Ritual

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For other uses, see Ritual (disambiguation).

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A ritual "is a stereotyped sequence of acti ities in ol ing gestures, words, and o!"ects, performed in a sequestered place, and designed to influence preternatural entities or forces on !ehalf of the actors# goals and interests."$%& Rituals may !e prescri!ed !y the traditions of acommunity, including a religious community. Rituals are characteri'ed !y formalism, traditionalism, in ariance, rule(go ernance, sacral sym!olism and performance.$)& Rituals of arious kinds are a feature of almost all known human societies, past or present. *hey include not only the arious worship rites and sacraments of organi'ed religions and cults, !ut also the rites of passage of certain societies, atonement and purification rites, oaths of allegiance, dedication ceremonies, coronations and presidential inaugurations, marriages and funerals, school "rush" traditions and graduations, clu! meetings, sports e ents,+alloween parties, eterans parades, Christmas shopping and more. Many acti ities that are

ostensi!ly performed for concrete purposes, such as "ury trials, e,ecution of criminals, and scientificsymposia, are loaded with purely sym!olic actions prescri!ed !y regulations or tradition, and thus partly ritualistic in nature. - en common actions like hand(shaking and saying hello may !e termed rituals. *he field of ritual studies has seen a num!er of conflicting definitions of the term. .ne gi en !y /yriakidis is that a ritual is an outsider#s or "etic" category for a set acti ity 0or set of actions1 that, to the outsider, seems irrational, non(contiguous, or illogical. *he term can !e used also !y the insider or "emic" performer as an acknowledgement that this acti ity can !e seen as such !y the uninitiated onlooker. $2& 3n psychology, the term ritual is sometimes used in a technical sense for a repetiti e !eha ior systematically used !y a person to neutrali'e or pre ent an,iety4 it is a symptom of o!sessi e5compulsi e disorder.
Contents
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o o o o o o o o o o o o

% -tymology ) Characteristics of ritual ).% Formalism ).) *raditionalism ).2 3n ariance ).6 Rule(go ernance ).7 8acred sym!olism ).9 :erformance 2 ;enres of ritual 2.% Rites of passage 2.) Calendrical and commemorati e rites 2.2 Rites of e,change and communion 2.6 Rites of affliction 2.7 Rites of feasting, fasting and festi als 2.9 :olitical rituals

 o o o o o o o o

6 Anthropological theories of ritual 6.% Functionalism 6.%.% Ritual as social control 6.%.) Rituals of re!ellion 6.) 8tructuralism 6.2 8tructure and anti(structure 6.2.% Anti(structure and communitas 6.2.) 8ocial dramas 6.6 8ym!olic approaches to ritual 6.7 Ritual as a form of communication 6.9 Ritual as a disciplinary program 6.< Ritual and rituali'ation 7 Ritual and Religion 7.% Ritual as a Methodological Measure of Religiosity 9 8ee also < References = Further reading

-tymology$edit&
*he -nglish word "ritual" deri es from the >atin ritualis, "that which pertains to rite (ritus1". 3n Roman "uridical and religious usage, rituswas the pro en way (mos) of doing something,$6& or "correct performance, custom".$7& *he original concept of ritus may !e related to the8anskrit t 0" isi!le order1" in ?edic religion, "the lawful and regular order of the normal, and therefore proper, natural and true structure of cosmic, worldly, human and ritual e ents".$9& *he word "ritual" is first recorded in -nglish in %7<@, and came into use in the %9@@s to mean "the prescri!ed order of performing religious ser ices" or more particularly a !ook of these prescriptions.$<&

Characteristics of ritual$edit&
*here are hardly any limits to the kind of actions that may !e incorporated into a ritual. *he rites of past and present societies ha e typically in ol ed special gestures and words, recitation of fi,ed te,ts, performance of special music, songs or dances, processions, manipulation of certain o!"ects, use of special dresses, consumption of special food, drink, or drugs, and much more.$=&

Formalism$edit&

*he past use of >atin in a Catholic Mass was an e,ample of a "restricted code"

Catherine Aell argues that rituals can !e characteri'ed !y formalism, traditionalism, in ariance, rule( go ernance, sacral sym!olism and performance.$B& Ritual utili'es a limited and rigidly organi'ed set of e,pressions which anthropologists call a "restricted code" 0in opposition to a more open "ela!orated code"1. Maurice Aloch argues that ritual o!liges participants to use this formal oratorical style, which is limited in intonation, synta,, oca!ulary, loudness, and fi,ity of order. 3n adopting this style, ritual leaders# speech !ecomes more style than content. Aecause this formal speech limits what can !e said, it induces "acceptance, compliance, or at least for!earance with regard to any o ert challenge." Aloch argues that this form of ritual communication makes re!ellion impossi!le and re olution the only feasi!le alternati e. Ritual tends to support traditional forms of social hierarchy and authority, and maintains the assumptions on which the authority is !ased from challenge. $%@&

Traditionalism$edit&

The First Thanksgiving 1621, oil on can as !y Cean >eon ;erome Ferris 0%=925%B2@1. *he painting shows common misconceptions a!out the e ent that persist to modern timesD :ilgrims did not wear such outfits, and the Wampanoag are dressed in the style of :lains 3ndians.$%%&

Rituals appeal to tradition and are generally concerned to repeat historical precedents accurately. *raditionalism aries from formalism in that the ritual may not !e formal yet still makes an appeal to historical. An e,ample is the American *hanksgi ing dinner, which may not !e formal, yet is ostensi!ly !ased on an e ent from the early :uritan settlement of America. +istorians -ric +o!s!awm and *errence Ranger ha e argued that many of these areinvented traditions, such as the rituals of the Aritish monarchy, which in oke "thousand year(old tradition" !ut whose actual form originate in the late nineteenth century, to some e,tent re i ing earlier forms, in this case medie al, that had !een discontinued in the meantime. *hus, the appeal to history is important rather than accurate historical transmission. $%)&

Invariance$edit&
Catherine Aell states that ritual is also in ariant, implying careful choreography. *his is less an appeal to traditionalism than a stri ing for timeless repetition. *he key to in ariance is !odily discipline, as in monastic prayer and meditation meant to mold dispositions and moods. *his !odily discipline is frequently performed in unison, !y groups.$%2&

Rule-governance$edit&
Rituals tend to !e go erned !y rules, a feature somewhat like formalism. Rules impose norms on the chaos of !eha ior, either defining the outer limits of what is accepta!le or choreographing each mo e. 3ndi iduals are held to communally appro ed customs that e oke a legitimate communal authority that can constrain the possi!le outcomes. War in many societies, for e,ample, is !ound !y highly rituali'ed constraints that limit the legitimate means !y which fighting can !e conducted.$%6&

Sacred symbolism$edit&
Marines and a sailor a!oardE88 Nassau practice folding a flag.

