individuals to strive for human revolution through selfempowerment, by encouraging them to believe in the positive power of the Lotus Sutra. Promoting a message that individual rejuvenation will inevitably lead to improvements in ones community, society, and the world, SokaGakkai has een actively engaged not only in individual empowerment but also in social activities, especially those related to the peace movement. Although it was formerly known for its aggressive proselytizing and harsh remonstrations of other religions, SokaGakkai now appears to take a more moderate approach in its social outreach. Although it started as a lay confraternity in a traditional Buddhist sect of NichirenSh sh , the latter excommunicated SokaGakkai in 1991 on the grounds that the teachings of SokaGakkai deviated from orthodoxy. Since then, in this new situation, SokaGakkai has tried to reorganize its structure and reformulate its doctrine. Okuyama Michiaki(2009). SOKA GAKKAI AS A CHALLENGE TO JAPANESE SOCIETY AND POLITICS. POLITOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS No 1/2010 Vol. IV

Past studies on social value sustainability in urban development

Section one: Here, the results of case studies on some European countries are presented. This report is one of the final outputs of the work carried out within the EIBURS project1. Its primary aim is to give the full narrative to the three year EIBURS research programme and illustrate what (and how) we can learn from different European cities in terms of understanding and measuring the social dimension of sustainable urban regeneration. The report is intended to combine the latest social sustainability research with the detailed analysis of five urban regeneration projects, which are at the forefront of promoting integrated urban regeneration in Europe. Both these elements of work (theoretical research approaches and case study analysis) provide the basis for the development of a social sustainability assessment framework for urban regeneration in Europe, which is also presented in this report. Background to the Project In recent years social sustainability has gained increased recognition as a fundamental component of sustainable development. Previous research on sustainability has been limited to environmental and economic concerns. However, social sustainability has begun to receive political and institutional endorsement, becoming entwined with the sustainable development agenda, and the sustainable urban regeneration discourse. Indeed, in the 1980s, regeneration projects focused mainly on the physical and economic renewal of degraded areas. However, during the 1990s across the EU, this approach to urban regeneration emphasising the environmental and economic spheres of regeneration has been abandoned in favour of a more integrated approach to urban redevelopment, which linked the stimulation of economic activities and environmental improvements with social and cultural vitality. In this new sustainability-oriented approach to urban regeneration, the concepts of community and neigh ourhood have ecome the central focus of the analysis. The re-emergence of the community space as focal point for the delivery of sustainable urban development has also moved to the heart of European urban policy. In 1998 the Ur an Sustaina le Development in the EU: A Framework for Action combined the twin themes of sustainable development and urban governance, and encouraged partnerships. In 2005 the Bristol Accord on the theme of sustaina le communities was approved amongst member states (ODPM, 2006). The Accord set out what is meant y a sustaina le community and highlighted eight characteristics of such places, as it will be reviewed later in this report.

More recently, building on the Bristol Accord, in May 2007 European Ministers signed the Leipzig Charter on Sustaina le European Cities EU Ministers, 2007). For the first time, all 27 mem er states outlined an ideal model for the European city of the 21st century, and agreed on common principles and strategies for policy related to urban development. The Leipzig Charter lays the foundation for a new integrated urban policy in Europe, focusing on addressing urban challenges related to social exclusion, structural change, ageing, climate change and mobility. 1 The full list of project outputs is reported .The approach to urban policy promoted at EU level also advocated integrated area-based regeneration initiatives combining economic, social, cultural and environmental aspects, being managed through partnerships with strong civic involvement. As a result, the concept of partnership was woven into recent EU urban initiatives, such as URBAN I and URBAN II, with proposals for good practice based on partnerships involving the public, private and voluntary sectors. This renewed emphasis on partnerships has encouraged the establishment of an increasing number of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in urban regeneration programmes, which are one facet of the drive towards sustainable financing for cities and the development of a complex array of investment vehicles, involving local authorities, institutional investors, private developers and bank foundations to name a few. In addition, the current economic crisis, which began towards the end of 2007 is likely to trigger a broad process of financial restructuring which will prompt cities to explore and test additional financial tools and revenue raising options (IPF, 2009; APUDG, 2009; Clark, 2009). Nonetheless, despite these recent developments in the policy and practice of urban regeneration, our understanding of the social dimension of sustainable urban regeneration is still limited, especially from an assessment and measurement point of view. There is therefore a clear need for further research in this field. Aims and Objectives of the Research The research examined how sustainable urban regeneration is being approached by local governments, developers and the construction industry, funding bodies and investors from a social perspective. The main aim of the research was to identify and examine socially sustainable urban regeneration models and vehicles, and best practice measurement systems across European cities, including exemplar and innovative social sustainability metrics and tools.

