Hitt Lang

Abbreviations & Conventions i
i
ABBREVIATIONS & CONVENTIONAL MARKINGS
[Should we list our grammatical abbreviations here, or just state that we follow the conventions of the CHD in
these matters?]
Forms marked by a following
are i-conjugation intrusions in paradigms of mi-verbs.

* preceding a form indicates it is hypothetical or reconstructed.
in Hittite transcriptions indicates a boundary before a clitic element.
Unlike the verbs in the Semitic languages, Hittite verbs with third person subjects are gender indifferent. To avoid
ugly renderings like he/she/it -s in our translations we have arbitrarily used the masculine pronoun he.
1. Orthography & Phonology 1
1
CHAPTER 1
ORTHOGRAPHY AND PHONOLOGY
The Cuneiform Writing System of the Hittites
1.1 The Hittite texts were written by professional scribes on clay tablets, impressed with a stylus and then dried in
the sun. The writing system derives ultimately from Lower Mesopotamia, present-day Iraq, where it was devised by
the Sumerians and adapted centuries later for the writing of the semitic Akkadian language. In addition to cuneiform
writing on clay tablets the Hittites occasionally made use of a hieroglyphic script (Plate 2). During the earliest
phase of their kingdoms history, called the Old Hittite period, the kings used this hieroglyphic script to inscribe
their names and titles on stamp and cylinder seals. Much later, during the so-called New Hittite (or Empire) period,
kings began to use this system for carving royal inscriptions on cliffs or stelae. The language in which these latter
inscriptions were composed was Luwian, a tongue closely related to Hittite.
1.2 Before the advent of the Old Assyrian merchant colonies at the beginning of the second millennium B.C. there
was no writing in Anatolia (HdO 161f.). Once the Old Assyrian writing system arrived it was employed not only
by the Assyrian merchants, but also on occasions by the local Anatolian rulers (Balkan 1957, HdO 162). Among
these local rulers may be numbered Anitta, King of Kuar and Nea, one of whose texts survives for us in an Old
Hittite tablet (edition by Neu 1974).
1.3 (*1.0.3) Exactly at what time or from what precise source the Hittites obtained the cuneiform writing system
and applied it to the recording of their own IE language is not known. It might be suspected that, since Assyrian
trading colonies existed in central Asia Minor (Cappadocia) from as early as c. 1900 BC and have left behind them
written documents composed in cuneiform, the Hittites would have obtained knowledge of the cuneiform writing
system from them. But even a cursory comparison of Old Assyrian (Plate 3) and Old Hittite cuneiform writing
(Plate 4) reveals that: (1) the shapes of the signs (palaeography), (2) the selection of logograms (Sumerograms),
and (3) the choice of signs for the expression of a given syllable (orthography) are all quite different. For example,
OAss uses the I sign for the syllable ti, while Hittite scribes used the TI or DI signs. It is therefore generally
assumed that attuili I (c. 1650-1600) during his military campaigns in North Syria captured scribes who were
using a form of the late Old Babylonian syllabary, and these men formed the nucleus of the first scribal academy at
attua.
1

1
So Gamkrelidze 1961, Hawkins 1979; Morpurgo Davies 1986; Hawkins 1986. But see Hecker 1990, who argues for a
Hittite borrowing of an atypical form of cuneiform known in the Old Assyrian milieu. Klinger 1998 also discusses the
question of who taught the Hittites to write.
2
Limitations
1.4 We have no way of knowing the precise sounds of Hittite speech, since we have no living speaker of the
language, transcription of Hittite words in an ancient contemporary alphabetic script, or acoustical recording of the
ancient speech. We gain access to evidence for Hittite phonology and morphology only through the filter of the
conventions employed in writing on clay, using the (originally Mesopotamian) cuneiform syllabary.
2
This system
is less precise than later alphabetic systems, such as Greek and Latin, which have separate written characters for each
vowel and consonant.
1.5 The cuneiform syllabary from its earliest stages consisted of phonetic signs and logograms. Logograms are
signs or combinations of signs that evoke a particular word in the target language (e.g., the noun king, the
adjective large or the verb to sit down). Logograms in Hittite texts can consist of words from the Sumerian or
Akkadian language, the former called Sumerograms, the latter Akkadograms. Sumerograms in Hittite texts usually
fail to indicate the grammatical case of the noun or adjective
3
and the voice, tense or subject of the verb,
4
whereas
Akkadograms usually indicate all of these.
5
The repertoire of phonetic signs consists only of signs of the
following types.
VOWEL (V), e.g., a, e, i, u
CONSONANT + VOWEL (CV), e.g., ba, da, p, ti, lu
VOWEL + CONSONANT (VC), e.g., ab, e, il, ut
CONSONANT + VOWEL + CONSONANT (CVC), e.g., bar, kap, kn, kir, ur
1.6 1.1.3Since Hittite has no sign for a consonant without a vowel, it is impossible to write initial or final clusters
of two or more consonants or internal clusters of three or more consonants without using at least one ghost or
empty (i.e., unpronounced) vowel. As an example of an initial cluster, /spanti/ he libates must be spelled either
i-pa-an-ti or i-pa-an-ti. (Watkins, In Press #4174) cites ma-li-id-du- and mi-li-id-du- as evidence for an
initial cluster ml in this word. As examples of a final cluster, /est/ he was is written e-e-ta, *kissart is written

2
For general treatments of the subject of writing systems in the ancient Near East see Hawkins 1979, 1986; Morpurgo
Davies 1986.
3
In the Sumerian language itself there were postpositioned markers for what corresponds to IE case (Thomsen 1984 88-
109), but these markers were not employed by Hittite scribes. For example, the Sumerogram LUGAL king (without added
Hittite ending) can stand for subject, direct or indirect object, or possessor, as can the adjective GAL great. When a
Sumerogram stands in a case other than subject or direct object, it is usually marked with an Akkadian preposition (e.g.,
A LUGAL of the king, ANA LUGAL to/for the king).
4
For example, only the presence of a Hittite verbal ending attached to the end of the Sumerogram DIB seize can indicate
whether the subject is I, you, he, she or they.
5
Thus A-BU father is normally subject, A-BA is direct object, A-BI is indirect object or possessor. Similarly with
hand: QA-TUMsubject, QA-TAMdirect object, QA-TI object of preposition (Akkadian genitive case). See Chapter 8
for a brief survey of Akkadian grammar. We say normally, because in Hittite contexts the Akkadian case forms
occasionally are used erroneously.
3
either ki-i-ar-ta or ki-i-ar-at, /aks/ he died (from stem akk-) is written ak-ki-i, and /laks/ he knocked over
(stem lakk-) is written la-ak-ki-i. As an example of a medial triconsonantal cluster, /harspawants/ must be spelled
ar-a-pa-wa-an-za. The ghost vowels in the above examples are bolded. 1.129 [*1.9.2.4.2].
Transcriptional Conventions
1.7 Syllabically written Hittite words are always written in lower case italic letters (e-e-zi he is), Akkadograms
in upper case italic letters (A-WA-TUM word), and Sumerograms in upper case non-italic letters (LUGAL king).
Signs forming a part of a Hittite or Akkadian word are connected to each other and to an adjacent Sumerogram with
hyphens. Signs forming part of a Sumerian word are connected to each other with periods (e.g., GAL.GAL great
(plural), DUMU.MUNUS daughter, young woman). In hand-written exercises students can use simple, lower
case writing for Hittite, underlined capital letters for Akkadograms, and non-underlined capital letters for
Sumerograms.
Homophony
1.8 The cuneiform syllabary contains many signs of identical phonetic value (e.g., several signs each for the
syllables a, i, e, u, ba, a, u, or kan). Multiple signs with identical syllabic values are called homophones. In
order to distinguish homophones in transliteration cuneiformists (Assyriologists and Hittitologists) mark them
with accents or subscript numbers. Using the arbitrary value ba, we can observe that unmarked ba in transliteration
indicates the first (or most common) sign with the /ba/ value, b (with acute accent) denotes the second, b (with
grave accent) the third, ba the fourth, and subsequent values are all indicated with subscript numbers. In reading
and writing Hittite in transliteration, therefore, it is very important to indicate the exact sign among homophones.
Some homophonous values of signs in the Mesopotamian forms of the syllabary are not used for writing Hittite.
For example, the number one value of pi is the sign which in Hittite texts is almost invariably to be read wa. The
sign most commonly used for the value /pi/ (or /bi/) is that which is transliterated as bi (number one /bi/) or p
(number two /pi/). Similarly, Hittite scribes preferred the number two signs for /kan/, /par/ and /pat/. But in most
cases the signs used are the number one variants.
Polyphony
1.9 Some cuneiform signs have more than one phonetic value, that is, they are polyphonous. Some CV type signs
whose initial consonant is a stop can have either a voiced or voiceless
6
interpretation: BU can be bu or pu. Signs
of the types VC and CVC do not indicate whether the final stop is voiced or voiceless (b or p, d or t, g or k). The
sign AB can be read ab or ap, ID as id or it, UG as ug or uk. Since Hittite scribes had their own method of
indicating voiced-voiceless options which utilized double versus single writing between vowels, Hittitologists do

6
We use the terminology voiced and voiceless in this book, although we am aware that other scholars prefer the terms
f ortis and lenis or tense and lax. See Melchert, AHP, and Luraghi 1997 3 with note 1.
4
not rely upon the voiced-voiceless distinctions inherent in the Mesopotamian cuneiform signs to determine the
probable speech realization of Hittite words. Nevertheless, when transcribing syllabically written Hittite words
Hittitologists normally transliterate the obstruent according to the value of the cuneiform sign most favored by the
tradition of Hittitologists. Usually the favored transliteration is that which uses the number one value (pa, not b,
du, not t, ga, not k).
7
The only exception to this pattern is the preference for the transliteration p or p for the BI
sign, instead of bi. CV signs possessing a number-one value of both voiced and voiceless nature, e.g., BU = bu or
pu, are normally rendered with the voiceless stop.
8
1.10 The vowel of each sign is usually specific. But signs whose vowel is i often have a variant with e: the
same sign can be read p and p, le and li, n and ni, re and ri , e and i. There is usually no distinction between i
and e when the syllable type is vowel + consonant: IB is eb, ib, ep, or ip.
BI p p
LI li le
NI ni n
RI ri re
HI i e
1.11 Almost all i-containing VC signs can also have an e value:
IB ib, ip eb, ep
IM im em
IG ig, ik eg, ek
IR ir er
ID id, it ed, et
IZ iz ez
1.12 Exceptions: e and i are different signs, as are el and il, en and in. One VC sign which can be read with
any vowel is A, read a, e, i, or u. Signs of the type CVC often can have more than one possibility for the
internal vowel: ar and ur are the same sign, as are kat and kit,
9
pt/d and pt/d. In the 13
th
Century the sign
DIN, usually read tn, acquired the value /tan/, which HZL (sign #330) represents without an assigned number as

7
According to the standard convention for transliteration in Assyriology number one values lack accent marks (ba),
number two values use the acute (b), and number three values the grave (b). The accent mark always rests on the vowel,
or in case the sign has two vowels on the first (RIN, SAG). Values higher than three are indicated by subscript numbers
(GUDU).
8
The above rules are ideals. Most scholars have their own personal preferences or habits in transcription. This is
particularly notable in the case of proper names: some write Ku-mar-bi, others Ku-mar-p; some Te-li-p-nu, others Te-
li-bi-nu.
9
See Goetze 1928 60, Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 13 n. 8, HZL #173 (value in parentheses).
5
tan. There are a few signs of the type CV that unambiguously designate the e value: , ne, e, te and z and others
the i value: i, ti.
1.13 Aside from the A sign (a, e, i, u), no CV or VC type sign in Hittite use fails to distinguish
between vowels other than e and i. The vowel categories a e/i u are always kept distinct in such signs. This is
in contrast to contemporary Akkadian usage, where the PI sign (HZL #317), read syllabically only as wa in Hittite,
has the possibile readings wa, we, wi and wu.
1.14 The signs for the vowels i and u (intervocalically) or when followed by a vowel sign of a different
quality are sometimes used to represent /y/ and /w/: OH i-an-zi /yanzi/ they do/make, i-(e-)ez-zi /yetsi/ he
does/makes, i--ga-an /yugan/ yoke, i-da-a-la-u-e-e /idalawes/ evil (ones), a-ra-a-u-a /arawas/ exempt, -
ez-zi /wetsi/ he comes, na-a--i /nawi/ not yet, a--i-ti-i-za /sawitists/ weanling (animal), a-az-zi--i
/hazziwi/ ceremony, ritual.
1.15 Where there is doubt about the vocalic identity of a given ambiguous sign, the scribes often added clues.
p or p followed immediately by -e is almost always to be interpreted as p-e, only rarely as p-e. /karpyezzi/ could
be spelled kar-p-ez-zi but usually as kar-p-e-ez-zi (with an extra e) to disambiguate the writing. Even iear
beer which uses the unambiguous I sign is often further disambiguated by the writing i-i-e-e-ar, to prevent a
mistaken reading *ear. the remarks on plene writing in 1.26 [*1.9.1.1].
Multivalence
1.16 Many signs in the Hittite cuneiform syllabary are multivalent. That is, they have both a syllabic (or
phonetic) and a logographic value. Examples are:
Sign Form Sumerographic value(s) Akkadographic value Hittitographic value
EN lord EN in U-KE-ENhe
bowed, etc.
en in ku-en-zi he kills, etc.
DINGIR god or AN sky AN in
L
A-ZA-AN-NUcity
administrator, etc.
an in ma-a-an when, if, etc.
New Values
1.17 In only a few cases the Hittite scribes introduced a new phonetic value to an existing cuneiform sign.
Because their word for wine (Sumerian GETIN) was wiyana, they gave to the GETIN sign the value /wi/, which
we represent as wi.
10
The sign which has the logographic value ZZ wheat, and in other contemporary cuneiform
systems the syllabic value has the syllabic value t in Hittite
11
and occasionally in Akkadian texts from El

10
See HZL #131.
11
See HZL #241.
6
Amarna and Ugarit.
12
The ME sign, which normally stands for the Sumerian plural marker must occasionally be
read as phonetic e.
13
1.18 In order to render sounds in the Hurrian and Hattic languages nonexistent in their own language (probably
labial fricatives such as [f] or [v]) Hittite scribes utilized ligatures of the PI (wa, we, wi, wu) sign with the vowel
signs a, e, i, and u inscribed. These graphic innovations are conventionally transcribed with subscripted vowels
thus: wa
a
, we
e
, wi
i
, wu
u
or wu
.
14
This contrasts with the customary writing of initial /we/ and /wi/ as -e- and
-i- (rarely u-i-) in native Hittite words. They also used spellings in which pV alternated with wV to indicate these
sounds.
Logogram Pronunciation
1.19 We assume that all logograms in Hittite contexts were normallly pronounced by Hittite readers with their
Hittite equivalents. The Sumergram LUGAL (king) was pronounced with the Hittite word for king, au.
15
Words could be written with Sumerograms to which the final syllable (containing the all important case ending)
was indicated as a phonetic complement : LUGAL-u king (subject case, singular), LUGAL-un (direct object
case, singular), etc. Exceptions are apparent logograms in proper names, which in some cases are rebus writings ,
such as:
.
GI
GIDRU-i-DINGIR-LIM, to be read using Akkadian values as attuili.
16
Some personal names of
Hittite officials are Akkadian in origin, such as DUMU.UD.20.KAM HKM 22:9 = Mr-er HKM 31:20 son
of day twenty (i.e., boy born on the 20th day of a festival; cf. CAD E 368).
1.20 When a single word or phrase contains Sumerograms, followed by Akkadian and Hittite phonetic
complements, the resulting form can be bewildering to a beginner: EN-LUM-a lord uses Sumerian EN lord
followed by the end of the Akkadian noun blum lord, followed by the last syllable of the Hittite noun i
lord. But such hybrid writings are few in number, even if those few words occur frequently. Beginners will soon

12
See Labat 1988 155, sign #339.
13
See HZL #360A.
14
See HZL ##318-326.
15
There are a very few cases where the spelling may suggest otherwise. For instance, [nuza DINGIR.ME] e-te-er -UL-la-
za i[-p-er] [The gods] ate, but [they were] not sa[tisfied] KBo 34.32:4, if correctly copied and read, does not suggest a
pronunciation *nattayaza . Perhaps read -UL-LA-za, and understand either Akkadian la (AHw 1407 right) or ulla
(AHw 1408 right), both negatives. That Hittite scribes used the logograms own pronunciation in dictating texts to
copyists is clar from errors in audition such as BA.U for proper BA. he died,
GI
G.ZA for correct
GI
GU.ZA throne,
etc. For discussion of this subject with examples see Rster 1988.
16

GI
GIDRU = Akkadian at t u staff, stick. DINGIR-LIM = Akkadian ili of a god. attu + i + ili = the royal name
attuili ! A parade example of a rebus writing (cf. HE
2
8c spielerische Schreibungen, Luraghi 1997 0.2 Akkadian
[logographic!] reading).
7
become accustomed to them. It is best to learn them gradually, as they are encountered, rather than to discuss them
all in advance in a theoretical manner.
1.21 Some signs prefixed to nouns are Sumerograms of a special type called determinatives. These are class
markers, identifying the noun in question (whether that noun is written in Hittite, Sumerian or Akkadian) as
belonging to a semantic class:
GI (objects entirely or partially made of wood),
URUDU (objects entirely or partially made of copper),
L (designations of male persons, excluding personal names),
MUNUS (designations of female persons, including personal names),
NA (objects of stone),
URU (city names),
MU (reptiles), etc.
17
1.22 In transliteration (but not in the cuneiform writing itself) these determinatives are superscripted (e.g.,
URU
Nerik the city Nerik). Sometimes what appears at first to be a determinative can be determined to be rather a
logogram: KUR URUalpa land of (city) Aleppo (not KUR.URUalpa), L MI messenger (literally man of
the message) (not LMI message belong to the male class). Proper names regularly bear determinatives. Thus,
all mountain names have prefixed UR.SAG, all river names have prefixed D, all city names have prefixed URU.
Names of deities have a prefixed DINGIR (god) sign, which however is rendered as (supersripted) lower case d:
Teub.
18
Male and female personal names use prefixed signs which are rendered m and f: attuili,
Puduepa. The sign is a single vertical wedge usually representing the numeral one. The sign is the same
which elsewhere represents the word MUNUS woman or the syllabic value al .
19
1.23 A few determinatives are placed not in front of their nouns, but after them: MUEN bird in
ara MUEN eagle, KI place in
URU
alpa
KI
Aleppo.
1.24 In the CHD system postpositioned Sumerian plural markers such as .ME and .I.A are superscripted as
determinatives only when the noun which precedes them is Hittite or Akkadian, but not when it is Sumerian, since
then the Sumerian plural marker is to be read as part of the Sumerogram. If we wouldnt write a Boghazky

17
A complete repertoire of these determinatives can be found in HZL.
18
So in the CHD. Many Hittitologists prefer an upper case D:
D
Teub.
19
For this reason many other Hittitologists prefer the superscripted roman numeral one for the first (
I
attuili) and
upper case SAL or MUNUS for the second (
MUNUS
Puduepa).
8
Akkadogram MA-AD-GA-LA-TI watchposts as MA-AD-GA-L
A-TI
, then neither should we write a Sumerogram
KUR.KUR.I.A as KUR.KUR
I.A
. We write lands in English, not land
s
!
20
B. PHONOLOGY
INDIVIDUAL PHONEMES (VOWELS AND CONSONANTS)
1.25. It is important to distinguish between the supposed ancient pronunciation (to the extent that we can
reconstruct it) and the mere conventional pronunciation employed by modern scholars. The following description
applies to the former unless explicitly stated otherwise. The cuneiform writing system has a limited ability to
express the phonemes of the Hittite language.
VOWELS
Plene Writing and Vowel Length
1.26. The so-called plene writing (e.g., pa-a-, ti-i-, u-u-, te-e-, etc.) offered a means of expressing vowel
length, but we cannot be certain that such writings always indicate length (as opposed to stress), or that non-plene
writings always denote short vowels. On the basis of the Indo-European language system we can assume that Hittite
had long and short vowels, even if we are rarely able to determine where they occur. Phon. 162 gives three
additional reasons for plene writings: (1) to show e-coloring of the vowel with ambiguous Ce/i and e/iC signs, (2)
to mark the position of the accented syllable (e.g., nom. sg. te-e-kn versus gen. tk-na-a-a , 4.63 [*5.2.3]),
(3) in the case of all monosyllables except sentence-initial conjunctions (nu, ta), to avoid writing a word with only
one sign (da-a take!, i-it go!).
1.27. Two words which differ in meaning, but which aside from the distinction of vowel length would be
phonetically identical, are the long mn (written ma-a-an) when (in Old Hittite), if (in New Hittite) and the
short man (written ma-an) which is a particle expressing either wish or a contrary-to-fact condition. But other
examples of what appears to be the same word or form with longer and shorter spellings, for example e-er and e-
e-er above, pa-an-zi and pa-a-an-zi they go, are not different words, but different spellings of the same word.
Such variant spellings in the same document sometimes arise from a scribe who prefers the short writings copying a
document whose scribe preferred the long ones.
Inventory of vowels
1.28. Hittite seems to have distinguished four vowels (a, e, i, u), each of which could be long or short.
Diachronically, e in certain environments shifted to i.

20
Contra Friedrich 1960 6d.
9
1.29. The parent Proto-Indo-European, also had an *o vowel, which (at least in the writing) merged with *a in
Hittite. Words which in Proto-Indo-European contained this *o vowel appear in Hittite with a in the place of *o.
1.30. Despite the ambiguity of certain e- or i-containing cuneiform signs, the two vowels were certainly distinct
phonemes in Hittite (Otten and Soucek 1969 56; Melchert 1984b, 1992).
1.31. Many words containing the vowel e or i, show no fluctuation over time:
1.32. With e:
1.33. Word-initial: e-e-zi he is (never *i-i-zi)), e-ep-zi he seizes (never *i-ip-zi), e-ed-mi I eat, e-u
come! (never *i-u), e-ku-zi he drinks (never *i-ku-zi), e-e(-a)ri form, shape, image (never *i-a-ri in this
noun), ega- ice (never *i-gain this noun).
1.34. Word-internal: e(-e)-er above, over, te-ez-zihe speaks and te-et he spoke, -e-te-et he built, ku-
(e-)en-zi he kills or ku-(e-)en-ta he killed never alternate with forms in i (e.g., *i-ir, *ti-iz-zi, *-i-te-et, *ku-
(i-)in-zi, etc.).
21
1.35. Word-final: ku(-i)-e which (neut. pl.), a-p-e those (neut. pl.), ut-n-e land (neut. nom.-acc.)
versus ut-ni-i (dat.-loc.), locatives like tk-ni-i to/on the earth, a-a-i-i to/on the brazier,
22
p-e, le-e let
not The contrast of the plural ki/e-e these with (neuter) singular ki/e-i this is stable through OH, MH and
early NH, breaking down only in late NH.
1.36. With i:
1.37. Word-initial: iyatar productivity, fertility, abundance and its cognate forms, ilan- step(?), i-a-al-li
spittle, i-i-o (the reduced grade of ai- mouth), iiya- to trace, track, spy out, ik(iya)- to anoint,
iki back, inura- kneading trough, dough-pan, i-it go! (in deliberate disambiguity from e-et eat!), i-da-
(a-)lu evil, i-wa-ar (postposition) like, as, innar independently (written in- not *en-),
GI
in-ta-lu-uz-zi
shovel(?). OH spellings ia-an-zi they do/make and ia-an-ni-i they set out of what later is consistently
written i-ya-an-zi and i-ya-an-ni-i suggest that these words preserved initial y, otherwise generally lost in Hittite.
Many of the words written as initial ik-, im-, in-, ip- and it-, probably represent initial consonantal clusters
*sk, *sm, *sn, *sp and *st.

21
There are extremely rare apparent counterexamples such as ku-i-en-zi, -i-e-e we (KUB 30.36 ii 8). On ti-e-et w. dupl.
ti-i-et (allegedly he said) see 1.51. On ku-i-en-zi see Melchert 1984b 78.
22
Although NI can be read either ni or n, I is not read *e in Hittite-language texts. Thus while the i in -ni/-i might be
for disambiguating the vowel, there can be no such motivation for -i-i. Some sort of length or stress must be indicated.
10
1.38. Word-final: The loc. sg. ending on nouns in OH is always, and in MH and NH is almost always -i, rather
than -e. Rare exceptions in -e: u-u-ma-an-te to all HKM 88:5 (MH/MS), p-e-te KUB 29.1 ii 24 (OH/NS), and
da-me-e-te pe-e-ti KBo 16.50:15-16 (MH/MS).
1.39. In fact, it is often written plene (Otten and Soucek 1969 56, 50): ki-i-a-ri-i, -li-ni-i, tg-ni-i, a-a-i-i,
al-ki-i, ud-da-ni-i, a-ri-i, a-an-ti-i, i-i-i, MUNUS-ni-i, pd-da-ni, i-i-i, etc. The vast majority of these
examples are biconsonantal noun forms with stress on the final syllable.
1.40. Synchronically, there is contrast between e and i, as seen in the contrast of e-et eat! and i-it go!, or ku-
e-en kill! and ku-in whom, or clitic -e to him/her/it (dative) and the locative of the clitic possessive -i in
his/her/its (Otten and Soucek 1969 56). The last example is OH only cf. the next section.
1.41. Words with fluctuation between e and i:
1.42. On the other hand, diachronically, certain words changed e to i, or vice versa: (i-)i-a-i > e-e-a-i (s)he
performs, i-ku-na- > e-ku-na- cold, cool, i-ni > e-ni that (one), i-ni-i-a-an > e-ni-i-a-an thus, ke-e > ki-i
these (neut. pl.), -e > -i to him/her, pres. sg. 1 i-conjugation ending is often - in OH/OS, but in post-OH
always -i. The first two examples probably reflect a phonetic change,
23
the last two rather a morphological
replacement (-e > -i after the nominal dative-locative ending -i; -e > -i after -mi, -i, -zi, etc.). The other changes
are surely real, but their conditioning is not fully explained.
1.43. And other words show a fluctuation that cannot be charted diachronically. The examples just cited (or:
cited in the preceding paragraph?) show that there were at least some real changes in the distribution of /e/ and /i/
from OH to NH. These also raise the possibility, however, that NH copyists misunderstood the patterns they found
in older texts and introduced errors and even unreal creations. Since much of our evidence consists of NS copies of
texts of uncertain date and compositional history, in the following cases (and many others) we cannot determine the
status of the variations in e- and i-spellings. One should always be prepared to find isolated examples of e for i or
vice-versa. 1.50.
1.44. Word-initial i/e vacillation: i-na- and e-na- dough, e- (middle) to sit down, die down has e-a-ri
and i-a-ri it (a fire) dies down, i-ga-at-ta-ru and e-ga-at-ta-ru let it become cool,
GI
el-zi- and
GI
il-zi- scale
of a balance, e-ne-ra-an, i-ni-ra-a, and in-na-re-en eyebrow,
GI
e-ri-p- and
GI
i-ri(-im)-p- cedar (loanword
from Akkadian erinnu via Hurrian), i-a-a-ru and e-a-a-ru tear(s),
MU
il-lu-ya-an-ka- and
MU
el-li-ya-an-ka-
serpent.

23
Rieken 1996 294ff.
11
1.45. Word-internal i/e vacillation: te-e-um-mi-u cups (acc.) and ti-i-um-mi-u (both OS in Otten and
Soucek 1969 13), p-e-ta and p-i-ta (s)he gave, ke-e-da-ni and ki-i-da-ni
24
to/for this, u-i-ia-at-tn and -e-
ia-at-tn send! (pl.), -e-mi-ia- and -i-mi-ia- to find, p-(e-)ra-an and once p-i-ra-an before.
1.46. Word-final i/e vacillation: Pres. sg. 2 mi-conj. ending is usually -i, but cf. ar-a-ni-e-e you envy, and
wa-ar-<ri>-i-a-at-te you help. In substantives one finds it in NH (or NS) in the dat.-loc. sg. a-stem nouns
(ee and antue, Neu 1979a 187-188) and of u-stem adjs. (a-a-a-u-e KUB 31.127 iv 1, compare also i-da-la-u-
e KUB 29.1 iii 11 (OH/NS) and UL-u-e, pa-an-ga-u-e KUB 31.42 ii 22, te-pa-u-e-wa-mu KUB 33.106 ii 5,
Weitenberg 1984 319 844). Also in the vocative of u-stem nouns and names: LUGAL-u-e (MS), LUGAL-e,
UTU-e (Weitenberg 1984 314 833). For vocatives in -e 3.28.
1.47. Further, there sometimes occur, even in carefully written texts, examples of broken writings: te-e-u-um-
me-in (Otten and Soucek 1969 13). Of course, one can always smooth over the problem by using rarer
transcriptional values: -m-in or -me-en. But surely no one seriously thinks that Hittite scribes regularly used ME
with the m value or IN with the en value. One has to decide on other grounds which of the two vowels was
meant.
1.48. Several cuneiform signs of the type vowel + consonant in which the vowel is i may also be commonly
read e. Thus words of this type must show both plene writings (e.g., e-ek- and *i-ik-, e-ep- and *i-ip-, e-et- and i-
it-, e-e- and i-i-) in order to count as examples with fluctuation. The following words which are represented as
fluctuating in the bound transcriptions of Friedrichs Wrterbuch are not yet attested with a plene i vocalization:
ekt-net (e-ek-ta-, never *i-ik-ta-), ekdu- (e-ek-du, but never *i-ik-du),
GI
eppiya- (e-ep-p-ya-, never *i-ip-p-ya-),
e-er- (in e-grade form e-er-te-ni of the verb ar- to arrive), e-er-ma-an illness, disease, e-ez-za-an chaff, the
preterite 3rd plural verbal ending -er (even when written -i-IR, must be read -i-er, and when written with CVC signs
must be read -er (not ir), and -ker (not kir), just as final DIN in the pret. pl. 2 and imperative pl. 2 must be read
-tn, rather than -tin).
1.49. For persons unaware of the complexity of the writing system it is also confusing that many Hittitologists
use the i value of ambivalent e/i signs as the unmarked value, i.e., the default reading, whenever there is no plene
vowel to disambiguate, e.g., p-ra-an (which could just as well be interpreted as p-ra-an, so Phon. and CHD P
s.v.). Of the major dictionaries in process at present both Kammenhuber and Puhvel use the so-called unmarked i
value. Only the CHD insists on an interpreted transliteration (*-et transliterated as -e-et, not -e-it). Many words
whose writings always contain one of these signs and which never use plene writing are uncertain as to their
vocalization. Cuneiform signs of the type CVC are often polyvalent and must be used with extreme caution in
drawing phonological conclusions, e.g., p-i-KAR they used to give KUB 38.3 i 17 (NH) might be read p-i-
ker to harmonize with the normal writings p-i-ker and p-i-ke-er, but doing so might mask a rare and important

24
All examples are late: KUB 6.46 iii 61 (Muw. II), KUB 7.1 + KBo 3.8 i 8, KUB 30.16 + 39.1 i 12.
12
variant form. Cf. Neu 1989a on the preterite ending -ar. See also the iterative forms ending in -i-KAT-te-ni,
alternating with -i-ki-it-te-ni,but also -i-ga(-at)-te-ni.
1.50. The cases of vocalic stablility would seem to refute the idea that e and i merged completely in Hittite at
any period. The picture, however, is complex and to some extent confusing. Melchert is probably right that different
phonological rules applied at different stages in the language and that texts composed in one period but recopied
many years later present an artificial and unreliable picture of the phonology.
1.51. Because it is clear that the distinction between i and e was maintained throughout its history, it is risky
(even if sometimes necessary) to interpret spelling sequences such as i-e-, mi-e- and ti-e- as /se/, /me/ and /te/
respectively. Thus, e.g., we must acknowledge words such as iear beer (not *ear!), p-i-e-et-ta allotment,
mienu (meaning unclear), and
GI
tiear forest. ti-e-et in KBo 3.34 ii 19 (anecdotes, OH/NS) with ti-i-et in the
duplicate KBo 3.36 (C) must therefore be stepped (to Askaliya, saying), not said (from te-). But see Phon.
57f. n. 108, who on the basis of isolated OH [t]i-e-pu (for tpu) claims that ti-e- and i-e- are ambiguous spellings.
For more on adjacent ie merging or resisting merger below in 4.20.
1.52. Ablaut. Alternation of a and e in verbs and nouns is usually an expression of vowel gradation (ablaut)
and not evidence for a partial merging of the two vowels. One sees this in the common verbs zi he is aanzi
they are, pzi he seizes appanzi they seize, but more rarely in cases where the same inflectional form
fluctuates (perhaps regularly over time): aker (earlier) and eker (later) they died, arer (earlier) and erer (later)
they arrived ( 8.2), paiwani and paiweni
25
we will go ( 7.27). Among the nasal-infix causative verbs
one finds also amenk- and amank- (Phon. 113, 167f.). This phenomenon is best studied in the chapters on the
conjugation of Hittite verbs (chapters 6-9). According to Kammenhuber ablaut, which is not present in Luwian,
shows that Hittite has preserved more of the PIE archaic state than Luwian.
26
1.53. Nouns exhibiting ablaut are: tekan, gen. takna, loc. takn earth ( 4.63), wtar, gen. witena
water. There are roots which appear in one ablaut grade in a base adjective and another in the derived verb, e.g.,
mekki-much, many and makkeziis much. Similarly, the base noun kat- hunger, famine has a, but the
derived adjective kitwant- having hunger or famine shows an i that reflects the e grade.
1.54. It used to be claimed (HE 14) that certain vowel sequences were monophthongized: dative-locative
memiyani(from memiya- word) > memini. But these early claims were made before much of the Old Hittite text
corpus had been recovered, and before it was possible to sort out what texts belonged to Old, Middle and New
Hittite. As it happens, memiyanifirst appears later than memini and cannot therefore be its source.