Acti ities appealing to supernatural !eings are easily considered rituals, although the appeal may !e quite indirect or su!tle, e,pressing only a generali'ed !elief in the e,istence of the sacred demanding a human response. Fational flags, for e,ample, may !e considered more than signs representing a country. 3n the Enited 8tates no one argues the flag is holy, !ut it stands for larger sym!ols such as freedom, democracy, free enterprise or national superiority. $%7& Anthropologist 8herry .rtner writes that the flag does not encourage reflection on the logical relations among these ideas, nor on the logical consequences of them as they are played out in social actuality, o er time and history. .n the contrary, the flag encourages a sort of all(or(nothing allegiance to the whole package, !est summed $!y& #.ur flag, lo e it or lea e.# $%9&

:articular o!"ects !ecome sacral sym!ols through a process of consecration which effecti ely creates the sacred !y setting it apart from the profane. Aoy 8couts and the armed forces, for e,ample, teach the "official" ways of folding, saluting and raising the flag, thus emphasi'ing that the flag should ne er !e treated as "ust a piece of cloth.$%<&

Performance$edit&
*he performance of ritual creates a theatrical(like frame around the acti ities, sym!ols and e ents that shape participant#s e,perience and cogniti e ordering of the world, simplifying the chaos of life and imposing a more or less coherent system of categories of meaning onto it. $%=& As Aar!ara Myerhoff put it, "not only is seeing !elie ing, doing is !elie ing."$%B&

;enres of ritual$edit&

A ritual is a stereotyped sequence of activities involving gestures, words, and objects, performed in a sequestered place, and designed to influence preternatural entities or forces on behalf of the actors goals and interests! "ituals may be seasonal, hallowing a culturally defined moment of change in the climatic cycle or the inauguration of an activity such as planting, harvesting, or moving from winter to summer pasture# or they may be contingent, held in response to an individual or collective crisis! $ontingent rituals may be further subdivided into life%crisis ceremonies, which are performed at birth, puberty, marriage, death, and so on, to demarcate the passage from one phase to another in the individual s life%cycle, and rituals of affliction, which are performed to placate or e&orcise preternatural beings or forces believed to have afflicted villagers with illness, bad luc', gynecological troubles, severe physical injuries, and the li'e! (ther classes of rituals include divinatory rituals# ceremonies performed by political authorities to ensure the health and fertility of human beings, animals, and crops in their territories# initiation into priesthoods devoted to certain deities, into religious associations,

or into secret societies# and those accompanying the daily offering of food and libations to deities or ancestral spirits or both![)*]
+Victor Turner

For simplicity#s sake, the range of di erse rituals can !e di ided into categories with common characteristics. Rituals can fall in more than one genre.

Rites of passage$edit&
Main arti les! Rites o" #assage and $nitiation A rite of passage is a ritual e ent that marks a person#s transition from one status to another, including !irth, coming(of(age, marriage, death as well as initiation into groups not tied to a formal stage of life such as a fraternity. Arnold an ;ennep stated that rites of passage are marked !y three stagesD separation, transition and incorporation.$)%& 3n the first stage, the initiates are separated from their old identities through physical and sym!olic means. 3n the transition phase, they are "!etwi,t and !etween." ?ictor *urner argued that this stage is marked !y liminality, a condition of am!iguity or disorientation in which initiates ha e !een stripped of their old identities, !ut ha e not yet acquired their new one. *urner states "*he attri!utes of liminality or of liminal #ersonae 0"threshold people"1 are necessarily am!iguous." $))& 3n this stage of liminality or "anti(structure" 0see !elow1 the initiates role am!iguity creates a sense of communitas or emotional !ond of community !etween them. *his stage may !e marked !y ritual ordeals or ritual training. 3n the final stage of incorporation, the initiates are sym!olically confirmed in their new identity and community. $)2&

Calendrical and commemorative rites$edit&

Calendrical and commemorati e rites are ritual e ents marking particular times of year, or a fi,ed period since an important e ent. Calendrical rituals gi e social meaning to the passage of time, creating repetiti e weekly, monthly or yearly cycles. 8ome rites are oriented towards seasonal changes, and may !e fi,ed !y the solar or lunar calendar. *hose fi,ed !y the solar calendar fall on the same day 0of the ;regorian, 8olar calendar1 each year 0such as Few Gears Hay on the first of Canuary1 while those calculated !y the lunar calendar fall on different dates 0of the ;regorian, 8olar calendar1 each year 0such as Chinese lunar Few Gear1. Calendrical rites impose a cultural order on nature. $)6&Mircea -liade states that the calendrical rituals of many religious traditions recall and commemorate the !asic !eliefs of a community, and their yearly cele!ration esta!lishes a link !etween past and present, as if the original e ents are happening o er againD "*hus the gods did4 thus men do."$)7&

Rites of exchange and communion$edit&

*his genre of ritual encompasses forms of sacrifice and offering meant to praise, please or placate di ine powers. According to early anthropologist -dward *ylor, such sacrifices are gifts gi en in hope of a return. Catherine Aell, howe er, points out that sacrifice co ers a range of practices from those that are manipulati e and "magical" to those of pure de otion. +indu pu"a, for e,ample, appear to ha e no other purpose than to please the deity.$)9& According to Marcel Mauss, sacrifice is distinguished from other forms of offering !y !eing consecrated, and hence sanctified. As a consequence, the offering is usually destroyed in the ritual to transfer it to the deities.

Rites of affliction$edit&
Main arti les! %hamanism and &ivination Anthropologist ?ictor *urner defines rites of affliction actions that seek to mitigate spirits that inflict humans with misfortune. *hese rites may include forms of spirit di ination 0consulting oracles1 to esta!lish causesIand rituals that heal, purify, e,orcise, and protect. *he misfortune e,perienced may include indi idual health, !ut also !roader climate(related issues such as drought or plagues of insects. +ealing rites performed !y shamans frequently identify social disorder as the cause, and make the restoration of social relationships the cure.$)<& *urner uses the e,ample of the 3soma ritual among the Fdem!u of northwestern Jam!ia to illustrate. *he 3soma rite of affliction is used to cure a childless woman of infertility. 3nfertility is the result of a "structural tension !etween matrilineal descent and irilocal marriage" 0i.e., the tension a woman feels !etween her mother#s family, to whom she owes allegiance, and her hus!and#s family among whom she must li e1. "3t is !ecause the woman has come too closely in touch with the #man#s side# in her marriage that her dead matrikin ha e impaired her fertility." *o correct the !alance of matrilinial descent and marriage, the 3soma ritual dramatically placates the deceased spirits !y requiring the woman to reside with her mother#s kin. $)=&

Masquerade at the Carni al of ?enice.

8hamanic and other ritual may effect a psychotherapeutic cure, leading anthropologists such as Cane Atkinson to theori'e how. Atkinson argues that the effecti eness of a shamanic ritual for an indi idual may depend upon a wider audiences acknowledging the shaman#s power, which may lead to the shaman placing greater emphasis on engaging the audience than in the healing of the patient. $)B&

Rites of feasting, fasting and festivals$edit&

Rites of feasting and fasting are those through which a community pu!licly e,presses an adherence to !asic, shared religious alues, rather than to the o ert presence of deities as is found in rites of affliction where feasting or fasting may also take place. 3t encompasses a range of performances such as communal fasting during Ramadan !y Muslims4 the slaughter of pigs in Few ;uinea4 Carni al festi ities4 or penitential processions in Catholicism.$2@& ?ictor *urner descri!ed this "cultural performance" of !asic alues a "social drama." 8uch dramas allow the social stresses that are inherent in a particular culture to !e e,pressed and worked out sym!olically in a ritual catharsis4 as the social tensions continue to persist outside the ritual, pressure mounts for the ritual#s cyclical performance. $2%& 3n Carna al, for e,ample, the practice of masking allows people to !e what they are not, and acts as a general social le eller, erasing otherwise tense social hierarchies in a festi al that emphasi'es play outside the !ounds of normal social limits. Get outside carni al, social tensions of race, class and gender persist, hence requiring the repeated periodic release found in the festi al.$2)&