The o jectives of the research were to: define social sustainability and explore the main themes and dimensions at the heart of this concept, in the context of EU cities; examine to what extent, and in what ways, social sustainability is incorporated

within urban renewal projects within the EU; investigate how lenders and investors approach social sustainability; examine approaches to social sustainability and urban regeneration in five EU

cities, including Cardiff (UK), Rotterdam (NL), Turin (IT), San Adri de Besos (ES) and Leipzig (DE); critically review governance models and vehicles, which seek to deliver socially

sustainable communities in urban areas, with special emphasis on Public Private Partnerships (PPPs); 9 analyse the current sustainability indicators and tools used by the public, private

and Non Governmental Organisation sectors in case study cities to deliver social sustainability; and examine and identify best practices to measure and monitor socially sustainable

urban regeneration. Linked to the research objectives, the study addressed the following related questions: What are the main ingredients to deliver socially sustainable urban

regeneration? EU level, together with environmental and economic priorities? URBACT) on social sustainability and its monitoring? impacting on the delivery of sustainable communities? monitor the social sustainability of urban regeneration in European cities? regeneration? Research Methodology ble urban

The research methodology, which is summarised in Figure 1, included the following elements of work. Literature review. At the beginning of the research process an extensive literature review was conducted in order to explore the concept of social sustainability and critically examine the main assessment methods and metrics esta lished to measure its nature. The scoping of literature on social sustainability and assessment methods was conducted until theoretical saturation was reached and no new themes, assessment methods, metrics and relationships emerged from the review. This was subsequently linked with a parallel review of literature on the relationships between urban regeneration, EU policy, Public-Private-Partnerships and social sustainability. During this phase of the research the main approaches and models of social sustainability were identified and the provisional theoretical research framework was designed. Background and in-depth interviews. At the end of the literature review, a series of interviews with private sector investors, developers and construction companies mainly based in the UK was conducted. Their main objective was to ascertain how and to what extent the theoretical issues identified in the literature were taken into account, and dealt with at the practical level by key actors involved in regeneration. The interviews were important in helping design the data gathering for the case studies and refining the theoretical framework of the research. Fieldwork. The fieldwork was conducted during the second year of the research. A template for data gathering in each case study was designed following the literature review and interview phase in order to collect information on the following elements: Approach adopted to urban regeneration, including objectives, policies, plans,

programmes and the integration of themes and dimensions adopted within the main case studies selected. - Management, which focused on actors involved in the regeneration process; governance and partnerships solutions and funding arrangements. - Social Sustainability, including the examination of a variety of themes and dimensions, social impacts, indicators, tools and initiatives. outcomes of each case study, which endeavoured to provide an overview of the post-project monitoring arrangements and the lessons learned. Workshop with project participants. After preliminary findings began to Outputs and

emerge from the case studies, a two-day workshop with project participants and the

research team was held at the Oxford Institute of Sustainable Development in February 2009. The main objective of the workshop was to present and discuss the preliminary findings of the research with project participants, and validate their accuracy with people directly involved in the regeneration process of each city.

Case Study Selection The case studies were selected after an in-depth review of over 50 urban regeneration projects across the EU. It was felt that they could provide examples of best practice or exemplify the lessons learned from an integrated approach to regeneration and the related measurement of social sustainability. The case studies selected as part of the research included the following (in alphabetical order): La Mina neighbourhood is located in San Adri de Besos, Spain, a Catalan municipality ordering Barcelonas Eastern outskirts. This residential area of 20 tower blocks was built in the 1960s, as a social housing neighbourhood. It was designed to re-house a local Roma community and inha itants of Barcelonas shanty towns. The aim was to eradicate these particularly conflictive places and communities with their serious problems of exclusion, marginality and delinquency from the city. This, however, led to a high concentration of illegal activities and lack of community cohesion in the area. In 2000 a consortium of public administrations and departments was set up to regenerate the area, capitalising on EU funding and development opportunities provided by the Eastward urban expansion of Barcelona, which was prompted by the 1992 Olympics. LeipzigerOsten, Leipzig, Germany, encompasses several suburbs to the East of Leipzig's city centre. This mainly residential area is characterised by dense, late nineteenth-century block structures and large-panel construction development, which is generally of comparatively low structural quality. These suburbs had been characterised by the degrading of both the social and built environment for several years and were included in the SozialeStadt(Socially Integrated City) programme implemented by the German government in late 1990s and early 2000s. Porta Palazzo is an inner city area of Turin, Italy. Before the urban renewal