25
See CHD P 20 for the forms.
26
Kammenhuber 1969b 279.
13
1.55. Carruba, Soucek, and Sternemann 1965 showed a diachronic progression of thematic mi-conjugation verbs
with forms like i-iz-zi and i-e(-ez)-zi in OH and early MH to i-ia-(az-)zi in late MH and NH. It is unclear whether
the forms like i-iz-zi, ti-iz-zi, p-e-i-iz-zi, etc. were pronounced differently from i-e-(ez-)zi, ti-e-ez-zi, p-e-i-e-ez-
zi, etc., or if they were merely ambiguous writings of the same pronunciation, for the sign IZ can be read as iz or ez.
But the objection
27
that, if these really were pronounced /izzi/ and /tizzi/, one should be able to find *i-im-mi, *ti-
im-mi (or *ti-i-mi) and *p-e-i-mi, *p-e-i-i, *p-e-i-nu-un forms in the same OH paradigms, is persuasive
that the second set of spellngs is merely a more explicit writing of the first set.
1.56. The pres. pl. 3 forms of the mi-conjugation such as i-en-zi they do, make and -en-zi they come for the
more common i-ia-an-zi and -wa-an-zi are probably pre-NH, but are not clearly older than the more common
forms. The present pl. 2 endings -teni and -tani
28
are also the result of early stress positions, the -tani forms
occurring, for example, regularly in the nu-causative verbs, which probably took the stress on the nu syllable rather
than the ending. Pairs like apteni and eptani are particularly suggestive of a pattern resulting from different accent
placement. It is possible that differing accent position in otherwise identical forms (such as the pair cited) indicated
modality: interrogation, subjunctive ideas, etc., semantic features expressed in other IE languages through moods
like the subjunctive and optative, significantly missing from Hittite.
1.57. The a and e alternation is common in the ablauting verbs and nouns. But there is no regular alternation
between a and u, or between e and u.
1.58. Instead we find alternation of ua or ue with the zero grade u (what is called quantitative ablaut
29
):
kuwa(n)kizzihe regularly kills ( 7.3 [*11.2.1]) kuenzi he kills kunanzi they kill, kuerzi he cuts
kuranzi they cut. Quantitative ablaut also appears in the verbal endings: atraweni we send/write but also
atrauni (unless a-at-ra-u-ni is a simple mistake for a-at-ra-u<-e>ni). Ablaut also affects diphthongs with as the
second component. This ablaut pattern is reflected in the u-stem adjectives like u- good and parku- high,
where a longer stem (full grade) *aaw- is employed with case endings beginning with a vowel:
1.59. Analogous to the behaviour of u-stem adjectives is that of i-stem ones. A stem like alli- which is found
with all forms whose endings consist of a consonant, alternates with a longer ablaut variant alla- found in some
forms whose endings begin with a vowel: gen. allaya , abl. allayaz. One might expect therefore to find a nom.
pl. com. *allaye, a neut. nom.-acc. pl. *allaya, and an acc. pl. com. *allayu. What one in fact finds is:

27
Melchert 1984b 54f.
28
For the view that -wani and -tani are due to Luwian influence see Rosenkranz 1952 13-15, Carruba, Die Sprache 12:79ff.,
Die Sprache 14:13ff., Carruba 1966) 41 (bottom,. But Otten and Souc ek 1969 78 showed from OH evidence that these
endings are not due to late Luwian influence.
29
Melchert 1984b 59.
14
allae, alla and allau , with the y elided. This is explained by the general tendency to elide y between
vowels.
30
1.60. Ablaut involving the glides w and y is obscured by several factors. First, pre-OH short diphthongs in *Vw
and *Vy monophthongize in most, but not all, environments:
31
*arnumi > arnu(m)miI transport (versus kuemi,
kuerzi, kuenzi, etc.), *leuti > lutti window, *eupti > pzi it rises.
32
Second, there is some syncope of wV > u:
lelund(i)-to pour (cf. lilw(i)- to pour), miyaunte- to be old, miunta- to make old (cf.
miya(u)wanda-to make old) all from *miyawant- old, nekmuntatar nakedness < *nekmu(w)antatarfor
expected *nekumantatar, etc. In many cases it is hard to decide between these two possibilities, or between them
and possible hypercorrections or simple scribal errors.
1.61. [Then should follow not only the uncertain cases you discuss under 1.9.1.3, but also those under
1.9.1.5.1-4, where you will notice you have u(i)want- more or less repeated. Your caveat about not shoving real
cases under the rug should also go in here somewhere).]
1.62. The vowel u can expand (or lengthen) to an ui or ue sequence in other situations as well, where ablaut is
not obvious: OH forms like u-u-wa-an-da-an, u-u-wa-an-da-an, and u-u-u-wa-an-du-u give way to post-OH
u-i-wa-an-d/t (EHS 28, Otten and Soucek 1969 57); karuili- former has a form karli-,
33
kuera- field
has kura-, uinut save! has a rare form unut (Alak. ii 66), etc. The pair uinut and unut is explained by
Phon. 52 as based on the respective weak stems of the the base verb uy(anzi) and uw(anzi). Some of these
could also be scribal errors or etymologically motivated hyper-corrections (as Otten and Soucek 1969 57 observes),
but one has to be careful not to sweep real linguistic evidence under the rug of alleged scribal errors or folk
etymologizing.
1.63. It appears that pre-OH diphthongs with short vowels were monopthongized:
1.64. Thus the verb to see had a root au-, seen in aumeni we see, autteni you (pl.) see, and a--e-er they
saw, which in certain forms of its paradigm was enlarged with a final (e.g., auzi (s)he sees, auta (s)he
saw, auteni you (pl.) see, etc.). It also had a monophthongized full grade reflected in the singular forms with
plene u-u- (u-u-i I see and u-u-u-un I saw), and a zero grade *u- which occurs with w glide when followed
by an a vowel: uwanzi they see, uwandu let them see, infinitive uwanna to see, and in the middle forms.
This zero grade u- also rarely took the sibilant enlargement: uteni you (pl.) see. This reflects a quantitative ablaut
pattern: full grade a zero grade u.

30
Pedersen 1938 171ff., Oettinger 1979 338, Melchert 1984b 31.
31
Kimball, Sprache 36(1994)1ff).
32
Melchert 1984b 59f., Oettinger 1979 233.
33
ka-ru--li-umaza DINGIR.ME-u / IM-a ZAG-az aata KBo 32.13 ii 26-27.
15
1.65. gen. a-a-a-u-wa-a , d.-l. sg. a-a-a-u-i, inst. a-a-a-u-i-it , abl. a-a-a-wa-az , nom. pl. com. a-a-a-
u-e-e, but *aam- (dissimilated from *aa- ) in immediate (following) contact with the vowel u in the acc. pl.
com. a-a-a-mu-u. This shows a dissimilatory shift of *wu > mu.
34
CREF also 1.146 [*1.9.2.6.3 (new, older
1.9.2.6.4)] and 4.42.
1.66. Old Hittite texts sometimes show a shorter syllabic u where later texts have an expanded ui: u-u-wa-an-
da-an StBoT 8 ii 19 for uiwantan, etc.
35
1.67. Initial wa or wi before liquids alternating with u is also noted in walkiara- and ulkiara- skilled,
wilan and ulin- clay, warni and urni to burn, and in the reduplicated neuter participle uriwaran (t-) blazing
(fire) from war- to burn. Internally, we can see the ablaut pattern u wa we in the forms of fire: paur
pauwar paueni.
1.68. Phon. 52f. has distinguished between cases attributable to different verbs (wda(i)-and uda-), different
weak stems of the base verb (uinu- and unu-), and different ablaut grades (OH uwant- versus NH uiwant-),
and on the other hand true syncope of w due to extra word length or a shift in accent within a long word:
36
lelund(i)-to pour (cf. lilw(i)- to pour), miyaunte- to be old, miunta- to make old (cf.
miya(u)wanda-to make old) all from *miyawant- old, nekmuntatar nakedness < *nekmu(w)antatarfor
expected *nekumantatar, etc.
1.69. Other examples, where no conditioning factor for the syncope (*uwa >*u ) is apparent, are: unt- full
(for uwant-), pres. pl. 3 anunzi and participle anunda / anuta < verb anu- to roast, NAkuwannan-
alternating with kunnan- bead, dat.-loc. pl. eknu alternating with eknuwa, gen. sg. personal names Nunnu
and Taruu , etc. Melchert fails to find any conditioning factor or evidence for diachronic distribution.
1.70. Vocalic assimilation, or vowel harmony. Heiner Eichner believes that the form of the sg. loc. of pedan
place, written p/-di is always to be read /pidi/ and traced to vocalic assimilation. He states his view in brief in
Eichner 1973 84 note 5. In more detail, in Eichner 1980 143ff. (especially note 65). Eichner would compare also
mi-li-it honey < *melit (compare Luwian mallit). But he has not adequately explained why the e in the first
syllable fails to assimilate in some forms of this word such as p-e-di (*pedi) yet does in others p/p-di (according
to him *pidi).

34
Following Kammenhuber 1969b 137 and Melchert, AHP 127, against the view that the m is merely graphic for w (so
Kronasser 1966 81ff.), etc.).
35
Otten and Souc ek 1969 57.
36
Melchert 1984b 58.
16
1.71. Other. Rarely an initial w followed by a vowel is written with prefixed u: -wa-ar-kn-ta-an (warkant-)
fat, -wi-te-ni-it with water, -wi-ta-ar waters, etc. Phon. 13, 20f. has argued that these writings are
conflations of -a- and wa-, or of -i and wi.
1.72. There is also reason to posit a dissimilatory shift of *uw > um
37
in the pl. 1 verbal endings -mani, -meni
and -menwhich take the place of regular -wani, -weni and -wen in the nu-causative verbs:
38
warnu + *weni >
warnu(m)meni, in the verb au-/u- to see in umeni we see, *earnu + -w(i)- > earnum(i)- make blood-
red,
39
and possibly also in the bird name tarumaki- (from *taru wood, tree + waki- , cf. wak- to bite) (CREF
also below sub 1.145, 6.10, 7.50). Third pl. present forms like arnuwanzi and participles like arnuwant- are no
exceptions, since they analyze as arnu- + -anzi / -ant- with a w glide. Once such alternative endings existed in OH,
they were transferred by partial analogy to forms of the hi-conjugation verbs like tarn(a)- to leave, e.g.,
tarnu(m)meni we leave, where, of course, the original conditioning factor *uw was no longer present. Aberrant
forms such as wanuwar, wanuwawar, and uwauwar (all for wanu- + verbal substantive ending -war) in the
horse-training texts are errors by a non-native author.
40
Combinatory vowel changes
Elision
1.73. u + a > a. When (presumably short) u at a clitic boundary is followed by a, or a is followed by u, the first
vowel is elided. This was first noted by (Ungnad, ZDMG 74:417ff.) when the first vowel was the u inherent in the
connective nu and: *nu-a > na, *nu-at > nat, *nu-e > ne, *nu-ata > nata, etc. But this elision also occurs
following the clitic pronoun -mu me: andam(u)apa, cf. CHD sub -mu; num(u)ata KUB 36.75 iii 12 cited
by HE 38a.
1.74. a + u > u. When the post-initial contrasting particle -ma but is followed by another clitic beginning with
u, the a of -ma is elided: ta-a-i-mu-u-za < *timauza KBo 20.32 ii 9, i-en-zi-mu-u But they make them (<
*ienzimau ) KBo 16.78 i 10, lu-uk-kat-ta-mu-u-kn (< *lukkattamaukan ) KBo 27.165 rev. 15 (MS).
1.75. i or e + a > i or e. In this case it is the second vowel that is elided: -i or -e + -ata or -apa = -e-pa or
-i-i-ta, with elision of the a of the local particles.

37
Kammenhuber 1969b 137, Melchert 1984b 22ff.
38
Friedrich 1960 29a, Otten and Souc ek 1969 78f.
39
Melchert 1984b 27.
40
Melchert 1984b 23.
17
1.76. When the reflexive particle -z(a)immediately follows the pronoun -ta, the latter takes the form -du:
nuwaduzakan (Hrozn 1917 127f.), 1.76. But similar-sounding taza and + reflexive particle
remains unchanged.
Anaptyxis
1.77. The sequence *CwV in Proto-Anatolian became *CuwV according to the Sievers-Lindeman rule.
41
Then
this secondary *uw shifted to um: *dweni >*duweni >tumni we take (OH), *tarnwanzi > *tarnuwanzi >
tarnu(m)manzito release. CREF also 7.23 (wetummar, wetummanzi)?
1.78. For anaptyxis in the origin of the instrumental ending -it 3.27.
1.79. Clitic and, which after words ending in a consonant appears as (usually doubled) consonant + a, appears
after vowels as -ya. In text copies made during the OH period (Old Script) the particle -a following a final
undoubled consonant is to be translated but according to Houwink ten Cate 1973b.
1.80. When the clitic and occurs on ablatives, the endings -az-zi-yaand -ez-zi-ya
42
are not to be interpreted as
*azya or *ezya. Rather the i is a genuine reflex in protected non-final position of the earlier ablative ending
*-ati > *azzi > -az. There are rare examples of this earlier, longer ablative even in final, unprotected position: kezzi
and kuezzi(for expected kez and kuez).
43
and mandazziya KUB 26.1+ i 27 and
TG
termazziya KUB 22.70
obv. 56, UN-azziya (i.e., antuazziya) ibid. 57. 3.25.
1.81. Following a nom. sg. in -ants (written -an-za) the clitic and is written with a redundant : -an-za-a.
44
1.82. In OH and MH the clitic and appended to a logogram was attached to its last consonant (i.e., on the case
ending): LUGAL-a (= au + -a) and the king. In NH the scribal habit changed: the case ending no longer
occurred on the phonetic compliment, and the clitic took the form -ya: LUGAL-ya and the king (nom.).
1.83. *e + a > a: This loss of *e before a is seen particularly in athematic statives (PIE *eh), which have pres.
pl. 3 forms in -anzi (not *-eanzi) and participles in -ant- (not *-eant-).
45
1.84. Oettinger 1982b 164 and Melchert 1997b have called attention to two interesting cases of syncope followed
by anaptyxis to resolve an internal cluster of three consonants of which the middle one is r. In the first example
(Oettingers), kutruwene witnesses by syncope became *kutrwene which then resolved by anaptyxis to

41
Lindeman, NTS 20 (1965) 38ff., Melchert 1984b 25.
42
As in kez kezziya.
43
Sommer and Ehelolf 1924 29.
44
Friedrich 1960 25b.
45
Melchert 1984b 32f.
18
kutarwene (ku-tar--e-ni-e ). In the second (Melcherts), etriyant- (well-)fed, fattened, robust by syncope
became *etryant- which then resolved to etaryant- (e-tar-ya-an-ta-an KUB 12.63 + 36.70 obv. 16).
CONSONANTS
Consonantal doubling.
1.85. A rule attributed to Edgar H. Sturtevant
46
states that doubling of consonants in the Hittite cuneiform
writing reflects a PIE tenuis (voiceless) stop, while consistent single writing intervocalically reflects a PIE media
(voiced) or aspirated stop. Sturtevants theory was supported on the IE Hittite side from reasonably secure
etymologies for Hittite words with intervocalic stops, and from the analogy of the conventions for writing Hurrian
in syllabic cuneiform,
47
which were determined by comparing syllabically written Hurrian words and names with
their writings in the cuneiform alphabetic script of Ugarit. In any case, many words are inconsistently spelled in this
respect: peiyazi and piiyazzi he throws, iyattari and iyatari he goes, itamati and idammati you hear,
etc. HdO 177 gives bibliography for examples of apparent exceptions to this rule in Hittite. There are, however, a
small number of semantically contrasting pairs which are stable in their spellings: a-a-an-zi they are versus a-a-
a-an-zi they remain, u-u-ki-i-ki-iz-zihe repeatedly slaughters versus u-uk-ki-i-ki-iz-zihe repeatedly recites
an incantation, e-u-en we were versus e-e-u-en we performed/made.
Voicing.
1.86. As indicated above, the voicing quality of intervocalic stops may have been indicated by double writing of
the consonant, e.g., a-ap-pa for /apa/ and a-pa-a-a for /abas/. At any rate, it is clear that the Hittite scribes did not
attempt to use the sign pairs from the Sumero-Akkadian writing system which were used in Akkadian to express
this opposition: DA for /da/ and TA for /ta/. The same word for father could be equally written ad-da-a and at-
ta-a. a-da-an-zi and a-ta-a-an-zi both mean they eat. And although sometimes these differing spellings are
diachronically conditioned (a-ta-a-an-zi is old, a-da-an-zi later), it is unlikely that this reflects a voicing of the
dental in OH */atanzi/ to NH */adanzi/.
1.87. It is likely that the voice opposition of stops in Hittite was only word internal and intervocalic. In initial
and final position the voice opposition was neutralized (Luraghi 1997 1.1). In everyday usage Hittitologists do
not try to reproduce the supposed ancient pronunciation of the stops, but simply say them according to the spelling
of the conventional transliteration.
1.88. In addition to signs indicating voiced and voiceless stops the cuneiform syllabary possessed some that
were intended to represent so-called emphatic stops of the Semitic Akkadian language: the velar conventionally

46
Sturtevant and Hahn 1933 66f. In the 2nd revised edition Sturtevant and Hahn 1951discussion is on pages 3 and 26.
According to Kammenhuber 1969b 177, the rule goes back to Mudge.
47
Speiser 1941 47ff.
19
represented by the Roman letter q, and the dental represented by t .
48
Since even the Babylonians and Assyrians
often wrote these consonants with the same signs they employed for the non-emphatic counterparts, we have only
one sign in the Hittite syllabary whose number-on transcriptional value contains an emphatic: QA. And although
one can transcribe this sign as ka, many Hittitologists prefer to use the simpler qa writing. Non-specialists should
be warned, however, that this conventional writing does not claim the existence of an emphatic velar in Hittite.
49
Inventory of consonants.
1.89. It is believed that Hittite possessed voiced and voiceless consonants of the following types: Labials: b, p,
m; Velars: g, k, g
w
, k
w
and ; Dentals: d, t, n; Liquids: l, r; and Sibilants: .
Stops
1.90. There are four series of stops in Hittite bilabial, dental, velar, and labio-velar all of which can be
voiceless or voiced when intervocalic. The following table of Hittite stops is adapted from Luraghi 1997 1.2.1. As
in her table, capitalized voiceless stops represent cases where the voicing opposition is neutralized, and forms that
end in a hyphen represent stem forms. The # sign represents the word boundary.
1.91. /p/: a-ap-pa back, again, u-up-p- pure
1.92. /b/: a-pa-a-a that one
1.93. #/P/: p-e-ri-ia-a of the house, pa-ra-a forth, forwards
1.94. /P/#: e-epseize (imperative sg.)
1.95. /t/: kat-ta or ka-at-ta
50
down(wards), at-ta-a or ad-da-a father, e-e-tu let him be
1.96. /d/: i-di or e-di on this side, wa-a-tar water
1.97. #/T/: ta-a-ru wood, tree, tu-uk you (sing. acc. or dat.)
1.98. /T/#: ke-e-a-ri-it by the hand (insttrumental case), e-ed eat (imperative sing.), i-it go (imperative
sing.)
1.99. /k/: tu-e-eg-ga- body, lu-uk-ke-et he set fire to, a-ag-ga-a-i I know

48
Also patterning with q and t in Semitic lanbguages is the sibilant . But in the Hittite cuneiform syllabary there are no
signs for this that cannot as easily be read as z.
49
See Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 14 n. 11; HZL #21 even lists qa alongside ga and ka as legitimate transcriptional values
for Hittite.
50
The usual form is kat-ta, but a rare occurrence of ka-at-ta () and one of ka-at-ta-an (KUB 56.46 vi 21) show that the
double writing of the dental is secure. CVC_-C_V writings do not always infallibly represent CV-VC_-C_V.
20
1.100. /g/: la-a-ki he bends, la-ga-an
1.101. #/K/: kat-ta down(ward), ke-e-ar hand, ki-i-a-an thus, ku--a-ta bride-price
1.102. /K/#: la-a-ak bend (imperative), a-a-ak know, zi-i-ik you, am-mu-uk me, u-u-da-a-ak promptly
1.103. /k
w
/: a-ku-an-zi they drink
1.104. /g
w
/: a-a-ku-wa eyes
1.105. #/K
w
/: ku-i who, ku-en-zi he kills
1.106. /K
w
/#: e-ku drink!, -ku -ku whether or
1.107. A cuneiform sign with the conventional value qa is employed in Hittite cuneiform. And since (unlike in
Akkadian) there is no phoneme q in Hittite, it represents either k or g. But since it is cumbersome to always
transliterate the qa sign as ka, most Hittitologists transcribe it as qa. Beginners will see the letter q in the texts and
wonder how it is to be pronounced. Pronounce it as k, and do not assume from this sign that Hittite had a third
velar stop different from g and k, which was represented by q. For instance, these q-containing signs do not intend
to represent the labio-velar /k
w
/.
Affricates
1.108. The affricate /ts/ written with z or zz may have had no voiced counterpart. It occurs word initial, medial
and final: za-a-a-i battle, -ez-zi he comes, a-ru-na-az from the sea, ke-e-ez on this side, ne-ku-uz mur
in the evening time. But see Yoshida 1998, who claims that original single intervocalic -z- is /dz/ and -zz- is /ts/.
1.109. The cuneiform signs which as conventionally transcribed contain a z attempt thereby to render a sequence
of dental (d or t) + sibilant (). Most Hittitologists render this as the sound in English /ts/, although there is no
proof that it was not /tsh/ (or its voiced counterpart), or something else. The evidence for its probable value is
derived from combinatory analysis: When the common gender nominative singular ending is added to noun stems
ending in dentals (d or t), the resulting t/d + is represented by z. Thus nominative a-ni-ya-az (aniyat + ), but
genitive a-ni-ya-at-ta-a (aniyat + a). This argument would lose its force, if it were demonstrable that in
sequences of /d/ or /t/ + /s/ the dental component was lost. There is no compelling evidence for such a result,
although sporadic examples of na-a-i for nu + -at + -i might be explained by such a rule.
Spirants
1.110. The cuneiform signs containing (that is, a, i, u, ar, a , etc.) are pronounced with a throat-clearing
(saliva-rattling?) sound like Scottish loch or German ach. This is the pronunciation conventional among
scholars. It is especially important to pronounce the sequence as /s/ or /sh/ plus the separate strong fricative, and
not as the single sound of English /sh/.
21
1.111. The cuneiform signs containing (for example, a, e, i, u, a, e, etc.) are traditionally pronounced by
Assyriologists with the sound represented by the letters sh in English, not simple s, although most
Hittitologists assume the sound in Hittite was closer to English s.
51
1.112. Although there is no phonemic contrast between h and , or between s and in Hittite, and one may
encounter transliterations of Hittite which for typographic economy use h for or s for , one should not assume
that they were necessarily pronounced as English s and h.
1.113. Both and show contrasting single and double writing intervocalically: a-a-an-zi they are, a-a-a-an-
zi they remain, e-a-an-zi they sit and e-e-a-an-zi they work, produce. We can cite no true minimal pair
for the / contrast, but a number of words consistently write intervocalic : e.g., lau(wa)i- to pour,
GI
zaurti-, the verb wa-/we- to turn and its derivatives waatar, waear , mur (muni, etc.) time, the
second in the middle ending -()aari, -()aati, etc.
52
The contrast with is generally thought to reflect the
tense/relaxed or voiceless/voiced distinction (Luraghi 1997 1.2.3). The lax/voiced is reflected in the spelling of
the Hittite personal and royal name Tudaliya is Ugaritic alphabetic script as tdgl (cf. Hebrew tidal ), and in the
place name written gt trgnds,
53
which as in the city/country name Taruntaa certainly contains the name of the
storm-god Tarunta.
1.114. The examples of consistent contrasting and , on the other hand, are interpreted as consonantal length
(i.e., gemination) (Luraghi 1997 1.2.3). I know of no good example of Ugaritic alphabetic writing of words that
show the intervocalic or by which to test this hypothesis.
54
Sonorants (m, n, l, r, y, w)
1.115. Hittite sonorants include two nasals /m/ and /n/, two liquids /l/ and /r/, and two approximants or
semivowels /y/ and /w/ (European scholars often write these as // and //). The nasals and liquids contrast with
geminates: ku-na-an struck/killed (neuter participle), ku-un-na-an righthand (adj.), a-ra-a colleague, ar-ra-a

51
The evidence is complex. Advocates of the /s/ interpretation usually point to writings of Hittite royal names in Egyptian
Hieroglyphs with the sign representing a folded cloth (Gardiner 1957 507, sign S 29) and conventionally transcribed by
Egyptologists as s . On this see Edel 1948; 1973. But the interpretation as /sh/ can appeal to the writing of the royal name
uppiluliuma (which happens to be the only Hittite royal name that is linguistically Hittite (versus Luwian, Hurrian, etc.:
uppi- pure + luli- pond + ethnicon um( n) a) in alphabetic Ugaritic as tpllm. The best evidence is that the phoneme
represented in alphabetic Ugaritic as t was pronounced like English sh, not s. Hurrian names compounded with -arri
and spelled with -containing signs at Boghazky appear in Ugaritic alphabetic texts as tr.
52
There are, of course, occasional lapses: me-na-a-an-da (KBo 3.27 obv. 7) for normal me-na-a-a-an-da.
53
See also the personal name trgds with nasal reduction.
54
It is tempting to see in the Ugaritic alphabetic place name lwsnd a reflection of the city name
URU
Lawa( z) zantiya (del
Monte and Tischler 1978 237f.).
22
anus, ma-a-la-i she agrees, ma-al-la-i she mills. The phoneme /r/ never occurs in intial position, nor /m/ in
final position. Examples:
1.116. /m/: ma-a-a-an when, la-a-ma-an name, a-me-e-i in spring, u-u-ma-an-te-e all (pl.), me-
ma-al meal, groats
1.117. /m:/: am-mu-uk me, dam-mi-i-a-a oppression, mi-im-ma-i he refuses, kam-ma-ri in a
swarm/cloud, nam-ma again, next, wa-an-nu-um-mi-ia-a orphan
1.118. /n/: ne-e-wa-an new, ku-na-an struck, killed, -nu-wa-an-zi they decorate, -na-at-ta-al-a-an
merchant, ki-nu-na now, u--ni-ik-zi injures, pu-nu-u-a-an-zi they inquire, pt-ti-nu-zi he runs off with,
ga-p-nu-u threads
1.119. /n:/: u-ul-la-an-na-az as a result of a quarrel, a-ra-wa-an-ni-i free, an-ni-i-ki-iz-zi he performs, an-
na-a mother, u-un-na-i he drives (here), u-un-na-i he fills, t-a-an-na-i he shall harvest (a grapevine),
zi-in-na-i he finishes, in-na-ra-a rashly, in-na-ra-u-wa-an-za vigorous.
1.120. /l/: la-a-la-an tongue, ma-a-la-i he agrees, kar-ma-la-a-a-i he causes permanent injury, i-da-a-lu-u
evil, da-a-la-i he leaves, a-a-li corral, pen, i-i-li in the courtyard, lu--li-ia in a pond, tu-li-ia to the
assembly, wa-a-tu-la-a of a/the sin.
1.121. /l:/: ma-al-la-i she mills, u-ul-la-an-na-az as a result of a quarrel, -na-at-ta-al-la-an merchant, i-
kal-la-a-ri he tears off, u-ul-la-an-zi they contest, u-u-e-el-li-ia-az from the mud pit, il-lu-ia-an-ga-a
serpent, e-i-il-li-ia-a of purity (Hurrian loanword), ta-az-zi-il-li-i (a kind of priest).
1.122. /r/: a-ra-a colleague, ke-e-a-ra-a hand, ka-ru- long ago, formerly, e-a-ri he sits down, ku-u-
ru-ri to a foreign (land), i-wa-a-ru dowry, inheritance share, ta-ra-an-za promised,
GI
ma-a-ri-in spear.
1.123. /r:/: ar-ra-a anus, a-ar-ra-an-zi they divide, -wa-ar-ra for help, tar-ra-nu-ut he wore out, pr-
ra-an-da across, mar-ri rashly, mar-mar-ri in a marsh(?), me-er-ra-a-an-ta-ru let them disappear, mi-ir-mi-
ir-ru-u drainage waters, foul waters (acc. pl.), u-ur-ri-ir they came to the aid of, kat-te-er-ra-a-ta he
subjected, me-ur-ri
I.A
times.
1.124. /y/: u-wa-i-ez-zi he shall look, ta-ki-ia in another, i-ez-zi he does/makes, ta-i-ez-zi, ta-a-i-e-ez-zi and
ta-ia-az-zi he steals, ma-ia-an-za young adult, i--ga-an yoke.
1.125. /w/: -ez-zi he comes, -e-te-ez-zi he builds, wa-a-tar water, na--i not yet, a-ra-a-u-wa-a
exempt, i-wa-a-ru dowry, i-wa-ar like, -wa-a-tar vision, sight, u-wa-i-ez-zi he shall look, du-wa-a-an
23
on one side, da-u-wa-an-za blind, a- see!, ne-e-wa-an or ne-e-u-wa-an new, ne-e-u-[it] or n-u-i-i[t]
with new.
55
1.126. PIE initial *y was lost in Hittite before *e (Hitt. ewa- barley(?), ega- ice and kt- hunting net), but
preserved before *o (> Hitt. a) and *u (Phon. 14): (i)yanta(ri)they go, march, ya-an-zi they go, travel KBo
17.1 obv. 7 (OS), yugan yoke. Perhaps it was restored in i-(e-)ez-zi he makes on anaology with the plural
*yanzi.
1.127. Although PrAnat *w preceded by a dental and followed by PrAnat *o (= Hitt. a) was lost in OH
(Melchert, AHP 128), PrAnat *y in clusters between *d and a vowel caused assibilation of the dental (*dy > *zy),
but no loss of the *y: -zziya- < *-tyo- and iu- god < *dyu- (Melchert 1984a 80, AHP 129).
Consonantal clusters.
1.128. The cuneiform writing cannot represent initial or final clusters of two consonants or medial clusters of three
consonants without employing an invalid vowel. *spanti he libates must be written either i-pa-an-ti or i-pa-an-
ti, *ept as e-ep-ta, *ispants as i-pa-an-za,*karpt ari as kar-ap-ta-ri, *sanhz i as a-an-a-zi or a-a-zi,
*spantskitsi as i-pa-an-za-ki-iz-zi, *tskitsi as zi-ik-ki-iz-zi. In the case of internal triconsonantal clusters, the
sequence of sign types is significant. Normally in a sequence CV-CV-VC-CV (e.g., ka-ri-ip-ta he devoured) all
vowels but the final one are probably real, e.g., ka-ri-ip-ta was probably /kaript/. Whereas the sequences CVC-VC
and VC-VC indicate that the V in the second VC is invalid, e.g., kar-ap-ta he lifted was /karpt/ and a-an-a-ta
he sought was /sanht/.
56
Frequently one meets writings like kar-ap-pa-an-zi for /karpanzi/. Probably the -ap- is
retained on analogy with the singular form kar-ap-zi /karpzi/, where it was needed.
1.129. In most cases initial clusters beginning with are expressed by i-CV-, but rarely also by V-CV-, e.g.,
i(-ip)-pa-an-ti for /spanti/ he libates, za-ak-kar for /skar/ feces, epikkuta- and apikkuta- for /spikusta/
pin, e-me-u-na and a-me-u-na for /smehuna/ (a kind of cereal), ta-ri-ia-al-la, te-ri-ia-al-la and 3-ya-al-la for
/triyalla/ (a kind of beverage whose name contains the numeral three), and a-me-en-zi and e-me-en-zi for
/smentsi/ he withdraws. Some scholars view the i- of i-CV as a linguistically real prothetic vowel, although the
problem of the few exceptions awaits a full explanation.
1.130. In the last four cases the fluctuation in the invalid (or ghost) vowel a~e following the is a clue that it
is invalid. Another clue is variant spellings: wa-al-a-zi and wa-la-a-zi combine to suggest /walhtsi/.
57

55
In the absence of any example of *NI-i-u-it we choose to read the NI sign here as n. The issue is similar to the case of P-
di , which Eichner () would analyze as /pidi/ with umlaut of the vowel in the (stressed!) initial open syllable, but which
in view of the writings p-e-di and in the absence of *P-i-di writings we prefer to read p-di.
56
Naturally, there are exceptions: wa-la-a-ta he struck for the most usual wa-al-a-ta (probably pronounced /walt/).
57
See Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 14f. on silent vowels in Hittite.
24
Assimilatory Changes
Assimilation of Consonants
1.131. In certain circumstances n assimilates to immediately following m, ( 1.135, 7.47, 11.3), z, often
producing a gemination in the following consonant:
58
m: ad-da-am-ma-an < *attanman my father (acc. sc.)
KBo 3.44:9; tu-ek-kam-ma-an < *tuekkanman my body KUB 30.10 obv. 14, ARAD.ME-amman <
*ARAD.ME-anman of my servants KBo 3.27 obv. 10; la-a-ma-mi-it < *lamanmit my name KUB 1.16 iii
13; ma-a-am-ma-an < *mnman KUB 30.10 obv. 22; da-a-a-u-u-ma-a-ta StBoT 8 iv 38 (OS) <
*dunmata,
59
i--um-m[i-in] < *iunummin our deity KBo 3.22:39 (OS); i--u[m-(mi-in)]
ibid. 41; an-na-a-ma-an-na < *annanmana and their mother (acc. sg.) Laws 191; iter. kuakir they have
been accustomed to execute and kuwakandu let them continue to execute KUB 13.2 iii 12, 13 is from *kwan-
grade of kuen- to kill + iter. suffix -ka/i-; z: lingazi < *linkanzi they swear, anazi < *ananzi they seek;
UN.ME-an-na-za < *antuannanza (ergative of antuatar ) KUB 1.1 i 30.
1.132. In certain circumstances n is lost before immediately following , k, t, w.
60
: a-a-a (imp.) for a-
an-a seek; k: i-kn-ni KBo 3.35 i 9 for inkani, likuwanni KUB 9.31 i 42 for *linkueni we will swear; t
L
alugatallattin < *alugatallantin your messenger VBoT 1 obv. 19; u-u-ma-da-az KUB 13.2 iii 35
(MH/NS) alongside mandaz, -e-e-a-ta with dupl. weanta they clothe themselves, iuzziyate KUB 9.31
i 39 for *iuzziyante belted; also in sandhi: ki-i-a te-ez-zithus he says (for kian tezzi);
61
w: ma-a-wa <
*mnwa when/if (+ quotative particle) KUB 36.45:2 and passim.
1.133. Conversely, an n can arise where it is etymologically unjustified (Oettinger 1994): nepianza (nasalized
abl.) for nepiaz from heaven, aannanza for aannaz from the family, tetenanza with thunder,
antenaz from the hole (<attenaz ), naarantan for naarattan fear (acc. sg. of naaratt- ), li-in-kn-ta
KUB 13.35 i 9 for correct li-in-kat-ta he swore;
62
tanantezzi for *tannattezzi or *tannattezi it will be laid
waste.
63
Most of these cases result from what Oettinger calls remote nasalization (Fernnasalierung).
1.134. The unassimilated sequence n is rare in Hittite: a-an-i he wipes (and other forms of this verb an-), the
noun anaiwi- corpse(?), enclitic sequence -ani, -anan and mnan , and -wa-an-i-ki-u-en we
repeatedly raped(?) KBo 3.60 iii 13 (from wen-).