Political rituals$edit&

/owtowing in a court, a political ritual, China, !efore %==B

According to anthropologist Clifford ;eert', political rituals actually construct power4 that is, in his analysis of the Aalinese state, he argued that rituals are not an ornament of political power, !ut that the power of political actors depends upon their a!ility to create rituals and the cosmic framework within which the social hierarchy headed !y the king is percei ed as natural and sacred. $22& As a "dramaturgy of power" comprehensi e ritual systems may create a cosmological order that sets a ruler apart as a di ine !eing, as in "the di ine right" of -uropean kings, or the di ine Capanese -mperor.$26& Ritual can !e used as a form of resistance, as for e,ample, in the arious Cargo Cults that de eloped against colonial powers in the 8outh :acific. 3n such religio(political mo ements, 3slanders would use ritual imitations of western practices 0such as the !uilding of landing strips1 as a means of summoning cargo 0manufactured goods1 from the ancestors. >eaders of these groups characteri'ed the present state 0often imposed !y colonial capitalist regimes1 as a dismantling of the old social order, which they sought to restore. $27&

Anthropological theories of ritual$edit&

Functionalism$edit&
Main arti le! %tru tural "un tionalism Fineteenth century "armchair anthropologists" were concerned with the !asic question of how religion originated in human history. 3n the twentieth century their con"ectural histories were replaced with new concerns around the question of what these !eliefs and practices did for societies, regardless of their origin. 3n this iew, religion was a uni ersal, and while its content might ary enormously, it ser ed certain !asic functions such as the pro ision of prescri!ed solutions to !asic human psychological and social pro!lems, as well as e,pressing the central alues of a society. Aronislaw Malinowski used the concept of function to address questions of indi idual psychological needs4A. R. Radcliffe(Arown, in contrast, looked for the function 0purpose1 of the institution or custom in preser ing or maintaining society as a whole. *hey thus disagreed a!out the relationship of an,iety to ritual.$29&

Malinowski argued that ritual was a non(technical means of addressing an,iety a!out acti ities where dangerous elements were !eyond technical controlD "magic is to !e e,pected and generally to !e found whene er man comes to an un!ridgea!le gap, a hiatus in his knowledge or in his owes of practical control, and yet has to continue in his pursuit.".$2<& Radcliffe(Arown in contrast, saw ritual as an e,pression of common interest sym!olically representing a community, and that an,iety was felt only if the ritual was not performed.
$2=&

;eorge C. +omans sought to resol e these opposing theories !y differentiating !etween "primary an,ieties"

felt !y people who lack the techniques to secure results, and "secondary 0or displaced1 an,iety" felt !y those who ha e not performed the rites meant to allay primary an,iety correctly. +omans argued that purification rituals may then !e conducted to dispel secondary an,iety. $2B& A.R. Radcliffe(Arown argued that ritual should !e distinguished from technical action, iewing it as a structured e entD "ritual acts differ from technical acts in ha ing in all instances some e,pressi e or sym!olic element in them."$6@& -dmund >each, in contrast, saw ritual and technical action less as separate structural types of acti ity and more as a spectrumD "Actions fall into place on a continuous scale. At one e,treme we ha e actions which are entirely profane, entirely functional, technique pure and simple4 at the other we ha e actions which are entirely sacred, strictly aesthetic, technically non(functional. Aetween these two e,tremes we ha e the great ma"ority of social actions which partake partly of the one sphere and partly of the other. From this point of iew technique and ritual, profane and sacred, do not denote t'#es of action !ut as#e ts of almost any kind of action."$6%&

Ritual as social control$edit&

Aalinese rice terraces regulated through ritual.

*he Functionalist model iewed ritual as a homeostatic mechanism to regulate and sta!ili'e social institutions !y ad"usting social interactions, maintaining a group ethos, and restoring harmony after disputes. Although the Functionalist model was soon superseded, later "neofunctional" theorists adopted its approach !y e,amining the ways that ritual regulated larger ecological systems.Roy Rappaport, for e,ample, e,amined the way gift e,changes of pigs !etween tri!al groups in :apua Few ;uinea maintained en ironmental !alance !etween humans, a aila!le food 0with pigs sharing the same foodstuffs as humans1 and resource !ase. Rappaport concluded that ritual, "...helps to maintain an undegraded en ironment, limits fighting to frequencies

which do not endanger the e,istence of regional population, ad"usts man(land ratios, facilitates trade, distri!utes local surpluses of pig throughout the regional population in the form of pork, and assures people of high quality protein when they are most in need of it." $6)& 8imilarly, 8tephen >ansing traced how the intricate calendar of +indu Aalinese rituals ser ed to regulate the ast irrigation systems of Aali, ensuring the optimum distri!ution of water o er the system while limiting disputes.$62&

Rituals of rebellion$edit&
While most Functionalists sought to link ritual to the maintenance of social order, 8outh African functionalist anthropologist Ma, ;luckman coined the phrase "rituals of re!ellion" to descri!e a type of ritual in which the accepted social order was sym!olically turned on its head. +e o!ser ed, for e,ample, how the first(fruits festi al 0in (ala1 of the 8outh African Aantu kingdom of 8wa'iland sym!olically in erted the normal social order, so that the king was pu!licly insulted, women asserted their domination o er men, and the esta!lished authority of elders o er the young was turned upside down. ;luckman argued that the ritual was an e,pression of underlying social tensions 0an idea taken up !y ?ictor *urner1, and that it functioned as an institutional pressure al e, relie ing those tensions through these cyclical performances. *he rites ultimately functioned to reinforce social order, insofar as they allowed those tensions to !e e,pressed without leading to actual re!ellion. Carni al is iewed in the same light.$66&

Structuralism$edit&
Main arti le! %tru turalism Claude >K i(8trauss, the French anthropologist, regarded all social and cultural organi'ation as sym!olic systems of communication shaped !y the inherent structure of the human !rain. +e therefore argued that the sym!ol systems are not reflections of social structure as the Functionalists !elie ed, !ut are imposed on social relations to organi'e them. >K i(8trauss thus iewed myth and ritual as complementary sym!ol systems, one er!al, one non( er!al. >K i(8trauss was not concerned to de elop a theory of ritual 0although he did produce a four olume analysis of myth1 !ut was influential to later scholars of ritual such as Mary Houglas and -dmund >each.$67&

Structure and anti-structure$edit&

?ictor *urner com!ined ?an ;ennep#s model of the structure of initiation rites, and ;luckman#s functionalist emphasis on the rituali'ation of social conflict to maintain social equili!rium, with a more structural model of sym!ols in ritual. Running counter to this emphasis on structured sym!olic oppositions within a ritual was his e,ploration of the liminal phase of rites of passage, a phase in which "anti(structure" appears. 3n this phase, opposed states such as !irth and death may !e encompassed !y a single act, o!"ect or phrase. *he dynamic nature of sym!ols e,perienced in ritual pro ides a compelling personal e,perience4 ritual is a "mechanism that periodically con erts the o!ligatory into the desira!le." $69&

Mary Houglas, a Aritish Functionalist, e,tended *urner#s theory of ritual structure and anti(structure with her own contrasting set of terms "grid" and "group" in the !ook Natural %'mbols. Hrawing on >e i(8trauss# 8tructuralist approach, she saw ritual as sym!olic communication that constrained social !eha iour. ;rid is a scale referring to the degree to which a sym!olic system is a shared frame of reference. ;roup refers to the degree people are tied into a tightly knit community. When graphed on two intersecting a,es, four quadrants are possi!leD strong groupLstrong grid, strong groupLweak grid, weak groupLweak grid, weak groupLstrong grid. Houglas argued that societies with strong group or strong grid were marked !y more ritual acti ity than those weak in either group or grid 0see also, section "Ritual as a Methodological Measure of Religiosity" !elow1. $6<&

nti-structure and communitas$edit&

Main arti le! )ommunitas 3n his analysis of rites of passage, ?ictor *urner argued that the liminal phase ( that period #!etwi,t and !etween# ( was marked !y "two models of human interrelatedness, "u,taposed and alternating"D structure and anti(structure 0or ommunitas1.$6=& While the ritual clearly articulated the cultural ideals of a society through ritual sym!olism, the unrestrained festi ities of the liminal period ser ed to !reak down social !arriers and to "oin the group into an undifferentiated unity with "no status, property, insignia, secular clothing, rank, kinship position, nothing to demarcate themsel es from their fellows." $6B& *hese periods of sym!olic in ersion ha e !een studied in a di erse range of rituals such as pilgrimages and Gom kippur. $7@&