process started the area was a decaying inner city neighbourhood, characterised by an informal economy, inadequate social services, low cultural integration of international immigrants, a highly mobile and transient population, a myriad of short lived micro-

enterprises, and a bad reputation linked to crime and illegal immigrants. The regeneration of the area gained initial momentum after receiving EU funding through the Urban Pilot Projects and URBAN programme during the second half of the 1990s and has continued since. Roath Basin, Cardiff, Wales, United Kingdom, is part of a new approach to the sustainable regeneration of Cardiff Bay. The site is the last major derelict area in the inner harbour to be regenerated and was granted outline planning permission for the regeneration programme in 2006. The regeneration of the basin will be carried out through a scheme based on a Public Private Partnership between the Welsh Government, local authorities and a private developer with an innovative Socially Responsible Investment policy. Rotterdam South Pact (Pact op Zuid) comprises five sub-municipalities

located in South Rotterdam, The Netherlands. Traditionally, this city area has been characterised by high unemployment, a poor image, and low educational achievement, which made it difficult to attract private investment or middle-high income people to these neighbourhoods. The latter have also received little benefits from major waterfront redevelopment projects, such as Kop van Zuid, implemented in Rotterdam since the 1980s. Pact op Zuid, which involves several important private and public sector actors, including Housing Corporations, Rotterdam City and five sub-municipalities, will run between 2006 and 2015. It is forecast that participant stakeholders will jointly invest one billion Euros in Rotterdam South during the duration of the Pact, in addition to normal investment programmes. It is important to highlight that the case studies were selected in order to provide the widest possible spatial, temporal and institutional coverage of how social sustainability had been incorporated and monitored in urban regeneration schemes at varying development stages, diverging urban scales and in the context of different institutional arrangements. The ultimate selection of the case studies was therefore carried out taking into account three main criteria, which are illustrated in Figure 3. These included: --Governance model and partnership; Spatial scale; and Development stage. Key Findings

In relation to the broad objectives of the research project and the research questions, the main findings of the study can be grouped as follows: Definition of social sustainability Social sustainability concerns how individuals, communities and societies live

with each other and set out to achieve the objectives of development models which they have chosen for themselves, also taking into account the physical boundaries of their places and planet earth as a whole. At a more operational level, social sustainability stems from actions in key thematic areas, encompassing the social realm of individuals and societies, which ranges from capacity building and skills development to environmental and spatial inequalities. In this sense, social sustainability blends traditional social policy areas and principles, such as equity and health, with issues concerning participation, needs, social capital, the economy, the environment, and more recently, with the notions of happiness, well being and quality of life. Broadly speaking, from a chronological perspective, traditional hard social eing complemented or replaced y emerging soft and less measura le concepts such as happiness, well being and sense of place in the social sustainability debate. This is adding complexity to the analysis of the concept of social sustainability, especially in terms of its operational definitions and the integration of its subdimensions at the assessment stage. Social Sustainability in Current Urban Regeneration Policies and Practices At practice level, urban regeneration projects can generate potential outputs and

sustainability themes, such as employment and poverty alleviation, are increasingly

outcomes at least in the following 10 social sustainability dimensions and policy areas: Demographic change (ageing, migration and mobility); - Education and skills;

- Employment; - Health and safety; Housing and environmental health; Identity, sense of place and culture; Social capital; - Social mixing

Participation, empowerment and access; and cohesion; and, -

Well being, happiness and quality of life.

These are critical areas for the social sustainability of local communities and neighbourhoods, and it is of fundamental importance to assess the potential direct and indirect impact that urban regeneration project proposals are likely to generate on them.