58
Goetze 1930 5f. with many exx.; Friedrich 1960 31, 36}.
59
Otten and Souc ek 1969 57f.
60
Goetze 1930 5f. with many exx.; Friedrich 1960 31, 36}.
61
Kmmel 1967 17.
62
Friedrich 1960 31b.
63
Riemschneider 1970 32.
25
1.135. The assimilation of n to or is fairly common already in OH (Otten and Soucek 1969 57f.): not
graphically geminate e-er-ma-a-me-et (< rmanmet), ir-ma-a-ma-a-kn (<*ermanmakan ), a-tu-ga/ka-a-
me-et, da-a-a-u-u-ma-a-ta ; graphically geminate: p-e-ra-a-i-it, [tar-l]i-pa-a-a-an, and na-a-a-an. Less
usual, n >z : p-e-ra-az-mi-it (<*pranmit ) (OH/OS).
1.136. [CONTINUE HERE WITH OTTEN 58]
1.137. Verbs showing earlier assimilated forms, such as iter. stems aiki- (< anna- to judge) and tariki- and
tar(a)ki- (< tarna- to let),
64
occasionally later developed more regular, unassimilated forms: anneki- and
tarneki-.
1.138. tn >nn : attatar , gen. attanna (from *attatna ), 2.1, 3.2, 4.99, 4.105, 4.107. Exceptions:
utne land, and Luwian loan words in Hittite like kattawatnalli-, uitar, gen. sg. uitna wild animals, wetna
and aratar offence with loc. aratni , Hittite abl. aratnaza (Luw. abl. would be *aratnati ). Retention of tn
in uitna is related to Luwian origin by HE 32 2 and G. Neumann, MSS 16 (1964) 50 (with lit.), and explained
as Hittite *uit-tar, gen. sg. *uit-tna > *uit-nna > uitna by Carruba 1966 18f. n. 27, who uses this derivation
to explain atypical gen. sg. uitta . Note that several words in Hittite preserve the tn unassimilated: utne- land,
wetna- (a wild animal), mitnaz, alwatnalli- , iyatna (gen. of iyatar abundance) and its derivative iyatniyant-
(adj.) productive, prosperous, the causative verbs atnu- to dry (something) out, and titnu- (tittanu- to make
stand with epenthesis), and the strange variant of annenit, a-an-ne-et-ni-it (found in a MH text). CREF also
4.107.
1.139. mn >m : tameumma- to make to change, tameumme- to be changed from earlier *-eumnV.
1.140. mn >nn ? The gen. ilanna in Laws 82 and 89 was derived by Friedrich 1959 from gen. ilamna <
nom. ilammar portico, but by Laroche (RHA vol. XV, fasc. 60, 18) from *ilatar .
1.141. t > ? HE 36c claimed this assimilation on the basis of ta-a-e Laws 28a (< taate und es ihm)
and na-a-a-an KBo 5.2 iv 12 (< nu + -at + -an ). But his interpretation of these forms contextually is open to
question.
1.142. z >zz or z , as was entertained by Riemschneider 1970 65, is refuted by Watkins 1973, who showed that
the verb forms in -e(z)zion which Riemschneider based his theory are statives in -e-. Cf. also Oettinger 1979 338ff.
and Phon. 32f. But there is other evidence for this simplification: see pr-za < pr-a-za and AHP 166.
1.143. Possible partial assimilations such as nt > nd are masked by the lack of a means in Hittite cuneiform for
showing the voiced-voiceless distinction in the obstruents (-an-ta- and -an-da- are in free variation).

64
Otten 1969 5 with n. 4.
26
Dissimilatory Changes
1.144. The form wa-ra-a-ni it burns from the verbal stem war- and the middle ending -ari is evidence for a
dissimilartory shift of r to n.
1.145. u + w > um in: verbal endings -weni (arnummeni), -wen (arnummen, aumen), infin. -wanzi (wanumanzi
< wanu-),
65
-want-
66
(nekumant- < neku-, 1.60, 1.72, 2.1, 4.94, and the bird name tarumaki-, if < taru
wood, tree + wak- to bite,
67
but not in takkuwaan KBo 3.60 ii 14, or panduwaz KBo 3.1+ ii 13,
which contain the quotative particle -wa (31.13 and Chap. 33).
1.146. w + u > mu: idlu- bad forms its nom. pl. com. as idlawe, but its acc. pl. com. as idlamu,
68
and
the acc. pl. com. of newa- new is ne-mu-u. Similarly in texts from MH into the 13
th
Century the acc. pl. of iu-
deity, god is DINGIR.ME-mu-u (= *imu < *iwu) (Neu 1974 121f. with notes). HE 29, 75, 169, 174,
EHS 59f. and Otten and Soucek 1969 57 regard this as a true dissimilatory sound change (Lautwechsel), but
Neu 1974 121f. maintains that this writing is a graphic substitute (Ersatzschreibung), and indicates a
pronunciation /siwus/, not /simus/. Cf. other unusual acc. pl. com. forms such as enkumugifts? (< engur),
zaimu dreams (< zaai -), laemu errands, trips (< laa- ?), u-u-wa-mu-ufilled.
69
1.147. The opposite of remote assimilation, namely remote dissimilation (Oettinger 1994 310-314), occurs in
the following examples:
1.148. nm > lm Here the unassimilated forms are pre-OH (or pre-Common Anatolian?) ), the assimilated
forms already in OH. lman name (< pre-OH *nman), lammar hour, perhaps also l let not (< pre-Hittite
*n) arising from combinations lman and lmu.
1.149. mn >ml irmanant- >irmalant- sick, ill.
1.150. ll >lr Cf. apalzil >apalzir .
1.151. rr > rn *urri > OH urni it burns (the verb is war- middle to burn). 9.9
Syncope
1.152. Loss of intervocalic y is attested in *eya > *ea > a in the following: *allaya > alla, uppaya >uppa
(Sommer 1932 357 with lit., Goetze and Pedersen 1934 18ff.).

65
Friedrich 1960 29a, Otten and Souc ek 1969 78, Melchert 1984b 23f.
66
Forrer, RHA 1:151; Kammenhuber, MSS 8:50f., Oettinger 1988, but on nekumant- see Melchert 1984b 28 note 58.
67
Hoffner 1966.
68
Goetze 1928 120 n. 4, Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 76 n. 1, Friedrich 1960 29b, Melchert 1984b 22f.
69
Otten and Souc ek 1969 57.
27
1.153. y seems to have been lost intervocalically in pre-OH, and secondary y emerged as a glide between the
vowels i and a, and w between u and a.
70
1.154. ye / ya > MH i, and uwa > MH u: Forms such as ti-in-ti-e (IBoT 1.36 ii 49, for normal ti-ya-an-te-e),
u-u-la-li-it-ta-at (ibid. iii 39, for normal u-u-la-li-ya-at-ta-at ), and u-u-un-ta-an (ibid. ii 41, for u-wa-an-ta-an)
show syncope, as do SIG-in well (KUB 31.105:4, for *lazzin < *lazziyan, neut. sg. of stem *lazziyant-), and
iteratives of stems in -ye-/-ya- (ilalike- < ilalye-, wemike-< wemye-, etc.).
71
But there are many cases where this
shift fails to occur.
Secondary Epenthesis
1.155. Secondary epenthesis of a [t] in the sequence [ns], contrasting with assimilation of original */VnsV/ to
/VssV/ (Melchert, AHP 121): PA *nss > *anss > anza us, PA *sumn + secondary nom. sg. s > umanz(a).
1.156. Similarly Liquid (l or r) + alternates with liquid + z: Gule and (verb) gul- alongside noun gulzi-,
nom. gulzatar IBoT 3.101 obv. 4, abl. gulzattanaz ; as well as in maratarri- and marzatarri- sacrilege,
Paurze and Paure, piraanna and pirzaanna,
arzana and
arana, nazi and nai .

72
[How about
aterza /hasters/?] guripi- and gurzippant-.
Other Alternations
1.157. Some of the other vowel and vowel sequence alternations noted by HE 13 cannot yet be diachronically
controlled, so as to determine which way the development went. (1) ai versus e or i: paita and peta he gave,
naiut and neut / niut turn yourself.
73
(2) etymologically well-founded e rarely written ai
74
or ae: a-ep-
ta KBo 5.6 i 11 for e-ep-ta he seized, ma-eq-qa-u KUB 26.1 iii 58 for me-eq-qa-u many, ap-p-e-ez-zi-
alongside [ap-p]a-iz-zi-an and [ap-p]a-iz-zi-u-a, and e(n)k-/ai(n)k-(Neu 1974 41 with notes). Neu thinks this ai
was monopthongized and closely resembled e.
1.158. and z alternate word-initial in zamankur beard (AHP 94) and amankurwant- bearded (AHP 111,
155, 159, 172), in zakkar and akkar dung and zagarai anus (lit. feces-mouth) (AHP 121),
1.159. and z alternate word-internally when in direct contact with : zai- and zazi- dream,
75

70
Melchert 1984b 31ff.
71
Melchert 1984b 58, 133.
72
Carruba 1966 36 and Melchert, AHP (1994) 121.
73
Sommer and Ehelolf 1924 74, 1932 355. But kappuezzi and kappuet are apparently older than kappuwizzi and
kappuwit (Oettinger 1979).
74
Friedrich 1960 13b.
75
Friedrich 1960 27c with literature.
28
1.160. can alternate with g/k in the writing: tetear and tetkiar thunder, ameanza and amekanza
spring, as can true k with :
UZU
ikia and
UZU
iia back KUB 33.112 iv 14,
76

MUNUS.ME
azkara- and
MUNUS.ME
azara-, and ikaru alongside iaru .
77
More doubtful is the equivalence of ta-a-a-at-ta-ri and
*takattari .
78
1.161. can occasionally be lost in the writing: idlawati and idlawatti you harm For ar and gen. ena
4.102.
1.162. Hittite possessed no word-initial r. There was also a weak articulation of internal, intervocalic and final r,
causing sporadic non-representation in writing (Friedrich 1960 30b, EHS 65-70; Melchert 1988b and Melchert,
AHP 125). Intervocalic: p-an for p-ra-an before,
TG
kuear for
TG
kurear (a garment), pu-u-ut for purut
mud. Internal but not intervocalic: waggante for warkante fat ones, artati- for artarti- mushroom(?). To
these one might also add: naarnukiwa[ran kuie] uritenukiwaran kuie [those who] were frightening
[him,] those who were terrifying him KUB 60.157 iii 7-8, where one expects the third preterite plural ending -ir. It
this is not a double scribal error, it might be an example of assimilation of r to immediately following w,
analogous to nw >w ( 1.132 [*1.9.2.5.1.1.1]).
1.163. Loss of final -r is a regular process, distinct from the irregular loss of word-internal -r-.
79
Word final, even
when a clitic is appended: paprta as well as paprtar impurity, miyata alongside miyatar prosperity, atrea
alongside atrear message, kuduwata alongside kuduwatar slander, false accusation; a-an-ne-e-a-e-et,
[pr-t ]a-a-u-wa-a-i-it-wa, a-at-ta-ta-mi-it . This phonological principle probably explains the alternations
between -wa and -war in the particle of direct discourse: always -wa in final position, usually but not always -war-
when followed by a vowel.
80
1.164. The sequence nunu can appear haplologically as nu in: kitanun KUB 27.67 iii 11 for *kitanunun I
extinguished, mernun KUB 13.35 i 28 for *mernunun I caused to disappear. Such haplology is not, hoever,
limited to nunu: kap-pu-u-wa-ar counting HKM 21:6 (MH/MS) <*kappuwawar, arkuwar plea < *arkuwawar.
1.165. Metathesis of and p is possible in the passage of Akkadian loan LA-I-PU into Hittite La-p-i-,
81
as well as Akkadian/Hurrian and Hittite gurip-/gurzip-/gurpii- .
82
Metathesis of and r is attested in the

76
Friedrich 1960 28a.
77
Kronasser 1966 98, Kmmel 1967 109.
78
Kmmel 1967 109.
79
Melchert 1988b.
80
Goetze and Pedersen 1934 30ff., Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 66.
81
Kmmel 1967 95f.
29
alternation aara/i - and araa/i - (HED A ). 128f. Forms like OH e-uk-i you drink alternating with post-OH e-ku-
u-i (*/ek
w
si/) reflects not metathesis, but the uncertainty of the scribes as to how to write a unitary labio-velar
consonant [k
w
]. Cf. also tar-uk-zi for */tark
w
zi/, elsewhere written tar-ku(-uz)-zi.
1.166. Sandhi has been claimed above ( 1.132 [*3.5.1] for ki-i-a te-ez-zi< ki-i-a-an te-ez-zi. But the
similar claim for alkim pianzi (with dupl. alkin pianzi) in Laws 112
83
has recently been rightly questioned by
Otten 1990, who argues from a duplicate that al-ki-im should be read AL-Q-IM,i.e., as an Akkadian genitive.
Phonotactics
1.167. 1.10.1.1.1 All voiceless obstruents and all sonorants except /r/ occur initially (Melchert, AHP 110).
Cuneiform orthography prevents unambiguous representation of initial and final clusters (1.6, 1.37, 1.84) or
internal tri-consonantal clusters. The following types of initial consonant clusters are probable (Melchert, AHP110):
(1) stop + liquid: /pr/ in p(a)r, /kr/ in k(a)rwar horn, k(a)ra/ip- to devour, k(a/i)rit- flood; (2) stop +
nasal: /tm/ in t(a)mi-other, t(a)ma/e-to oppress, /kn/ in k(a)ne-to recognize; (3) stop + glide: /tw/ in
tuekka- body, t/duwn far, /kw/ in kuwa- to kiss, /ky/ in gyemi (gi-e-mi in winter).
1.168. Immediately juxtaposed vowels sometimes merge, with the [Craig: I seem not to have this
continuation. Do you? Can you FINISH THIS? ]

82
Kmmel 1967 105f. We possess through the courtesy of its author a pre-publication print of an article by K. Hecker,
entitled Zur Herkunft der hethitischen Keilschrift, that makes a case for deriving the Old Hittite writing from a variant
type of the Old Assyrian writing.
83
Friedrich 1960 35 and in the editions and older translations of the laws.
2. Nouns & Their Formation 30
30
CHAPTER 2
NOUNS AND THEIR FORMATION
2.1 7.1 Derived nouns and adjectives consist of a root (whether noun, adjective, verb, or adverb) to which a
derivational suffix has been added. The resulting combination constitutes the derived stem, to which the case
endings are added. Cf. Meriggi 1980 1-4, and Friedrich 1960 43-53. The following table shows the principal
suffixes for forming derived noun stems and examples of the resulting forms.
Suffix
84
Examples
-a- alwanzaa- sorcery < alwanza - to bewitch, hex, arga- ruin, destruction < ark - to perish, be
destroyed, aa- grandchild (perhaps originally offspring) < a- to give birth to, generate, kara-
cut (of meat), sector (of territory) < kar- to cut off,
L
maya- adult < mai- to grow, maniyaa-
administration, district < maniya- to administer, govern (in iter.), maninkuwaa- vicinity,
neighborhood < maninkuwa- to approach, draw near,
NINDA
para- bread fragment < pariya- to break,
fragment, arra- part, share < arra- to divide.
85

86
-ait- tuukantait - status of a crown prince (tuukanti-), malaallait - practice of ritual magic, nakkuait-
status of a scapegoat (nakkui-), tarpaai( t) - status of a substitute < tarpaa - substitute,
muwaddalai( t)- overpowering might < muwattalla-, muwattal( l) i- overpowering, victorious.
-ai- linkai- oath < link- to swear, ullanzai- defeat, urtai - curse, iamai- song, itarninkai - illness,
kurkurai- verbal intimidation, threat, maniyaai- administrative district, agai - omen, sign, aklai-
custom, rite, wagai- grain pest, watai - sin, zaai - fight, zaai - dream.
-al wenal pole, katral (a metal part of the harness), ii( y) al band, memal meal.
87
-ala- or
-alla-
Denominal examples: auriyala - border guard < auri - border post, ariyala- one who offers
NINDA
ari- ,
eyawalla- rain gutter < eu-/eyau- rain, ipanduziyala- one who offers libations < ipanduzzi
libation, karimnala- temple servant < karimn- temple,
L
erala- < er( a) - (a substance), tawalala- one
who serves tawal-drink,
L
waliyala- one who serves wali drink,
L/MUNUS
arkamiyala- player of the
arkammi-instrument,
L
zuppariyala- torch-bearer < zuppari- torch,
L/MUNUS
uwaanala - worshiper of
uwaana, appaliyalla- deceived person, fool, arzanala- (a functionary) <
arzana-, zeriyalla- cup-stand

< zeri- cup, iruitalla- basket (iruit -) carrier. Deverbal examples: gangala - scale (for weighing) < gank-
to weigh,
L
tarwekala- dancer < aspectual form of tarwai- to dance,
L
laiyala- traveler(?) < laiya-
to travel, ardala- (cutting tool) < ard( a) - (verb of cutting?),
UZU
pappaala- oesophagus < redupl. of verb
pa- to swallow.
-alli- aranalli - crown < aran - head, kupiyatalli- pertaining to a plot (kupiyati-),
MUNUS.GI
iru( i) talli-
female basket-carrier < irui - basket, targanalli - donkey-driver < targana - donkey,
-an enkan death, naan fear, mudan garbage.
-aear tuzziyaear camp/settlement of an army (tuzzi); URU-riyaear settlement of a city.
88

84
Retrogradually alphabetized.
85
Berman 1972 115f. adds further examples, including uncertain ones such as
L
k ta-.
86
The only adj. with this suffix, uwappa- bad, hostile(?) < uwapp- to do harm/evil to (with dat. obj.), may not
belong in this category.
87
See also niniyal, puriyal , akuwal, tarmal , uupal , etc. Other nouns with stems ending in -al, such as tawal (a beverage),
may not be inherited words.
31
-( a) a- unuwaa- adornment < unuwai- to adorn, arnamniyaa- revolt < arnamniya- to revolt, tariyaa-
fatigue < ta( r) riya- to exert oneself, nuntariyaa- haste < nuntariya- to hasten, armuwalaa-
moonlight < armuwalai - to shine (of the moon), cf. kariyaa- compliance, pity, maliyaa- agreement,
concurrence, approval., luliyaa- swampland, moor < luli( ya) - pond, marruwaa- (a stone).
-ai- ilai demon of the courtyard (ila-), Wadulai demon concerned w. sin (watul), Itamanaa,
akuwaa,
URU
Taruntaa, etc.
-ati- Neuter exx.: dalugati - length < daluki- long, pargati - height < parku- high., lu( m) pati- pain,
grief without known base. Common gender: palati - width.
-att-
89
Underived within Hittite: lukkatt- dawn(?), iwatt- day, Derived from verbal base: aniyatt - performance,
equipment, tuiyatt- gasping.
90
Derived from adj. base: kardimiyatt- anger, karuiliyatt - previous
state, naaratt- fear, dukaratt - amusement, entertainment,
-( a) talla- Denominal: aliyatalla- guard, watchman, sentinel < li sector, watch, alugatalla - messenger,
ukmatalla- enchanter < ukmai- spell, iamatalla- singer < iamai- song,
L
kuanatalla- wage
earner < kuan wage,
L
kinartalla- lyre-player < *kinar lyre,
MUNUS
kankatitalla- woman serving
kankati-soup. Deverbal: aranatalla - envier, palwatalla - crier, Muwattalla/i conqueror (< Luw. -ti
muwa- = Hitt. -za tar- to conquer, defeat), cf. Latin Victor, peran uyatalla- helper, kuanatalla-,
kuaniyatalla- hired laborer, palwatalla- clapper (or) crier < palwai- , many formed on the iter. stem:
ukikattalla- watchman, weekattalla- sentry, weurikatalla- strangler, maniyaikatalla- governor,
adminstrator, iiyaikatalla- spy, informant, wiwikatalla- wailer, memikattalla- eloquent, verbose,
pikattalla- sparing (one).
-atar
91
ullatar strife, maniyaatar , armaatar, aggatar death, idlawatar evil, palatar width, marlatar
foolishness, nakkiyatar importance,dignity, pinatar manliness, manhood, MUNUS-tar womanliness,
gainatar in-law-ship, andayandatar status of a live-in husband, antuatar humanity.
92
-ear palear width, parkear height, paprear impurity, uppear purity, annear judgment,
tetear thundering, alwanzear sorcery, mukear prayer, aear seated group, pattear hole
(dug), uppear something sent, ikallear torn garment, tarupear total, tandukear mortals,
lalakuear swarm of ants
-( i) ya- ipantiya- nocturnal < ipant - night, itarniya- middle < itarna in the midst of, andurya- internal,
interior < *andur- (cf. andurza inside), arazeya- outer, external, appezziya- last, antezziya- first,
antiya- special, separate, nuntarya- swift, swiftly rising.

88
Friedrich, HW
1
(1952) 299, who was well aware of the syllabic reading appira - for URU, nevertheless listed this word
under the URU Sumerogram, because he was uncertain of its syllabic Hittite reading. Kammenhuber (MIO 2 [1954] 406)
and Kronasser (EHS 291) considered it to stand for *appiriyaear and took the appiri as d.-l. of the normal a-stem
appira - city. Neu (StBoT 18 [1974] 106f.) and Oettinger (StBoT 22 [1976] 46) considered it to be based not on a d.-l.,
but on an alternate stem appiri( ya)-. Although Neu and Oettinger may be right about appiri( ya)- city, the
interpretation of URU-riyaear as *appiriyaear has now been placed in doubt by the discovery of a new duplicate to
KBo 6.34 iii 29, which instead of URU-ia-e-e-ar reads []-u-ri-ia-e-e-ar ! This suggests that underlying URU in this
word was a word []uri( ya)-, not *appiri( ya)-.
89
On this class of action noun see Berman 1972 155f., Laroche 1975. Berman observes that this suffix requires the zero
grade of the root.
90
On the problematic maniyaiyatt-, watarnaaz, uppar<at>t-, andatt-, lamarandatt-, see StBoT 44:120-125.
91
See 6.2.2. For discussion of the semantic content of this suffix see StBoT 44:118.
92
The Hittite word may have originally meant status of a human being, but its use in historical Hittite is always as a
collective: mankind, humankind.
32
-ili- karuili - previous, former < kar formerly, annapili - empty < annapi (adv. of disputed meaning),
umili- rigid(?), firm(?), taruili- victorious, mighty; for adverbs in -li - 21.12.
-ima- aima- rigidity, lalukkima- brightness, ekunima- cold, weritema- anxiety, takupima-
screaming, kurkurima- intimidation, katkattimma- trembling, lalaima- agitation, worry,
takupima- screaming, howling, wailing, tetimma- thundering, tuima- gasping, shortness of breath,
wantewantema- lightning, wawarkima- door-pivot, hinge, weritema- fear.
-ganiya-
want-
tar( a) ganiyawant- soiled with
93
-mai- ukmai- incantation < uek- to cast a spell
-mi- mitgaimi- sweetened, arlaimi the elevated, exalted (deity)
-pala-
MUNUS
anupala- midwife, taripala - driver
-ri- auri- observation post (< au( ) - to see, look), eri-, eari- form, shape (< i-, e- to make?), etri -
food (< ed- to eat),
SG
kiri- (< ki- to comb wool), *miri brilliance (< *mai-) in miriwant-
brilliant and miriwatar brilliance
-t- Deverbal nouns: at - sleep, bedding (<e-/a- to sleep),
94
ekt- (hunting) net,
95
kat- hunger,
nekut- evening
-tara- wetara- herdsman < we( iya) -to graze, ekuttara- drink-server < eku- to drink, possibly taptara-
wailing women
-talla- See -( a) talla- above.
-ul aul benevolence, takul peace, iiul obligation, watul sin, parul bread fragment, earul
sieve
-ulli itappulli- lid, stopper < itapp- to stop up, kariulli- body-veil < kariya- to cover,
DUG
ariulli- (a
container), kukuulli- (< kuku- to crush) mortar bowl in which foodstuffs are crushed, papuli- (a
bread-cooling tray).
-ulli
96
uttulli- tuft, something plucked, parulli- bread fragment,
97
pupulli- ruins
-ur aniur ritual, engur gift, pankur (a body part), kurur hostility
-uzzi kuruzzi tool for cutting (kuer-), ipanduzzi vessel for libating (ipand-), iuzzi belt, sash (iiya- to
bind)
-want-
98
amankurwant- having a beard, kartimmiyawant- having anger, dukarawant - having joy,
pittuliyawant- having anxiety, naariyawant - having fear, kituwant- having hunger, innarawant -
having vigor, lalukkiwant- having brightness, miriwant- having brilliance, earwant - having
bloodstains, lupannawant - wearing a diadem, kurutawant- wearing a horned crown(?), upigawant -
wearing a veil, naduwant- (terrain) having reeds,
URU
Wiyanawanda (city) having vines, nekumant-
naked
99

93
The putative forms euganiyawant- covered with urine(?) and akkiganiyawant- covered with feces(?) in KBo
10.37 ii 24-25, suggested by Goetze, JCS 16:30 and JCS 22:20, were based upon a faulty restoration. For a more probable
restoration see Melchert apud CHD S/1 sub ak( k) - to know.
94
StBoT 44:129ff.
95
See Hoffner 1977a 105-107. HED E 259f.
96
The following examples may be collective plurals in -i of noun stems in -ul.
97
parulli - is com. gender with collective forms in -i. Also attested is an l-stem parul . CHD P 192 s.v.
33
-( u) war Verbal subst. of most verbs ( 6.9 ).
-zel arnikzel compensation, tayazzel theft
100
-zzi antezzi- former, first, appezzi- latter, later, last, arazzi - higher, uppermost
2.2 The suffix -ant- is more complex (Friedrich 1960 48; Laroche 1962, Neu 1989b). It is attached to base nouns
of both genders, and forms substantives of the following types: (1) collectives (utneyant- all the inhabitants of a
land, tuzziyant- all the members of an army, parnant - all the members of a household); (2) when attached to a
neuter noun, it cn also create an ergative form (see Laroche 1962; Neu 1989b; Garrett 1990a and in 3.3) which
allows the neuter noun to serve as subject of a transitive verb; (3) it is frequently added to time words, especially
the names of seasons: amea- and ameant- spring, gima- and gimmant- winter (Goetze 1951); (4) in some
cases there seems no difference in meaning between the base noun and the derivative: ankunni- and ankunniyant-
priest, gaena- and gaenant- in-law, ua- and uant- grandfather, kat- and kitant- hunger, kalulupa-
and kalulupant- digit (Friedrich 1960 48 with literature).
2.3 The suffix -ant- also forms denominal adjectives (Friedrich 1960 48 b 1):
101
perunant - rocky (<peruna-
rock), kaninant- thirsty (<kanint- thirst), natant- provided with a drinking tube (nata- ),
NINDA
arruwant -
belonging to
NINDA
arru(wa)-,
102
as well as adjectives built on a shorter adjectival base: au- and au(w)ant-
good, pleasant, irmala- and irmalant - ill, uppi- and uppi(y)ant- holy, sacred, dapiya- and dapiyant- entire.
2.4 Nouns (frequently divine names) ending in -epa- or -zipa- (Laroche 1947 67f.) may contain a derivational
suffix or be true compound nouns, since -zipa- is phonotactically derivable from -e/ipa-. As a suffix it occurs in
daganzipa- earth (<tekan, dagan earth), taranzipa - platform, antaepa (<ant- forehead), ilanzipa
(<ila- court), Ipanzaepa (<ipant - night), Miyatanzipa (<miyata- fruitfulness),
(d)
akaepa (<aka-
gate).
2.5 Some derived adjectives have been borrowed from Luwian or show Luwian derivational suffixes (Friedrich
1960 51): (a) -alli - and -talli -: irutalli - pertaining to an oath (<iru(n)t- oath), (b) the Luwian genitival
adjective -ai - (mostly employed in proper names):
URU
Taruntaa (the city) of Tarunta, Itamanaa

98
See Goetze 1930 34f., Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 119, Friedrich 1960 49d, Kammenhuber 1969b 188-89, 294;
Oettinger 1988, Sihler 1995 346 (< the hysterokinetic suffix -went- in PIE).
99
nekumant- < *nekw + -want-; see 1.9.2.6.3 and 1.9.2.6.4.
100
The acc. pl. form [a]r-ni-ik-zi-lu-u KUB 46.42 iv 6, KUB 46.38 i 7, 10 (NH) indicates that at least arnikzil had
common gender forms as well as neuter ones.
101
Sturtevant (1951 119) termed it an IE possessive suffix, while noting that Goetze (1930 34f.) interpreted the forms
as participles of denominative verbs; cf. also Sommer 1932 62 n. 1.
102
Otten & Souc ek, StBoT 8:100, Neu, StBoT 26:161. Cannot be the -want- suffix, since this would produce
*arruwawant - or *arrumant -.
34
(deity) of the ears (<itamana- ear), akuwaa (deity) of the eyes (<akuwa eyes), Wadulai (deity)
pertaining to sins/offences (<wadul sin, offence), (c) the Luwian (passive) participial suffix -mi-: arlaimi
the exalted (deity) (<arlai - to elevate, exalt), also with common nouns and adjectives: mitgaimi- sweetened,
DUG
tallaimi -, etc.
2.6 Hittite and Luwian vocabulary contains a considerable number of reduplicated nouns, verbs and adjectives. See
van Brock 1964, Kronasser 1966 119ff., and Kammenhuber 1969b 184, 17,3. Reduplication is a feature of PIE
(Beekes 1995 171).
2.7 Among the nouns and adjectives: memal meal, titita- nose, laplipa- eyelash (see Luwian lalpi -),
duddumi- deaf, deaf person, alaltumari cornerstone, ariari stormy weather, akuwakuwa- (a small
animal, often said to be a frog, in which case the formation is onomatapoetic for the croaking), aluwaaluwa- and
kallikalli- (bird name, imitating its call?), artarti (a plant name), wantewantema- lightning,
GI
karkaralli ,
iggaigga- Not all of these need be inherited (i.e., Indo-European) words, especially the names of plants and
animals.
2.8 Many verbs show only partial reduplication: kuku- to taste (from kuwa- to kiss?),
103
kukkur- to
mutilate, lellepa- to lap or lick up (lip- to lick), wewakk- to ask (wek-), lilakk- to bend, tetai- to
thunder, pippa- to overturn, pupua- to crush(?).
2.9 7.2.3 Others show full reduplication: ae- to seat (someone) (e- to sit), katkattiya- to tremble,
lalaiya- to incite, spur on, ananiya-
104
to find fault with, criticize, kuwakuwa-/kuku- (from kuwa-
to crush), aa - to scrape, parip(a)rai - to blow (a horn), partipartike/a - (unknown meaning), tataiya-
to whisper, uriwaran (neut. sg. participle) burning (reduplicated verbal stem uriwar - <*wariwar- <war-),
waltiwalteke/a- (unknown meaning, perhaps to rage). For this type of reduplication see Kronasser 1966 120 and
Raggi Braglia 1989 208. Cf. kunkunuzzi(a huge stone, < kuen- to strike?).
2.10 7.2.4 Most of these verbs (e.g., ae-, lellepa-, parip(a)rai -, wewakk-) inflect according to the i-
conjugation (cf. Melchert 1985 on Luwian wiwidai-), but some (lalaiya-, kuwakuwa-) the mi-conjugation.
2.11 7.2.5 Of these, ae- is a causative of its unreduplicated stem; the others seem to denote repetitive actions.
1.67, 27.8, 27.26, 28.43. Kronasser 1966 119 posits intensive engagement of the feelings (verstrkte
Gefhlsbeteiligung) as the common semantic component in Hittite reduplicated forms. See also Oettinger 1998 on
the functions of reduplication in Hittite.

103
On the semantic distinction between kuku- and k uk u- see CHD sub parariya-.
104
The in front of transcribed Hittite words represents a pair of marker wedges.
35
2.12 7.3 Composite (compounded) forms also exist (Gterbock 1955, Friedrich 1960 53 a, Hoffner 1966;
Kammenhuber 1969b 183-84; Neu 1986): dayuga- two-year-old (d two+ yuga-), appaiwatt - future (appa
after + iwatt- day), allakartatar negligence (alla high + kart- heart + -atar ), zagarai anus (zakar
excrement + ai mouth), pattarpali - (a bird name: broad of wing, pattar + pali -). The negation nman
not want(ing) to seems to consist of a negative element (n?) added to the optative man (cf. CHD sub both man
and nman).
2.13 7.3.1 Compound nouns derived from verbs with their preverbs also exist (Friedrich 1960 53 b): peran
uyatalla- he who runs before, helper, par andandatar divine power, fate, luck, kattakurant - (jug) cut off
beneath, erkurant- (loaf) cut off above (Hoffner 1966). When determinatives mark such compounds, they appear
on the preceding genitive rather than on the head noun:
L
peran uyatalla -,
L
maniyaiya ia-,
L
mukena EN-
a,
L.ME
azziwa ie,
NINDA
aramna li , etc. See Neu 1986, esp. the table on p. 116.
2.14 7.4 The Hittite ethnicon is in -um(a/e)na-, -uma- (Kammenhuber 1993 194f., 660f. Kammenhuber 1969b
120f., 124, 215, 268, 271, 295; Oettinger 1982b), while the Luwian one is in -wana- (Kammenhuber 1969b 153,
268, 295, 318):
URU
Anunum(i)nethe men of Anunuwa,
URU
utummana the man of uta,
URU
Puruandumnan
(acc. sg.) the man from Puruanda,
URU
attuumna,
URU
Palaumna , and note the ethnic pronoun kuenzumna
whatever his home (KBo 1.35 iii 9; Kammenhuber 1969b 215, 271) built upon the interrogative-relative pron.
kui- who, what (Kronasser 1966 102, 113, 194). Note also arunumana- maritime from aruna- sea.
2.15 7.4.1 Personal names are sometimes based upon ethnica (see Laroche 1957b; 1966, Hoffner 1998b). These
names can use either the Hittite ethnicon -umna- or the old Hattic -il + Hittite theme vowel -i-. The following
personal names contain -umna-: uppiuman, Artumanna, Zardumanni, Piriyaauma, Nauma, uppiluliuma. The
following contain -ili: attuili, Arinnili (from Arinna), Nerikaili (from Nerik), Gagaili (from the Kaka
people), upenaili, Katapaili, Taurwaili (from Taurpa), anikkuili (from Ankuwa), imuili (from
emuwa), Karanuili.
2.16 7.5 Hittite nouns have no formal feminine gender (Kronasser 1966 106f.). Most would posit (with
Kammenhuber 1969b 253) a merger of inherited masculine and feminine into a common (or animate) gender in the
Proto-Anatolian stage. According to Pedersen 1938 35f., the formal relic of the PIE feminine is adjectives of the
type dankui- dark, parkui- pure, which have lost their original connotation as feminines.
105
Since Hittite retains
evidence for a productive stem mekk- much in Old Hittite, the more common stem mekki- much may be another
example of this feminine mutation (Kronasser 1966 107, 115f. [here citing Goetzes observation of Kanishite
male PNs in -au versus feminine ones in -aui ], Oettinger 1987; Starke 1990; Rieken 1994; 1996; 1999a).

105
See also Kronasser 1966 107, Kammenhuber 1969b 253.
36
2.17 7.5.1 A linguistic relic which occasionally serves to mark human females is the suffix -ara- which
distinguishes the pairs au king and auara queen, ia lord and iaara lady, uppi
holy/consecrated man and uppeara virgin (see Friedrich 1960 50a, Laroche 1966302-306, Kronasser 1966
109, 111, 124, 129; Kammenhuber 1969b 189f., 198, 261, 269, 297;, 1993 #2878} 196-98), and the Hittite words
underlying ARAD (R) male slave and GME female slave.
106
Compare Luwian nan-i- brother and nan-ar-
i- sister (-ar-). On this element in onomastics see Laroche 1966 302-306. If the Luwian noun ari - woman
(Starke 1990 170f.) is probably related to this suffix, the word for woman in Hittite, however, appears not to be
etymologically related to the Luwian ari -. On the Luwian wanati - woman see Starke 1980. On the putative
Hittite kuinna- woman see Neu 1990; Carruba 1991; 1993, but questioned by Gterbock 1992; 1995a. Puhvel
(1997 306ff.) agreed with Gterbock in questioning the philological basis of Neus example of kuinna- woman,
but agreed with Carrubas identification of the adjective kuwana- and kuwaa- female and reconstructed the
Hittite noun woman as ku(w)an(a)- .