Social dramas$edit&
Aeginning with Ma, ;luckman#s concept of "rituals of re!ellion", ?ictor *urner argued that many types of ritual also ser ed as "social dramas" through which structural social tensions could !e e,pressed, and temporarily resol ed. Hrawing on ?an ;ennep#s model of initiation rites, *urner iewed these social dramas as a dynamic process through which the community renewed itself through the ritual creation of communitas during the "liminal phase". *urner analy'ed the ritual e ents in 6 stagesD !reach in relations, crisis, redressi e actions, and acts of reintegration. >ike ;luckman, he argued these rituals maintain social order while facilitating disordered in ersions, there!y mo ing people to a new status, "ust as in an initiation rite. $7%&

Symbolic approaches to ritual$edit&

Arguments, melodies, formulas, maps and pictures are not idealities to be stared at but te&ts to be read# so are rituals, palaces, technologies, and social formations

+$lifford ,eert- ./01*2[3)]

Clifford ;eert' also e,panded on the sym!olic approach to ritual that !egan with ?ictor *urner. ;eert' argued that religious sym!ol systems pro ided !oth a "model of" reality 0showing how to interpret the world as is1 as well as a "model for" reality 0clarifying its ideal state1. *he role of ritual, according to ;eert', is to !ring these two aspects ( the "model of" and the "model for" ( togetherD "it is in ritual ( that is consecrated !eha iour ( that this con iction that religious conceptions are eridical and that religious directi es are sound is somehow generated."$72& 8ym!olic anthropologists like ;eert' analy'ed rituals as language(like codes to !e interpreted independently as cultural systems. ;eert' re"ected Functionalist arguments that ritual descri!es social order, arguing instead that ritual acti ely shapes that social order and imposes meaning on disordered e,perience. +e also differed from ;luckman and *urner#s emphasis on ritual action as a means of resol ing social passion, arguing instead that it simply displayed them.$76&

Ritual as a form of communication$edit&

Whereas ?ictor *urner saw in ritual the potential to release people from the !inding structures of their li es into a li!erating anti(structure or communitas, Maurice Aloch argued that ritual produced conformity. $77& Maurice Aloch argued that ritual communication is unusual in that it uses a special, restricted oca!ulary, a small num!er of permissi!le illustrations, and a restricti e grammar. As a result, ritual utterances !ecome ery predicta!le, and the speaker is made anonymous in that they ha e little choice in what to say. *he restricti e synta, reduces the a!ility of the speaker to make propositional arguments, and they are left, instead, with utterances that cannot !e contradicted such as "3 do thee wed" in a wedding. *hese kinds of utterances, known as performati es, pre ent speakers from making political arguments through logical argument, and are typical of what We!er calledtraditional authority instead.$79& Aloch#s model of ritual language denies the possi!ility of creati ity. *homas Csordas, in contrast, analy'es how ritual language can !e used to inno ate. Csordas looks at groups of rituals that share performati e elements 0"genres" of ritual with a shared "poetics"1. *hese rituals may fall along the spectrum of formality, with some less, others more formal and restricti e. Csordas argues that inno ations may !e introduced in less formali'ed rituals. As these inno ations !ecome more accepted and standardi'ed, they are slowly adopted in more formal rituals. 3n this way, e en the most formal of rituals are potential a enues for creati e e,pression. $7<&

Ritual as a disciplinary program$edit&

8criptorium(monk(at(work. "Monks descri!ed this la!or of transcri!ing manuscripts as !eing #like prayer and fasting, a means of correcting one#s unruly passions.#"$7=&

3n his historical analysis of articles on ritual and rite in the -ncyclopedia Aritannica, *alal Asad notes that from %<<% to %=7), the !rief articles on ritual define it as a "!ook directing the order and manner to !e o!ser ed in performing di ine ser ice" 0i.e., as a script1. *here are no articles on the su!"ect thereafter until %B%@, when a new, lengthy article appeared that redefines ritual as "...a type of routine !eha iour that sym!oli'es or e,presses something."$7B& As a sym!olic acti ity, it is no longer confined to religion, !ut is distinguished from technical action. *he shift in definitions from script to !eha ior, which is likened to a te,t, is matched !y a semantic distinction !etween ritual as an out(ard sign 0i.e., pu!lic sym!ol1 and in(ard meaning.$9@& *he emphasis has changed to esta!lishing the meaning of pu!lic sym!ols and a!andoning concerns with inner emotional states since, as - ans(:ritchard wrote "such emotional states, if present at all, must ary not only from indi idual to indi idual, !ut also in the same indi idual on different occasions and e en at different points in the same rite."$9%& Asad, in contrast, emphasi'es !eha ior and inner emotional states4 rituals are to !e performed, and mastering these performances is a skill requiring disciplined action. "3n other words, apt performance in ol es not sym!ols to !e interpreted !ut a!ilities to !e acquired according to rules that are sanctioned !y those in authorityD it presupposes no o!scure meanings, !ut rather the formation of physical and linguistic skills."$9)& Hrawing on the e,ample of Medie al monastic life in -urope, he points out that ritual in this case refers to its original meaning of the "...!ook directing the order and manner to !e o!ser ed in performing di ine ser ice." *his !ook "prescri!ed practices, whether they had to do with the proper ways of eating, sleeping, working, and praying or with proper moral dispositions and spiritual aptitudes, aimed at de eloping irtues that are put #to the ser ice of ;od.#" $92& Monks, in other words, were disciplined in the Foucauldian sense. *he point of monastic discipline was to learn skills and appropriate emotions. Asad contrasts his approach !y concluding "8ym!ols call for interpretation, and e en as interpreti e criteria are e,tended so interpretations can !e multiplied. Hisciplinary practices, on the other hand, cannot !e aried so easily, !ecause learning to de elop moral capa!ilities is not the same thing as learning to in ent representations." $96&

Ritual and rituali!ation$edit&

Asad#s work critiqued the notion that there were uni ersal characteristics of ritual to !e found in all cases. Catherine Aell has e,tended this idea !y shifting attention from ritual as a category, to the processes of "rituali'ation" !y which ritual is created as a cultural form in a society. Rituali'ation is "a way of acting that is designed and orchestrated to distinguish and pri ilege what is !eing done in comparison to other, usually more quotidian, acti ities."$97&

Ritual and Religion$edit&

Main arti les! M'th and ritual and Metatheories o" religion in the so ial s ien es 3n religion, a ritual can comprise the prescri!ed outward forms of performing the ultus, or cult, of a particular o!ser ation within a religion or religious denomination. Although ritual is often used in conte,t with worship performed in a church, the actual relationship !etween any religion#s doctrine and its ritual0s1 can ary considera!ly from organi'ed religion to non(institutionali'ed spirituality, such as ayahuascashamanism as practiced !y the Erarina of the upper Ama'on.$99& Rituals often ha e a close connection with re erence, thus a ritual in many cases e,presses re erence for a deity or ideali'ed state of humanity.