 In an urban context, social sustainability can relate to different spatial and functional levels, including: (i) (iii) City; (iv) Household; (ii) Community or neighbourhood;

Regional or national; and, (v) International. Urban regeneration can

play a key role in achieving sustainability at several of these levels, through transdisciplinary and cross-departmental activities. Stakeholders and financiers involved in regeneration should also take into account at which level a project or a programme is likely to generate an output or outcome from a social sustainability perspective. The social sustainability of urban regeneration is influenced by the existence of several urban cycles in the functioning and management of cities. These include political cycles, coinciding with the lifecycles of municipal governments, lasting normally four years each; macroeconomic cycles, which can last between 10 and 20 years; and social and environmental cycles which can take up to generation to complete. The existence of these cycles should be taken into account in the evaluation of project impacts and policy outcomes. For example, evidence from the case studies examined as part of our research project suggests that the beginning of new urban regeneration programmes often coincides with the instalment of new local and national governments or a change in national or international public policy. From a social point of view, the outcomes of a project or plan may outlive the life span of a political administration or take a generation before beginning to manifest themselves. As a result, the correct evaluation of the social output or outcome of urban regeneration should not solely adopt a short term perspective (e.g. a yearly evaluation), but should be conducted by taking into account medium to long-term inter-generational changes. At present, urban social sustainability policies are: a) experimental because the pursuit of emerging policy agendas such as socialmixing have not been grounded on empirical evidence and it proves difficult toassess the results of early programmes; b) localascommunitiesandneighbourhoodshavereemergedaskeyarenasfortheachievement of sustainable development; and

fragmentedandcontestedduetomultiplestakeholderswhohavebecomeinvolvedin regeneration and the pursuit of sustainability at different levels. Critical Success Factors to Deliver Socially Sustainable Urban Regeneration Single task ad hoc agencies and public private partnerships (PPPs) are

beneficial vehicles to deliver self-sustaining and socially sustainable urban regeneration projects. In addition, a well-resourced and integrated approach to regeneration supported by diversified and continuing funding is crucial to deliver sustainable communities and avoid piecemeal interventions. There is also evidence from the empirical work in this research that the location of the regeneration agency offices in the areas being regenerated also have beneficial effects, because they can guarantee a forum for discussion and transparency, helping reduce mistrust towards city authorities, which often characterises these areas. Vision, leadership and a sound managerial approach to regeneration are essential components to deliver socially sustainable urban regeneration. Regeneration plans for a local neighbourhood become even more effective if they are linked to city- wide development plans and vision. They can also help attract further funding and generate self-sustaining projects. Image and branding are crucial for the social regeneration of city areas. Indeed,

neighbourhoods undergoing urban regeneration have often acted as recipient areas for low-income newcomers to the city because of their affordable rents and lower cost of living. Regeneration projects are therefore trying to improve the image of these places in order to attract new inward-investment in social, economic and green infrastructure, as well as middle-high income people to these neighbourhoods. It is crucial, however, that regeneration projects include the development of adequate infrastructure and services for the integration of newcomers and external investors by organising, for example, workshops and networking events. Similarly, it is of fundamental importance for municipal authorities to have plans in place to minimise the involuntary displacement effects that higher income people may have on local communities in terms of housing and local economic activities and services. EU programmes such as URBAN I and II, and knowledge exchange networks

such as REGENERA, have been a crucial driver for regeneration projects in EU cities, introducing a competitive process for the allocation of limited financial resources in urban regeneration. Furthermore, they have placed considerable emphasis on the importance of partnership working, through encouraging the inclusion of relevant private and NGO actors in the design, management, implementation and evaluation of programmes. Interviews conducted as part of the research process highlighted the widespread

belief amongst policy-makers and practitioners that current EU grant- ased pu lic funding instruments in support of urban areas, such as the Structural Funds and Cohesion Fund, are likely to e gradually a andoned in favour of new, non-grant funding mechanisms and vehicles (e.g. Urban Development Funds, EIB JESSICA2 programme) after the current 2007-2013 Structural Funds programming period. These new funding mechanisms and instruments will increasingly be based on the integration of private and public financial resources and managerial skills. As a result, cities which have fostered the development of PPPs for sometime may present a competitive advantage in terms of development opportunities, in comparison with cities and municipal authorities which have thus far attracted and benefited only from traditional public funds. Best Practice in Social Sustainability Monitoring Systems The tools, instruments and metrics to foster sustainable communities currently