106
See the derived verb GME-aare - to become a (female) slave for evidence that the noun underlying GME is
derived from that underlying R.
3. Noun Endings & Uses 37
37
CHAPTER 3
NOUN ENDINGS AND USES
3.1. 2.0 The Hittite speech system included the following grammatical categories: noun, adjective, pronoun,
numeral, verb, adverb, place word, conjunction and particle.
107
Inflectional categories of the noun, adjective and
some pronouns are gender, case and number.
3.2. 2.0.1 Gender. Grammatical gender is inflectional (and pertinent) only in the nominative and accusative cases.
Hittite recognized two grammatical gender classes, traditionally called common and neuter, alternatively
animate (German belebt) and inanimate (unbelebt). Characteristics of the Hittite neuter or inanimate
nouns are the same features that characterize neuters in other old IE languages: identical forms in the nominative
and accusative cases, and a zero ending in the singular. These two grammatical classes conform broadly to the
inherent or natural animacy of the referents: nouns denoting living beings, human or animal, are usually
common or animate. But numerous exceptions exist. Because of these exceptions it is important always to
specify whether one is identifying a particular nouns animacy as grammatical (i.e., formal) or inherent.
Derivational suffixes entail a specific formal gender regardless of the inherent (non-)animacy of the referent. Nouns
in -atar are always formally neuter or inanimate, even when their referents are inherently animate (i.e., living
beings): antuatar humanity, humans, uitar wild animals. Nouns in -anni- are always formally common or
animate, even when their referents are inherently inanimate (i.e., not living beings): armanni- lunar crescent,
armantalanni- and walpailanni- (kinds of bread). Many nouns of common gender denote non-living things: aimpa
burden, aggala furrow, alkitana branch, bough, alpa cloud, aruna sea, peruna rock, ega
ice,108 ekzanet, aluga message, etc.
3.3. Ergativity. According to Laroche (1962), when a neuter noun needed to be the subject of a transitive verb, it
was built up by an -ant-stem extension and became common gender ( 2.2). He gave to this extended stem the
name ergative. Some Hittitologists have opposed the idea that Hittite could be an ergative language (e.g., Neu
1989b). But it is notable that the vast majority of these extended stem forms are only attested in the nominative,
used as the subject of a transitive verb, which strengthens Laroches case against those who object. Several Indo-
Europeanists have supported the idea of a split ergativity in Hittite (Garrett 1990a; 1990b) and some kind of
ergativity in Proto-IE (Luraghi 1987; Rumsey 1987; Comrie 1998). And even those who reject the idea of
ergativity in Hittite will occasionally use the term ergative in quotation marks to refer to the -ant- forms with this
function (Neu 1979a 184 mit dem Ergativ-Suffix -nt- versehen)). When Luraghi (1997 2.1.2) states that
Neuter nouns, rather than as inanimate, can be better described as inactive, given the constraint [established by

107
Negations (such as English not) are here subsumed under adverbs.
108
The noun ega- ice was originally a neut. a-stem with nom.-acc. sg. egan, but developed secondarily into a common
gender noun.
38
Laroche] that they cannot occur as subject of action verbs, she uses the words action verbs to mean transitive
ones. Neuter nouns do serve as subjects of intransitive action verbs such as pai- to go, etc. For more on the suffix
-ant- 2.2 4.93, 4.110.
3.4. 2.0.3 Inherently animate Hittite nouns behave differently than inherently inanimate ones when expressing point
of origin or destination ofa verb expressing movement (Starke 1977). Hittite nouns are syntactically sensitive to
inherent (as opposed to overt, morphologically expressed) gender. Starke called the inherently inanimate class the
Sachklasse and the inherently animate class the Personenklasse, but observed that the latter includes animals as
well as persons (1977 100). Inherently animate nouns show the dative-locative endings when they express the point
of origin (English from) or destination (to) (17.33 and 17.35), while inherently inanimate ones show the
ablative (18.2) and the allative respectively (17.45ff.). Inherently inanimate nouns appear to have taken the
ablative for from and allative for to, while those of the animate class took the dative-locative for both. But
exceptions exist.
3.5. ince, as stated above, the gender opposition in Hittite contrasts animate and inanimate, there is no formal
distinction between masculine and feminine gender, only a derivational suffix -ara- used to form nouns denoting
human (or divine) females ( 2.17, Kammenhuber 1969b 269) from corresponding male-denoting nouns. In
respect to the lack of a masculine-feminine contrast the Hittite declension of pronouns and substantives resembles
that of the epicene nouns, such as Latin flis cat and canis dog, Greek o\c\pc and i\uV, which can be
masculine or feminine according to the biological gender of the animal referent (Sihler 1995 244). In Hittite, as also
with all PIE nouns, formal indications of gender were few. In most formal classes PIE masculine and feminine
nouns inflected identically, and neuter nouns differed from them only in the nominative and accusative.
3.6. Case. The case system of the various IE languages varies greatly, with classical Greek having five cases, Latin
six, Old Church Slavic seven and Old Indic eight. Evidence for reduction in the number of discrete cases exists in
ancient Greek, and can be shown also in Hittite. Old Hittite possessed eight cases of the noun and adjective which
in the singular only were formally distinct (Forrer 1922, Friedrich 1960 54-56). These are: (1) nominative, (2)
vocative, (3) accusative, (4) genitive, (5) allative, (6) dative-locative, (7) ablative, and (8) instrumental. Dative
and locative singular had already merged into a common dative-locative form in the singular in Old Hittite.
Allative merged with the dative-locative in New Hittite. Merger of nominative, accusative and dative-locative cases
in the plural was underway in New Hittite. This process can be called syncretism (Szemernyi 1996 7.1.4.1 with
literature). For the uses of the cases in detail chapters 16-19.
3.7. Number. PIE substantives distinguished singular, plural and dual (see Szemernyi 1996 7.1.3). The dual is
found in Old Indic, Greek, Old Irish, Old Church Slavic and Lithuanian. It seems to have been lost in Common
Anatolian, since there is no clear evidence for the existence of dual forms in the daughter languages of the Old
39
Anatolian family (Hittite, Luwian, Palaic).
109
Thus, in the declension of substantives and pronouns (for the latter
chapters 10-13) Hittite distinguishes only singular and plural number. Inflectional endings of the noun, adjective
and clitic pronoun distinguish singular from plural in all cases but the instrumental (ending -it) and ablative
(ending -az).
3.8. Hittite also preserves traces of a collective which ended in -i (Neu 1969 239f., Eichner 1985; Neu 1992).
Eichner terms it a comprehensive. These collective forms have been previously regarded as neuters and their
occurrence on substantives of common gender as evidence for heterogenericity in Hittite nouns (for heterogenericity
15.6). Some examples are: atai bones, parulli bread fragments, aniyatti regalia,
NINDA
ari thick
breads,
MUNUS.ME
azkarai (a group of female functionaries in ritual and cult), and
A.
kuli fallow fields/land.
While such forms are inflectionally identical to neuter plurals,110 they are shown to be more than this by their
contrast with common gender plurals (sometimes called count plurals) of the same nouns (e.g., parulli and
parulli ). But because all neuter plurals, even those whose singulars are also neuter, take agreement with singular
predicates ( 15.9) (cf. van den Hout, ), Luraghi (1997 2.1.4) may have a point when she writes: This
means that neuter plural rather has collective value and refers to uncountable entities. Similarly, Prins 1997 xv-xvi,
1, etc. But surely, although the possibility of contrast between countable and uncountable would exist for nouns
whose singular was common gender, no such contrast would be possible for those whose singular was neuter. There
would be no count plural for a neuter noun. CREF further below ( 3.15). Further study is needed to account
for apparent use of the collective ending on nouns of the Personenklasse erving as subjects of intransitive verbs,
which then use the so-called ergative ending when they serve as subjects of transitive verbs (e.g.,
MUNUS.ME
azkarai
and
MUNUS.ME
azkaranza, see Hoffner 1998a).
3.9. The following is the scheme of noun and adjective endings in Hittite:
Old Hittite New Hittite
case sg. pl. sg. pl.
com. nom. - -e111 - -e, -u, -a
com. acc. -n, -an (cons. stems) -u -n, -an (cons. stems) -u, -e, -a
neut. nom.-acc. -, -n
112
-,
113
-a
114
, -i -, -n -, -a, -i
115

109
For literature on the dual see Szemernyi 1996 7.1.3.
110
Hardarson 1987 regards the collective as a neuter singular.
111
Luraghi 1997 2.1.6 incorrectly adds -a.
112
The neut. ending -n (in both OH and NH) occurs only on a-stem substantives and adjectives.
113
Luraghi (1997 2.1.6) adds with stem lengthening, apparently referring to such nouns as uttar word and uddr
words, which would have been distinguished in speech only by a long vowel in the final syllable. But this feature is
found only in some sub-classes of neuter substantives and adjectives.
40
gen. -a
116
-an, -a -a, -an? -a, -an (archaism)
all. -a -a
117
dat. -ai (rare), -i, -ya -a -i -a

loc. -i, -e, -ya (i-stems), -
(cons. stems)
-a -i, -e, -ya (i-stems), - -a
abl. -az, -aza -az, -aza -az, -aza -az, -aza
inst. -it, -d/ta -it, -d/ta -it, -d/ta -it, -d/ta
voc. -e, -i, -
118
-
3.10. Another way of presenting the endings is listing each with its use(s) in Old and New Hittite:
ending Old Hittite possibilities New Hittite possibilities
- nom. sg. com. nom. sg. com.
-n acc. sg. com., a-stem nom.-acc. neut. acc. sg. com., a-stem nom.-acc. neut.
-a gen. sg.; gen. and dat.-loc. pl. sg. gen.; pl. nom./gen./dat./loc./acc.
-an acc. sg. com. (cons. stems); gen. pl. acc. sg. com. (cons. stems); gen. pl. (archaism)
-i loc. sg. loc. sg.
-ya loc. sg. loc. sg.
-e nom. pl. com. nom.-acc. pl. com.
-u acc. pl. com. nom.-acc. pl. com.
-az, -aza sg./pl. abl. sg./pl. abl.
-it/-et sg./pl. inst. sg./pl. inst.
- voc.; neut. sg./pl. nom.-acc.; sg. loc. voc.; neut. sg./pl. nom.-acc.; sg. loc.
-ai dat. or loc. sg.
119
3.11. Nom. sg. com.: The ending of the nom. sg. among substantives of common gender is . When a vowel
precedes it (e.g., in a-, i-, and u-stems), this vowel is not part of the ending, but of the stem (antua human
being = stem antua + ending ). On the other hand, in the cuneiform script an a vowel is often represented as

114
With consonantal stems.
115
The endings -a and -i are used with consonantal stems, -i verbal substantives. 2.5.3.
116
Some, including Luraghi (1997 2.1.6), claim gen. sg. in -an in OH. We have found no unambiguous case in Old Script.
2.5.4.3.
117
To the extent that a distinctive allative form in -a occurs in NH compositions, it is an archaism and not a form of
current speech. In NH the allative was replaced by the dat.-loc.
118
CREF 2.5.9.
119
Cf. labarnai LUGAL-i KUB 2.2 + 48.1 iii 9, tabarnai KUB 44.60 iii 15, Mammai KUB 27.67 ii 45.
41
following this sibilant when the stem ends in nt. The sequence of final (a)nt+ is represented in writing as -an-za:
ipanza night (written i-pa-an-za, pronounced /ispants/). These spellings combined with the writing of the nom.
sg. of t-stem nouns like kardimmiyatt- as kardimmiyaz show that the grapheme z represents t + ( 1.109). On
the pronunciation of in Hittite 1.111. As in PIE, a few stem classes form the nom. sg. asigmatically.
3.12. Nom. pl. com.: The OH ending is -e. In MH the ending -a appears on a few nouns, e.g., the i-stem
alki- grain, crop: al-ki
I.A
-a HKM 19:6. In late New Hittite (attuili III, Tudaliya IV, uppiluliuma II) texts
the earlier pl. nom. ending -e was generally retained in the consonantal stems (e.g., mant- and the participles in
-ant-)
120
and in the i- and u-stems
121
(including the relative kuie),
122
but was replaced by -u in the a-stems.
123
For the pl. nom. lliya in KUB 13.2 ii 24 (MH/NS) the stem could be either luli- or luliya-.
3.13. Acc. sg. com.: The acc. sg. of common gender nouns with vocalic stems is -n (aun king < au +
n). Consonantal stems use -an (kardimmiyattan anger < kardimmiyatt + an).
3.14. Acc. pl. com.: Accusative plural forms in -u are regular in OH, but continue to be frequent even into the
late NH period, including consonantal stems like akuwaaru , memiyanu, SIG-andu, duwarnandu,
waandu, KAU.I.A-u (i.e., *iu mouths KUB 14.4 ii 10, a common gender plural for a word which is
otherwise always neuter), UD.I.A-u (iwattu) days, i-stems like zakkiu, tarpalliu, and some a-stems like
arkammu, kurku,
L.ME
aranatallu (Melchert 1995). But in the post-OH period endings other than -u occur:
-a and -e. Use of -e begins already in MH:
L.ME
apaallie HKM 6:19, 7 obv. 4, etc., warae HKM 47.44,
antue HKM 89:7, 15, []ulle HKM 89:19, zakkiKUB 13.1 i 25, etc., all MH in MS. But there are no
examples so far of consonantal stems with -e for the acc. pl.
3.15. 2.5.3 Nom.-acc. sg. and pl. neut.: In the nom.-acc. sg. neuter most nouns use the bare stem. a-stem nouns
add an -n. On the nom.-acc. pl. neut. in Hittite see Gertz 1982 and Prins 1997. Of the neut. pl. endings (-, -a, -i),
the second is found in consonantal stems like uppala ( 4.72), kudurra ( 4.76), ikia ( 4.86) and
aniyatta ( 4.91). The last-named ending (-i) is attested principally with the verbal substantives of the type
arkuwarri
I.A
and minumarri
I.A
(cf. HE 185 b 2) and r-stem adjectives and nouns like kururi
I.A
( 4.80),
alaltumari, uppari and aniuri ( 4.76, 4.77). The noun aniyatt- shows both an -a and an -i ending, the

120
But compare the late nominative IM.I.A-u (*uwantu winds) in KUB 24.1 iv 16 (Murs. II prayer).
121
But see nom. pl. com. ieniu KUB 13.4 i 15 (MH?/NS).
122
But compare the late nom. pl. damau from the adjective damai- KBo 4.12 obv. 28, and the alternation meqqae
meqqau (both nominative) in KUB 26.1 iii 59-60.
123
Compare in the Bronze Tablet (Tudh. IV) the a-stem nominative plurals: damnaaru i 43,
L.ME
dudduiallu i 82,
L.ME
uwantalu i 83; and a-stem nom. pls. in other late texts like UN.ME-u (*antuu),
L.ME
aru and
L.ME
alau ,
par-E.ME-uamu meqqae / LUGAL.ME arazenua meqqau KUB 26.1 iii 59-60, ZAG.I.A-u (*iru borders)
PP 1 obv. 29, D.ME-u (*apu rivers) KBo 11.1 obv. 29 (Muw. II), and nominative kpat waku in KUB 5.10 +
16.33 + 16.83 i 15 (late NH divination).
42
latter possibly being the ending of the collective. Endingless neut. pl. nouns may have been distinguished from
their singulars by a different accent placement, with attendant lengthening of the (second) root vowel, what Prins
calls an inherited lengthened grade of the suffix (1997 1). That this happened with some nouns is clear from
vocalic alternations (ablaut) in the stem: singular wdar (written wa-a-tar) water, plural widr (written -i-da-a-
ar) waters, singular uttar word, plural uttr (ud-da-a-ar) words. In the word a-a-u-u goods, possessions,
the pl. of the adjective a-a-u good, the plene writing of the final syllable reflects the presence of an old laryngeal
(*-(e)h) (see Watkins 1982 and AHP 86, 131, 184).
3.16. 2.5.4.0 Gen. sg.: For the genitive singular in PIE Szemernyi posits the endings: -es/-os/-s. For the
Hittite genitive singular only the ending -a (from PIE *-os) is widely attested, although some scholars identify
rare use of -. The forms UD-az (= iwaz) in/on the day and nekuz meurin the evening, on which some have
based the case for genitives in -, may not be genitives, but nominatives. The genitive personal names Nunnu and
Taruu and the DN Taammaz of the old language (see Neu 1979a 185f. w. n. 22), as well as the form
ankuwai of the fingernail, may be relics of such a genitive in - (advocated by Weitenberg 1984 and Neu 1979a
186, opposed by Melchert 1984a), but pose problems which cannot yet be resolved. If there was a Hittite genitive
in -, it was rare. In Luwian the place of the gen. was taken by a genitival adjective ending in -a(i)-, and fully
inflected to agree with the head noun (Laroche 1959 133 24).
3.17. 2.5.4.1 Gen. pl.: On the genitive ending -an see Laroche 1965. In OH there existed a distinct form for the
genitive plural ending in -an (< PIE *-m. Kammenhuber 1969b 304f., 311, 313), thought by some to be confined
to semantically animate nouns. It occurs on padnna
GI
GR.GUB stool of the feet, iunan antui people of
the gods, E.ME-na NIN.ME-na itarna among brothers and sisters, DUMU.ME-an parna to the
house of the children, and DINGIR.ME-nana itarna among the gods too. By MH times -an it began to
appear alongside -a as a gen. singular ending: nepian DINGIR.ME takna DINGIR.ME the gods of heaven,
the gods of earth (KUB 26.6:6-7, the duplicate KBo 8.35 ii 10 reads nepia DINGIR.ME; cited CHD L-N 448
as either gen. pl. or sg.). Further examples with text citations can be found below in Chapter 24.
3.18. 2.5.4.2 In some cases it may be possible to see the Old Hittite genitive in -an used as a singular: LUGAL-
an aki to/in the gate of the king Laws 71, KUB 30.10 rev. 22, KUB 13.4 ii 49, LUGAL-an INA UDUN in the
kings oven KBo 20.10 i 3, although one cannot exclude the possibility that these are plurals (of the kings).
Further examples with text citations can be found below in Chapter 24. Laroche surmised an originally collective
character, while Kammenhuber (1969b 254f. [30.2c] and 304f. [42]), claimed that already in OH the originally
sg. -a and pl. -an genitive endings developed into a means of distinguishing animate (-an) and inanimate (-a)
possessors. Included as animate possessors are even body parts such as the foot (padnna
GI
GR.GUB
footstool). Such a theory would seem to have difficulty explaining an OH sentence like: kui E.ME-na
43
NIN.ME-na itarna idlu iyazi nu LUGAL-wa / aran (written ar-a-a-na- a)
124
uwayezzi KBo 3.1 ii
50-51 (Tel. pr., OH/NS), where brothers, sisters and king are all genitives of animate beings, but the two
plurals take -an and the singular king takes -a. Equally problematic for her view is the construction nepian
(dupl. npia) DINGIR.ME the gods of heaven, since nepi heaven is not an animate being.
3.19. 2.5.4.3 In view of the exceptions to Kammenhubers proposed rule perhaps it is better to assume that
beginning already in OH, the ending -a of the genitive singular was gradually extended to cover the plural, and
subsequently (in MH and NH) the old genitive plural ending -an became a free variant of -a, used both in the
singular and plural.
3.20. 2.5.5.0 Dat. and loc. sg.: In Hittite the dative and locative, which were formally distinct in the sg. in PIE
(dative*-ei, locative *-i), share the same endings: merged -i in the sg., -a in the pl. They may be differentiated by
the inherent animacy of the respective nouns and (at least in OH) by word order constraints (Starke 1977). This
situation justifies the use of the term dative-locative to designate a category of nouns showing this distribution of
inflectional endings, although individual words showing this form should certainly be assigned to only one of the
two cases.
3.21. Loc. sg.: The usual loc. sg. ending is -i, much rarer -e. For locatives in -e compare a-stems ee and
idammane ( 1.46, 4.2), the consonantal stem []manteya HKM 88:5 (MH/MS), KUB 13.2 iv 10
(MH/NS), and the u-stem forms a-a-a-u-e and i-da-la-u-e cited above in 1.46. From a pre-Hittite IE locative in
*-won-t-i was derived the inifinitive in -wanzi, while the supinum in -wan may have been derived from the
endingless locative *-won (Laroche 1970 41f.; Neu 1979a 189).
3.22. But locatives of consonantal stems occasionally show forms without endings (or with ending zero) in the
locative singular: -er (*per) in the house, iwat on the day, -er (*ker) in the heart, dagan (from tekan)
on the ground, nepi in heaven, in the sky, kearta in your hand. Some suggest that the place word er
above, upon originated in this way. Neu (1979a 190, 1980) saw the PIE origin of these forms as the same
unmarked, undifferentiated casus indefinitus that underlies the vocative and commemorative. He suspected that
ablative forms like -erza (versus parnaz ), nepiza (versus nepiaz), tapuza, and kitkarza were based on the
undifferentiated stem form. For examples and uses CREF below in Chapter 17.
3.23. All.: Old Hittite had in the singular a noun case ending in -a indicating motion to or toward. This
case was discovered by Forrer 1928 who called it the Richtungskasus. It is often called the directive (Laroche
1970; Kammenhuber 1979a; Brixhe 1979; Luraghi 1997) or terminative (Starke 1977; Held, Schmalstieg, and
Gertz 1987). The CHD III/1 (1980) p. xvi intoduced the term allative. On the history of the research see Starke
1977; 1990. From the allative form of the heteroclitic action nouns in -atar is derived the so-called infinitive in

124
See Hoffner 1982b.
44
-anna (Laroche 1970 41f.; Neu 1970 55 n. 30). Perhaps beginning already in OH (Neu 1979a 189f.) and
intensifying in MH, the allative forms in -a were replaced by forms in -i. In NH speech the allative no longer
existed, although allative forms continued to be copied by NH scribes from older archetypes. And even in OH where
the allative is formally distinct from the locative, some verbs expressing motion (such as iuwa- to pour (solids
into), lauwa- to pour (liquids into), mau- to fall (upon), dai- to place (upon)) are construed with the
locative rather than the allative. For further discussion CREF below in 17.45.
3.24. Abl.: The usual abl. ending is -az, or -aza (cf. Melchert 1977 443ff.). But occasionally one finds an
ablative in -anza, -za, or even -azzi, instead of in -az (Melchert 1977 439f., 448f.): aannanza out of the
family, nepianza from heaven, luttanza out of the window, GIG-anza (*irmananza) by illness, uddananza
by a word ( 3.25, 4.101). The post-consonantal ending -za (-aza is not meant here!) is archaic and thus far
found only in -erza from the house, nepiza from heaven (OH/OS), ittarza (4.78) and the frozen ablative in
the local advs. tapuza to the side (compare GB-laz to/on the left, kunnaz to/on the right), andurza inside
(18.5, 21.4, 21.10, 23.16). As Melchert pointed out, the endings -az (following vowels) and -za (following
consonants) are almost in complementary distribution in Old Script manuscripts. But already in these oldest
manuscripts -az begins to encroach on -za in the consonantal stems. There are occasional instances of the use of the
Akkadian preposition ITU from followed by the inflected ablative form of the noun: ITU KUR
URU
Luwiyaz
from the land of Luwiya (Laws 20).
3.25. The ending -azzi (in parrazzi [ 4.76], antuazziya, mandazziya, gazziya, etc.; 1.80)
preserves the original i-vocalic ending, reflected also in the Luwian ablative -adi. A reasonable reconstruction of the
endings history is: */(o)ti/ > */ati/ > /atsi/ > /ats/ (Melchert 1977 457, Neu 1979a 186). The final two stages are
attested in Hittite, the second stage (with the further development of */ati/ > /adi/) in Luwian. With regard to the
endings -anza, -az, and -aza caution is needed: some of the examples adduced to support this writing of the ablative
may actually be ergatives in -anza ( uddananza in both cases in the paradigms in 4.101).
3.26. 2.5.7.2 Ablative forms do not distinguish singular and plural. In general, and especially in OH, ablatives
occur only on inherently inanimate nouns (3.2 and 3.4). On the ablative see Chap. 18. On the ergative 3.3.
3.27. 2.5.8 Inst.: Although the prevailing instrumental ending is -it or -et, the instrumental singular (especially
with noun stems whose final syllable contains a resonant: l, n, r) ends in -d/t(a): ganut and genut < genu knee,:
kiarit and kiarta with the hand, itaminit and itamanta with the ear, wedanda and wetenit with water,
aganda with oil/grease. See also kad-du-ut with (the eagles) talons KUB 43.60 i 17. It is plausible (so
Melchert 1977, Neu 1979a 190)) that the simple dental without preceding i was the earliest Hittite instrumental
ending, with the i developing (anaptyxis, CREF 1.77ff, 1.84) in the environment of a preceding dental. One also
finds this ending with the demonstratives: apedanda with that, therewith (HED A 87), kedanta with this. Cf.
Melchert 1977 458. There are also two examples of an instrumental ending -at: kuwat KUB 23.72 + rev. 15
(Mita text, MH/MS) and namma alwanzenan i-e-e-na-at DINGIR.MA-a iwa[r ] / []andu Let them []
45
the sorceror with iear, like the Mother Goddess KBo 21.12 rev.? 23-24. Instrumental forms do not distinguish
singular and plural. In general, and especially in OH, instrumentals occur only on semantically inanimate nouns.
But see GUD.I.A-it by the oxen in Laws 121 and
MUNUS
ENSI-ta and by means of a dream-interpreter KUB
30.10 rev. 21 (OH/MS), appantet kunantit including captured and killed (men) HKM 10:40 (MH/MS).
3.28. 2.5.9 Vocative: It is likely that the Hittite vocative (sg.) arose out of an earlier dative sg. (Hahn 1950 237,
followed by Eichner 1974, Neu 1979a 179 n. 7 and Neumann 1982-83). Neumann has plausibly suggested that this
usage could have arisen as an abbreviation of a clause such as I say to In OH, u-stem appellatives and names
take the ending -i: UTU-i (*Itanui) O Sungod, LUGAL-ui (*aui ) O king (Neu 1979a 179, Eichner 1974
234f.). In a later text based on Babylonian forerunners (CTH 372) -u-i was sporadically altered to -u-e. In most
common nouns and adjectives (including a few u-stems
125
) the vocative singular appears as the bare stem. Cf. i-
mi my lord, wappumit O my river-bank, Mukianu O Mukianu, Itanui arku (wr. ar-ku) LUGAL-ue
O Itanu, pre-eminent king KUB 31.127+ i 58 and dupl. KUB 31.129 obv. 4 (OH/MS). In one case the a-stem
noun atta- father has a vocative in -i, namely attime (wr. at-ti-me) O my father. With i-stems the evidence is
ambiguous: Kumarbi, Impaluri, alli great in Itanu alli LUGAL-ue (i.e., *aue) O Itanu, great king
KUB 31.127+ i 22, [Ala]waimi lea namma zaikii O Alawaimi, dont fight them any longer KUB 27.67
ii 31. Consonantal stems seem also to use the -i ending: pedanti O place! and K.BABBAR-an-ti O Silver!
126
The post-OH use (not yet attested in OS!) of the clitic possessive -met/-mit(wappumit, UTUmet, ENmit,
DUMUmit
127
) rather than -mi with vocative is to be explained as a re-analysis of the forms in -i, -e, and zero as
nom.-acc. neuters. No unambiguous example of a vocative form of a neuter substantive is yet known in Hittite,
although wappumit in KUB 30.35 i 8 whose context is somewhat broken may be such (CREF above in this
paragraph). To serve as the vocative of pedan place Hittite speakers used the vocative of a common gender -ant-
extended stem: pedanti O place! Of the situation in PIE Szemernyi (1996 159) writes that In the neuter, nom.
voc. acc. of the same number are not distinguished.
3.29. Neu 1979a 178 and Luraghi 1997 15 2.1.6 claim a pl. voc. ending -e, but give no example to
substantiate it. They may have in mind an example of what we will call an appositional direct address. We
distinguish this from the real vocative. The former is imbedded in a clause; the latter forms its own separate clause.
CREF above in 3.28 and Chapter 16.
3.30. 8.1 As indicated in Chapter Two, Hittite nouns and adjectives have eight cases : vocative (3), nominative
(2), accusative (4), genitive, allative, locative, ablative, and instrumental. Each case has its set of usages. These

125
This fact seems to undermine Luraghis attempt (1997 2.1.6.2) to distinguish u-stems in naming constructions (e.g.,
Tuttu UMU Tuttu is his name) from u-stem vocatives, since both use the bare stem.
126
Although the break before the form in question might be restored as [ DUMU-i-]i K.BABBAR-an-ti lmukan
kue[i] KUB 36.18 ii 7, and the form in question understood as a dative concluding the preceding clause.
127
For refs. cf. CHD -mi-.
46
usages will be described and illustrated in Chapters 23 though 26. Here we only intend to sketch the principal uses
of each case. A ninth case, the dative, is not formally distinct from the locative except in a few OH examples of
the dat. sg. in -ai (Friedrich 1960 p. 44 59c):
Labarnai, aannai.
128
3.31. 8.2 The nominative is the case of the subject of the sentence, the entity about which some assertion will
be made or question asked in the predicate. The primary usage of the nominative case is as subject of the clause. If
this clause has as its verb is, are, was, its predicate will be either (1) a noun, (2) adjective, (3) adverb, or (4)
adverbial phrase (for nominal sentences CREF below in Chapter 38). For example, the king is (1) a warrior, (4)
in the palace, (2) brave, (3) nearby. If the predicate is an adjective (2), it will agree (CREF below in Chapter 15)
with the subject in number (singular, plural), gender (common or neuter), and case (nominative, accusative,
genitive). Noun predicates of to be sentences (1) can be any number or gender, and any case except accusative or
instrumental.
3.32. 8.2.1 Examples of to be or nominal sentences with predicates in various cases: LUGAL-u utneya The
king (is) in the land (predicate = locative); RIN.MEwakan ANE.KUR.RA.ME kui INA
URU
Murmuriga
er What army (was) up in Murmuriga (loc.); kaza
URU
attui MAAR
L.ME
TAPPINI I am now in
attua in the company of our colleagues (loc.); takku L-a ELLUM GME-aa iele If a free man and a
slave woman (are) lovers (nom. pl. ); kma tuel tu let this be yours (gen.); nuza ka ume L.ME
KUR
URU
Imirika mante ITTI UTU-I linkiyaa All you men of Imirika are (men) of his oath (gen.) with
respect to His Majesty; ablative : kma AWATE
ME
UL kuitki 1-edaz 1-edaz ITU KUR
URU
ATTIat These
matters (i.e., treaty regulations) (are) by no means reciprocal (literally, from [this] one, from [that] one); they are
(solely) from the land of atti KUB 21.1+ iii 76-77 (Targ. treaty).
3.33. 8.3 Use. The vocative (see Gterbock 1945 and Hoffner 1998a) is used in exclamations and in direct
address. Hittite does not employ an interjection (such as English O) to introduce the vocative.
3.34. 8.3.1 Form. The vocative form is only attested for the singular. Its ending is either zero (i.e., the bare
noun stem) or the vowels e or i:
d
UTU-e (=
d
Itanue) iami O Sungod, my lord! KUB 31.127 i 1, and
d
UTU-e
arkui LUGAL-ue O Sungod, heroic king! (ibid. 15). The ending -e has been affixed to Itanu-, arku- and
LUGAL-u- (au-), while the zero ending appears on ia- and the possessive -mi-. The -e/i ending is usually
found on u-stems, but also on two a-stem nouns: attime O my father and [E]-nimi O my brother (=
negnimi from negna-) (cf. CHD sub -mi-e 2, and sub negna-). For more on the vocative CREF Chapter 16 and
Neu 1985; Weitenberg 1984.
3.35. 8.3.1 Syntax. The true vocative stands in its own clause (Hoffner 1998a) and often does not take the
quotative particle -wa.

128
Forms of the dat.-loc. of the i-stem adjectives uppai and alllai are not examples of this archaic ending, but can be
47
3.36. 8.3.2 Appositional direct address. But Hittite also employs what one could call an appositional
vocative, nouns or pronouns imbedded in verbal clauses in order to indicate direct address. If the one addressed is
also the subject of the clause, the case will be nominative : ume BE_ LU_ TU mante all you (nom.) who are in
charge of (lit. lords of) the stew! KUB 13.3 ii 20. With the dative : [tuqqawar]a ANA
m
[Maddu]watta
apenian menaanta krur tu Against [you (d.-l.)], O [Maddu]watta (d.-l.), let him likewise be hostile!
KUB 14.1 obv. 31. With genitive: nu tuel iuna uddanta natta lazziyaat (wr. SIG-aat ) Did I not prosper
by your word, O god? (lit., of you, of the god) KUB 30.10 obv. 18. CREF Chapter 16.
3.37. 8.4 The accusative case is the primary case governed by the finite transitive verb. As such its most
common use is as the immediate direct object of the transitive verb. But, like the accusative case in Greek and
Latin, the Hittite accusative can serve as (1) a second object (as in English he made me captain of the team, he
called me a coward, they consider him handsome) (CREF 16.16),
129
(2) a cognate accusative (the figura
etymologicaof the classical languages, sometimes called an inner accusative) (CREF 23.3.5),
130
ullatar ulliya-
to quarrel a quarrel, arnikzel arnink- to pay a payment, ullanzan ulle- to fight a fight, atan e- to
sleep a sleep, iiul iiya- to tie a tie, (3) accusative of the way (CREF 16.23,
131
(4) accusative of
specification (CREF 16.24), (5) accusative of extent/duration (CREF 16.26 (*23.3.4), (6) accusative of
direction (CREF 16.21, and (7) adverbial accusative (23.3.3). In general CREF Chapter 23.
3.38. 8.5 Unlike in some Indo-European languages, in Hittite the genitive case form does not cover the ablative
idea. See Meillet 1964 294 (Gnitif-ablatif in Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Old Irish). Instead, Hittite preserves a
separate ablative case. The genitive is the principal adnominal case. It thus differs from the other oblique cases
(dative, allative, locative, ablative, instrumental) which are more adverbal. The genitive is regularly used to express
the relation of one noun to another. As an adnominal case it may denote: (1)the possessor of the governing noun,
(2) the material from which the governing noun is made, (3) the contents of the container described by the
governing noun, or (4) thequality. When the governing noun expresses a verbal notion, the governed genitive may
denote the subject (subjective genitive, the flow of water) or the object (objective genitive, drinking of water)
of the verbal notion. On this latter usage in Old Hittite see Yoshida 1987. In Old Hittite certain postpositions
govern the genitive: attama ppan after (the death of) my father, LUGAL-wa peran in front of the king,
annama katta with my mother, nepia kattan under the sky; ammel katta with me or (with verbs of
sending) to me, to where I am, aa katta next to the brazier (23.14).

explained in terms of the behavior of i-stem adjectives (cf. 4.4.1).
129
See van den Hout 1992. In linguistic terminology the second object is sometimes also called the object(ive)
complement.
130
See Friedrich 1960 119 sub 199 a.
131
See Friedrich 1960 120 sub 201 b. Example: mankan
UR.SAG
Teinan ar pun I would have gone up Mt. Teina.
48
3.39. 8.5.1 In Hittite the genitive normally precedes the noun which governs it. Exceptions to the preferred order
exist in Hittite, but are not common. They are usually conditioned by the presence of an ideogram (Sumero- or
Akkadogram) serving to represent the governing noun. CREF Chapter 24.
3.40. 8.6 The Hittite allative was first properly described and defined by Laroche 1970 22-49. It has been called
directive by some, terminative by others, and confused with the locative by still others (CREF 24.8.1).
The allative expresses that person or object to or into which an action is directed (parna to the house, laa to a
campaign, a into the mouth, tunnakina into the bedroom, nepia to the sky). The locative, on the other
hand, designates the object in or on which a thing is situated (parni in the house, i in the mouth, nepii in
the sky). Whereas the allative implies movement, the locative implies rest. It may be, as Kammenhuber contends,
that in PIE, as presently reconstructed, the two functions were performed by one case, the locative. If so, the allative
developed within the Anatolian branch. Within the early phases of Hittite (OH and MH) a separate ending -a was
used to designate the case of toward, into. So long as the case in -a is kept distinct from the dative and the
locative in -i, it is of little consequence which of the several proposed names one gives it. In this grammar we will
use the term allative.
3.41. 8.6.1 In NH (after c. 1400 BC) the allative (which existed only in the singular) assumed the same ending
as the locative, -i, and thus became formally indistinguishable from the latter.
3.42. 8.6.2 The dative , which in Old Hittite was sporadically distinguished from the locative by the ending -ai
(CREF above 8.1), usually shared with the locative the ending -i. Because the two cases are usually outwardly
identical in Hittite, we denote the singular forms in -i and the corresponding plural in -a dat.-loc. or d.-l. The
Hittite dative denoted: (1) the indirect object of the verb (I gave to him [dat.] an apple [acc.]), (2)possession
(To him [dat.] was a house = He had a house), (3) the person from whom something is taken (I took from
him [dat.] an apple [acc.]. The from case for things is the ablative, for persons i.e., humans and gods) it is the
dative (24.6.4.1). Hittite datives represented by ideograms are indicated by the Akkadian preposition ANAto,
for.
132
CREF Chapter 24.
3.43. 8.7 As the case which denotes rest in or on some spot, the locative is used to express: (1) spatial location,
(2) location in time, i.e., temporality, and (3) measure or dimension (iueni in large amount, palati in
width, dalugati in length). When a noun in the locative is represented by an ideogram, it is often marked by the
Akkadian preposition INA in, on. CREF Chapter 24. There is also a so-called endingless locative (also called a
stem locative; see Neu 1980). The most common example of this stem locative is the word dagan on the ground
(from the nom.-acc. neuter noun tekan). But only a small subset of nouns occur iin the endingless locative form.
Most take the common endings -i (sg.) and -a (pl.).