Ritual as a "ethodological "easure of Religiosity$edit&

According to the sociologist Mer in ?er!it, ritual may !e understood as one of the key components of religiosity. And ritual itself may !e !roken down into four dimensionsD

content frequency intensity centrality

*he content of a ritual may ary from ritual to ritual, as does the frequency of its practice, the intensity of the ritual 0how much of an impact it has on the practitioner1, and the centrality of the ritual 0in that religious tradition1.$9<&$9=&$9B& 3n this sense, ritual is similar to Charles ;lock#s "practice" dimension of religiosity 0;lock, %B<)D 2B1. $<@&

8ee also$edit&

Aattle trance Ceremony

Ci il religion Collecti e identity +a!ituation >iturgy Myth and ritual .!sessi e(compulsi e disorder :rocessional walkway Religion Religious sym!olism Re erence 0emotion1 Rite Rituali'ation Ritualism 8e,ual ritual 8uperstition 8ym!olic !oundaries *aiwanese chicken(!eheading rituals

References$edit&
%. #ump up$ "8ym!ols in African Ritual 0%9 March %B<21". Ay AAA8 0American Academy of Arts and 8ciences1. Retrie ed May %<, )@%2. ). #ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. %2=5%9B. 2. #ump up$ /yriakidis, -., ed. 0)@@<1. The ar haeolog' o" ritual. Cotsen 3nstitute of Archaeology EC>A pu!lications.

6. 7.

#ump up$ Festus, entry on ritus, p. 296 0edition of >indsay1. #ump up$ Aar!ara Aoudewi"nse, "Aritish Roots of the Concept of Ritual," in Religion in the Making! The +mergen e o" the % ien es o" Religion 0Arill, %BB=1, p. )<=.

9. <.

#ump up$ Aoudewi"nse, "Aritish Roots of the Concept of Ritual," p. )<=. #ump up$ Aoudewi"nse, "Aritish Roots of the Concept of Ritual," p. )<=, citing the ,-"ord +nglish &i tionar'.

=. B.

#ump up$ 0*ol!ert %BB@a, %BB@!4 Wilce )@@91 #ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. %2=5%9B.

%@.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. %2B5%6@.

%%.

#ump up$ ">-*#8 *A>/ *ER/-GD 7 myths a!out the *hanksgi ing holiday". *he :atriot >edger. Fo em!er )9, )@@B. Retrie ed )@%@(@=(@%.

%).

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. %675%7@.

%2.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. %7)572.

%6.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. p. %77.

%7.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. p. %79.

%9. %<.

#ump up$ .rtner, 8herry 0%B<21. ".n /ey 8ym!ols". .meri an .nthro#ologist %&D %26@. #ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. %795<.

%=.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. %795<.

%B.

#ump up$ Myerhoff, Aar!ara 0%BB<1. %e ular Ritual. AmsterdamD ?an ;orcum. p. ))2.

)@.

#ump up$ "8ym!ols in African Ritual 0%9 March %B<21". Ay AAA8 0American Academy of Arts and 8ciences1. Retrie ed May %<, )@%2.

)%.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. p. B6.

)).

#ump up$ *urner, ?ictor 0%B9B1. The Ritual *ro ess! %tru ture and .nti/%tru ture. 3thaca, FGD Cornell Eni ersity :ress. p. B7.

)2.

#ump up$ *urner, ?ictor 0%B9B1. The Ritual *ro ess! %tru ture and .nti/%tru ture. 3thaca, FGD Cornell Eni ersity :ress. p. B<.

)6.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. %@)52.

)7.

#ump up$ -liade, Mircea 0%B761. The M'th o" +ternal Return or, )osmos and 0istor'. :rinceton, FCD :rinceton Eni ersity :ress. p. )%.

)9.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. p. %@B.

)<.

#ump up$ *urner, ?ictor 0%B9<1. The Forest o" %'mbols! .s#e ts o" Ndembu Ritual. 3thaca, FGD Cornell Eni ersity :ress. pp. Bff.

)=.

#ump up$ *urner, ?ictor 0%B9B1. The Ritual *ro ess! %tru ture and .nti/%tru ture. 3thaca FGD Cornell Eni ersity :ress. pp. )@5%.

)B.

#ump up$ Atkinson, Cane 0%B=<1. "*he -ffecti eness of 8hamans in an 3ndonesian Ritual". .meri an .nthro#ologist '( 0)1D 26).

2@.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. p. %)%.

2%.

#ump up$ *urner, ?ictor 0%B<61. &ramas, Fields, and Meta#hors! %'mboli . tion in 0uman %o iet'. 3thaca, FGD Cornell Eni ersity :ress. pp. )2527.

2).

#ump up$ /inser, 8amuel 0%BB@1. )arnival, .meri an %t'le1 Mardi 2ras at Ne( ,rleans and Mobile. ChicagoD Eni ersity of Chicago :ress. p. )=).

22.

#ump up$ ;eert', Clifford 0%B=@1. Negara! The Theatre %tate in Nineteenth/)entur' 3ali. :rinceton, FCD :rinceton Eni ersity :ress. pp. %25%<, )%.

26.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB<1. Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. p. %2@.

27.

#ump up$ Worsley, :eter 0%B7<1. The Trum#et %hall %ound! . %tud' o" 4)argo )ults4 in Melanesia. Few GorkD 8chocken !ooks.

29.

#ump up$ William A. >essa, - on J. ?ogt eds 0%B<B1. Reader in )om#arative Religion! .n .nthro#ologi al .##roa h. Few GorkD +arper M Row. pp. 295=.

2<.

#ump up$ William A. >essa, - on J. ?ogt eds 0%B<B1. Reader in )om#arative Religion! .n .nthro#ologi al .##roa h. Few GorkD +arper M Row. p. 2=.

2=.

#ump up$ William A. >essa, - on J. ?ogt eds 0%B<B1. Reader in )om#arative Religion! .n .nthro#ologi al .##roa h. Few GorkD +arper M Row. pp. 295=.

2B.

#ump up$ +omans, ;eogre C. 0%B6%1. "Ann,iety and RitualD *he *heories of Malinowski and Radcliffe(Arown". .meri an .nthro#ologist )*D %965<).

6@.

#ump up$ Radcliffe(Arown, A.R. 0%B2B1. %tru ture and Fun tion in *rimitive %o iet'. >ondonD Cohen and West. p. %62.

6%. 6).

#ump up$ >each, -dmund 0%B761. *oliti al %'stems o" 0ighland 3urma. >ondonD Aell. pp. %)5%2. #ump up$ Rappaport, Roy 0%B<B1. + olog', Meaning and Religion. Richmond CAD Forth Atlantic Aooks. p. 6%.

62.

#ump up$ >ansing, 8tephen 0%BB%1. *riests and *rogrammers! te hnologies o" #o(er in the engineered lands a#e o" 3ali. :rinceton FCD :rinceton Eni ersity :ress.

66.

#ump up$ ;luckman, Ma, 0%B921. ,rder and Rebellion in %outh +ast ."ri a! )olle ted +ssa's. >ondonD Routledge M /egan :aul.

67.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB)1. Ritual Theor', Ritual *ra ti e. .,fordD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. 6)52.

69.

#ump up$ *urner, ?ictor 0%B9<1. The Forest o" %'mbols! .s#e ts o" Ndembu Ritual. 3thaca FGD Cornell Eni ersity :ress. p. 2@.

6<. Aooks.

#ump up$ Houglas, Mary 0%B<21. Natural %'mbols! +-#lorations in )osmolog'. Few GorkD ?intage

6=.

#ump up$ *urner, ?ictor 0%B9B1. The Ritual *ro ess! %tru ture and .nti/%tru ture. 3thaca, FGD Cornell Eni ersity :ress. p. B9.

6B.

#ump up$ *urner, ?ictor 0%B9<1. The Forest o" %'mbols! .s#e ts o" Ndembu Ritual. 3thaca FGD Cornell Eni ersity :ress. pp. B95<.

7@. p. %)=. 7%.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB)1. Ritual Theor', Ritual *ra ti e. .,fordD .,ford Eni ersity :ress.