available are biased toward environmental sustainability. More research is needed on the social dimension of integrated sustainable urban regeneration. Municipal authorities have begun to experiment with the use of composite indices, such as the SocialeIndex , which integrate different social dimensions together to measure and monitor the social evolution of places. On the one hand, these indices can provide powerful concise visual indications concerning the social qualities of places and their evolution over time. On the other, aggregated indices may run the risk of providing superficial social representations of places and communities, whose social performance is summarised and compared through single numerical values. Low scores in such indices, for example, could lead to the stigmatisation of some areas through over-simplistic comparisons. The mobility of individuals at rural-urban level, between cities, and within city

areas has increased significantly over the last few years, leading to the generation of highly mobile and transient communities. This increased mobility has spurred a debate as to whether people-based indicators are preferable to area-based metrics in order to assess the social sustainability impacts of urban regeneration policies. The selection of social targets and objectives for urban regeneration projects

relies on system values and political objectives rather than scientific criteria. This selection process should therefore be carried out with the participation of local residents and political representatives elected locally. However, target values (e.g. affordable housing, educational infrastructure) can also stem from national or regional

legislation or regional and national programming documents. It is also becoming common practice in EU cities to set objectives and thresholds for neighborhooda regeneration, which are in tune with surrounding communities of the regeneration area or the city as a whole in order to avoid sharp social and spatial divides between city areas. In this sense, a key challenge for urban regeneration is to deliver neighbourhoods that integrate and connect well (from both the spatial and social point of view) with surrounding communities, and are linked to the citys overall vision and development plans.

Recommendations Social Sustainability Assessment Framework (SSAF). It is essential to apply a

social sustainability assessment framework to urban regeneration projects. The SSAF can take different shapes and fulfill different purposes, which vary according to project, spatial scale, local social and cultural contexts, and political priorities. For the purpose of this study a broad and indicative Social Sustainability Assessment Framework applicable to urban regeneration of EU cities has been proposed. Investment in new and cost-effective data gathering procedures and methodologies. It is difficult to measure universally the softer aspects of social sustainability, such as well being, happiness and neighborhood satisfaction. At present, the only effective way to measure these dimensions of social sustainability is through the use of surveys and other qualitative research techniques such as interviews and focus groups, which can prove expensive in the long term. The statistical offices of local and national governments and EU institutions should invest in developing innovative methods and optimized procedures, which involve, for example, local residents and bipartisan organisation such as Universities, in order to gather data in this field in a cost- effective way. Integration of Socially Responsible Investment policies, Third Sector metrics and local authorities indicators. An increasing num er of private and NGOs sector actors involved in the built environment and urban regeneration have developed monitoring systems for example, igloos Footprint TM system and Compagnia di San Paolos housing projects evaluation system) which appear to provide a valuable framework for assessing the critical dimensions of sustainability in a robust and effective way. There can also be little doubt that the experience gained through PPPs between local authorities and frontrunner actors in the sustainability arena can contribute to the

implementation of state of the art cross-disciplinary and cross- sectoral assessment and monitoring systems, which can also integrate Socially Responsible Investment policies, Third Sector metrics and social monitoring indicators developed by local authorities. Resource allocation for monitoring at the planning stages of the project. The monitoring of the social impacts of regeneration is often hampered by the: lack of forward thinking and the selection of a monitoring system at the planning stages of the project proposal; large amounts of data to be collected and analysed;

and, - lack of clear and legally-binding post-project monitoring agreements amongst stakeholders. Another major obstacle is the lack of statistical data routinely collected by city statistical offices at the local and project level. This highlights the importance of allocating financial and human resources for ex post monitoring of the regeneration process at the early, planning stages of project proposals. Linking local projects to city-wide development plans. The case studies

analysed in this study highlighted how it is beneficial to link local regeneration development projects to city-wide development plans. This has frequently been, for example, a key requirement of major national and EU funding bodies and helped attract financial resources. Furthermore, the promotion of linkages between the objectives of local project and city-wide development plans could help avoid the repetition of mistakes linked to property- or retail-led regeneration models promoted in the 1980s, in which the benefits of regeneration failed to spread outside the area being regenerated.

Andrea Colantonio and Tim Dixon(2009). Measuring Socially Sustainable Urban Regeneration in Europe.Oxford Brooks University. ODPM (2006) UK Presidency.EU Ministerial Informal on Sustainable Communities. European Evidence Review papers, London: ODPM OECD, (2001), Analytic Report on Sustainable Development SG/SD(2001)1-14, OECD, Paris

IPF (2009) Urban Regeneration: Opportunities for Private Investment. IPF: London

All Party Urban Development Group, (APUDG), (2009), Regerneration and the Recession. Unlocking the Money, London, available at www.allpartyurbandevelopment.org.uk, accessed in September 2009.