132
Hittite scribes insufficiently aware of the distinction sometimes confuse the Akkadian prepositions ANA to, for
(usually representing the Hittite dat.) and INA in, into (usually representing the Hittite loc.).
49
3.44. 8.8 The ablative principally expresses the notions of source and separation (from, out of, away from).
Derivative ideas led to perlative (through), partitive (of) and causal (because of) uses. In later Hittite the
boundaries between ablative and instrumental became less strict, so that one finds in these texts instrumental
ablatives. Ablatives can also be used for directional notions: kunnaz on the right, GB-laz on the left, tuedaz
on your side, anzitaz on our side, kez on this side, etc. For a systematic study of ablative and instrumental in
Hittite see Melchert 1977 and Chapter 25.
3.45. 8.9 The instrumental designates the tool, instrument, means, or material by or through which an action is
accomplished (GUD.I.A-it by the oxen, aganda with grease, paunit with fire, llit with the tongue,
natit with an arrow, etc.). Only rarely therefore will a noun denoting a person take this case (see antuet by
human(s), iunit by the god). In late texts one finds ablatival instrumentals such as aanit luzzit (exempted)
from tax and corve. When a noun in either the ablative or instrumental case is represented by an ideogram, it is
specified as to case by the Akkadian preposition ITU from, with, by means of. CREF Chapter 25.
4. Noun Declension 50
50
CHAPTER 4
NOUN DECLENSION
A-STEM NOUNS
4.1 3.1 Hittite a-stems continue PIE stems in o (1.29). Of the Hittite nouns and adjectives with vocalic stems
those with stems in a equal in number the total of those in i and u combined. They form the largest and most
regular Hittite stem-class. In this class substantives and adjectives decline identically, in contrast to the i- and u-
stem classes (Chapter 4). For a-stem nouns in the Old Anatolian languages cf. Kammenhuber 1969b 193f., 279f.,
and Meriggi 1980 5-40. Derived stems in -a- include nominal abstracts in -ima-, action nouns in -a-, agent
nouns in -tara-, -talla-, and -ala-, derived adjectives in -ala-, et hni ca i n - umna-, and the female-forming suffix
-ara-. All of these suffixes form common gender nouns. For more on these derivational suffixes CREF Chapter 2.
4.2 3.2.1 The following are paradigms of a-stem common gender nouns (Friedrich 1960 45f. 64-65):
Case human being mother sea
Common Gender Singular
nom antua, antwaa,
antuwaa
133
anna aruna
acc anduan,
o
antuwaan,
antan, antuan
134
annan arunan
voc.
135
gen
136
andua ,
o
antua
o+
antuwaa
O+137
anna aruna
dat.-loc. antui,
138
antue,
139
UN-i
140
anni aruni
all aruna
o 141

133
Fully syllabic writings of antua or antuwaa in OS are rare: sg. gen. an-du-u-a-a KBo 17.1 + 25.3 i 22, an-tu-wa-
a-a [-?] KUB 36.105 rev. 12. From the stem antuwa
a
/i- the sg. nom. forms antuwaa and antuwai and the gen.
sg. antuwaa are attested: an-tu-wa-a-[a-a] KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44 + i 7 (OH/NS); an-tu-<wa>-a-a-a KUB 31.127 +
ABoT44+} i 35 (OH/NS); an-tu-u-wa-a-a-a KUB 31.127 + FHG 1 ii 18 (OH/NS), KUB 29.4 i 1;
134
an-du-u-a-an KUB 30. 10 rev. 23 (OH/MS), an-tu-u-a-an KUB 31.127+ iii 15 (OH/NS).
135
Another a-stem vocative: ne-eg-na O brother.
136
For a sg. gen. in -an see labarnan KUB 20.92 vi 11 (Kammenhuber 1969b 193).
137
an-du-u-a-a KBo 17.1 + 25.3 i 22 (OS); an-tu-u-a-a KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44 i 37 (OH/NS);
138
an-tu-u-i KUB 26.41 (+) 23.68 + ABoT 58 obv. 23 (MH/NS),
139
Dative in an-tu-u-e KUB 43.58 i 52, KUB 44.61 rev. 7, 19. For dat.-loc. in -e see 2.5.5.1.
140
In KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44+ iv 8 (OH/NS)
51
Case human being mother sea
abl annaz arunaz (a)
ins
142
antuet
143
Common Gender Plural
nom
144
andue, antue/i,
145
antuwae/i, antuu
n146
anni *aruni
acc
147
anduu, antuu, antue
m148
annu arunu
gen. antua *anna aruna
149
dat.-loc. antwaa, antua, andua *anna *aruna
abl. antuaz
150
*arunaz
inst.
151

Case lord ear
152
clay father
nom i itamina,
itamana
153
IM-a atta

141
a-ru-na KUB 36.110 iii 21 (OS), and fairly frequently in OH/MS or OH/NS.
142
Other a-stem sg. instr.: teit by means of a dream, patet and GR-it by foot, on foot, unuwait with decoration,
zapzakit with glaze, and lalit with the tongue.
143
an-tu-u-e-et 1691/u ii 5.
144
Other a-stem nom. plurals are: ae, anzae, kakkapi, pappanikne, tuekke and walle. in -e or -i, and kakapu,
ZAG.I.A-u (*iru borders KBo 5.13 i 27) in -u.
145
an-tu-wa-a-e-e KBo 3.60 ii 16 (OH/NS) is possibly sg. nom. by context, although seemingly pl. nom. in form. an-tu-
u-i-i KBo 3.1+ ii 32 (OH/NS), [an-tu-u]-e-e HKM 50:5 (MH/MS);
146
UN.ME-u Bronze Tablet ii 48. For other examples of a-stem nouns with late NH nom. plurals in -u CREF above sub
2.5.1.
147
Other a-stem pl. acc.: nku sisters, E.ME-u (*negnu )brothers, DUMU.ME-u sons, children, ZAG.I.A-u
borders KBo 4.10 rev. 21, D.ME-u rivers, UR.SAG.ME-u mountains.
148
HKM 89:15 (MH/MS) is acc. by context. [u]lle in 89:19 seems also to be acc. pl.
149
KUB 36.89 rev. 4 (NH), cf. HED A 179.
150
an-tu-u-a-az together with (its) inhabitants (abl. of accompaniment, on which see Melchert 1977 365ff., 397ff.)
Bronze Tablet i 88 (Tudh. IV), an-tu-u-a-az-zi-ia (with clitic -ya and, CREF 1.6, and 8.5, and 25.1) Bronze Tablet i
89 (Tud. IV).
151
As examples of pl. instr. see aet anzait and L.ME-it apud Kammenhuber 1969b 194, 206. See also GR.I.A-it
(*patit ) in KBo 10.2 ii 19, iii 32 (OH/NS) and KUB 19.39 ii 4 (ed. AM 162), UR.SAG.DIDLI.I.A-it KUB 26.19 ii 44
(MH/NS), ANE.KUR.RA.I.A-it KBo 5.3 ii 28 (upp. I), SAG.DU.ME-it (*aranit ) KUB 27.67 iii 26.
152
Kammenhuber 1969b 273. There is no neut. form *itaman of this noun in KUB 14.13 i 18-20, as HED E/I 458 claims.
52
Case lord ear
152
clay father
acc in itamanan IM-an attan
voc.
154
i, ia atta,
155
atti
156
gen. i
157
wilna atta
dat.-loc. i, ee,
o++
ia
158
idammane,
159
itamani
160
ulin
161
atti
all.
162
abl. IM-az
ins. itaminit, itamanta
163
wilanit
nom.
164
i
165
itamane
166
att, atti, addu,
n

acc
167
EN.ME-u itmanu, itamanu wilanu, IM.I.A-u attu
gen. i adda
dat.-loc. ia
168
adda

153UZU
itamanakan KUB 55.20 + 9.4 i 4, cited by HED E/I 458 as genitive, is clearly nominative.
154
Another a-stem vocative: ne-eg-na O brother (see Hoffner 1988).
155
Attested in IKUR-ta [a]t-ta-u[m-mi] O Tarunta, our father! KUB 33.66 + 40.333 iii 8, ed. Groddek 1999 38, 40, 46
(Otten).
156
Attested in the form at-ti-me O my father! KBo 12.70 rev.! iii 10, cf. CHD sub marnan A and parganu-.
157
The form should be itama/ina*, but it is not yet attested. The form
UZU
itamana Bo 2139 + KUB 9.4 i 4 cited in HED
E/I 458 as a gen., is actually nom.
158
i-a-a-i KUB 24.9 i 52 with var. i-i-e-i KUB 41.1 i 10.
159
For dat.-loc. sg. in -e cf. 2.5.5.1.
160
The unique writing
UZU
i-ta-ma-a-ni KUB 9.4 + 55.20 i 5 may be a scribal error.
161
Cf. 1.9.1.5.2.
162
Among a-stem allatives: laa to/on a campaign (OS), ap to the river, ZAG-na to the right.
163
Cf. 2.5.8, 6.2.1.1.1.
164
Other a-stem nom. plurals are: ae, anzae, kakkapi, pappanikne, tuekke and walle. in -e or -i, and kakapu,
ZAG.I.A-u (*iru borders KBo 5.13 i 27) in -u.
165
i-e-e-e KUB 30.68 obv. 6, KBo 19.88:4, i--e KBo 3.46 obv. 38. There are no examples of pl. nom. *ii or *i-
i-i-i.
166
i-ta-ma-n-e KBo 13.31 ii 10-11.
167
Other a-stem pl. acc.: nku sisters, E.ME-u (*negnu )brothers, DUMU.ME-u sons, children, iru KBo 3.1
i 7 (OH/NS), ZAG.ME-u KUB19.37 ii 18 (NH), ZAG.I.A-u KBo 4.10 rev. 21 (late NH) and ZAG.ME-i borders
Bronze Tabl. i 16 (late NH), D.ME-u rivers, UR.SAG.ME-u mountains KBo 4.4 iv 30 (NH).
168
i-a-[a?-]a-a-ma-a-a-an (iaamaan ) KBo 3.1 i 21 (OH/NS).
53
Case lord ear
152
clay father
abl. itamanaz
inst
Case spring (season) roof
nom. c. *amea
169
ua
acc. c. amean
170
uan
nom.-acc. n. ua
gen. amea
171
ua
all. ua
dat.-loc. amei, amii, ammei (1) ui
abl. uaza, uaziya
acc. uu
4.3 3.2.1.1 For kear, keara- hand CREF 4.78.
4.4 3.2.2 Because only one vocative of an a-stem noun (i O lord) used to be known, it was assumed that the
vocative of the a-stems was the bare stem form (Kammenhuber 1969b 193). But with the recognition of attime
(NH) O my father (CHD L-N sub -mi- e 2 a) alongside attaumma O our father the picture is no longer so
simple (CREF 3.34 , 16.9).
4.5 3.2.2.1 The common a-stem noun pada- foot is mostly written with the logogram GR. But some syllabic
forms exist: pl. acc. pa-a-tu-u[] KBo 25.46:3, pl. gen. pa-ta-a-n(a) KBo 20.8 obv.? (4), 19 (OS), pa-ta-a-an
KBo 20.12 i (10) (OS), KBo 17.74 i 9 (OH/MS), [p]a-a-ta-an KUB 34.120:6 (OH/NS), KUB 44.36 ii 14

169
The animate stem in -ant- , ameanza or amekanza, is regularly used, when spring must be a subject: ameanza
kiari spring comes. The previous observation is, of course, influenced by the so-called ergative use of the -ant- forms.
It does not prejudice the case against some slight semantic differentiation between the long and short forms of these
(common gender!) season names and time words, as was suggested by Goetze 1951 469-470.
170
KUB 50.90:20 (late NH).
171
Often with broken spellings a-me-i-a-a and a-mi-e-a-a. Hittitologists are generally reluctant to use the
secondary values of the signs: a-m-e-a-a and a-m-i-a-a (or even a-me-e-a-a ). The i-vocalization of the
second sylable is clearly attested in dat.-loc. a-mi-i-i. Also often replaced by ameanda from the longer stem
ameant-.
54
(OH/NS), dat.-loc. pa-ta-a-a (-a-a) KBo 17.15:10 (OS), inst. pa-te-et KUB 51.20 rev. 5 (NS), cf. GR.I.A-
it (*patit ) in KBo 10.2 ii 19 (OH/NS).
4.6 3.2.2 Other common gender a-stem nouns are: aka- gate, arnamniyaa- revolt, ira- border,
boundary, laa- campaign, luliyaa- marsh, nata- reed; arrow, nuntarriyaa- haste, palzaa- statue
base, pedestal, nega- sister, negna- brother (logograms E and AU), enaa- trap, ambush, dammea-
oppression, injury, tea- sleep, unuwaa- ornament, etc. Note the many nouns in the list built to the -a-
suffix. Notable are the common gender a-stem nouns denoting body parts: antaka- loins(?), arra- anus, titita-
nose, itamana- ear, kalulupa- digit, keara- hand, lala- tongue(?), pappaala- oesophagus, pata-
foot, patala- sole of the foot, tetana- hair.
4.7 Neuter a-stem nouns are less common (Friedrich 1960 64). Examples are: peda- place, ega- ice, arziya-
cultivated land, granary, tarua- (a leather part of the harness), iptamiya- (designation of a liquid),
(UZU)
uppa
meat, yuga- pair, yoke, kuata bride price, arpa- quarrel(?), strife(?), etc. For
GI
eya- (an evergreen tree)
CREF below in 4.67. Some apparently neuter nouns in -a may be collectives, indicating items consisting of
aggregates of components:
KU
tarua harness,
TU
aramma (a kind of stew),
GI
galamma (a part of the door).
place ice
yoke (others)
sg. nom.-acc. pedan ekan
172
yugan arziyan, tarua
173
gen. peda eka
yuga
dat.-loc. pedi eki
yuki
inst.
yukit
abl. pedaz, petaz
pl. nom.-acc. A-RI
I.A
pl. gen. pda
pl. dat.-loc. peda
4.8 3.2.3.1 On vocatives of neuter substnatives CREF 3.28.
4.9 3.3 The following are a-stem adjectives: annalla- earlier, former, annanua- tamed, trained, andara-
blue, anturiya- interior, inner, armala-, irmala- ill, arunumana- maritime, attalla- fatherly, paternal,
ikuna- cold, atuga- terrifying, uwappa- hostile, malevolent, ipantiya- nocturnal, itarniya- medial,
located in the midst, karpiwala- furious(?), kattera- lower, genzuwala- merciful, compassionate, kunna-

172
A secondary common gender sigmatic nom. sg. is also attested: e-ga-a KUB 21.18 rev. 19 (HED E/I 257, citing Laroche,
Ugaritica 6:372f.). Cf. also Hoffner 1971. No attested form of ega- unambiguously indicates an n-stem.
173
tarua could be a plural. If so, then all sg. neut. a-stem nouns take the ending n in the sg. nom.-acc.
55
righthand, liiyala- pertaining to the liver, maninkuwa- near, nuntariya- swift, swiftly rising, pittalwa-
plain, dannara- empty, plain, unornamented, dannatta- empty, depopulated, tuwala- distant, walkiara-
skilled, wanummiya-fatherless, widowed, childless. Other examples can be found in the lists of Reichert 1963,
pp. 65-74, and Jie 1994 6-21.
4.10 3.3.1 The paradigm of a-stem adjectives (Friedrich 1960 65):
Case Endings empty surrounding,
external
right-hand earlier, former
Singular
nom c -a
174
arazena
175
kunna annalla
acc c -an dannattan,
tannattan
arazenan
176
ZAG-an annallan
n.a neut -an dannattan, dannatta,
tannata
arazenan kunna, ZAG-an annallan
gen -a arazena ZAG-na annalla
dat.-loc. -i dannatti arazeni kunni annalli
all. -a arazena ZAG-na
abl -az arazenaza kunnaz annallaz
ins
177
-it ZAG-nit
Plural
nom c -e,
178
late
NH -u
179
*dannatte,
dannaddu
n
arazene,
180
arazenu, arazena
ZAG-ni annall( i) e, annalli,
181
acc c
182
-u *dannaddu arazena ZAG-nu
183

174
dan-na-at-ti-i KUB 21.29 i 12 (Hatt. III) is obviously either from an i-stem alternative stem or shows the so-called i-
mutation. Cf. also dan-na-at-te-e kitt [ari ] KUB 25.21 iii 5, and dan-na-at-ta-te-e dan-na-at-te!-in KUB 36.89 rev.
41-42.
175
We do not distinguish the signs ZI and Z in the bound transcription of this word, since ZI can also be read ze.
176
Written a-ra-a-ze-na-an with zi sign, not z.
177
Other a-stem sg. ins.: ne-e-u[-it], and ni-u-i-i[t].
178
Other nom. plurals in -e: arunumane, arawe, katterre.
179
dannaddu KBo 11.1 obv. 36 (Muw. II), arazenu KUB 26.1 iii 60 are contextually nom. pl.
180
Wr. a-ra-a-z-n-e-e (with the NI sign) and transcribed arazenie by HED A 134.
181
An i-stem annalli- also exists, for which the neut. sg. annalli, the com. acc. sg. annallin and the plural form annalliu are
attested.
182
For the a-stem adj. newa- the pl. acc. ne-mu-u reflects the shift *newu > nemu (CREF ).
183
annalliu KUB 38.34:7, 9, KUB 40.2 rev. 8, and annaliu HT 4:13 appear to be from an alternative i-stem.
56
Case Endings empty surrounding,
external
right-hand earlier, former
n.a.neut -a dannatta arazena kunna annalla
gen -a arazena annalla
dat.-loc. -a tannatta, dannatta annalla
Endings bewitching first last exempt, free
Singular
nom c -a alwanzena antezziya appezziya arawa
acc c -an alwanzenan antezziyan appezziyan arawan
n.a neut -an alwanzenan arawan
gen -a alwanzena arawa
dat.-loc. -i alwanzeni arawi
all. -a alwanzena
abl -az alwanzenaz antezziaz, antezziyaz appezziaz, apezziyaz arawaz
ins
184
-it alwanzinit arawit
Endings bewitching first last exempt, free
Plural
nom c -e alwanzene antezzie appezzie arawe
acc c -u alwanzenu antezziu appezziu
n.a neut -a alwanzena
gen -a alwanzena
dat.-loc. -a alwanzena
abl -az alwanzenaz
ins -it alwanzinit
Endings internal, interior central, middle nocturnal upper, superior
Singular

184
Other a-stem sg. ins.: ne-e-u[-it], and ni-u-i-i[t].
57
nom c -a anturiya itarniya ipantiya
acc c -an itarniyan
n.a neut -an itarniyan arazziyan
gen -a
dat.-loc. -i anturiya itarniya arazziya
all. -a
abl -az
ins -it
Plural
nom c -e anturie arazzie
acc c -u anturiu arazziu
n.a neut -a
gen -a
dat.-loc. -a anturiya itarniya
abl -az
ins -it
The oblique case forms (gen., abl., inst.) of antezziya-, appezziya- and arazziya- would be indistinguishable from
those of the shorter, i-stem forms of these two words, antezzi-, appezzi-and arazzi- (2.1, 4.10, 4.37).
DECLENSION OF I- AND U-STEM NOUNS
4.11 4.1 According to a rough estimate nominal and adjectival stems in a number about 620, while those in i
total 550, and those in u 100. That means that of the nouns and adjectives with vocalic stems the a-stems constitute
49%, the i-stems 43%, and the u-stems 8% of the total. A substantial sub-group of the a-stems exhibits the ending
-iya-: about 46, or 7% of all a-stems, 4% of all vocalic stems. This sub-group shows many affinities in declension
to the i-stems, as does the sub-group in -ai-, numbering about 45 (3% of all vocalic stems). There are about 250
common gender i-stem nouns and about 25 neuter ones.
4.12 For the i- and u-stem nouns in Old Anatolian languages cf. Meriggi 1980 41-92. For the u-stem nouns
in Hittite cf. Weitenberg 1984 and the reviews of it (e.g., Melchert 1984a, Carruba 1989, Eichner 1991.
58
4.13 4.11 Many common derivational suffixes end in i: -ai-, -alli-, -ili-, -ulli-, -mi- (Luwian passive participle),
-anni- (diminutive?
185
), -ri-, -uri-, -ai-, -ati-, and -uzzi- (CREF 2.2). The Luwian nouns with nom.-acc. in
-ai are actually t-stems (see Laroche, DLL 132 5).
4.14 4.12 Many Hurrian nouns end in i. Often a characteristic Hurrian formative immediately precedes it: -i-
(arui, ubrui ), -i-, -ki-, -ki-, -ugari-, -uri-, -arti-, etc.
186
4.15 Complicating the picture of the i-stem noun is the existence in Hittite and Luwian of what has been called
either i-motion or i-mutation.
187
Starke set up a scheme for the Luwian noun and adjective in which he
distinguished (1) consonant-, (2) a-, (3) u- and (4) i/a- stems. In the first two groups (consonant- and a-stems)
mutated forms appear, in the third (u-stems) only in adjectives, and in the fourth not at all. [This section is
UNFINISHED. There will be more. I need to write about how this affects Hittite nouns.]
4.16 Hittite shows ablauting stems of i- and u-stems primarily in the adjectives but also sporadically in
substantival i- and u-stems (Kammenhuber 1969b 194 [19.2], 280f. [40.2]).
4.17 4.2 In purely descriptive terms, the following are the characteristics of the declension of i-stem nouns (see
also Neu 1985):
4.18 4.2.1 When the ending is a simple consonant (-, -n) or zero, this ending is added directly to the i-stem:
alki (nom. sg. com.), alkin (acc. sg.). Case endings which consist of or begin with an a vowel are connected to
the i-stem by a glide or hiatus marker (y): alkiya, alkiyaz, alkiya, or by the loss of the i-stem and direct
affixation of the case ending to the preceding consonant: uluganna (gen. sg. of uluganni -), ulugannaza (abl.).
This second pattern is much less common.
4.19 4.2.2 Case endings which begin with a u vowel (acc. com. pl. -u) are affixed directly to the i-stem:
alkiu. A glide may have existed in speech, but no special spelling (such as *al-ki-i-u) indicates this.
4.20 4.2.3 In NH, case endings which begin with an e vowel (nom. com. pl. -e) sometimes merge the e with
the i stem-vowel, so that the vowel may appear in the spellings as i: al-ki-i for earlier al-ki-e-e (Kammenhuber
1969b 304). These NH nom. plurals in -i may cause confusion in parsing with the nom. sg. com. gender. Nom.
plurals like al-al-tu-ma-RI-e could obviously be read either as alaltumarie or alaltumare . Similarly al-
ki-e-e, which can be read al-ke-e-e. A writing *al-al-tu-ma-ri-i-e or *al-al-tu-ma-ri-i-e-e would be
unambiguous evidence for non-merger. Obviously, ambiguous forms should not be used as evidence for merger of

185
So Friedrich 1960 50c, but see Gterbock apud Bittel and Gterbock 1975 170f. with n. 23.
186
For these derivational suffixes in Hurrian see the grammatical treatments of Hurrian, such as Speiser 1941; Bush 1964;
Neu 1988b; Girbal 1990; Wilhelm 1992.
187
Its morphological function was first recognized by Starke 1990 56-93, especially 92f., and subsequently discussed by
Rieken 1994; 1996; 1999a. See also already Oettinger 1987.
59
ie to e. Since unambiguous examples of ie exist in OH and MH, and it is only in NH that some ambiguous
examples of the merger appear, ambiguous OH examples should not be interpreted as mergers.
4.21 4.2.4 The allative and d.-l. sing. of the i-stems end in -iya
188
or -i. The former ending (-iya) may represent
the Old Hittite allative ending -a connected to the i-stem by a glide.
4.22 4.2.5 Rare nom. singulars like tuzziya (instead of the normal i-stem noun tuzzi army) may be analogic
formations with the stems in -iya-.
4.23 4.2.6 Paradigms of common gender i-stem substantives with non-ablauting stem:
Singular
case grain army light chariot
189
n. alki tuzzi, tuzzia
190
uluganni
m191
ac. alkin tuzzin ulugannin
m
, ulukannin
192
gn
193
alki( y) a tuzziya uluganna
m
uluganniya[?]
194
all.
195
or
loc.
alkiya tuzziya uluganni
m
, uluganniya
m,
uluganiya
196
abl alkiyaza tuzziyaz, tuzziaz uluganniyaz, ulukannaz,
ulugannaza
m197
ins alkit *tuzzit ulugannit
Plural
nom alki,
198
alki
199
, alkia
m200
tuzzie, tuzzi
201

188
Cf. nankan tuzziya / anda uwate Bring him in to the army HKM 35:6-7 (MH/MS).
189
Kammenhuber 1969b 281 attributes the lack of ablaut in uluganni- and alaltumar( i) - to their status as loanwords.
190
A rare form found only in KBo 2.5 ii 13 (NH), ed. AM 182.
191

GI
uluganni KUB 5.10 + 16.33 + 16.83 i 5 (NH).
192

GI
ulugannin IBoT 1.36 iii 68 (MH/MS),
GI
ulugannen KUB 29.1 i 23 (OH/NS),
GI
ulukannin KUB 2.3 v 44.
193
Other gen. sgs. liya Laws 86 (HL 87f.), luliya Laws 119 (HL 109f.), [arauw]aniya Laws 194 (ms. aa, OS), ed.
HL 152f., ubatiya KBo 3.34 ii 26 (OH/NS),
194

GI
uluganna IBoT 1.36 ii 12 (MH/MS),
GI
uluganniya[?] IBoT 1.36 iii 76 (Gterbock and van den Hout 1991 32, 57
for uncertain restoration).
195
Other examples of allatives/locatives: artaiya KUB 30.34 iv 15;
GI
kurakkiya KUB 34.66 + 39.7 iii 1 and kurakki
KBo 4.1 rev. 13;
(NA)
uwaiya KUB 53.14 ii 13, uwai KUB 10.90 rev. 1.
196

GI
uluganni IBoT 1.36 ii 13, etc. (MH/MS),
GI
uluganiya KBo 30.54 i 16, 20 (OH/NS),
GI
lukanni KUB 2.3 v 33.
197

GI
uluknnaz IBoT 1.36 iii 71 (MH/MS),
GI
ulugnnaza iii 63,
GI
uluganaz iv 18, KUB 10.18 i 22.
60
Singular
case grain army light chariot
189
acc alkiu, alke tuzziu, tuzziya
gen alkia
loc. alkia
202
abl
Collective
[Craig: Im not sure how you would like collectives treated. Like cases or numbers, etc.?]
nom.-acc al-ki
I.A
Singular
case corner (mostly pl.) valley
203
artery(?), sacrificial animal
n. *alaltumari *ri auli
ac. *alaltumarin *rin aulin
gn
204
riya auliya
d.-l. or all. [al-a]l-tu-u-ma-ri
205
riya auliya, aul
abl riyaz aulati
ins
Plural
nom alaltumarie ri aulie, auliu
n
acc riu
gen alaltumariya

198
Spelled al-ki-e-e, possibly to be interpreted as al-ke-e-e, in which case the i stem vowel has been absorbed into the
following e. Cf. 4.2.3.
199
alki HW 47 without citation. Perhaps KUB 15.11 ii 6 [x-x-x] nu al-ki-i iiyante was meant. This form not
registered in HED H 37.
200
al-ki
I.A
-a in HKM 19:6 (MH/MS), cf. HED H 37.
201
tu-uz-zi[-i?] HKM 86b: 7 (MH/MS), ed. Alp, HBM 286f., and nu kuwapi tu-uz-zi-i / anda arikanzi KUB 31.42 iii 19-
20 (MH/NS).
202
al-ki
I.A
-a in HKM 19:10 (MH/NS); not acc. pl. (misunderstood in HED H 38).
203
Craig: do you take this as stem ari- like Friedrich, or as ariya- ?
204
Other gen. sgs. liya Laws 86 (HL 87f.), luliya Laws 119 (HL 109f.), [arauw]aniya Laws 194 (ms. aa, OS), ed.
HL 152f., ubatiya KBo 3.34 ii 26 (OH/NS),
205
So in HW
2
H 27b, but doubtful, since the context is damaged, and all other examples are plural.
61
Singular
case corner (mostly pl.) valley
203
artery(?), sacrificial animal
d.l. alaltumariya riya
abl alaltumaraza
case lip (a priest) (a priest)
n
Singular
n. pri, puri purapi patili, ptili, pteli
ac. prin, purin
gn
d.-l. or all. pri, p<r>iya purapi
abl
ins
Plural
nom pri purapi, purap, purapiu patili, ptilie, batili
acc priu, pri, puriu purapiu
gen patili, patiliya
d.l. priya, pria purapeya patili, ptiliya
abl priyaz, puriyaz
case latch border province (=Akk.
madgaltu)
spring, water source
Singular
n. zakki
o+
, zakke
m
auri altanni, aldanni, aldani
ac. zakkin
m
gn zakkia
n
, zakkiya
o++
auriya, awariya
d.-l. or all. zakkit
n
, zakkiya auriya altanni, aldanni, aldani
abl auriyaza altaniyaz
ins
Plural
62
case latch border province (=Akk.
madgaltu)
spring, water source
nom auri altanni, altannu
acc zakkiu
m+
, zakkiu
I.A
, zakki
n
,
zakk
n
, za-ak-ki!
I.A m206
auriu, auwari altanniu
gen
d.l. auriya altannia, aldanna
abl
case belt, sash anger testicle
207
Singular
n. iuzi karpi
o+
taku
s
ac. iuzzin karpin
o+
gn iuzziya
d.-l. or all. karpi
n
takuwaya, takui
s
abl
ins
Plural
nom karpiu
n
takue
s
acc iuzzia
n
gen
d.l. takuwa
s
abl
4.24 4.2.7 Paradigm of neuter i-stem substantives:
stela libation clay tablet
Singular
nom-acc uwai ipanduzzi tuppi
gen uwaiya ipantuzziya tuppiya, tuppia
d.l. uwaiya, uwai ipanduzzi, ipantuziya tuppi, tuppiya
abl. tuppi( y) az, tuppiazza

206
Either a neut. pl. or a collective.
207
Weitenberg 1984 270f. regards this word as a secondary u-stem from a primary i-stem takui-. The seconday u-stem
forms are marked with superscripted s.
63
stela libation clay tablet
erg. tuppianza
Plural
n.-a. nt. uwai
I.A
tuppa
I.A
gen tuppa
I.A
-a
d.-l.
208
abl.
Singular
nom-acc armiyalli,
GI
TUKUL-li
gen
d.l.
abl.
erg.
Plural
n.-a. nt. tilipuri
I.A
,

gen
d.-l.
209
abl.
4.25 Other neuter i-stem nouns: annanuzzi (part of the leather harness), appali deceit, trickery, appuzzi
tallow, fat, grease, arkammi (a musical instrument), armizzi bridge (< arch?), erimpi cedar, etri food,
210
li pen, corral, sector, ariari bad weather, ariyalli pithos vessel, azziwi rite, cult act, uelli
garbage pit, intaluzzi shovel, irui basket, ialli saliva, spittle, iuzzi belt, waistband, etc.
4.26 In addition to tuppianza listed above, an ergative of the de-adjectival noun annapili- / SUD-li void
exists with the form SUD-li-an-za (cf. CHD sub annapili- ).
4.27 Perhaps dual or collective in origin: elzi scales, atae bones, ulali distaff,

208
Other loc. pls. li( y) a Laws 66 (HL 76f.; cf. also Melchert, AHP 35), uktria Laws 44b (HL 52f.),
209
Other loc. pls. li( y) a Laws 66 (HL 76f.; cf. also Melchert, AHP 35), uktria Laws 44b (HL 52f.),
210
This form may be a collective rather than the noun itself being neuter. Other derived stems in -ri- such as eri- and
SG
kiri- are common gender.
64
4.28 4.2.7.1 Paradigms of common gender i-stem substantives (shown by nom. or acc. sg. forms) also having
collective forms:
case ritual pit shape, form
Singular
collective a-a-p
(SG)
ri, ari
nom. com.
SG
ri
acc. com a-a-p-in, a-p-in
SG
rin
gen a-p-a
d.-l. a-a-p-ia, a-a-p-ti ri, ari
abl a-a-p-ta-az, a-a-p-da-az, a-a-p-
da-za
ins
Plural
nom-acc a-a-p
acc. com. a-p-i-ia-a
gen
d.-l. a-a-p-ia-a
abl a-a-p-ia-az, a-p-ia-az
ins
4.29 4.2.7.1 Paradigm of i-stem substantives with ablauting stem:
211
Singular
nom. com. wei
n
acc. com. ma-a-ri-in
o
wein
n
nom-acc
gen
d.l. -e-a-i
abl.
ins. ma-a-ra-i-it
o
(/marayit/)
Plural
nom. c. ma-a-ri-e-e
o
-e-a-e-e
acc. c. ma-a-ri-u
o
-e-a-u