#ump up$ /uper, Adam 0%B=21. .nthro#olog' and .nthro#ologists! The Modern 3ritish % hool. >ondonD Routledge M /egan :aul. pp. %795<.

7).

#ump up$ ;eert', Clifford 0%B=@1. Negara! the Theatre %tate in Nineteenth/)entur' 3ali. :rincetonD :rinceton Eni ersity :ress. p. %27.

72. 76.

#ump up$ ;eert', Clifford 0%B<21. The $nter#retation o" )ultures. Few GorkD Aasic Aooks. p. %%). #ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB)1. Ritual Theor', Ritual *ra ti e. .,fordD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. pp. 995<.

77. 79.

#ump up$ +ughes(Freeland, Felicia 0ed.1. Ritual, *er"orman e, Media. >ondonD Routledge. p. ). #ump up$ Aloch, Maurice 0%B<61. "8ym!ols, 8ong, Hance and Features of ArticulationD 3s Religion an -,treme Form of *raditional AuthorityN". .r hives +uro#ean de %o iologie +& 0%1D 775=6.

7<.

#ump up$ Csordas, *homas C. 0)@@%0%BB<11. 5anguage, )harisma, 6 )reativit'! Ritual 5i"e in the )atholi )harismati Rene(al. AasingstokeD :algra e. pp. )77597.

7=.

#ump up$ Asad, *alal 0%BB21. "*oward a genealogy of the concept of ritual". 2enealogies o" Religion. AaltimoreD Cohns +opkins Eni ers :ress. p. 96.

7B.

#ump up$ Asad, *alal 0%BB21. "*oward a genealogy of the concept of ritual". 2enealogies o" Religion. AaltimoreD Cohns +opkins Eni ers :ress. pp. 795<.

9@.

#ump up$ Asad, *alal 0%BB21. "*oward a genealogy of the concept of ritual". 2enealogies o" Religion. AaltimoreD Cohns +opkins Eni ers :ress. pp. 7=59@.

9%.

#ump up$ Asad, *alal 0%BB21. "*oward a genealogy of the concept of ritual". 2enealogies o" Religion. AaltimoreD Cohns +opkins Eni ers :ress. p. <2.

9).

#ump up$ Asad, *alal 0%BB21. "*oward a genealogy of the concept of ritual". 2enealogies o" Religion. AaltimoreD Cohns +opkins Eni ers :ress. p. 9).

92.

#ump up$ Asad, *alal 0%BB21. "*oward a genealogy of the concept of ritual". 2enealogies o" Religion. AaltimoreD Cohns +opkins Eni ers :ress. p. 92.

96.

#ump up$ Asad, *alal 0%BB21. "*oward a genealogy of the concept of ritual". 2enealogies o" Religion. AaltimoreD Cohns +opkins Eni ers :ress. p. <B.

97. p. <6. 99.

#ump up$ Aell, Catherine 0%BB)1. Ritual Theor', Ritual *ra ti e. .,fordD .,ford Eni ersity :ress.

#ump up$ Hean, Aartholomew )@@B 7rarina %o iet', )osmolog', and 0istor' in *eruvian .ma8onia, ;aines illeD Eni ersity :ress of Florida 38AF B<=(@(=%2@(22<=(7

9<.

#ump up$ ?er!it, M. F. 0%B<@1. *he components and dimensions of religious !eha iorD *oward a reconceptuali'ation of religiosity. American mosaic, )6, 2B.

9=.

#ump up$ /OPOkcan, *. 0)@%@1. Multidimensional Approach to ReligionD a way of looking at religious phenomena. Cournal for the 8tudy of Religions and 3deologies, 60%@1, 9@(<@.

9B. <@.

#ump up$ httpDLLwww.eskieserler.comLdosyalarLmpdfQ)@0%%271.pdf #ump up$ ;lock, C. G. 0%B<)1 R.n the 8tudy of Religious CommitmentS in C. -. Faulkner 0ed.1 ReligionSs 3nfluence in Contemporary 8ociety, Readings in the 8ociology of Religion, .hioD Charles -. MerrilD 2=(79.

Further reading$edit&

Aractingi, Cean(Marc and ;. >e :ape. 0)@%%1 "Rituals and catechisms in -cumenical Rite" in +ast and 9est at the )rossroads Masoni , -ditions l#+armattan( :aris 038AF B<=()()B9(76667 ( %1. Aa,, Marcel. 0)@%@1. #Rituals#. 3nD Cucker, Andeas +. M *aa itsainen, 3rma, eds. 0andbook o" *ragmati s, :ol. ;! 0istori al *ragmati s. AerlinD Mouton de ;ruyter, 6=257%B.

Aell, Catherine. 0%BB<1 Ritual! *ers#e tives and &imensions. Few GorkD .,ford Eni ersity :ress. Aloch, Maurice. 0%BB)1 *re' into 0unter! The *oliti s o" Religious +-#erien e. Cam!ridgeD Cam!ridge Eni ersity :ress.

Carrico, /., ed. 0)@%%1. #Ritual.# )ultural .nthro#olog' 0Cournal of the 8ociety for Cultural Anthropology1. ?irtual 3ssueDhttpDLLwww.culanth.orgLNqTnodeL69).

H#Aquili, -ugene ;., Charles H. >aughlin and Cohn McManus. 0%B<B1 The %#e trum o" Ritual! . 3iogeneti %tru tural .nal'sis. Few GorkD Colum!ia Eni ersity :ress.

Houglas, Mary. 0%B991 *urit' and &anger! .n .nal'sis o" )on e#ts o" *ollution and Taboo<. 5ondon! Routledge.

Hurkheim, -. 0%B97 $%B%7&1. The +lementar' Forms o" the Religious 5i"e. Few GorkD *he Free :ress. -rikson, -rik. 0%B<<1 To's and Reasons! %tages in the Rituali8ation o"

rit,u,al

0rUchVoo(Wl1 n. +a- *he prescri!ed order of a religious ceremony. b- *he !ody of ceremonies or rites used in a place of worship. .a- *he prescri!ed form of conducting a formal secular ceremonyD the ritual o" an inauguration. b- *he !ody of ceremonies used !y a fraternal organi'ation. *- A !ook of rites or ceremonial forms. )- rituals a- A ceremonial act or a series of such acts. b- *he performance of such acts. &a- A detailed method of procedure faithfully or regularly followedD M' household hores have be ome a morning ritual. b- A state or condition characteri'ed !y the presence of esta!lished procedure or routineD <*rison (as a ritual=reena ted dail', 'ear in, 'ear out. *risoners ame and (ent1 generations ame and (ent1 and 'et the ritual endured< (9illiam 0. 0allahan). ad>. +- Associated with or performed according to a rite or ritualD a #riest4s ritual garments1 a ritual sa ri"i e. .- Aeing part of an esta!lished routineD a ritual glass o" milk be"ore bed. $From >atin rtulis, o" rites, from rtus, rite4 see rite.& rit/u,al,ly adv.
*he American +eritageX Hictionary of the -nglish >anguage, Fourth -dition copyright Y)@@@ !y +oughton Mifflin Company. Epdated in )@@B. :u!lished !y +oughton Mifflin Company. All rights reser ed.

ritual 0rt"Wl1
n +- 0-cclesiastical *erms1 the prescri!ed or esta!lished form of a religious or other ceremony

.- 0.ther Fon(Christian Religions1 the prescri!ed or esta!lished form of a religious or other ceremony *- 0-cclesiastical *erms1 such prescri!ed forms in general or collecti ely )- 0.ther Fon(Christian Religions1 such prescri!ed forms in general or collecti ely &- stereotyped acti ity or !eha iour 0- 0:sychology1 #s' hol any repetiti e !eha iour, such as hand(washing, performed !y a person with a compulsi e personality disorder %- any formal act, institution, or procedure that is followed consistentlyD the ritual o" the la(. ad> '- 0-cclesiastical *erms1 of, relating to, or characteristic of religious, social, or other rituals (- 0.ther Fon(Christian Religions1 of, relating to, or characteristic of religious, social, or other rituals $C%9D from >atin r?tu@lis, from r?tusrite& ritually adv
Collins -nglish Hictionary 5 Complete and Ena!ridged Y +arperCollins :u!lishers %BB%, %BB6, %BB=, )@@@, )@@2

rit1u1al 0rt u Wl1

n. +a- an esta!lished procedure for a religious or other rite. b- a system of such rites. .- o!ser ance of set forms in pu!lic worship.