Clark G., (2009), Recession, Recovery and Reinvestment: The role of Local Economic Leadership in a global crisis, available at

http://www.gregclark.net/, accessed in October 2009.

European Union (No date), Subsidiarity, Definition in the Glossary of the European Union, available at http://europa.eu/scadplus/glossary/subsidiarity_en.htm , accessed in March 2009.

Section two: Lessons From Japanese Experiences In Urban Development A comprehensive review of the Japanese experiences in urban development and the responses of each stakeholder to the impact of urban development can provide lessons for developing countries, as shown below.

Comprehensive Approach for Recovery from Pollution A comprehensive approach is the key for Japan to successfully recover from serious pollution. It includes the partnership of various stakeholders, such as government, business, and civil society, as well as a combination of various measures such as regulation, economic incentives, and public investment. The central government has set emission standards and formulated regulations on pollution sources, which were supplemented by local government ordinances. Monitoring systems were also developed by the public sector to ensure the enforcement of regulations. At the same time, economic incentives were provided to the private sector to encourage them to invest in environmental measures. Private sector, or businesses, have voluntarily and aggressively invested in and developed antipollution measures, technologies, and know-how. Civil society likewise had a significant role in raising environmental awareness by mobilizing citizens and supporting pollution victims in filing lawsuits against polluters. Such approaches are also found in the promotion of energy efficiency. The

government issued strict regulations on energy use of enterprises and the energy performance of their products. At the same time, it provided financial support to install energy-efficient equipment. The Top Runner approach, which has required enterprises to develop the most energy-efficient products, has successfully encouraged the private sector in promoting energy efficiency and achieving technological innovation in a variety of areas.

Long-term Vision for Urban Structure Most cities in Japan, during their rapid economic growth and urbanization, provided infrastructure to meet increasing demand. Urban sprawl expanded and

suburbanization occurred without proper urban growth management. Such dispersed urban areas resulted in an increased dependence on passenger cars, which in turn led to the deterioration of public transportation services, particularly in medium-sized cities. In the 21st century, Japan entered a period of depopulation, including urban population, and economic slowdown, the size of urban areas has been maintained, although some have even expanded due to the high dependence on passenger cars, which hardly changed. As a result, urban population density continued to decrease, which in turn hollowed out urban centers. In order to achieve sustainable development in this period, some Japanese cities, Toyama included, have adopted comprehensive strategies toward a compact city development. The concept of a compact city also fits the increasing momentum against global warming, since it can engender the development of low-carbon cities with higher shares of public transportation and shorter travel distances. However, most medium-sized cities realized that once a city has expanded, it takes a long time and huge amounts of money to scale them down and reshape them into compact forms. More importantly, it is more difficult to implement projects continuously. Hence, while a city is still growing, it should already have a long-term vision and strategies to achieve its future urban structure. Final Report term urban strategy during its period of rapid growth and it has been shaping its overall urban structure for 40 years already. Strong leadership and partnership with citizens who support the urban strategy are key to sustainable and consistent urban development.

3)

Initiatives of City Authorities and Mechanisms of Facilitation

In order to promote sustainable urban development, a city authority is expected to play a central role. It can reflect local issues and needs into urban development strategies. It can also take a comprehensive approach to integrate various sectors to tackle diversified urban issues, while central government ministries focus on each sector. In Japan, some of the cities that faced serious environmental issues have grown to be environmentally advanced cities by overcoming their pollution problems. To extract the good practices of these cities and replicate their efforts nationwide, the national government formulated mechanisms to give them awards or provide them with financial support. The Eco-model Project initiated by the Cabinet office and the Eco-town Program initiated by the Ministry of Environment (MOE) and the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry (METI) are two approaches that can encourage developing countries to adopt the good practices started by their respective cities or by other countries. For this study, an in-depth analysis was made of six cities that faced serious urban environmental problems during their respective periods of rapid economic growth and successfully developed their own innovative and advanced environmental initiatives. Brief profiles of these cities are shown on this and the next page. (a) Kitakyushu City: The city of Kitakyushu was borne out of industry. Having experienced significant pollution and waste problems in the process of development, it has continuously overcome environmental problems through collaboration among industry, academe, government, and citizens. As a result, the city was mentioned in the implementation plan of the Johannesburg Summit in 2002 as a model environmental city in Asia. It has also promoted international cooperation on the environment, mainly with Asian countries. (b) Kawasaki City: The city of Kawasaki, where representative companies in many industries are located, is one of the typical cities which led the period of high economic growth in Japan. During the process of industrialization, it experienced significant air and water pollution. Under the city administrations initiative, businesses proactively invested in pollution prevention which enriched their engineering and technological know-how, resulting in various advanced and smart technologies. Given that the city hosts many R&D institutions, it has an abundant accumulation of experiences and know-how gained in the process of solving its own pollution problems and fosters cutting-edge environmental technologies for climate