211
Largely based upon Neu 1985 259f.
65
n.-a. nt.
d.-l.
4.30 4.2.7.2 On the allative: antaki- is considered an i-stem, yet in the allative it shows a form antagaa to
his a. KUB 36.44 iv 12.
212
The stem of allative
makziyaKBo 22.186 ii 8 cannot yet be determined, since no

case form exclusive to an i-stem has yet occurred.
4.31 4.2.8 Paradigm of mixed common and neuter i-stem noun alaltumar(i)- corner (HW
2
H 27f.; HED H
20ff.).
case corner(s) (mostly pl.)
Singular
n.
ac.
gn
all. or loc. [al-a]l-tu-u-ma-ri
213
, al-al-tu-ma-ri
214
abl
ins
Collective
collective alaltumari, alaltmari
Plural
nom com.
215
alaltumar
gen alaltumariya, alaltumara, alaltummariya
d.l. alaltumariya, alaltumara
abl alaltumaraza
4.32 4.3 Of the gender nouns in -ai- the following are action nouns based on verbal roots: alluwai - quarrel,
ukmai- incantation, ullanzai - defeat, urdai - curse, iamai - song, itarningai - sickness, maniyaai-
administration, government, agai - sign, portent, aklai- law, custom, wantai - heat, watai - sin, zaai-

212
For antaki/a- see Melchert in Fs Hoffner (forthcoming).
213
So in HW
2
H 27b, but doubtful, since the context is damaged, and all other examples are plural.
214
KBo 4.1 obv. 19 (so HED H 20).
215
A plural for uluganni- is a priori unlikely, since it is a vehicle unique to the king. Alps (Alp 1991 162, 365)
suggested restoration [u-lu-]ga-an-ni-e and interpretation as a plural (with a singular verb kitta!) HKM 24 left edge 2 is
therefore not to be lightly accepted. The form can be an i-stem singular and even could be a form of uluganni-, but surely
not the plural nominative. Other pl. nom. forms: maie, paurzie, atarilie, apaallie, weae.
66
battle, fighting, lingai- oath (< swearing). Not action nouns: atai- bone(s), luttai- window(s), tuuwai-
smoke, zarai - (an emblem).
4.33 Nouns in -ai- show ablaut in stem (Sommer 1932 356, HE
2
68a).
Case zaai- battle lingai- oath atae- bone(s) luttai- window(s)
Singular
nom. com. zaai lingai
acc. com. zaain, zain
216
lingain, lingaen
nom.-acc. neut. atae, atai
gen. zaiya linkiya, lingaya luttiya
d.-l. zaiya linkiya, lingai, lenqai,
lingae
luttiya
all.
abl. zaiyaz(a) li/enkiyaz(a) luttiyaz, luttanza
inst. zaait (< *zaayit)
erg. luttanza
Collective
( k) MA-MIT
I.A
tai, ate luttai, luddi
217
Plural
nom. com.
218
lingai < *lingaye
GI
AB.ME-u
219
acc. com. lingau, lingu
<*lingayu
luttu
d.-l. luttiya
erg. linkiyante
Case portent sin quarrel curse
Singular
nom. com. agai wati alluwi urti
acc. com. again watin alluwin urtin

216
With zaain ~ zain compare aklain ~ aklin law, custom
217
Perhaps MA-MIT
I.A
KUB 26.25 ii? 5-6 (*lingae), tai, ate and luttai, luddi are rather collectives in -i. They
inflect like neuters and take neut. sg. agreement.
218
Other forms in -au in LH: aklau Bronze Tablet iii 66 (Tudh. IV).
219
This and luttu are count plurals, while luddi is a collective.
67
Case portent sin quarrel curse
gen. akiya urtiya
d.-l. or all. urtiya, urtai
abl. alluwayaza urtiyaz, urdiyaz
Plural
nom. com urda
acc. com. agau watau urdau, urtau
collective agae
gen. urdiya
Case song law
Singular
nom. com. iamai aklai
acc. com. iamain aklain, aklin
gen.
d.-l. or all.
abl.
Plural
nom. com
acc. com.
collective aklae
gen.
4.34 An ablauting form of zaai- dream is pl. acc. zaimu, which behaves as though the root were *zai-
; cf. pl. acc. imu from i- god. CREF 1.146, 4.41.
4.35 4.4 i- or u-stem adjectives (except for some substantival adjectives) show ablauting stems, taking the
reduced grade in nominative and accusative singular, and the full grade ai or au in all other cases (Kammenhuber
1969b 194f., 280f., Neu 1985). For the origin of the oblique endings of the u-stem adjectives in -awa, -awit,
-awe (PIE *ow + vowel), see Melchert 1984b 22. The (stem +) endings for the i-stem adjective would regularly
be:
nom. c. -i -ae or -ai
acc. c. -in, -au
nom.-acc. neut. -i, (older) -a, (secondary) -aya
68
gen. (older) -a, (secondary) -aya,
loc. -ai, -aya
ins. -it
abl. (older) -az, (secondary) -ayaz
4.36 The forms in -aa- have a secondary restoration of intervocalic y which was lost in Proto-Anatolian (see
(Sommer 1932 357 with lit., Goetze and Pedersen 1934 18ff., Melchert (1984b 44ff.). The forms that appear to be
syncopated (alla <*allaya, allaz <*allayaz, uppa <*uppaya ) are actually the oldest in post-Proto-
Anatolian Hittite. The four syllable adjective karili - old, former regularly follows the nominal pattern of
declension, with a non-ablauting i stem.
4.37 4.4.1 Paradigms of the i-stem adjectives (alli - large, uppi- holy, mekki- many, karili - former;
cf. also annauli-, appezzi-, antezzi-, arawanni-, aari-, arki-, arwai-, atuki-, uelpi-, kari-, lalukki-,
pali-, daluki-, dankui-, parkui-, warui-):
case large holy, pure much, many
Singular
nom. c. alli
220
uppi mekki
acc. c. allin uppin
n.-a.
221
alli uppi mekki
voc. *alli (GAL-li)
gen. alla, allaya
222
uppaya
d.l. allai
223
, alli uppai, uppaya, uppi, uppa
all. al-la
224
abl allayaz
m225
uppayaz(a), uppaz(a)
o226
meqqayaz
ins uppit

220
al-li-i KUB 29.1 ii 23 (OH/NS), a-al-li-i KUB 7.1 + KBo 3.8 iii 1 iv 17, KUB 12.66 iv 7, KUB 43.53 i 24 (pre-
NH/NS),
221
Other neut. sg. forms: arwai,
222
al-la-a KBo 3.1 ii 31 (OH/NS), al-la-ia-a KUB 46.39 iii 22, IBoT 1.12 i 5.
223
al-la-a-i KUB 31.100 rev. 10 (MH), al-la-i KBo 34.185 i 1 (OH/MS?), KBo 3.1 ii 49 (OH/NS), KUB 1.1 iv 65 (NH).
224
Hapax in KBo 24.21 left edge 2 (MH?/MS).
225
al-la-ia-a [z?] KUB 31.80 obv. 2, GAL-ya-az IBoT 1.36 i 60, 62, 63, 67 (MH/MS).
226
uppaz
GI
BANUR-az KBo 17.74 + 21.25 + ABoT 8 ii 35, 43 (OS). uppayaz KUB 2.5 i 21 (OH/NS, replacing uppaz in
older dupl.), KBo 27.42 iii 63, uppayaza KUB 17.9 i 21 (myth, NS), uppayazziy[a KUB 4.47 obv. 17 (NH).
69
Plural
nom c alla, alle
227
uppa, uppi
228
megga, meqqau, mekk(i)e
229
acc c allau, alliu
n230
uppau meggau, meqqau
n.a alla
o
, allaya, allai
231
uppa meggaya
gen allaya
232
meqqaia
d.l. allaya uppaya
abl uppayaza
case rough, dense pure dark
Singular
nom. c. warui, war
n
parkui, parkue dankui, tankui, dankuwaya
n233
acc. c. waruin, warn
n
, warun parkuin dankuin
n
, dank n
n
n.-a. warui, wari
m+
parkui
234
dankui
o+
voc.
gen. waruwaya parkuwa
n
, parkuwaya
n
dankuwaya
o++
d.l. parkuwai
m
, parkuwaya(?) dankuwai
o++
, dankuwi
o++
,
dankui
o+
, tankui
n
all. dankuwa
m+235
abl warwayaz
n
parkuwayaz(a) dankuwayaz,dankuwayazza,
dankuyaz
n
, dankuwaz
n
ins parkuwit
m
dankuit
Plural

227
al-la-e-e KUB 36.118:10 (MH/MS), KBo 1.30:10, al-le-e Meskene 74.57:9 (NH).
228
u-up-pa-e-e KUB 17.21 ii 10, iii 4 (MH/MS).
229
me-eg-ga-e-e KBo 3.1 ii 25 (OH/NS), me-eq-qa-e-e KBo 5.3 iii 26 (upp. I), KUB 26.1 i 10 (Tud. IV), me-eq-qa-u
KUB 26.1 iii 60.
230
Vow of Pud. ii 25; analogic to subst.
231
a-al-la(?) KUB 1.16 ii 66 (OH/NS), a-al-la-ia ibid. ii 72 [Sommer, HAB 111], al-la-i KBo 1.42 iv 24.
232
KUB 33.95 + 93 iv 15 (Ullik., pre-NH/NS).
233
KUB 6.46 ii 48 (Muw. II), ed. Singer 1996.
234
Written pr-ku-i, pr-ku--i and pr-ku-u-i.
235
da!-an-ku-w[a tg]-na KBo 11.14 iii 26 (Hantitassu rit.).
70
case rough, dense pure dark
nom c waruwa, wari
n
, warui
n
,
waru
n
parkuwa
m
, parku
m
, parkuwe
n
,
parkuwai, parkui
n
,
tankuwa, dankuwa
n
, tanku
acc c waruwau
n
n.a waruwa
o++
, waruwaya
o++
parkui
m
, parkue
m
, parkuwa
n
,
parkuwae
m
, parkuwaya
0++
tankuwaya, dankuwaya, tankuwa,
dankuwa, dankuwai
gen
d.l. parkuwaya
m
, parkuiya
abl
uncert. waruwae
o++
case white, bright wide former, primeval
Singular
nom. c. arki pali
n236
karili, karile
n
acc. c. arkin *palin karilin, karlin
o++
n.-a. arki *pali karili
voc.
gen. kariliya
m+
d.l. karili
n
all.
abl kariliyaz
m+
, kariliyaza
ins kari[li]t
m
Plural
nom c arga
n
pal
o
, pale
m
, pala
o++
.
pali
karili
o++,m
, kareli
o++
,
karilie
n
, kariliu
n
, kariliya
n
,
karili
n
, karila
n
acc c kariliu
o++
, karilia
m
n.a arga karila
n
, karili
m+
, kariliya
m+
gen
d.l. kariliya
m+
, karilia
n
abl

236
Forms included here are only the adjective pali-, not the noun. Additional forms attested for the noun are: sg. acc.
com. palan, palin, gen. sg. pala, sg. loc. pali , pl. nom.-acc. neut. pala, palaea , etc.
71
4.38 4.4.1.1 The adjective atuka/i- long has sg. nom. and acc. a-stem forms, but all other case forms
approriate to an i-stem: sg. nom. c. aduga, sg. acc. c. atugan, n.-a. neut. atugan, loc. atugai, abl.
atugayaz, pl. nom. com. atugae, adugae, acc. com. atugau .
4.39 4.4.1.2 The adjective daluki- long has an a-stem nom. com. sg. form (GD.DA-a, NH), several oblique
case forms approriate to an i-stem (dalugai, dalugayaz, talugae, dalugau, talugay [a], and a d.-l. pl. form
dalugawa ,
237
which resembles the corresponding form of the u-stem adjectives (CREF 4.49-4.51). The
unambiguous a-stem forms are NH or NS, and dalugawa , if it is not an error, is MH/NS, probably from the NH
scribe. The oldest occurrences (OH/MS and NS) point to an i-stem.
case singular plural
nom. com. GD.DA-a
n238
talugae
m
acc. com. *dalugan dalugau, dalugae
n
nom.-acc. neut. daluga
239
talugay [a
240
gen. taluga
d.-l. dalugai
241
dalugawa
242
abl. dalugayaz
243
ins.
4.40 4.4.2 The adj. mekki-much, many also has a k-stem which exhibits the following forms: sg. com. acc.
me-e-ek-kn, me-ek-kn, sg. nom.-acc. me-e-ek, pl. com. nom. me-e-ek-e-e, me-ek-ke-e, me-ek-ke-e-e , pl. com. acc.
me-ek-ku-u. These forms are often erroneously mixed in with the forms of the stem mekki-in Hittite grammars (cf.
Held, Schmalstieg, and Gertz 1987 16).
U-Stems
4.41 4.5 The inflection of u-stem and au-stem nouns is analogous to that of the i- and ai-stems (see Weitenberg
1984 and Neu 1985). The ablaut rules are the same: (1) endings which consist of simple consonants or zero are

237
KUB 27.67 ii 40, iii 44 (MH/NS), marked as suspect with ! in HW 206.
238
KUB 26.1 iii 15 (Tudh. IV).
239
da-lu-ga TI-tar VAT 7481 iv 6 (EZEN ITU, OH/NS??). Neut. sg./pl. as adv. taluga KBo 10.7 ii 27, 31.
240
KUB 17.10 iii 29 (OH/MS).
241
da-lu-ga-i KBo 10.24 v 9 (OH/NS).
242
KUB 27.67 ii 40 (MH/NS).
243
dalugayaz M[(U.KAM-za)] KUB 15.17 i 5 (NH).
72
affixed directly the u, (2) case endings which begin with a vowel are affixed to the longer stem in -uw- or -aw-. In
the acc. com. pl. the consonant m joins the stem to the ending -u (eyamu, DINGIR.ME-mu for *imu).
4.42 4.5.1 Several irregularities must be pointed out: (1) in the sg. d.-l. in NH an ending -e emerges as an
alternative to -i,
244
and (3) instead of the sequence *awu, amu was spoken (CREF 1.65): thus in acc. pl. forms:
substantives: eyamurains, klamu ?, wappamu banks, adjectives: amu dear, alluwamu deep,
itlamu evil, pargamu high, argamu preeminent, wamu full, daamu heavy, etc.
4.43 4.5.1.1 Some authorities affirm the existence of a sg. gen. in -u (e.g., Weitenberg 1984 p. 315 836).
Others (e.g., Melchert 1984a) have declared themselves unconvinced by the sparse evidence. For emending the
contextually gen. L.
GI
TUKUL-u (Laws 40, ms. A) to L.
GI
TUKUL-a! see HL 47f. The OS form of A
(HZL #158/11, see HL 237, third shape of A in ms. A) is much closer in form to U than are its post-OS forms.
4.44 4.5.2 For the m + -u where it apparently does not belong see zaimu dreams (<zaai -) Tunn. iii 51,
GAL-lamu (*allamu < alli -) great.
4.45 4.5.3 The (stem +) endings for the u-stem (non-ablauting) substantive would regularly be:
Case Singular Plural
nom. c. -u -ue
acc. c. -un, -u
nom.-acc. neut. -u, -uwa
gen. -uwa -uwa, -uwan
245
loc. -ui , -uwa
ins. -uit -uit
abl. -uwaz -uwaz
4.45 4.6 Paradigms for sample u-stem common gender nouns:
non-ablauting
meadow king
Singular
nom com wllu LUGAL-u
246

244
A thorough discussion of the ending -e on u-stems can be found in Neu 1985 187f. and Weitenberg 1984 p. 318.
245
It cannot be determined for certain whether LUGAL-an (*auwan) is singular of the king or plural of the kings.
Since the Hittite gen. ending -an derives from a PIE pl. gen. *-m, we have listed it here as pl.
246
The alleged syllabic writing of the nom. sg. a-a-u-u claimed by Gterbock 1957 in KUB 31.100 rev. 9-10 is shown
by the parallel passage KBo 24.57 i 7-8 to be pl. acc. of a- ashes (cf. Puhvel, HED H 210).
73
non-ablauting
meadow king
acc com wellun LUGAL-un
n.-a. neut wellu
247
voc LUGAL-ue
gen wlluwa
m
, welluwa
n
auwa, LUGAL-wan
d/l wllui
m
, wlli
n
LUGAL-i , LUGAL-ue
248
all. .SAL-wa
abl welluwaz
m
, wlluwaz,wellwaz LUGAL-waz
ins .SAL-it LUGAL-it ?
Plural
nom
249
LUGAL.ME-i
acc LUGAL.ME-u
n
gen.
d/l wllua, welluwa LUGAL.ME-a
ablauting
250
-au- diphthong stem
rain
251
river bank birth-stool
Singular
nom eu arnau
acc eun wappun arnaun
voc wappu
gen ewa, eyawa wappuwa
d/l wappui arnawi
abl wappuwaz
ins eawit

247
Weitenberg 1984 182f. considers this noun neut. in MH (-e-el-lu KBo 5.7 = LS 1), with a transfer to com. in NH. Cf.
other neut. forms -e-el-lu VBoT 58 i 10 (OH/NS), -el-lu KUB 17.8 iv 27 (pre-NH/NS). -e-el-lu-wa[, probably neut. pl., in
KUB 8.41 (StBoT 25 no. 109) ii 16.
248
Cf. 4.42 with fn., and 4.53 with fn.
249
Other u-stem pl. nom. com. forms:
tarnue, uppidanue.
250
Also ablauting is
(TG)
eknu- (longer grade eknau-); on the ablauting suffix -nu-/-nau- cf. Weitenberg 1984 221f.
251
On Hittite eu- see nal 1977 and Neu 1981a with their literature.
74
Plural
nom
252
ewe, eyawe
acc eu, eamu wappamu
o
gen.
d/l
4.46 Weitenberg 1984 270f. regards taku(i)-testicle, warku(i)-,and waku(i)-as secondary u-stems developed
from primary i-stems.
4.47 The noun eu- rain already in OH has an ablauting paradigm of the type shown by the adjective idlu-,
but this is far too early to be the result of analogy with the u-stem adjectives (Kammenhuber 1969b 281, Neu 1985
260 2.1).
4.48 kutru-
253
: Nom. sg. kutru(w)a
254
, d.-l. kutrui, nom. pl. com. kutrue, kutruwa, kutru, kutruwane,
kutruwene
255
, d.-l. pl. kutrua.
4.49 4.6.0.1 Paradigms for nouns with -nu-/-nau- stem (see Oettinger 1976):
birth-stool sole (of foot) upper arm (a garment) stream
Singular
nom. c. arnau
acc. c. arnaun eknun, iknun
n.-a. neut arganau iunau ekunu, iknu aranu
voc
gen argan[awa ] iunawa eknuwa, eknu(?)
d/l arnawi arganawi iunawi knawi, eknu( i)
abl iknuaz, [knawaz]
ins
Plural
nom. c.
acc. c. eknu

252
Other u-stem pl. nom. com. forms:
tarnue, uppidanue.
253
It is possible that this word is an a-stem, kutruwa-, kutruwana-. Weitenberg 1984 220 Die Bildung von kutru( wan) - ist
aber im Wesentlichen unklar.
254
So also HW 121. Kronasser, EHS 76 argued for a sg. gen. form.
255
On the spelling ku-tar--e-n-e for /kutruwenes/ see EHS 16, AHP 29, and Melchert 1997b.
75
n.-a. neut
gen.
d/l arganawa inawa
4.50 4.6.0.2 The noun iu- god has a complex inflexion.
256
From the stem iu-: sg. nom. DINGIR-u
(*iu), pl. acc. imu, DINGIR.ME-u (<*iwu). An augmented stem iun(i)-co-exists (sg. nom. iuni, acc.
iunin, pl. nom. iwannie), from which all oblique case forms derive: sg. gen. iuna, d.-l. iuni, pl. gen. iunan,
iuna, inst. iunit.
4.51 4.6.1 Paradigms for the (non-ablauting
257
) u-stem nouns of neuter gender:
Singular Plural
knee tree knee tree
n/a genu
258
tru genuwa tru
gen genuwa truwa genuwa truwa
all genuwa
d/l trui genuwa
abl genuwaz
ins truit
4.52 4.6.1.1 The nouns au- king and taru- tree, wood have been normalized in the above paradigms. In
the actual texts they are only rarely spelled phonetically, and usually are written with the LUGAL-u and GI-ru.
The phonetically identical sg. and pl. forms of the nom.-acc. neuter noun are distinguished graphically in the texts
by means of the plural determinative: GI-ru (sg.) and GI-ru
I.A
(pl.).
4.53 4.6.2 The (stem +) endings for the u-stem adjective would regularly be:
nom. c. -u -awe
acc. c. -un, -amu
nom.-acc. neut. -u, -awa
gen. (older) -a, (secondary) -awa,
loc. -awi, -awe
259
-awa

256
See Ehelolf 1936, Goetze and Pedersen 1934 72f., 80, Laroche 1967, Kammenhuber 1969b141, 182f., 186, 290f., and
Steiner 1971.
257
The only form in the paradigm showing ablaut is the acc. pl. com.(!) wappamu.KUB 33.10 ii 11 (OH/MS)
258
The alleged common gender form ge-nu-u abstracted from genuu, ginui, ginuin (see HW 107 and Held,
Schmalstieg, and Gertz 1987 16) has been explained by Eichner 1979 as a false analysis of genui-.
76
ins. -awit,
abl. -awaz,
4.54 4.6.3 Substantivized adjectives sometimes ablaut, and sometimes not: e.g., uwaz and awaz with
goods in the NH composition Deeds of uppiluliuma (Weitenberg 1984 322f.).
4.55 4.7 Paradigms for the u-stem (non-substantivized, i.e., ablauting) adjectives (for other forms cf. alpu-,
allu-, atku- narrow, ueu-, panku-, arku-, uu- full, dampu-, dau- heavy, mighty, tepu-, tepu- small,
few):
good high bad raw, uncooked all, entire
Singular
n c u parku idlu panku, pangu
a c un parkun idlun pankun
n/a n u parku idlu uiu, ueu panku
gen awa
260
UL-uwa
261
pangauwa
d/l awi,
awe
pargawi, pr-ga-u-e-
i
262
idlawi, idlawe pangawi,
pangawe
abl awaza pargawaz idlawaz, UL-
uwaz
263
ueauwaz(a), uiawaz,
uiauwaza, uuwaza,
ueuwaza
pangawaz
ins awet idlawit pankuit
Plural
nom
com
awe pargawe idlawe uiawe, uwiawe, ueawe pangawe
acc.
com
amu pargamu, pargau,
pargawe
264
idlamu panqawe

259
Cf. 4.42 with fn. In the loc. sg. of u-stem subst. and adj. the stem vowel u tends (already in OH) to color the loc.
ending vowel i to e. This is so common as to resist interpretation as an anomaly. Weitenberg is cautious and claims the
formation is not prior to Muw. II. But in view of three cases of OH/NS and two of MH/NS we would hesitate to exclude its
beginnings in the pre-NH period.
260
pr-ku-wa- a KUB 10.11 i 11 (HW 161) for expected *pargawa, does not exist, since the form in question is from
parkui- pure.
261
Forms like UL-u-wa-a KBo 4.14 iii 17 need not imply *idluwa, since the complement can represent the final signs
of *i-da-a-la-u-wa-a.
262
pr-ga-u-i. A form pr-ga-u-e-i is also attested once (KBo 3.8 iii 10), a conflation of pr-ga-u-i and pr-ga-u-e. All
currently attested sg. loc. forms are NH or at least NS.
263
The hapax i-da-a-la-az uddnaz KUB 15.42 ii 9 (HW and HED) may be a mistake for i-da-a-la<-u>-az. There is no
phonological explanation for the form as it stands.
77
n-a
neut
awa pargawa idlawa
gen idlawa , UL-
uwa
d/l pargawa idlawa uia<w>a
abl idlawaza
ins awet
case small, few heavy narrow, tight deep blunt
Singular
n c tepu dau, tau atku
a c tepun daun atkun
n/a n tepu dau, tau dam-pu
gen tepawa alluwa
d/l tepawe
abl tepawaz( a) atgawaz
O
alluwaz
ins
Plural
pl. n c tepaw daawe allu, allu
265
pl a c *tepamu daamu alluwamu,
[al]luwau
pl n-a neut tepawa daawa
gen
d/l alluwa
abl
ins
4.56 4.8 The verb utne land, country has the following forms. For preservation of tn cf. 1.138
Sg. Pl.
nom.-acc. utne utne
erg. utneyanza utneyante
gen. utneya utneya

264
pr-ga-u-e-e KBo 4.4 iv 30 (AM 138).
265
al-lu-u KUB 31.71 iii! 9 (LH).
78
loc. utne, KUR-e utneya
all.
abl. utneyaz utneyaz
NOUNS WITH CONSONANTAL STEMS
4.58 5.1 For athematic nominal suffixes in PIE see Watkins 1998 62f. For nouns with consonantal stems in the
Old Anatolian languages cf. Kammenhuber 1969b 196ff., 283ff., and Meriggi 1980 93-130.
4.59 5.1.1 Only a limited number of consonants or consonant clusters are capable of occurring in this final
position: , l, n, t, r, and . In OH, however, alongside the more common adjectival stem mekki-much, many
there existed a k-stem mekk-(CREF 2.16 and CHD sub mekki-). This is the only velar stem known at present.
Bilabial consonants do not occur in stem-final position. There are no b/p-stems, and the only m-stem is giem-
winter, attested in the loc. sg. gi-e-mi in winter (Rieken 1999a 77f.). No Hittite word ends in m, and word-final
b/p is rare (Melchert 1994 111f.).
4.60 5.2 Most n-stem nouns are neuter (Kammenhuber 1969b 197f. [19.5], Oettinger 1980): tekan earth,
argaman tribute, erman illness, laman name, kuan wage, aan feudal due, naan fear, reverence,
engan death, plague, takan midst, ekan span, ilan step, degree, inan disease. Hittite tekan continues a
PIE noun that was animate (CREF 4.64).
4.61 5.2.1 The a in the final syllable -an of some n-stems does not appear in their oblique cases: laman name
(gen. lamna, not *lamana ), araman (a kind of bread) (abl. aramnaz ), kuan wage (loc. kuni), tekan
earth (gen. tagn ), wilan clay (gen. wilna).
4.62 5.2.2 Paradigms for the n-stems:
SINGULAR
(a tax or obligation) name (a kind of bread)
nom. c.
acc. c.
n.-a. n. aan laman
gen. aana lamna aramanna, aramna, aramma
d.-l. aani, ani lamni, lamman
266
aramni

266
The so-called endingless locative. Melchert 1991 126 argues that Hittite signs of the type CvC followed immediately
by a sign of type Cv(C) should be read Cv unless there is elsewhere an attested writing Cv-vC-Cv- which proves that
C was actually geminated. On that basis he would interpret lam-ma-an here as laman, not lamman. This represents a very
cautious method, but perhaps too much so. The application of this method would mean that we could only know by
79
abl. aanaz, aanaza UM-za aramnaz, arammanaz
inst. aanit, anit lamnit aramnit
PLURAL
nom. c.
acc. c.
n.-a. n. aani aram(ma)na, aramma, arma
d.-l. aana lamna aramna
SINGULAR
wage, fee plague oil
nom. c.
acc. c.
n.-a. n. kuan, kan inkan, enkan *agan
267
gen. inqana, ingana, -a agn
d.-l. kuni, kuani engani, ingani, eganni,
ikanni, -ni
agni
268
abl. kunaz, kuanaz inganaz( a) .
inst. aganda
269
PLURAL
nom. c.
acc. c.
n.-a. n. ku-u-a-ni
270
d.-l.
4.63 5.2.3 Paradigms for n-stems with ablaut (only example: tegan earth) (Kammenhuber 1969b 197, 225,
283, 286, 302):
n.-a. neut. tgan
271

etymology that the common preverb/postposition kat-ta contained an internal t. Hittite words which begin with katt and
kapp are almost always written with CVC signs.
267
Written -an.
268
a-ag-ni KBo 32.14 iii 11 (MH/MS).
269
a-gn-da KBo 22.2 obv. 2 (OS).
270
This form in -i could be a collective.
80
gen. tagn
d.-l. tagn
272
, tagn
273
all. tagn
274
abl. tagnz (a)
Alternating vowel length in this paradigm as well as ablaut grades suggest word stress on the plene position
(Melchert 1994 185), CREF 1.26.
4.64 5.2.4 Common gender n-stem nouns. Although inherited common gender n-stem nouns were rarely
transferred to the neuter gender (CREF tekan earth 4.63 [*5.2.3] which developed in Hittite a derived common
gender homonym daganzipa- ), at least two patterns of treating inherited common gender n-stem nouns that preserve
their original gender have been proposed (see Weitenberg 1995): (1) MUNUS-n- woman, nom. MUNUS-za,
275
umman- rope, nom. ummanza, itan- soul, nom. itanza, gen. itanzana , and (2) ran- eagle, nom.
ra , gen. rana , and iiman- cord (sg. nom. iim [KBo 17.15 obv. 11, OH], acc. iimenan; so
Oettinger 1982a 235; cf. also Gusmani 1979 133, Neu 1981b 350f., Oettinger 1982b 165ff., 174ff. Luraghi 1997
2.1.6.1 considers memiya- word an n-stem common gender noun, which elides its n-stem immediately before the
of the nom. sg.
276
).
4.65 5.2.4.1 The first pattern is illustrated by the paradigm for MUNUS-n- woman. If Neu (1990) and
Carruba (1991; 1993) are right, the underlying Hittite word was kuinn(a)-. But see Gterbocks objections (1992;
1995a).
SINGULAR
nom. c. MUNUS-za, MUNUS-a
277
, MUNUS-i
278

271
This word is conventionally written tekan, takn in broad transcription. The endingless locative da-ga-an with its
single writing between vowels suggests that the velar was voiced. The nature (in Hittite) of the initial stop (d or t) is
uncertain.
272
AHP 185, 187, 361.
273
The grade tagn (OS) or dagan occurs also in the compound noun daganzipa- (dagan + z/ipa-) earth-genius > earth.
274
Written tg-na-a.
275
On suggestions for the Hittite word underlying MUNUS (earlier reading SAL) woman (either *g( u) wen-, or
*g( u) wan-) see Neu 1990; Carruba 1991; Gterbock 1992; Carruba 1993 and Puhvel (1997 306ff.). Cf. below in 7.5.1.
276
But then one would expect the acc. sg. to be *meminan or *memiyanan rather than me-mi-an, in the manner of
iimenan, iimanan with nom. sg. iim. Cf. 5.2.2.
277
Presumably, MUNUS-a reflects the same treatment of *-an+ - as i-i-ma-a-a . The normal form, however, is MUNUS-
za.
278
MUNUS-i KUB 44.4 + KBo 13.241 rev. 27.
81
acc. c. MUNUS-nan, MUNUS-an
gen. MUNUS-na, MUNUS-a
d.-l. MUNUS-ni, MUNUS-i
PLURAL
nom. MUNUS.ME-e, MUNUS.ME-i, MUNUS.ME-u
n
acc. MUNUS.ME-u
gen. MUNUS.ME-a
d.-l. MUNUS.ME-a
4.66 5.2.4.2 Nouns following the second pattern of transferrance appear to decline partially as n-stems and
partially as a- or i-stems (5.2.6): vocalic stems in the nom. and acc. sg., n-stems in most other positions. Partial a-
stems are: arkamma(n)- tribute, alkita(n)- branch, ra(n)- eagle, kuwanna(n)- (semiprecious) stone,
erma(n)- sickness, and eya(n) fir(?) tree, memia word, thing (gen. memiyana, inst. meminit), and iim
(acc. iima/enan) cord. muri-, murin-, muriyan- grape cluster appears to be a partial i-stem. memiya-,
arkamma- and muri- form their acc. sg. on the vocalic stem. ra- eagle has such a form in ran . The existence
of the secondary nom. sg. iimana matching acc. sg. iimanan might suggest the existence of (as yet unattested)
late nom. sg. *rana eagle.
4.67 5.2.5 Paradigms for the nouns that decline partially as n-stems and partially as a- or i-stems (Friedrich
1960 88):
word tribute cord, rope eagle stone (an
evergreen
tree)
grape
cluster
SINGULAR
nom.c memi(y)a arkamma iim
o
,
iimana
ra
o
mure,
mri
acc.c memi(y)an arkamman iimenan,
iimanan,
iaminan
ranan
o
,
ran
n
279
murin
n.a.neut memi(y)an kuwannan,
kunnanan,
kunnan
eya,
eyan
280
gen memiyana arkammana rana
o
kunna,
kunnana
eya,
eyana

279
Acc. sg. ranan is OH/OS; ran is not before MH and is probably a back formation, analogic to nom. ra.
280
Sometimews written e-a-an.
82
word tribute cord, rope eagle stone (an
evergreen
tree)
grape
cluster
d.-l. memini,
memiyani,
memieni
arkammani eya, eyani
abl memi(ya)naza iimanaz kuwannanaza eyaz
ins memi(ya)nit iimanit,
iimanda,
iimanta
kunnanit eyanit mrinit
PLURAL
nom.c iimne
o
,
iimante
o
rani
acc.c memiyanu,
memiyane,
memiya
arkammu,
argamanu
iimanu mriu
o
,
mriyanu
n.-a.
neut.
kuwanna
GI
eye
gen memiyana arkammana
d.-l. memiyana kuwannana
4.68 Note that the adverbial derivative like an eagle shows the n-stem: ranili . For the instrumental forms
iimanda, iimanta CREF 3.27. iimana is the only example in this class of nouns of the longer n-containing
ending in the nom. sg.
4.69 5.2.6 *kutru-/kutruwen- witness is thought by some to be a partial u-stem and partial n-stem
(Kammenhuber 1969b 186); but this is probably an a-stem kutruwa-/kutruwana-:
SINGULAR PLURAL
nom. kutruwa
281
kutrue, kutruwa, kutru
282
, kutruwane, kutruwene
283
, kutarwene
284
d.-l. kutrui kutruwa
4.70 5.3 l-stem nouns. According to Friedrich 1960 p. 54 79 all l-stem nouns are neuters (see also
Kammenhuber 1969b 297ff.).