*- a !ook of rites or ceremonies. )- prescri!ed, esta!lished, or ceremonial acts or features collecti ely. &- any practice or pattern of !eha ior regularly performed in a set manner. 0- *s' hiatr'. a specific act, as hand(washing, performed repetiti ely to a pathological degree. ad>. %- !eing or practiced as a rite or ritualD a ritual dan e. '- of or pertaining to rites or ritualD ritual la(s. $%79@5<@4 Z >atin r?tu@lisTr?tu/, s. of r?tus rite [ /@lis (al%& rit/u1al1ly, adv.
Random +ouse /ernerman We!ster#s College Hictionary, Y )@%@ / Hictionaries >td. Copyright )@@7, %BB<, %BB% !y Random +ouse, 3nc. All rights reser ed.

Thesaurus 2egend3

8ynonyms Related Words Antonyms

Noun 1. ritual % any customary observance or practice rite custom, usage, usance % accepted or habitual practice ceremonial dance, ritual dance, ritual dancing % a dance that is part of a religious ritual betrothal, espousal % the act of becoming betrothed or engaged marriage ceremony, wedding, marriage % the act of marrying# the nuptial ceremony# 4their marriage was conducted in the chapel4 rite of passage % a ritual performed in some cultures at times when an individual changes status .as from adolescence to adulthood2 . ritual % the prescribed procedure for conducting religious ceremonies ablution % the ritual washing of a priest s hands or of sacred vessels practice, pattern % a customary way of operation or behavior# 4it is their practice to give annual raises4# 4they changed their dietary pattern4 solemnisation, solemni-ation, celebration % the public performance of a sacrament or solemn ceremony with all appropriate ritual# 4the celebration of marriage4 $ommunion, 5oly $ommunion, manduction, sacramental manduction % the act of participating in the celebration of the Eucharist# 4the governor too' $ommunion with the rest of the congregation4 !. ritual % stereotyped behavior habit, use % .psychology2 an automatic pattern of behavior in reaction to a specific situation# may be inherited or acquired through frequent repetition# 4owls have nocturnal habits4# 4she had a habit twirling the

ends of her hair4# 4long use had hardened him to it4 Adj. 1. ritual % of or relating to or characteristic of religious rituals# 4ritual 'illing4 . ritual % of or relating to or employed in social rites or rituals# 4a ritual dance of 5aiti4# 4sedate little colonial tribe with its ritual tea parties4% 6adine ,ordimer
Aased on WordFet 2.@, Farle, clipart collection. Y )@@2()@%) :rinceton Eni ersity, Farle, 3nc.

ritual
noun +- ceremony, rite, ceremonial, sacrament, ser ice, mystery,communion, o!ser ance, liturgy, solemnity Th is is the most an ient and holiest o" the rituals. .- custom, tradition, routine, con ention, form, practice, procedure,ha!it, usage, protocol, formality, ordina nce $talian ulture revolves around the ritual o" eating. ad>e tive ceremonial, formal, con entional, routine, prescri!ed, stereotyped,customary, procedural, ha!itual, cerem onious 0ere, the onventions reAuired me to make the ritual noises.
Collins *hesaurus of the -nglish >anguage 5 Complete and Ena!ridged )nd -dition. )@@) Y +arperCollins :u!lishers %BB7, )@@)

Why Rituals Work

*here are real !enefits to rituals, religious or otherwise
May %6, )@%2 \Ay Francesca ;ino and Michael 3. Forton

iStock/EVRENSEL BARIS BERKANT Think about the last time you were about to interview for a job, speak in front of an audience, or go on a first date. To quell your nerves, chances are you spent time preparing reading up on the company, reviewing your slides, practicing your charming patter. People facing situations that induce anxiety typically take comfort in engaging in preparatory activities, inducing a feeling of being back in control and reducing uncertainty. hile a little extra preparation seems perfectly reasonable, people also engage in seemingly less logical behaviors in such situations. !ere"s one person"s description from our research# I pound my feet strongly on the ground several times, I take several deep breaths, and I "shake" my body to remove any negative energies. I do this often before going to work, going into meetings, and at the front door before entering my house after a long day. hile we wonder what this person"s co$workers and neighbors think of their shaky acquaintance, such rituals the symbolic behaviors we perform before, during, and after meaningful event are surprisingly ubiquitous, across culture and time. %ituals take an extraordinary array of shapes and forms. &t times performed in communal or religious settings, at times performed in solitude' at times involving fixed, repeated

sequences of actions, at other times not. People engage in rituals with the intention of achieving a wide set of desired outcomes, from reducing their anxiety to boosting their confidence, alleviating their grief to performing well in a competition or even making it rain. %ecent research suggests that rituals may be more rational than they appear. hy( )ecause even simple rituals can be extremely effective. %ituals performed after experiencing losses from loved ones to lotteries do alleviate grief, and rituals performed before high$pressure tasks like singing in public do in fact reduce anxiety and increase people"s confidence. hat"s more, rituals appear to benefit even people who claim not to believe that rituals work. hile anthropologists have documented rituals across cultures, this earlier research has been primarily observational. %ecently, a series of investigations by psychologists have revealed intriguing new results demonstrating that rituals can have a causal impact on people"s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. )asketball superstar *ichael +ordan wore his ,orth -arolina shorts underneath his -hicago )ulls shorts in every game' -urtis *artin of the ,ew .ork +ets reads Psalm /0 before every game. &nd ade )oggs, former third baseman for the )oston %ed 1ox, woke up at the same time each day, ate chicken before each game, took exactly 002 ground balls in practice, took batting practice at 3#02, and ran sprints at 2#02. 4)oggs also wrote the !ebrew word Chai 45living67 in the dirt before each at bat. )oggs was not +ewish.7 8o rituals like these actually improve performance( 9n one recentexperiment, people received either a 5lucky golf ball6 or an ordinary golf ball, and then performed a golf task' in another, people performed a motor dexterity task and were either asked to simply start the game or heard the researcher say 59"ll cross fingers for you6 before starting the game. The superstitious rituals enhanced people"s confidence in their abilities, motivated greater effort and improved subsequent performance. These findings are consistent with research in sport psychology demonstrating the performance benefits of pre$performance routines, from improving attention and execution to increasing emotional stability and confidence. !umans feel uncertain and anxious in a host of situations beyond laboratory experiments and sports like charting new terrain. 9n the late 0/:;s, anthropologist )ronislaw *alinowski lived among the inhabitants of islands in the 1outh Pacific <cean.