change control. (c) Nagoya City: The city of Nagoya is the largest and chief city in central Japan in political, economic, and cultural aspects. It has remarkable experiences in reducing wastes, effectively doing so by more than 20% in only two years. In conserving biodiversity, it successfully called off the planned reclamation of the Fujimae tidal area. Recently, the city has formulated long-term strategies up to 2050 on climate change, biodiversity, and hydrological circulation, which shows its progressive thinking and long-term vision.

ALMEC Corporation (2011). StudyofJapaneseExperiencesonSustainableUrbanDevelopmentincludingPollutio nControl andManagement,Resource/EnergyEfficiencyandGHGReduction. The World Bank Corporation Agency.

Section three:various studies on good value and urbamn development

A: The principal stated rationale for bringing the 2012 Olympic Games to London was that it represented a once in a generation opportunity to regenerate the citys East End. And yet, its arrival opens up questions over how problem places within cities are characterised and how selective and power-infused visualisations shape the form and character of urban policy interventions. This paper draws on research conducted on a community of over 200 small businesses that existed on the proposed Olympic Village site in east London before they were evicted in the summer of 2007. It documents the effects of the regeneration on their competitiveness and explores the highly circumscribed politics of contestation that emerged. Collectively, it argues that there should be a greater policy and academic concern with the less visible and spectacular elements of cities and communities who cannot easily be seen, but are vital to urban vibrancy, diversity and sustainability( Jenks and Jones, 2010).

Mike Raco and Emma Tunney(2010). Visibilities and Invisibilities in Urban

Development: Small Business Communities and the London Olympics 2012. 47(10) 20692091, September 2010

Mike Jenks Colin Jones(2010). Dimensions of the Sustainable City. Springer Dordrecht Heidelberg London New York.

B: Australias system of tropical rivers constitutes one of the largest and least changed drainage networks in the world. However increasing demand for water in parts of Australia, along with ongoing drought, is driving pressure to develop these rivers. This paper reports the results of a choice experiment (CE) to assess the benefits of different management strategies for three tropical rivers in northern Australia: the Daly, Mitchell and Fitzroy Rivers. The CE was carried out using a survey mailed to Australian urban populations. The results showed that 90% of Australians were willing to pay a once-off payment for the management of tropical rivers. Respondents who had visited or lived near the rivers were willing to pay more for cultural, recreational and environmental services than those who had not. Respondents classed as developers, who made up only 4% of the 684 respondents, considered a su stantial income from irrigated agriculture as important. Unlike environmentalists and neutrals, developers were unwilling to pay for high quality recreational fishing or for having floodplains in good environmental condition. All groups, however, were willing to pay for high cultural values( Kerstin K. Zander, Stephen T. Garnettand Anna Straton, 2010).

Kerstin K. Zander, Stephen T. Garnettand Anna Straton(2010).Trade-offs between development, culture and conservation Willingness to pay for tropical river management among urban Australians. Journal of Environmental Management

Volume 91, Issue 12, December 2010, Pages 2529-2534

C:

Urban population has been increasing and it is estimated to reach 70% of the total population in the world by 2050. Governments are facing greater challenges every time in providing inhabitants with a good quality of life in their cities. Many cities around the world have developed sustainable urban development plans for leading their urbanization process towards a desired status of urban sustain- ability. Urban sustainability indicators have been selected as main elements for communicating the status of the practice, which help to determine how successful strategies and policies enforced have been in the attainment of sustainability goals. Different practices use different indicators according to their particular needs, and these have been selected under different methods. However, whilst there are cases where urban sustainability indicators are effectively in use, the experiences gained from each practice have not been shared and used for the development of new urban development plans and for improving the decision-making process in the selection of indicators. This paper examines 9 different practices and proposes a comparative basis, namely, International Urban Sustainability Indicators List (IUSIL), for allowing the better understanding of drivers and goals of each practice and identifying under what circumstances various practices selected their indicators. Discussions made on the comparative analysis are categorized in four different dimensions: environmental, economic, social and governance. Research results show how comparative basis can lead to knowledge sharing between different practices, which can be used to guide the selection of indicators of sustainable urbanization plans and improve the effective communication of the status of practices. The study not only reveals how different indicators are selected but also suggests the need for consistent processes of choosing indicators based on the benchmarks obtained from best practices (Li-Yin Shen et al. 2011).

Li-Yin Shena, J. Jorge Ochoa a, *, Mona N. Shah b, XiaolingZhang(2011).The application of urban sustainability indicators e A comparison between various practices. Habitat International 35 (2011) 17-29.

E: High residential density is an important element of the compact city concept alongside mixed land uses, well-connected urban layouts, and easily accessible public transport networks. However, there is little consensus on how dense high-density residential development should be, nor on what are the impacts of such urban environments on residents. This paper attempts to address this gap in knowledge by exploring the concept of density within the context of sustainability, calling on empirical evidence conducted in the UK by the CityForm research project. This research examined the relationship between elements of urban form (including density) and sustainability. This paper specifically makes reference to the relationship between density and aspects of social sustainability, specifically social equity (i.e. access to services and facilities), environmental equity (i.e. access to and use of green/ open space) and sustainability of community (including perceptions of safety, social interaction and community stability). An extensive postal questionnaire survey and series of follow-up in-depth focus groups were conducted in a number of neighbourhoods in five UK cities to examine the hypothesis that high-density neighbourhoods were less likely to support socially sustainable behaviour and attitudes than low-density ones. The paper starts with an introductory account of density in the UK to provide the context of the study. It then defines density and the aspects of social sustainability under scrutiny and discusses the claimed relationships as well as the implications that such claims have for policy and practice. The paper then reports on the empirical research findings which examine the extent to which density has any influence on residents propensity to engage in socially sustaina le activities. The paper concludes y critically reflecting on how the findings fit more roadly into the compact city debate in the 21st century, where urban, and not rural, environments are home to everincreasing populations around the world.

N. Dempsey a,*, C. Brown b, G. Bramley(2012).The key to sustainable urban

development in UK cities? The influence of density on social sustainability .Progress in Planning 77 (2012) 89141 Elsevier Ltd. F: Thomas Kemeny and Michael Storper(2012):This paper asks whether worker utility levelscomposed of wages, rents, and amenitiesare being equalized among

American cities. Using microdata on U.S. urban workers in 1980 and 2000, little evidence of equalization is found. Comparable workers earn higher real wages in large cities, where amenities are also concentrated. Moreover, population growth between 1980 and 2000 has not been significantly different in low- and high-utility cities, suggesting that other forces are at work shaping the sorting processes that match workers and firms. We outline an alternative view of the drivers of change in the American urban system, and urban development more generally, by applying theory from economic geography.

Thomas Kemeny and Michael Storper(2012). THE SOURCES OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT: WAGES, HOUSING, AND AMENITY GAPS ACROSS AMERICAN CITIES. JOURNAL OF REGIONAL SCIENCE, VOL. 52, NO. 1, 2012, pp. 85108.

G: Amid the buzz on the creative city and cultural economy, knowledge about what works at various urban and regional scales is sorely lacking.This article reviews the state of knowledge about arts and culture as an urban or regional development tool, exploring norms, reviewing evidence for causal relationships, and analyzing stakeholders, bureaucratic fragmentation, and citizen participation in cultural planning.Two strategiesdesignated cultural districts and tourist-targeted cultural investments illustrate how better research would inform implementation. In guiding urban cultural development, researchers should exam- ine and clarify the impacts, risks, and opportunity costs of various strategies and the investments and revenue and expenditure patterns associated with each, so that communities and governments avoid squandering creative city opportunities (Ann Markusen1 and Anne Gadwa,2013). Ann Markusen1 and Anne Gadwa(2013) Arts and Culture in Urban or Regional Planning: A Review and Research Agenda.Journal of Planning Education and Research 29(3) 379391.