281
KBo 15.25 obv. 35 nuza zik UTU-u kutruwa .
282
In kutra (var. kutruwaa ) EGIR-an / iyante aandu KUB 13.4 ii 36-37 the form kutr is nom. pl., not sg.
283
For ku-ut-ru-e- and ku-tar--e- see Melchert, AHP 29.
284
ku-tar--e-ne-e KUB 40.36+ ii 9. On this writing see 1.84.
83
4.71 5.3.2 Nouns ending in -al are: aal (?), iiyal band, memal meal, uupal (musical instrument),
285
uppal domestic animal, tawaral (a kind of bread), katral (a metal harness piece), iyattal blade(?), kurtal (a
container), tawal (an intoxicating beverage), mal (a quality desirable for men in combat, such as boldness,
ferocity, skill), puriyal lip cover.
4.72 5.3.5 Paradigms for the stems in -al:
SINGULAR
brushwood(?),
underbrush(?)
meal, groats (a beverage) (musical
instrument)
cattle
nom com uppala
o++
acc. com
n.-a. n. aal memal tawal uupal uppal, uppalan
n
erg. uppalanza
gen. aalla memala, memalla tawala
d.-l. aali tawali uupali upli, uppali
abl. memallaz tawalaz uupalaz
inst. aallit, aalit memalit, memallit tawalit, tawallit uupalit
PLURAL
nom com
n.-a. n. uupal,
uupla,
uupalli
uppala
gen. uppalan
o+286
d.-l. aalla
nom.-acc. sg. and pl. iial .
4.73 5.3.3 Nouns ending in -e/il are: urkel unnatural sex act, incest, alel blossom, flower, urutel (kind of
stew), dammauel (variety of pear tree?), gazzimuel (leather harness piece), uel thread, pa()uel (kind of
fodder), tayazzel theft, arnikzel compensatory payment, gazzimuel (a lether part of the harness), urutel (a
cooked food), apalzel (kind of stew?). apalzel sometimes dissimilated to apalzir .
blossom thread incest compensatory
payment
(Other)

285
On this noun see Melchert 1988a; Polvani 1988; Gterbock 1995b; Prins 1997 57f, 117; Dinol 1998.
286
uppalana annear KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44+ i 43 (OH/NS).
84
SINGULAR
nom com
acc. com
n.-a. n. alel, alil uel, uil urkel, urkil arnikzil
gen. alila urkila
287
arnikzila
d.-l. alili, aleli uili
abl. alilaz urkilaza arnikzilaz
inst. uilit urutilit
PLURAL
nom com alila (?)
arnikzilu
288
n.-a. n. aleli
I.A
gen.
4.74 5.3.4 Nouns ending in -ul (CREF 2.1 ) are: kazzarnul (a textile), pul lot, paurul (an implement),
aul goodness, favor, well being takul peace, friendship, and the deverbatives iiul obligation, treaty <
iiya- to bind, immiul mixture < immiya-to mix, pariul crumb < pariya- to crumble, watul sin,
offence < wata- to miss the mark, sin, and earul sieve < eariya- to sift. And alternate com. gender a-
stem aula- exists for aul favor, well being with nom. sg. aula and acc. sg. aulan. The gen. sg. aula
and the d.-l. sg. auli could just as well belong to it as to the neut. l-stem. There are no l-stem adjectives unless
takul is one. A noun takul means peace, alliance. According to Neu 1979b both kurur and takul are nouns, not
adjectives. Because the forms takuli peacefully and auli in a friendly way frequently occur in adverbial
position between preverb or negative and verb, it is possible that instead of d.-l. sg. they are neut. pl. like iiuli
treaties, obligations. Adverbial neut. plurals are more common than dat.-loc.
sin obligation, treaty well being peace, friendship
SINGULAR
nom-acc n watul, wadul iiul aul takul
gen utula
o
, wadula,
watula, watulla
iiula aula takula

287
ur-ke-la-a and ur-ke-la-za are also possible readings.
288
On this form as evidence of animacy see Melchert 1997a 713.
85
sin obligation, treaty well being peace, friendship
dat-loc waduli, watulli auli takuli
abl watullaz, wadulaza iiulaza
ins wadulit, watulit takulit
PLURAL
nom-acc n watul
I.A
iiuli auli takul, takuli
Case mixture crumb
SINGULAR
nom.-acc. immiul, imiul pariul
gen. immiula
PLURAL
nom.-acc. parulli
Cf. also aandul(a)-: dat.-loc. aanduli.
4.75 5.4 Of the r-stem nouns, those in -ur are all neuters, likewise most of those in -e/ir (exception: ater-
star
289
).
4.76 5.4.1 Paradigms of nouns in -ur and -er:
soup, stew ritual (a body part) brush wood star
SINGULAR
nom.c aterza
acc.c MUL-an
290
n.a. parr aniur, aniyawar kudur aduir, aduer
gen parra aniura
d.-l. *paruri
abl parrazzi
291
aniuraz aduirraza

289
See Weitenberg 1995 334f. citing anterior literature.
290
Probably *atiran.
291
Cf. 3.25.
86
soup, stew ritual (a body part) brush wood star
ins parrit
PLURAL
nom.c alaltumare
acc.c
coll. alaltumari aniuri
292
n.a. kudur(r)a aduir
4.77 5.4.1.1 Of those in -ar all examples show a mixed paradigm containing some neuter and some common
gender forms. The PIE r-stem polysyllabic animate nouns (e.g., kinship terms like *ph
2
tr father and *d
h
ugh
2
tr
daughter, cf. Beekes 1995 174, 177; Sihler 1995 287-292 279-283) are generally transferred to the a-stem class
in Hittite: e.g., agent nouns in -tara- (< PIE *-tor). Kammenhuber 1969b 288 noted Palaic widr (nom. sg.)
with acc. sg. witiran horn (as musical instrument), which in Hittite has become a neuter noun awatar , pl.
awitra , as a relic. It is the nouns in -ar also which exhibit occasional forms with vocalic stems (acc. pl.
appariu , uppiduwariu, kiariu, ittariu, acc. sg. ittaran and ittarin, gen and d.-l. pl.
alaltummariya ).
(a vessel) (com.) purchase, sale (neut.)
SINGULAR
nom.c uppara
acc.c
n.a. uppar appar
gen uppara
d.-l. uppari appari
abl upparaza apparaz
ins upparit
PLURAL
nom.c
acc.c appariu
coll. uppari
n.a.
4.78 5.4.1.2 The nom. com. sg. ittar is to be compared with keari his hand (animate gender by
concord with the clitic possessive).

292
Incorrectly registered as dat.-loc. sg. in HED 1:70.
87
sun disk (com.) hand
293
SINGULAR
nom. com. ittar kear
o
, kiira, keera, keira
294
acc. com. ittara/in kieran, kiiran
295
gen. kiara
d.-l. kiari
296
, kiiri, kiri
297
, kear
all. kir
298
abl. ittaraz, ittarza kiaraz
ins. kierit, kiirit, kiarta
299
PLURAL
nom. ittare kiari
acc. ittariu, ittara kieru, kiariu, U.I.A-u, U.ME-u
abl. kiaraz
ins. U.I.A-it
4.79 The alternation of e, i, a and zero between the and the r of the word for hand probably indicates that
no vowel stood in that position, and the word contained a cluster ssr (so Melchert 1994 29). In the earlier stages of
Hittite the word for hand had the following paradigm (Friedrich 1960 80b): sg. nom. ke-e-ar, sg. all. ki-i-ra-
a, sg. loc. ki-i-ri
300
or ke-e-ar, sg. inst. ki-i-ar-at, pl. dat.-loc. ki-i-ra-a. In OH the vowel in the first syllable
of kear was stressed e, but in the other forms of the paradigm was unstressed i (Melchert 1994 101). In the later
language hand became a common gender a-stem noun.

293
Since even in OH there exists no accusative kear, only nominatives, it may well be that OH kear was a common
gender r-stem, not neuter (pace Kammenhuber, HbOr 281, 287, 310). Thus keari KBo 6.3 i 6 (Laws 3, OH/NS) would
not show lack of concord. It would be like ittar.
294
ki-i-i-ra-a VBoT 58 i 39 (OH/NS).
295
ki-e-ra-a-a-an (*kieranan his hand) KBo 3.27 obv. 3 (OH/NS), ki-i-e-ra-an KUB 11.34+ IBoT 4.54 iv 6
(OH/NS), KBo 24.45 obv. 31
296
ki-i-a-ri StBoT 8 i 28 (OS), ki-i-a-ri-i-mi in(to) their hand StBoT 8 i 20 (OS), ki-i-a-ri-i-i in(to) his hand
KBo 3.1 i 70 (OH/NS), ki-i-a-ri-mi ibid. ii 22, KBo 3.23 i 4 (OH/NS),
297
ki-i-ri-i in(to) the hand HKM 44:10 (MH/MS), ki-i-ri-mi in(to) my hand KBo 3.28:7, ki-i-ri-it-ti in(to) your
hand KBo 3.21 ii 5 (Adad hymn, MH/NS), KUB 31.127 i 23.
298
KBo 8.42 rev. 4 (OS or OH/MS).
299
ki-i-i-ri-it KUB 30.37 i 5, 6 (cult inv., NH?).
300
ki-i-ri-mi KBo 3.28 ii 7 (OH/NS) from OS form *ki-i-ri-im-mi with the stress on the second syllable. See ki-i-ri-it-ti
KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44+ i 23 (OH/NS). NS scribes retained the -it-ti and -i-i writings, but generally simplified the -im-
mi ones. ki-i-ri KUB 56.43 iv 7 (OH/NS).
88
4.80 5.4.2 Paradigms for the r-stem adjectives:
Case hostilility full, complete ominous, monstrous
SINGULAR
nom.c. kurur, kurura
301
akuwaara
acc.c. akuwaaran kallaran
n.-a. neut kurur akuwaar kallar
gen. kurura akuwaara
d.-l. kururi akuwaari
abl. akuwaaraza
ins. akuwaarit kallarit
PLURAL
nom.c. kurur akuwaaru
acc.c. akuwaaru
n.-a. neut. kurur, kururi
HI.A
, kurura kallar, kallra
gen. kurura
4.81 5.4.3 Of the pure r-stems only two nouns exhibit both syncope (CREF 0) and ablaut (vowel gradation,
CREF 1.53) in their declension. The noun kear hand occurs as a common gender, asigmatic r-stem only in
Old Hittite,
302
so that all forms for it in this paradigm are taken from Old Hittite texts. awatar horn (musical
instrument) on the contrary exhibits syncope and vowel gradation in New Hittite as well. In NH the noun for
hand declines as an a-stem of common gender (keara).
4.82 5.4.3.1 The adverbs kitkarza and andurza may be original ablatives of r-stem nouns of the type ittarza ,
CREF 3.22, 3.24, 4.78.
4.83 5.5 Neuter s-stem nouns in PIE followed the protero-dynamic Beekes 1995 185-186) or acro-static
inflection (Sihler 1995 305) (e.g., *nb
h
os, *nb
h
es- cloud, heavens). Where the derivation is transparent, neuter
-stem nouns were built to tonic e-grades of verb roots (Sihler 1995 305). In Hittite all -stem nouns are neuter.
The following nouns belong to the -stem class: ai mouth, anki (a kind of plant), andai heat, apua (a
body part), a soap, upalla scalp(?) or skull(?), iki back, kutri reckoning (cf. HED K 298), nepi
sky, heaven, purpuri (a vessel), kalmu lituus, crook maldani mushroom(?), danna (a kind of bread),
zakarai anus (< zakar excrement + ai mouth).

301
Neu 1983 97 with n. 354 takes these two forms as nouns, the latter a genitive.
302
There is no example of a contextually accusative form of kear, nor any ergative. Therefore Neu reasons it is an
asigmatic r-stem noun of common gender; cf. Greek c =o.)p father.
89
4.84 5.5.1 Another group of nouns shows alternation between the -stem and a shorter vocalic stem: apua()
(a body part), tapuwa() rib, side, ulli() pine cone, iduri () (a kind of bread).
4.85 5.5.2 Yet a third group shows occasional extension of the s-stem by a thematic vowel a: iki(a)- back,
nepi(a)- sky, ate(a)- axe.
4.86 5.5.3 Paradigms for the -stem nouns:
sky mouth soap, ash, alkali danna- bread
SINGULAR
nom.c a, aa
acc.c aan
n.a. nepi
303
ai danna
gen nepia, nepian
304
ia
d.-l. nepii, nepi ii, aii
all. nepia
305
ia
abl. nepiza
o306
, nepiaz(a)
n
iaz dannaz (a)
ins. iit dannait
erg. nepianza
PLURAL
acc.c KAU.I.A-u
307
au
n.a.
d.-l.
lituus back side
SINGULAR
nom.c
acc.c

303
ne-e-p-i (OS), ne-p-i (OS and later), ne-p-e only in NS; cf. CHD L-N 448. Plene writing of the initial syllable is
common in OS.
304
This form may be gen. pl. (see CHD L-N 448).
305
ne-e-p-a (OS), ne-p-a (NS).
306
ne-e-p-i-za (OS), ne-p-i-za (OS and OH/NS). Understood from context as gen. sg. by Otten 1951 40 and Kronasser
1966 327.
307
KUB 14.4 ii 10 (NH).
90
n.a. kalmu iki tapuwa
gen kalmuiya, kalmua ikia tapuwaa, tapuwa
d.-l. kalmui ikii
all. ikia
abl. kalmuati ikiaz
ins. ikiitti?
erg.
PLURAL
acc.c
n.a. ikia
d.-l. tapuwa
4.87 5.5.4 One -stem noun is known, iqaru (a vessel). Its declined forms are: n.-a. iqaru , igaru,
ikari (OH/MS), d.-l. iqarui , ins. igaruit, ikaruit, iqaruit .
4.88 5.6 PIE t-stems are rare (Beekes 1995 178). But due to the wide use and productivity of a derivational
suffix -att- used to form action nouns the number of t-stem nouns in Hittite is fairly large (Pedersen 1938 40-41;
Kronasser 1956 129-31; Kronasser 1966 254-56; Kammenhuber 1969b 196); Rieken 1999b 83-170.
4.89 The combination of t/d with an immediately following (as in the nom. sg. com.) is represented by the
graph z in Hittite cuneiform (CREF 1.108-1.109). If another consonant immediately preceded this /ts/ in final
position, it was necessary to write it in cuneiform as -za with an unpronounced a. This situation is especially
common with the stems in -nt-, where the final triple-consonant cluster /nts/ was written -a/i/un-za. t-stem nouns
can be either com. or neut. There are a few adjectives in -nt- (e.g., amiyant- small, mant- all, every).
4.90 There is one t-stem root noun in Hittite, the word for year (*witt-), which also with the old -stem
(not nom. sg. inflected form) wizza (*wets) (Kronasser 1966 126f.) occurs as the first constituent in the
adjective wizzapant- old (Friedrich 1957 23; Gterbock 1955 64-65). kutt- wall may also be a root noun.
Others are derived nouns: kat- hunger < *g(
h
)os-t-, the root of which shows both e (in kit-want- hungry) and o
grades, at- sleep, bed,, and the action nouns in -att-. .
4.91 5.6.1 Paradigms of the t-stem nouns (Friedrich 1960 52 76; Kammenhuber 1969b 196):
anger, wrath task, ritual famine year day
308
SINGULAR

308
On watt- (PrAn dwot-, Palaic tiyat-) cf. Pedersen 1938 175; Kammenhuber 1969b 196, 204f.; Melchert 1994 102,
131; Rieken 1999b 102-105.
91
nom.c. kardimiyaz
o+
,
kartimmiyaza
n
aniyaz
309
kaza *wizza, MU.KAM-za UD.KAM-az
o
, UD-
az
m+
, waz?
310
acc.c kardimiyattan aniyattan katan *wittan, MU-an UD-an
gen kardimiyatta
m
aniyatta *witta, MU.KAM-a UD-a, waz?
44
d.-l. TUKU.TUKU-atti,
kartimmi( y) atti
n
aniyatti, aniyatta kati witti iwatti, wat
o
,
iwt
o++311
all. *iwatta
312
abl MU.KAM-za UD(.KAM)-az
ins katit
PLURAL
nom. c MU.I.A-u
313
UD.KAM.I.A-u
acc.c
kardimiyattu
o
,
kartimmiyaddu
n
MU.I.A-u UD.I.A-u
314
n.a aniyatta, aniyatti
gen wittan, MU.I.A-a
d.-l. aniyatta MU.KAM.I.A-a UD.I.A-a,
UD.KAM.I.A-a
flood joy fear wall
SINGULAR
nom.c. karaz
o
, kariz, gerz dugaraz
o+
,
dugaraza,
duqaraz
n
,
dugaraza
315
naaraz
m
,
316
naarraz
kuzza

309
Against taking a-ni-ia-at-e-et (OS) as evidence for secondary neuter gender see Rieken 1999a107, who emends to a-
ni-ia-at-<ta>-e-et.
310
Interpretation as nom. or gen. possible; cf. Neu, StBoT 26:15f. n. 74; Starke, StBoT 31:458 n. 1666, Rieken 1999a 102f.
311
See also the second member of the OH a-ni-i-wa-at today, henceforth (Rieken 1999a104).
312
Abstracted from compound [ap-pa-]i-wa-at-ta KUB 31.64 iv 1 (MH/MS), Rieken 1999a 103.
313
MSpr. obv. 6 (Murs. II).
314
KBo 4.8 ii 22 (Murs. II).
315
dugaraz KBo 17.88 + 24.116 + iii 12 (=41) (OH/MS?), dugaraza KUB 17.20 ii 9.
316
IBoT 1.36 i 59 (MH/MS) w. CHD L-N 344, cf. also Rieken 1999a 115, who excludes the interpretation as abl. of
*naar- .
92
acc.c tugarattan
o
,
dugaratan
m
,
dugarattan
n
,
dugaradan
n
naaraddan,
naarattan
kuttan
o+
gen tukaratta
o,
dukaratta
n
kutta
o
d.-l. karaitti
o
, karitti
317
dugaratti
n318
,
duqarati
n319
naaratti kutti
o
abl dukarattaza
n
,
dukarattazza
n
naarataza kuttaz
m
ins
PLURAL
nom. c garitte
n
, garitti
n
,
karitti
naaratte kutte
m+
acc.c naaraddu kuddu
n.a
gen
d.-l. naaratta kutta
m+
4.92 Among the t-stem nouns of common gender are: kartimmiyatt- anger, kar(a)it- flood, kat- hunger,
witt- year, nekut- evening,
320
watarnaatt- command, uipayatt- wickedness(?), maniyaiyatt-
administrative district, wariyatt - propitiation, arlatt - praise, dugaratt - entertainment, naaratt - fear,
iwatt- day, almauitt- throne dais.
4.93 5.6.3 Examples of nouns in -nt- can be subdivided into those which seem to be root noun stems and those
which are expanded from an attested shorter stem by the addition of -ant- (CREF 2.2 (*7.81). Among the former
are: ipant - night, kant- (a cereal, oats?), kanint- thirst and uwant- wind. Among the latter: tuikkant-
(tuegga-) body, amiant - (amea-) spring (season), uppalant - (uppala-) domestic animal, cattle,
gemmant- (gem-) winter, warwatnant - (warwatna -) seed, antuannant - (antuatar ) population, kaenant-
(gaina-) in-law, relative by marriage, zenant- (zena-) autumn, fall, parnant - (parn-) house. For the ergatives
CREF 3.3

317
karaitti KUB 36.110:18 (OS), karit[ti ] KBo 22.6 i 27 (OH?/NS).
318
Signalement Lyrique 58.
319
KUB 22.42 obv. 6 (NH), cf. StBoT 44:116 n. 533.
320
Attested only in nekuz meur, of which the form nekuz is judged to be an old genitive < *nk-t-s (Rieken 1999b 84
with n. 400).
93
4.94 5.6.4 Adjectives in -nt- can be root (mant- all) or derivative. Some derivative adjectives are
expansions in -(a)nt- from shorter adjectives: irmalant - (irmala-) sick, maklant- (*makla-, cf. maklatar
leanness) lean, thin, appinant - (*appina- cf. appina- to make rich) rich, arazenant - (arazena-)
surrounding, neighboring. Others are expansions in -want- from non-adjectival (often noun) bases: upigawant -
(upiki veil) veiled, lupannawant - (lupanni - headband) wearing a headband, earwant - (ear blood)
bloodstained, bloody, amankurwant- (zamangur beard) bearded, kiduwant- (kat- hunger) hungry,
CREF 2.1.
4.95 5.6.5 A final type of substantive in -nt is represented by the participles in -ant- (CREF 28.48-28.55).
4.96 5.6.6 Paradigms of Substantives in -nt-:
SINGULAR
night (noun) all (adj.) living (adj./participle) captured > captive
nom.c. ipanza manza uiwanza appanza
acc.c ipandan mandan uiwandan appantan
n.a. man
gen. ipanda manda uiwanta appanta
d.-l. ipanti manti uiwanti appanti
abl. ipandaz mandaz appantaz
PLURAL
nom.c.
321
mante, mandu uiwante appante
acc.c. mandu, mante uiwandu appandu
n.a. manda appanti
322
gen. manda appanta
d.-l. manda appanta
NOUNS WITH HETEROCLITIC STEMS
4.97 6.0 Szemernyi 1996 168 remarks how few stems in -m- and -l- are to be found in Hittite. Actually there is
not such a shortage of -l- stems. But it is true that stems in bilabial stops (b, p) or continuants (m) are rare: giem-
and gimm-winter (on these stems see Rieken 1999a 77f.) being one of the few. Other PIE root nouns with
bilabial stop stems have migrated to the vocalic stem class: apa- river (HED H 115).

321
Other nt- stem nom. pls. are: IM.I.A-u (*uwandu) winds KUB 24.1 iv 16 (Murs. II).
322
Perhaps this is rather a collective in -.
94
4.98 6.1 The only class of heteroclitic nominal stems in Hittite is that which shows alternation between stem-
final r (only in final position) and n (when protected by an ending). These are the so-called r/n stems. This class is
known in other old IE languages (Beekes 1995 187; Sihler 1995 290-292; Szemernyi 1996 7.3.4). In Hittite it
is a large and productive class (Hrozn 1915 24f.; 1917 64f.; Friedrich 1960 81; Kammenhuber 1955b =
Kammenhuber 1993 1-10; Kronasser 1966 278-321, Oettinger 1982a). No adjectives or proper names belong to this
class.
4.99 6.1.1 All these nouns are neuter and several of the most common belong to acrodynamic inflectional class
(Rieken 1999a 269; called by Beekes 1995 174-176, 187; Szemernyi 1996 161f. 7.1.4.4.1 protero-
dynamic):
323
uttar word, gen. uttana , pl. uttar; lammar hour, gen. lamna. The collectives follow the
holodynamic inflection: watar water, pl. widr. The above-mentioned words are inherited words with un-derived
stems in Hittite. There are also derived stems in -atar, -ear, -war, and -mar.
4.100 6.2 There are five groups of nouns which exhibit this r/n alternation in their declension:
4.101 6.2.1 Old inherited IE words, some with and some without ablaut (CREF 1.52ff.): uttar word, ar
blood, lammar hour, wtar water, pauwar/paur fire, mur time, kuttar neck(?), strength, ur
urine, pankur (a body part). Cf. Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 82ff., Kronasser 1966 278ff., Friedrich 1960

55ff.,
Kammenhuber 1969b 198f., Sihler 1995 298ff. As Sihler notes, the lexicon involved belongs to the most basic
stratum of vocabulary body parts and words like water, fire, blood, and day. In Hittite, however, the word
for day is not an r/n-stem.
Singular
n.-a. uttar wtar meur ar, iar, ar
324
paur, pauwar
gen. uddana, uttana witena
325
meuna ian
o
, ina,
n
na
pau(e)na
d.-l. uddani, uttani weteni, witeni meu(e)ni ani, iani pau(e)ni
abl. uddanaz (a), uddananza
326
wetenaz(a),
witenaz(a)
e/ianaz, naza pau(e)naz(a)
inst. uddanit, uddanta
327
wetenit, witenit,
witinit, wedanda
anta, ianda,
anit
328
pau(e)nit

323
The position of the accent in these forms can be determined by vowel gradation and plene writings.
324
Note that the in this word is omissible in NH. HW

II 121 includes only one example, e-e-ar (in its NH paradigm)
and attributes it to a scribal error. HED II 313 acknowledges several forms without and considers them to be due to a
secondary development. Melchert 1994 71 (5) considers gen. na old with nom. ar analogical to it.
325
The vast majority of weten-, witen-, etc. spellings have e in the second syllable (-te-). Spellings like -i-ti-ni-it KBo
23.1 iv 24 are exceedingly rare. The initial syllable wi- or we- is inevitably spelled with -e/i-, once -wi-, but not *u-e/i-.
On the alternation of initial -i- / -e- in this word see Kammenhuber 1969 199 with anterior lit.
326
Cf. 3.24.
95
erg. uddananza, uttananza,
INIM-anza
wetinanza, witenanza,
A-anza
ananza
Singular
n.-a. lammar kuttar ur, uwar pankur
gen. lamna euna pankuna
d.-l. lamni kuttani euni, euna
abl. kuttanaz
inst. kuttanit pankunit
erg.
Plural
n.-a. uddr widr,
329
wedr,
330
wi/edar,
331
uwitr meurri
I.A332
gen. uddana A.I.A-a, meuna
d.-l. uddan
o+
, uttana uwitena
n
,
333
wetena
334
meuna
erg. uttannte, uddanante wetenante
4.102 6.2.1.1 Certain forms of ar blood lack the (CREF 1.161. Although this has been explained as due
to a weakly articulated , which may even have been omitted dialectically (Friedrich 196028 b), Melchert 1994 71
(5) indicates the phenomenon is pre-Hittite, not independent in Hittite (cf. also Rieken 1999a 303). On the
alternation of ar and zar CREF 1.159. In the declension of paur, meur, and ur one encounters stem
ablaut (or stem apophony) (CREF 1.67) in the form of a longer stem in the forms uwar, pauwar ,

327
For the instrumentals in -d/ta after a resonant (uddanta, wedanda, ianda ) see 2.5.6. ud-da-an-ta is attested in KUB
30.10 obv. 18 (OH/MS).
328
Listed in HW 2:121a without refs.
329
-i-da-a-ar KBo 23.27 iii 25.
330
-e-da-a-ar KBo 9.115+ obv. 3.
331
The non-plene spelling of the second syllable in witar waters is unusual. -e-ta-ar KBo 12.100 rev. 6 may be Luwian
(see the immediate context). But -e-da-ar KBo 25.2 ii 8 is not only Hittite, but Old Script!
332
This final -i on the neuter plural is more common in consonantal stems (kurur > kururri
I.A
, uupal > uupalli
I.A
,
kurtal > kurtalli
I.A
, alel > aleli
I.A
) than on r/n-stems. But see zankilatarri
I.A
below in 6.2.2. On the subject of this final -i
on neuter nouns see Prins 1997 56-61.
333
KUB 13.3 iii 37.
334
KUB 8.50 iii 9.
96
pauena-, meueni, etc. Ablaut may also be seen in the declension of wtar in the six stem variants: wtar ,
witen-, weten-, wetin-, wedan- and widr. The alternation of i in witen- is explicable as i <*e in the unaccented
root syllable (Rieken 1999a 292f.). Of the doublets witen-/weten-Rieken claims that the former occurs in the older
texts. The i in ian- (see also iarwant- , iakant- bloodied and iarnumai- to bloody) is explained as a
prothetic vowel that originated in the oblique forms of the collective plural and spread to the nom.-acc. (Melchert
1984b 109 n. 66, citing Schindler).
4.103 6.2.1.1.1 Instrumental in -ta. Note too that in three out of the four r/n-stem nouns whose inst.

sg. is
attested (uddanta, ianda, wedanda ), the ending -d/ta is found either instead of or alongside of the normal ending
-it. On the form iimanda (< iima(n)-) see Oettinger 1982a 235 2.4. And CREF 3.27 and 4.68.
4.104 uttar, ar and wtar are old inherited root nouns. No shorter nominal or verbal roots exist in Hittite on
which they can be based.
4.105 Derivative substantives in -tar and -tar (Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 98 159, Kronasser 1966 291-297, )
show stem ablauting with zero grade in the oblique cases. They include many abstracts or words for states
(CREF 2.1), such as paprtar impurity, nakkiytar reverence, respect, dignity, ataliytar heroism,
iuniytar deity, LUGAL-eznatar ( *aueznatar ) kingship, R-ntar servitude, slavery, ipiytar satiety,
makltar leanness, marltar folly, atttar wisdom, mayandtar youth, alwanztar sorcery, miytar
birth, growth, akkatar death, uiwatar life, as well as some concrete nouns, such as laiytar
campaign, zankiltar fine, atonement, a()tar family, clan, ulltar quarrel, karattar segment, adtar
food, uitar wildlife, game, and others. All derivative nouns in -(a)tar decline identically, whether they are
words for states or concrete nouns.
Singular
1 2 3 4
impurity reverence, respect servitude sorcery
n/a paprtar, paprta nakkiytar R-ntar alwanztar, alwanzta,
U-tar
gen papranna alwanzanna
d/l papranni nakkiyanni R-anni alwanzanni
abl paprannaz, paprannaza,
paprannanza
R-nanaz
ins
335
[nakk]i[y]annit
erg paprannanza alwanzannaz

335
Examples with *tn > nn: ilaliyawannit (< *ilaliyawatar ), aannit (< a( ) atar), iaarwannit (< iaarwatar ),
aiyawannit (< aiyawar).
97
Singular
5 6 7
growth quarrel journey
n/a miyatar, miyata ullatar laiyatar
gen miyanna
d/l ullanni laiyanni
abl ullannaz, ullannaza
ins
336
erg
Plural
n.-a. laiyatar
Singular
8 9
wildlife fine
n/a uitr
o
, uitar, itar, uidar, uetar zankilatar
gen uitna
337
d/l
abl
ins
338
uitnit
erg uitnanza
Plural
n.-a. zankilatar
I.A
, zakilatar
I.A
, zankilatarri
HI.A
4.106 6.2.2.1 The plural forms of nouns in this class are especially rare, since they almost never denote concrete,
countable objects, but either states (e.g., papratar, nakkiyatar ) or classes of animate entities (uitar fauna, game,
antuatar humanity). Some words, which originally denoted a status, developed into designation for concrete
symbols of the status. Thus iuniyatar deity developed into a term for a cult emblem or image, and L-natar (=

336
337
Note the failure of the sequence tn to assimilate to nn in this word. See 1.9.2.5.1.6.
338
98
pinatar ) manhood > manly deed, exploit > military campaign. In the meaning military campaigns we find
the plural form L-natar
I.A
(KBo 12.38 ii 14, ed. Gterbock 1967). In the above paradigms (CREF 4.105)
nouns 1-3 represent status, 4-7 actions, and 8-9 concrete objects. Among the action nouns 6 and 7 could form
plurals, while 4 and 5 do not.
4.107 6.2.2.2 Almost all nouns in this class show an assimilation of -tn- to -nn- (CREF 1.138), the earlier
forms of the oblique cases of the -tar nouns, *-atna , *-atni , *-atnaz , assimilating to -anna , -anni, -annaz . In
Luwian the sequence -tn- remained unassimilated (aratar , gen. aratna ). Compare also uitna and uitnit in the
above paradigm.
4.108 6.2.3 Derivative substantives in -ear (CREF 2.1) (Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 98f. 160, ) show
stem ablauting with zero grade in oblique cases. Here too we encounter nouns indicating state, status or
condition (paprear impurity), actions (tetear thunder), classes of animate beings (dandukear
humanity, mankind), and objects (annear suit, case, uppear gift, tunnakkear inner chamber, iear
beer, attear hole, atrear sending; message, mukear prayer, invocation As with the -atar class, the
concrete -ear nouns (2, 5-8) have overt plural forms.
339
SINGULAR
1 2 3 4
impurity case (misc.) thunder
n/a paprear annear tetear
gen annena, anniana dunnakkena, walina,
dandukina, umena
tetina
d/l papreni anneni, annaani
abl annenaz tetenaza, tetenanza
ins annenit, annetnit
(MH)
erg anninanza
340
PLURAL
nom.-acc. DI.I.A
5 6 7 8

339
See also ilear
I.A
omens, portents,
UZU
R-pear
I.A
members,
TG
kurear
I.A
womens headdresses, alkuear
I.A
items provided for the cult.
340
Possibly also ununenanza (from unu( n) ear) and annananza (from *annaar ?). But contextually tetenanza
(Ullik.) is a nasalized ablative.
99
beer gift hole invocation
n/a iear uppear attear mukear
gen KA-ena attena mukena, [muk]iana
d/l uppeni atteni mukeni
abl KA-za antenaz
ins ieanit, ienit
erg
PLURAL
n/a KA.I.A uppear
I.A
mukiar
I.A
4.109 6.2.3.1 Note the ablaut (CREF 1.52) which appears in this declension: the vowel before the can be
either e, i (anniana, [muk]iana, tetina ), or a (annaani, ilani, ipanduzziaar ).
4.110 Note also the examples of nasalization (CREF 1.133) in tetenanza (for *tetenaza) and antenaz
(for *attenaz ). Nasalized ablatives, e.g., nepianza from heaven, tetenanza with thunder can be confused
formally with ergatives such as anninanza the judgment (CREF 4.108). Only the context will reveal which
form is intended.
4.111 One group of nouns with stems in -war, denote concrete physical objects (Sturtevant and Hahn 1951 99
161, Friedrich 1960 85), to be kept distinct from the much larger group of verbal substantives in -war (or -mar),
which are declined similarly except for the genitive reconstructed as *aauna , *partauna on the analogy of
ilamna (6.4). All the following are neuters: aawar fold, pen, karawar horn(s), partawar wing, feather.
SINGULAR PLURAL
n/a aawar partawar karawar aauwa(r) partauwa(r) SI.I.A-ar
gen *partauna
d/l aauni, aaunai
abl aaunaz partaunaz SI-az
ins partaunit
4.112 6.4 Nouns with stems in -mar (Friedrich 1960 86, 185), similar in declension but different in origin
from the verbal substantives in -mar. All neuters: ilammar gate building, tiyammar cord, arnammar yeast,
arpamar (a pastry), alwammar zeal(?), *arummar headwaters (of a river), alaltumar corner. Unlike the
others, alaltumar is not heteroclitic, retains the stem r in inflection, and shows an i-stem common gender form
(alaltumar ).
Sg.
n/a ilammar tiyammar,
tiyamma
arnammar,
arnamma
100
gen ilamna arumna?
all ilamna
d/l ilamni alaltumari,
alaldummariya
abl ilamnaz alwamnaz
ins tiyammanda
erg. ilamnanza
Pl.
n/a alaltumar,
alaltumari
I.A
gen arumna
d/l arumna
4.113 6.41 Note the omissability of the final r of the nom.-acc. (CREF 1.163), especially noted in Old Hittite
(Neu 1982). This sometimes occurs even when the final r is protected by a suffix: attatamit my wisdom
(Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 179). The form ilanna (gen. sg.) was claimed for ilammar by Friedrich (HW
and HG), while Laroche 1957a 18f. attributed it to an unattested nominative *ilatar .
4.114 6.4.2 Verbs derived from these nouns employ the oblique stem: arnamniya- to cause a ferment, stir up,
excite (< arnammar yeast).
4.115 The following is the paradigm of the word per house with oblique stems peri- (Hoffner 1995b) and
parn-.
Sg. Pl.
n/a ker, -er .I.A, .ME
erg. parnanza
gen. parna, periya
dat.-loc. -ri ( *peri) , parni parna
all. parna
abl. parnaz
4.116 6.6 Another example of a basic noun with different stems in the nom.-acc. and the oblique cases is -er
(*kr) heart, oblique stem kard(i)-.
Sg. Pl.
n/a -er
erg.
gen. kardiya, kartiya
101
dat.-loc. kardi, karti
all. karta, -ta
abl. kartaz
inst. kardit
5. Verb Formation 102
102
CHAPTER 5
VERB FORMATION
5.1 16.1 Many Hittite verbs are derived from other verbs, from nouns, or from adjectives. Such verbs are
characterized by suffixes or infixes which enlarge their stems. The most important of these will be discussed below.
5.2 16.2.0 The verbal suffixes (and infix) and their known combinations:
Suffix added to nouns verbs adjectives function
1 -a- no
341
no yes Factitive (to make ..)
2 -e- no
342
no yes to be(come) ....
3 -nu- no
343
yes yes to cause to (be)..
4 -ke/a- no yes no Iterative-durative
5 -anna/i- no yes no Iterative-durative
Infix
6 -ni( n) - no yes no Causative
5.3 16.2.0.1 Some of the above derivational stem extensions can co-exist in the same form: 2 with 3 (-enu- in
atke/inu-), 1, 3, or 5 with 4 (-aeke-, -nuke-, -annik(e)-), and 4 with 6 (arninkike-). But 3 (-nu-) excludes
6 (-nin-); 1 (-a-) excludes 2 (-e-), 3 (-nu-) and 6 (-nin-); 2 excludes 4 and 5; and 6 excludes 1, 2 and 3.
5.4 16.2.1 The suffix -a- is added to the stems of adjectives or numerals in order to produce verbs which
mean to make something what the adjective or numeral denotes or to regard something/someone as (or declare
someone to be, or treat someone as) what the adjective denotes. CREF also 6.19, 7.18, 9.4, 14.9.
Base Derived Factitive Verb
arawa- exempt (from) arawa - declare someone exempt from
antezzi- first antezziya- make first
appinant- rich appina- make rich
*addul( a) - healthy addula- make healthy
ikuna- cold ikuna- make cold
idalu- evil idalawa - treat evilly; harm, injure