hen residents went fishing in the turbulent, shark$infested waters beyond the coral reef, they performed specific rituals to invoke magical powers for their safety and protection. hen they fished in the calm waters of a lagoon, they treated the fishing trip as an ordinary event and did not perform any rituals. *alinowski suggested that people are more likely to turn to rituals when they face situations where the outcome is important and uncertain and beyond their control as when sharks are present. %ituals in the face of losses such as the death of a loved one or the end of a relationship 4or loss of limb from shark bite7 are ubiquitous. There is such a wide variety of known mourning rituals that they can even be contradictory# crying near the dying is viewed as disruptive by Tibetan )uddhists but as a sign of respect by -atholic =atinos' !indu rituals encourage the removal of hair during mourning, while growing hair 4in the form of a beard7 is the preferred ritual for +ewish males. People perform mourning rituals in an effort to alleviate their grief but do they work( <ur research suggests they do. 9n one of our experiments, we asked people to recall and write about the death of a loved one or the end of a close relationship. 1ome also wrote about a ritual they performed after experiencing the loss# I used to play the song by Natalie Cole I miss you like crazy and cry every time I heard it and thought of my mom. I looked for all the pictures we took together during the time we dated. I then destroyed them into small pieces !even the ones Ireally liked"#, and then burnt them in the park where we firstkissed. e found that people who wrote about engaging in a ritual reported feeling less grief than did those who only wrote about the loss. e next examined the power of rituals in alleviating disappointment in a more mundane context# losing a lottery. e invited people into the laboratory and told them they would be part of a random drawing in which they could win >?;; on the spot and leave without completing the study. To make the pain of losing even worse, we even asked them to think and write about all the ways they would use the money. &fter the

random draw, the winner got to leave, and we divided the remaining 5losers6 into two groups. 1ome people were asked to engage in the following ritual# $tep %. &raw how you currently feel on the piece of paper onyour desk for two minutes. $tep '. (lease sprinkle a pinch of salt on the paper with your drawing. $tep ). (lease tear up the piece of paper. $tep *. Count up to ten in your head five times. <ther people simply engaged in a task 4drawing how they felt7 for the same amount of time. @inally, everyone answered questions about their level of grief, such as 59 can"t help feeling angry and upset about the fact that 9 did not win the >?;;.6 The results( Those who performed a ritual after losing in the lottery reported feeling less grief. <ur results suggest that engaging in rituals mitigates grief caused by both life$changing losses 4such as the death of a loved one7 and more mundane ones 4losing a lottery7. %ituals appear to be effective, but, given the wide variety of rituals documented by social scientists, do we know which types of rituals work best( 9n a recent studyconducted in )raAil, researchers studied people who perform simpatias# formulaic rituals that are used for solving problems such as quitting smoking, curing asthma, and warding off bad luck. People perceive simpatias to be more effective depending on the number of steps involved, the repetition of procedures, and whether the steps are performed at a specified time. hile more research is needed, these intriguing results suggest that the specific nature of rituals may be crucial in understanding when they work and when they do not. 8espite the absence of a direct causal connection between the ritual and the desired outcome, performing rituals with the intention of producing a certain result appears to be sufficient for that result to come true. hile some rituals are unlikely to be effective knocking on wood will not bring rain many everyday rituals make a lot of sense and are surprisingly effective. +re you a scientist who specializes in neuroscience, cognitive science, or psychology, +nd have you read a recent peer-reviewed paper that you would like to write about, (lease send suggestions to .ind .atters editor /areth Cook, a (ulitzer prize-winning

0ournalist at the 1oston /lobe. 2e can be reached at garethideas +3 gmail.com or 3witter 4garethideas.

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7rancesca ,ino and 8ichael 9! 6orton are behavioral scientists and professors at 5arvard :usiness ;chool! 7rancesca is the author of Sidetracked: Why O r !ecisions "et !erai#ed$ and %o& We 'an Stick to the P#an .5arvard :usiness "eview <ress, )*/=2! 8ichael is the coauthor > with Eli-abeth ?unn > of %a((y )oney: The Science of S*arter S(endin+.;imon @ ;chuster, )*/=2!
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k !ancoMay %6, )@%2, %@D77 AM 9nteresting article. The authors donBt mention, however, some rather more mundane but rational reasons for rituals. -onsider the sports example. 9t is very difficult to succeed in sports and to consistently play a good game. Cvery advantage helps such as ensuring proper nutrition before a game, sufficient sleep, calm mental state of mind, and being free from distractions. )ut consider this, what if before one game 9 drink a litre of water about D hours before my game and it so happens that 9 play a great game that day. @or the next game, maybe 9Bll try drinking that 0 litre of water again, just in case it helps. *aybe 9 play well or not, but it just *9E!T have helped when 9 drank that 0 litre of water, so 9Bll keep doing it. 1o this example illustrates some of the possible more mundane reasons for rituals$the posibility that they somewhat will enhance your future circumstances. The authors mentioned that future events with uncertain outcomes are the ones where rituals are more likely to flourish. This is an anxiety inducing state to say the least. 1o things that bring certainty and control in uncertain and control$less environments help alleviate that anxiety. 9t fulfills patterns and expectations and can even bring on dopamine surges when you complete that ritual. This can be great, but 9 caution those with already existing anxiety or <-8 like conditions because these anxiety ridding behaviours can worsen symptoms of <-8. %ituals and superstitions are probably safe for most people in small doses and those who know why they work, however, for others, caution is warrented.
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ritual is a ceremony or action performed in a customary 4ay- 5our family might have a Saturday night ritual of eating a big spaghetti dinner and then ta6ing a long 4al6 to the ice cream shopAs an ad"ecti e, ritual means "conforming to religious rites," which are the sacred, customary ways of cele!rating a religion or culture. Hifferent communities ha e different ritual practices, like meditation in Auddhism, or !aptism in Christianity. We also call the ceremony itself a ritual. Although it comes from religious ceremonies, ritual can also !e used for any time(honored tradition, like the 8uper!owl, or Mardi ;ras, or 8unday morning pancake !reakfast.
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ritual
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nthe prescribed procedure for conducting religious ceremonies Types3

sho( B t'#es...
Type of3

pattern, practice
a customary way of operation or !eha ior
nany customary observance or practice Synonyms3

rite
Types3

sho( C t'#es...
Type of3

custom, usage, usance

accepted or ha!itual practice
nstereotyped behavior Type of3

ha!it, use
0psychology1 an automatic pattern of !eha ior in reaction to a specific situation4 may !e inherited or acquired through frequent repetition
adjof or relating to or characteristic of religious rituals

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adjof or relating to or employed in social rites or rituals

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.ne possi!le e,planation might ha e !een dogs# ritual importance in death or !urial rites.
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+ow can 3 su!"ect a part of my !ody with such a complicated narrati e to this hedonistic ritual and still call myself a feministN
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*he shaman then performed a ritual on the Russian national flag.

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8crawled in cinna!ar and !lack ink, the manuscripts, detailing the tantric rituals of Auddhist deities, were copies of %7th(century te,ts.
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itual, the performance of ceremonial acts prescri!ed !y tradition or !y sacerdotal decree. Ritual is a specific, o!ser a!le mode of !eha iour e,hi!ited !y all known societies. 3t is thus possi!le to iew ritual as a way of defining or descri!ing humans.

Nature and signi"i an e

+uman !eings are sometimes descri!ed or defined as a !asically rational, economic, political, or playing species. *hey may, howe er, also !e iewed as ritual !eings, who e,hi!it a striking parallel !etween their ritual and er!al !eha iour. Cust as language is a system of sym!ols that is !ased upon ar!itrary rules, ritual may !e iewed as a system of sym!olic acts that is !ased upon ar!itrary rules.

*he intricate, yet comple,, relation !etween ritual and language can !e seen in the history of arious attempts to e,plain ritual !eha iour. 3n most e,planations, language !ecomes a necessary factor in the theory concerning the nature of ritual, and the specific form of language that is tied to e,planations of ritual is the language of myth. Aoth myth and ritual remain fundamental to any analysis of religions. *hree general approaches to a theory a!out the nature and origin of ritual pre ail.

The origin approach

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