341
Possible exception: iuniya- if this is based on noun iuni- god(dess) instead of a postulated adj. *iuni( ya) -
divine(?).
342
See 16.3 for possible exception: annitalwae- .
343
Exception: earnu- to bloody from ear blood.
103
kattera- inferior kattera- declare to be inferior, the loser (in a suit)
nakki- important nakkiya- regard/treat as important
arazzi - superior arazziya- declare to be superior (in a suit or a contest)
3 (*teri- ) 3-ya- multiply by three
344
4 (meu-, meyau-) 4-ya- multiply by four
5.5 16.2.2 Many Hittite adjectives have doublets with a suffix -ant- with no discernible difference in meaning
(e.g., dau- and dau(w)ant- mighty). In some cases the adjective with the base stem has disappeared, leaving
only the -ant- stem (*marla- and marlant- foolish). Verbs once regularly derived from the simple stem (marla-
to make foolish) would not appear to be derived from the -ant- stem by replacing the -ant- with -a-. Hence,
appina- from appinant- (and likewise miriwa- to make splendid/perfect from miriwant-
splendid/perfect).
5.6 16.2.3 u-stem adjectives take the longer stem form in -aw- (idalawa- ), but i-stems the shorter stem -iy-,
not -ay- (antezziya-, nakkiya-, arazziya-).
5.7 16.3 The suffix -e- is added to adjective stems to produce verbs which mean to be(come) what the
adjective signifies. For the inflection of these verbs CREF 7.19.
arawa- exempt from arawe- become exempt from
aiwant - poor aiwante- become poor
appinant - rich appine- become rich
arki- white arke- become white
atali - brave atale - become brave
atku- narrow atkue- become narrow
atuki- awesome atuke- become awesome
*adduli - healthy addule- become healthy
adant - dry ade- become dry
idalu- evil idalawe- be(come) evil
mekki- numerous makke- become numerous
parku- high parke- be(come) high
345
parkui- pure parkue- become pure

344
[3-i]a-a-a-an-zi 4-ia-a-a-an-zi KUB 9.4 ii 33, [3-i]a-a-a-a-u-wa-ni 4-ia-a-a-a-u-wa-ni ibid. 35. The 3-ya-
is fine for *teriya- three, but 4-ya- poses a problem. One would exprect *meuwa- or *meyawa- (i.e., 4-wa or 4-
yawa-). Is there some other stem for four?
345
Cf. 5.14.
104
alli - large alle- become large, grow
5.8 The u-stem adjectives use sometimes the shorter stem (atkue-) and sometimes the longer (idalawe-)
(see Weitenberg 1984 and reviews in Melchert 1984a; Neu 1985; Carruba 1989). The i-stems use the shorter
(atale- , atuke-, makke-, parkue-, not *atalaye-;*atukaye-, *makkaye-, *parkuwaye-). Built
apparently on a nominal base is annittalwe- to be a litigant (annittalwa- ). Two primary verbs which end in
-e()-but do not have the meaning to be(come) .. are ane- to plaster and kane- to recognize, honor.
5.9 16.3.1 The suffix -e-, like -e-, is added to adjectival (and a few nominal) stems to produce verbs which
mean to be(come) what the adjective or noun signifies. Watkins (1973), who first correctly identified this class of
verb in Hittite, has called it stative and claims that it only means to be , not to become But there are too
many exceptions in the Hittite corpus, cases where to become is clearly more appropriate than to be (see
Hoffner 1998c).
Adjective or noun Derived Verb
alpu- sharp, pointed alpue- (in alpuemar)
arawa- exempt (from) arawe- declare oneself free (from)
346
au- king *aue- (LUGAL-e-) become king
lalukki- bright lalukke- become bright
miyauwant- old miyaunte- to become old, live long
parkui- pure, clear parkue- become clear
*GME-a/iara - female slave GME-a/iare - become a female slave
347
5.10 In those cases where both an e- and an e-verb exist for the same adjectival root, the former seems to have
been replaced by the latter in the course of time (arawe- > arawe- , cf. Hoffner 1998c). Although there may have
been a clear distinction in meaning between the two verb types in Common Anatolian, at least in Hittite the
distinction seems to have been blurred. There is no compelling evidence from contexts to prefer be over
become translations of the e-verbs in Hittite.
5.11 16.4 The verbal infix -ni(n)- is inserted between the r and k in certain verbs ending in -ark-: ark- to
perish > arnink- to destroy, itark - to get sick > itarnink - to make sick, *ark- > arnink- to make
compensation. From the examples it is apparent that its force is causative. This is the same PIE nasal infix that is
seen in the characterized durative stems of Greek verbs like uoVuo Vu (root aorist uou) and \oVuo Vu (root aorist
\ou) (Sihler 1995) 453, but with a different semantic function in Hittite. As in PIE in general (Sihler 1995
453), so in Hittite, there are constraints on the possible shapes of roots which form nasal-infix stems: the final

346
For arawe- see Hoffner 1997a 138f., 219f., and Hoffner 1998c.
347
For this verb, which was replaced in post-OH by GME-a/iare- see Hoffner 1997a 43, 139, 185f., 263.
105
consonant is a velar stop (k) and the immediately preceding consonant is r. The syllable -nin- in the adjective
maninku(wa)-near probably has nothing to do with this formative. For the inflexion of this type CREF 7.20
[Craig: You should add here the Sanskrit example that you think pertinent.]
5.12 16.5 Verbs formed by suffixing -nu- can be either (1) causatives of other verbs, or (2) factitives of
adjectives. See Sihler 455 (PIE *-new-/*-nu-). Examples of the former are: arnu- to cause to come (ar-), warnu-
to cause to burn (war-), linganu- to cause to swear (link-), arganu - to cause to perish (ark-), wanu- to
cause to turn (we-). Sometimes one can hardly detect any difference in meaning between the root verb and the
extension in -nu-: pa- and paanu- to guard, tekku- and tekku(a)nu- to show, reveal, present. For the
inflection CREF 7.50 (paradigms) .
5.13 16.5.0.1 Examples of factitives are: malikunu- to make weak (maliku-), da(a)nu- to make strong
(dau-), allanu - to make great (alli -), magnify, tepnu- to make small (tepu-), parkunu- (for *park
w
nu-) to
make pure (parkui-), parknu- (written pr-ak-nu- and pr-ga-nu-, indicating the absence of the apparent vowel
before -nu-; cf. AHP 29 on empty or ghost vowels in Hittite cuneiform) to make high (parku-), earnu- to
make bloody (ear blood).
5.14 16.5.1 The stem vowel u of the root adjective is elided before derivational suffixes such as -nu- (as in
tepnu- and danu-) and -e- (as in parke- become high). This process by which the final -u- of the adjective is
descriptively deleted before certain suffixes reflects a very old inherited pattern (Calands Law, cf. Watkins 1973
64-66 and 86 and also Meier-Brgger 2000 p. 271f.). For a different view see Puhvel, KZ 94 (1980) 65-70 (root
statives).
5.15 16.5.2 The stem vowel i of the adjectives parkui- pure and dankui- dark is similarly elided in the
creation of factitive verbs parkunu- to make pure and dankunu- to make dark as well as in arg(a)nu- to make
white from arki- white and allanu - to make great, magnify, where the reality of the medial a may be
debated.
348
No such elision need be assumed for maknu- to make numerous, since it is not based upon the stem
mekki-many, but the ablauting stem mek-/mak-(cf. CHD L-N sub mekki-).
5.16 16.5.3 No such elision need be assumed for maknu- to make numerous, since it is not based upon the
stem mekki-many, but the ablauting stem mek-/mak- (cf. CHD L-N sub mekki-).
5.17 For the verbal suffixes -ke- and -annai- see Chapter 27 on Verbal Aspect.

348
The prehistoric status of the deleted -i- is a matter of controversy. On that of parkui- and dankui- see Starke 1990 76,
with copious references. On that of arki- and alli- see Oettinger 1986 21 for one opinion.
6. Active Verb Endings 106
106
CHAPTER 6
ACTIVE VERBAL ENDINGS
6.1 9.1.0 The verb form is composed of a root, often a stem-forming suffix, sometimes a thematic vowel, and an
inflectional ending, e.g., laknui consists of: lak (verb root) + -nu- (causative stem-forming suffix) + -i (pres. sg.
2 ending) you will cause to fall down.
6.2 9.1.1 Two sets of endings are attested for the active voice: the mi- and i-endings, named for the endings of
the first person singular in each set. Since the plural endings (for we, you, and they) are identical, the two
sets have distinct endings only in the singular (CREF 6.12 and Chapter 7).
6.3 9.1.2 Two voices are attested by means of uncompounded forms: the active and the mediopassive. The latter
expresses sometimes a purely passive idea,
349
at other times a middle or reflexive idea,
350
and equally common a
dynamic
351
idea.
352
In OH there is even a contrast between stative e- (active)
353
to remain seated, be sitting and
eventive e- (mid.) to sit down, take a seat. For a comprehensive study of the mediopassive in Hittite see Neu
1968b. CREF Chapter 9.
6.4 9.1.3 Hittite possesses no tense or modal suffixes (Laroche 1975, 344f.). Tense is expressed by a separate set
of inflexional endings. Two uncompounded tenses exist: the present-future (translatable as either present or future)
and the preterite (for simple past). In addition there are compounded constructions (like English have/had gone)
to express the present and past perfect and the future tense. These will be discussed in CHAPTER 25
VERBAL TENSE
6.5 Hittite does not express modes (such as the indicative, subjunctive, optative or imperative) by means of
specialized verbal stems or suffixes. The imperative mode is expressed by a special set of endings (CREF 6.12
(*9.1.7). Modalities which in other Indo-European languages would be conveyed by subjunctive or optative forms
(could, would, ought to, would like to) are conveyed in Hittite by means of modal particles such as man (Hoffner

349
alwanzaati he was hexed, aritta he is restrained, etc.
350
arrattat he washed himself.
351
Mediopassive form, but active meaning (Neu 1968a 54-56, 106-108). Neu 1968a107 cautions against denoting these
verbs as deponents, since synonymous active forms existed. The term dynamic is employed by Houwink ten Cate
1970 18.
352
Transitive: attari he cuts the throat of (an animal), ikallri he tears off, paari he protects, pakuitta you
ignore, arrattat you have transgressed, unekatta he offers for sale; intransitive: akkikantari (people) are dying,
arari I stand, armaniyatta he becomes ill.
353
Not the same verb as the familiar e- (act.) to be. Cf. Goetze 1928 100ff., 162 (index).
107
1982a, CHD L-N 139-43),
354
or adverbs such as imma really (CREF 13.7, 21.7, 29.22, 30.6) and kuwatka
perhaps (CREF 17.25, 21.7, 29.6, 30.4).
6.6 Four types of verbal nouns exist (Chap. 28): (1) the verbal substantive (or gerund)
355
and (2) the
participle,
356
both of which can be fully declined like ordinary nouns, (3) the infinitive,
357
and (4) the supine,
358
both of which are indeclinable.
6.7 Although the endings of the (declinable) participle (2) and (indeclinable) supine (4) are the same for all verbs,
verbal substantives (1) and infinitives (3) have two different sets of endings. Set 2 appears on all monosyllabic mi-
verbs showing vowel gradation (ablaut), e.g. e- to be, ed- to eat, ekw-to drink, epp- to seize, kuen- to
strike, kill, kuer- to cut, uek- to slaughter, we- to turn, CREF 7.6. In addition a few monosyllabic non-
ablauting (such as d- to take [CREF 8.7] and wag- to bite [CREF 8.2]) and ablauting i-verbs (such as
au()-to see [CREF 8.25] and pai-/piy- to give) show this pattern. Set 1 appears on all other verbs.
6.8 (old 9.2.4) Verbs that add the imperfective stem extension (-ke/a-) inflect according to the mi-conjugation,
while those that add the stem extension (-annai- ) follow the i-conjugation. CREF Chap. 33.
6.9 The scheme of endings for the three types of verbal noun and the participle (verbal adjective) is:
Set Verbal subst. Infinitive Supine Participle
359
1a -war (gen. -wa)
360
-wanzi
361
-wan -ant-
1b -mar (gen. -ma)
362
-manzi -man -ant-
2 -atar (gen. -anna) -anna -wan -ant-
6.10 Verbs in set 1 whose stems end in u (especially the nu-causative verbs) take the 1b endings, e.g.,
arnumar, arnumanzi, arnuman, arnu(w)ant- . Also i-verbs like tarna-, penna-, unna-, arra- to wash, a- to

354
Note: This man (consistently written ma-an) could, would is not the same word as mn (consistently written ma-a-
an) which in OH means when and in NH if.
355
As in running is good exercise.
356
As in the running water.
357
As in The physician sent him there to recuperate .
358
As in He began to run.
359
Cf. 4.96 for the paradigm of the participle.
360
Verbal substantives are attested only in nom.-acc. and gen. case forms.
361
A rare form of the infinitive ending (-wanta) occurs in i-pa-an-tu-an-ta : maan=ma LUGAL-u ipantuanta / iraizzi
But when the king finishes making offering KUB 10.21 i 1-3.
362
An unusual example of an ablative form of such a verbal substantive is al-la-nu-mar-ra-za KUB 26.32 i 11-12, ed.
Laroche, RA 47:74f.
108
procreate, anna- to conceal, arra- to divide, unna- to fill, wata- to sin, weda- to build. Other verbs
in set 1 take the 1a endings.
6.11 9.1.6 Verbs distinguish singular and plural subjects. Some ancient Indo-European languages possessed
both noun and verb endings for the dual. Hittite has no dual endings for either. Gender distinctions (common [or
animate] and neuter [or inanimate], CREF 3.2) exist in the participle (which is like a verbal adjective), but in no
other forms of the verb.
6.12 9.1.7 The following is the scheme of endings for the finite forms of the active verb. Endings in parentheses
are less common that those not so marked. For mediopassive endings see Chapter 9.
PRESENT PRETERITE
mi-conj. (Va1) i -conj. (Va2) Va1 Va2
sg 1 -mi -i, ( -e in OH),
363
-un,
364
-nun
365
-un
2 -i -ti -, -t -ta,
366
-, -t, -ta
367
3 -zi, -i
368
-i -t, ( -) -, ( -t, -ta)
pl 1 -weni, ( -wani) , -meni, ( -mani)
369
, -uni
370
-wen, -men
2 -teni, ( -tani) -ten
3 -anzi -er
IMPERATIVE
mi-conj. i -conj. Sample translation
sg 1 -allu, -lit, -lut -allu Let me (hit)!
2 --, -i,
371
-t
372
--, -i (Hit)!

363
In OS rather consistently showing the e-vocalization (sign -), cf. Otten and Soucek 1969 56.
364
Used with consonantal stems.
365
Used with vocalic stems.
366
Cf. datta you (sg.) took and paitta you (sg.) gave.
367
Verbs showing the -ta ending, either in sg. 2 or 3, are: memita spoke, peta gave, alita cradled(?), tedaita
(meaning unclear), uleta blended(?), merged(?), udata brought, unnita drove here, pennita drove there,
uppeta sent, daita placed, naita turned, tarneta released, and possibly arueta bowed(?).
368
In OH and MH with -a- factitive verbs, consistently written as -i, not -zi, cf. Otten and Souc ek 1969 56 and Houwink
ten Cate 1970 p. 20.
369
This ending is largely confined to the nu-causative verbs: parkunu-, allanu- , etc.
370
In ti-ia-u-ni 1691/u ii 18 (CTH 375.1 prayer of Arnuwanda and Amunikal, MH/MS). That this is not a scribal slip for
ti-ia-u-e-ni is indicated by the immediately following na-at SIG-a-u-ni for SIG-a-u-e-ni.
109
3 -d/tu
373
-u Let him (hit)!
pl 1 -weni -weni Let us (hit)!
2 -ten -ten (Hit) ye!
3 -and/tu -and/tu Let them (hit)!
6.13 9.1.8 Although the pret. pl. 3 ending is usually written so as to permit either an ir or an er reading (the
cuneiform sign IR can equally well be read ER), in virtually all instances where the vocalization is clearly indicated
by a preceding syllable (-e-er, -te-er, -e-er) it is -er. That is, whenever we find a spelling -i-ER, as in p-i-ER from
piy(a)-to give or p-e-i-ER from peiy(a)-to throw, the -i- serves either to indicate the stem vowel or a glide
connecting the stem vowel to the ending -er. It is not intended to mark the ER sign as i-containing (i.e., -ir).
6.14 9.1.8.1 There are also rare instances of an ending -ar, such as -e-mi-ia-ar they found (from a verbal
stem wemiya-) (cf. Neu 1989a).
6.15 9.1.8.2 In rare instances the pres. sg. 3 -mi conjugation ending -zi and the pres. pl. ending -anzi are written
-za and -anza respectively: e-e-za in KBo 6.2 iv 53-55 (Laws 98, OS) for e-e-zi he/it is in the duplicate KBo
6.3 iv 52-54 (OH/NS),
374
ar-za in KBo 9.73 obv. 12 (treaty w. Hapiru, OS) for intended *ar-zi, a-ku-wa-an-
za (for a-ku-wa-an-zi) KUB 13.2 iii 13 (MH/NS),
375
nu
UZU
u-up-pa a-ra-a da-an-za (for da-an-zi) they take up
the meat in KBo 22.116 rev. 9, and pan i-i-an-za (for pan iianzi) KBo 6.26 i 7 (Laws 158, OH/NS)
with dupl. i-a-a-i (Friedrich 1959 n. 22). Since two of these examples are found in Old Hittite manuscripts
which do not elsewhere betray a sloppy copyist, it is possible that the writings with final -za for -zi are not simple
scribal errors but reflect some phonological trait of early Hittite.
6.16 9.1.8.3 That the preceding writings were due to a similarity of sound in final -(n)zaand -(n)zimay be
supported by at least two examples of writing -nzi for correct -nza (pronounced /nts/): nammawara anti
tuanzi And furthermore, it (i.e., the bee) is anti tuanza KUB 17.10 i 39 (Tel. myth, OH/MS), and mn a-
me-e-kn-zi (for a-me-e-kn-za, itself a late form of a-me-e-a-an-za, CREF 1.160) D-[ri ] When it
becom[es] spring KUB 38.26 rev. 19 (cult inv., NH).
6.17 9.1.9 Irregularities in the mi-conjugation:

371
E.g., pa-a-i . In this case, since this verbs stem is pa- and since in the cuneiform syllabary one cannot write a final
double consonant without an unreal vowel, we cannot be absolutely certain that this writing is not intended to indicate
*pa.
372
This ending is largely confined to the nu-causative verbs: parkunu-, allanu- , etc.
373
Old Hittite copies tend to use the cuneiform sign TU for this ending; later the sign DU was preferred. This writing
convention does not necessarily reflect pronunciation.
374
Cf. CHD nakku loss(?) for discussion and literature.
375
Melchert 1984b 97.
110
6.18 9.1.9.1 On rare occasions the pres. sg. 2 (you ) ends in -zi instead of the expected -i or -ti: itamazi
you hear
376
(the same form as for he hears) for normal itamati (with the -ti ending of the i-conjugation).
6.19 9.1.9.1.1 In earlier Hittite (OH, MH) factitive verbs in -a- (which in most of their forms conform to the
mi-conjugation; CREF 7.18) form their pres. sg. 3 with an ending -i, i.e., maniyai he entrusts, idlawai
he injures, harms, whereas in NH they conform to the more regular mi-conjugation pattern with -zi, i.e.,
maniyazi and idlawazi. See Houwink ten Cate 1970 p. 20. The pret. sg. 3 ended in -aa or -ai.
6.20 9.1.9.2 In New Hittite (NH) compositions there is a marked tendency to replace the older pret. sg. 2 in -
(you ed) with the ending of the sg. 3 -t: older ie (OH) and iya (MH) you did/made, but later iyat; older t
you said (Hoffner 1997b), later tt, older allanu you raised, later allanut ; older paanu you protected,
later paanut, older aranie you were envious, tarkummiya you announced, amenu(?),
377
and memanuga
you made (me) talk, later tittanut you made (something) stand; older iterative ending -ke (MH: atreke
you were sending, dake you were taking, memikeyou were saying), later -kit (NH). The form pute
KUB 30.28 rev. 12 (NS) is by context pret. sg. 3 he led there, and is the result of late influence from the i-
conjugation on an otherwise mi-conjugation verb.
6.21 9.1.9.3 In the imperative sg. 1 the rarer ending -lit or -lut occurs principally in the verb e- to be: lut,
lit let me be , but e- also assumes the more common 1st sg. imperative form aallu . For the different ablaut
grade in the root CREF 26.4.
6.22 9.2 Irregularities in the i-conjugation:
6.23 9.2.1 In the pres. sg. 3 an ending -ai occasionally appears where one expects -i: ipanti and ipandai he
libates, offers, arri and arrai he washes.
6.24 9.2.2 Likewise in the pret. pl. 3 -aer occurs alongside the more usual -er: ipanter and ipantaer they
libated from the verb stem ipant-. Obviously, in forms like der they took the a is part of the verb stem, and
the ending is only -er.
6.25 9.2.3 Conversely the ending -i occurs in the pres. sg. 3 instead of an expected -ai: watai he sins (the
more usual form, since the normal stem is wata-) and wati (which shows that the earlier stem was wat-).
6.26 9.2.4 The older ending - of the pret. sg. 3 was replaced in later Hittite by -ta. CREF paradigms in 8.8,
8.15, 8.18.

376
KBo 5.9 ii 16-17 zikma[an] / itamazi, cf. also iii 7; and KBo 4.3 + KUB 40.34 iv 31-32 nu mn zik Kupanta-
LAMMA-a ap[eda menaanda] / idalawezi .
377
a-me-nu-u KUB 31.112:11 (verb pret. sg. 2 according to Oettinger, MSS 35:99, noun according to Daddi Pecchioli,
OA 14:108f.).
7. Active Conjugation: mi-Verbs 111
111
CHAPTER 7
ACTIVE CONJUGATION OF MI-VERBS
WITH CONSONANTAL STEMS
7.1 11.1 One can subdivide the mi-verbs into the following classes: (1) consonantal root stems, (2) vocalic root
stems, (3) stems in -ai-, (4) stems in -iya-, (5) stems with infixed -nin-, (6) stems in -e-, (7) iteratives in -ke-,
and (8) causatives in -nu-. For convenience, however, we shall present them under two divisions: (chapter 11)
consonantal stems, and (chapter 12) vocalic stems. In this chapter we shall consider, therefore, the conjugation of
verbs which fall into categories 1, 5 and 6 of the longer classification.
7.2 11.2 Of the consonantal root stems the verbs which are monosyllabic and end in a single consonant belong
together. Many such verbs exist in Hittite. A sub-group of these shows ablaut or vowel gradation (CREF 1.52
(*1.2). They show two vowel grades: (1) e and (2) a.
7.3 11.2.1 In these verbs the a-grade of the root is found in:
present tense 3 pl. aanzi, appanzi, adanzi, akuanzi
imperative 1 sg. aallu
3 pl. aandu , appandu, adandu, akuandu
participle aant -, appant -, adant -, akuant-
verbal subst. and inf. of set
2 (28.4 (*9.1.5)
appatar, adatar, akwatar (wr. a-ku-wa-tar),appanna, adanna,
akwanna (written a-ku-wa-an-na)
iterative of ablauting verbs akkuke- (< eku-), azzike- (<ed-), appike- (<epp-), kuwake-
(<kuen-)
7.4 The verbs kuer- to cut and uek- to hex show a zero grade of the ablauting vowel in the iterative: kurike-
(<kuer-), ukkike-(<uek-). CREF 7.14 (*11.2.5) and following. The iteratives kuwarke- and kuwanke- are the
older forms, of which kurike- is a NH regularization.
7.5 Some finite verb forms show both vowel grades in the root: appuen and eppuen we seized, pteni and apteni
you will seize, lut and aallu may I be. Vowel gradation can also be seen in the verb endings: pres. 1. pl. e-
grade -weni, a-grade -wani, zero grade -uni.
112
7.6 11.2.2 Paradigm of the monosyllabic mi-verbs ending in a single consonant:
PRESENT INDICATIVE
SINGULAR
to be
378
to seize to fear eku-
379
to drink
1 mi
380
pmi
381
nami e-ku-mi
2 i, ti
(NH)
pi
382
, pti (NH) nati e-uk-i,
383
e-ku-u-i, e-ku-ut-ti
3 zi
384
pzi nazi, ni
385
e-uk-zi,
386
e-ku-zi
387
PLURAL
1 ewani
388
eppweni (wr. e-ep-pu-u-e-ni),
appweni (wr. ap-pu--e-ni)
389
nweni,
390
U-
uni
391
akweni, akwani,
392
ekweni, ekwani
2 pteni, ptni, apteni,
393
ptani
394
natni ekwteni (wr. e-ku-ut-te-ni)
3 aanzi appanzi *naanzi akwanzi, ekwanzi

378
Oettinger 1979 16ff.
379
This stem probably ended in a labio-velar /ekw/.
380
Wr. e-e-mi, e-e-i, e-e-zi, e-e-wa-ni, etc.
381
Wr. e-ep-mi, e-ep-i/ti, e-ep-zi, e-ep-te-(e-)ni , etc.
382
e-ep-i
383
Written in OH with metathesis of /ekw/ to /ewk/ .
384
Rare variant e-e-za (Laws 97, copy A).
385
Also wr. logographically as U-i.
386
Wr. OH metathesis of /ekw/ to /ewk/ .
387
Wr. e-ku-zi, e-ku-uz-zifor /ekwzi/.
388
Wr. e-u-wa-ni, HED 2:285, HW 2:93b; no form *eweni (*e-u-e-ni) is attested yet.
389
KUB 35.18 i 7, cf. Puhvel, HED 2:275.
390
Wr. na-a-u-u-e-ni .
391
Wr. U-u-ni (*nauni ) KUB 5.2:6, 10, 15 (div., NH); error for U-u-e-ni or example of reduced grade of ending
-weni?
392
The forms a-ku-e-ni and a-ku-wa-ni are potentially ambiguous, since there is a verb ak(k)- to die with a pres. 1 pl. ak-
ku-u-e-ni (akweni) (HED 1:18). This is distinct from a-ku-e-ni we drink only in the doubled writing of the velar. The w
does double duty for the last consonant of the stem and the first of the ending: akw-weni, etc.
393
Wr. ap-te-ni.
394
HKM 57:33 (MH), not booked in HED or HW.
113
PRETERITE INDICATIVE
SINGULAR
1 eun ppun nun, naun ekun
2 ta
395
pta
396
*nata ekwta (wr. e-ku-ut-ta)
3 ta pta nata e-uk-ta
OH
, e-ku-ut-ta
PLURAL
1 wen
m
ppwen, ppwen *nawen e-ku-en
2 ten pten *naten
3 eer pper *naer ekwer
IMPERATIVE
SINGULAR
1 lut, lit, aallu *appallu
2 p ni, nai, n eku
3 du, tu pdu ekuddu
PLURAL
2 ten pten *naten ekutten
3 aandu appandu *naandu a-ku-wa-an-du
397
7.7 Verbal substantive: euwar, euwar, wekuwar, wr. e-u-wa-ar, e-u-wa-ar, -e-ku-wa-ar ; nwa and
nawa (gen.), (class 2:) appatar, adatar, akuwatar, kunatar (CREF 3.23, 6.9, and 28.2).
7.8 Infinitive: euwanzi (wr. e-u-wa-an-zi); (class 2:) appanna (with rarer eppuwanzi), adanna, akuwanna (wr.
a-ku-wa-an-na) (CREF 9.2.5.1).
7.9 Participle: aant-, appant-, naant-
398
, aant-, wekant-, akwant-.
7.10 Iteratives: appiki-, akkuki-, azziki-, naeki-, ekiki-; CREF 8.19.

395
KBo 4.14 ii 8, KUB 5.9 i 16 (Madd. 58).
396
KUB 14.1 rev. 23 (Madd. 58).
397
Wr. a-ku(-wa)-an-du.
398
Neut. sg. nan .
114
7.11 11.2.3 Most verbs whose stems end in d or t insert an between stem and a dental- or sibilant-
commencing ending (ed- to eat, ipart - to survive, and possibly *mat- to withstand):
PRESENT SINGULAR
1 dmi
2 zi, [zz]ai, ezatti mazatti
3 ezazzi, zzazi, zzazzi,
zzai, zzi
399
mazzazzi, manzazi, mazzi iparzazi, iparzizi,
iparzai
400
PLURAL
1 adweni,
401
edwni,
402
edwe[ni ]
2 ezzatteni, azzateni
3 adanzi, atnzi
PRETERITE
1 edun iparzaun
403
2 ezatta ma(z)zata
404
iparzata
o
3 zta, ezatta, ezza, ezzata mazzata iparza, iparzata a
1 edwen
405
2
3 eter iparter , iparzer r
IMPERATIVE
SINGULAR PLURAL
2 d, zza zten, ezatten, zzaten
3 zdu, ezzaddu, ezzadu ipartiddu adandu, zzandu

399
The e( z) za( z) ziwritings seem to be older than the ezzai ones, although none is attested yet in OS.
400
The iparzazi writings are attested in MH. iparzai does not occur before NH.
401
Wr. a-tu-e-ni, a-du-e-ni.
402
Wr. e-du-wa-a-ni.
403
KUB 25.21 iii 14 (HW 90, CTH 524 Kaka treaty). A i-conjugation form, but more than balanced by iparzazi and
ipartiddu.
404
KUB 14.1 obv. 62 (Madd. 58).
405
Wr. e-du-u-en (477/u 13).
115
7.12 Infinitive: iparzuwanzi; class 2: adanna (CREF 9.2.5.1). Participle: adant- , iparzant- . Verbal
substantive: gen. *mazwa, wr. mazzuwa; class 2: adatar (CREF 9.2.5.1). Iterative: azzikki-.
7.13 11.2.4 Three common verbs are monosyllabic mi-verbs with a distinctive type of vowel gradation. In the
normal grade of these verbs one finds the sequence -ue- /we/. Another grade (reduced?) shows -wa- (in kuwaki-, the
iter. of kuen-, CREF 14.8). The usual reduced grade of these verbs is -u-. In the verb kuen- to strike, hit, kill the
final n of the stem occasionally is lost in the writing when followed by the w, m and s which begin some verbal
endings: kuemi, kuei, kuewen, iter. kuwaki-.
7.14 11.2.5 Paradigms of the monosyllabic mi-verbs containing the sequence -ue- as the syllable vowel:
PRESENT
SINGULAR PLURAL
1 kuemi uekmi, ukmi kuennummeni uekwani
2 kuei, kuenti kuenatteni
3 kuenzi kuerzi uekzi kunanzi, kuennanzi kuranzi ukanzi
PRETERITE
SINGULAR PLURAL
1 kuenun,
kuenunun
*kuerun *uekun kuewen,
kuinnummen
ugawen
2 kuinneta,
kuenta406
kuenten *uekten
3 kuenta kuerta uekta kuennir kuerir *uekir
IMPERATIVE
1 *kunallu *kurallu *kueweni? *uekweni?
2 kueni kuenten
3 kuendu, kuenidu kuerdu uekdu kunandu kurandu
7.15 Verbal subst. ugatar . Inf. uganna, kuranna, kunanna (CREF 3.23, 6.9, and 28.2). Participle:
ugant-, kunant-, kurant -. Iterative: kwarki- (ku-wa-ar-a-ki-iz-zi 169/x i 7 cited in Oettinger 1979 119), kureki-
(from kuer-), kwa(n)ki - (from kuen-), ukiki-/ukkiki-(from uek-).
7.16 11.3 Another group of mi-verbs have stems that end in a consonantal cluster, the first of which is a
sonorant (l, r, m, n): wal- to strike, an- to seek, ark- to perish, itark- to get sick, karp- to lift, link-
to swear, amenk- to bind, warp- to bathe, kurk- to store, alk- to knead, par- to chase, arp- to pile

406
kuinneta KUB 17.3 iii 4, kuenta KUB 14.1 rev. 23 (Madd. 58).
116
up, gather into a group, associate with. Internal clusters of three consonants and final slusters of two consonants
cannot be readily expressed in the syllabary. When a CV ending is directly affixed to the stem-ending cluster, the
syllabification pattern is usually -VC-VC-CV (i.e., *walmi is written wa-al-a-mi, *anmi as a-an-a-mi),
where V is unreal. Exceptions are marked below with but.
-mi wa-al-a-mi, a-an-a-mi, a-a-mi (*a(n)mi), tar-a-mi, pr-a-mi, ar-ak-mi, kar-ap-mi, wa-ar-ap-mi, ar-
ap-mi, a-ma-an-ak-mi; but a-an-a-mi, a-ma-an-ga-mi
-i pr-a-i, ar-ak-i, kar-ap-i, but wa-la!-a-i, a-an-a-i
-ti a-an-a-ti, ar-ak-ti, but a-an-a-ti, a-an-a-at-ti, a-na-a-ti
-zi wa-al-a-zi, li-ik-zi, a-ma-ak[-zi], ar-ak-zi, tar-a-zi, pr-a-zi, a-a-zi,and a-an-a-zi <*anzi, wa-ar-ap-
zi, kar-ap-zi, ar-ap-zi, but li-in-ga-zi, a-ma-an-ga-zi, a-an-a-zi, a-an-a-az-zi 4 0 7
-weni wa-al-u-u-e-ni, ar-ku-e-ni, li-in-ku-e-ni, a-an-u-e-ni,
-wani wa-al-u-wa-ni, li-ku-wa-an-ni
-teni a-an-a-te-ni, ar-ak-te-ni, but a-an-a-te-ni, a-an-a-at-te-ni,
-tani wa-al-a-ta-ni,
-anzi wa-al-a-an-zi, a-an-a-an-zi, a-an-a-a-an-zi,a-a-a-an-zi, a-a-an-a-an-zi, a-an-a-a-an-zi, pr-a-an-zi,
li-in-kn-zi, but kar-ap-pa-an-zi, pr-a-a-an-zi, wa-al-a-a-an-zi,
-( i) anzi ar-ki-ia-an-zi, kar-( ap-) p-an-zi,
-un wa-al-u-un, a-an-u-un, a-a-u-un, a-ana-u-un, li-in-ku-un, but a-an-a-u-un, kar-ap-pu-un,
-t( a) a-am-ma-ak-ta, wa-al-a-ta, a-an-a-ta, a-an-na-a-ta, a-a-ta, ar-ak-ta, kar-ap-ta, li-in-ik-ta, li-ik-ta, but
li-in-kat-ta, a-ma-an-kat-ta, a-ma-na-ak-ta, a-an-a-ta
-wen li-in-ku-en, li-in-ga-u-en, i-in-ku-u-e-en, i-tar-ni-in-ku-en, wa-al-u-u-en
-ten wa-al-a-tn, a-an-a-tn, kar-ap-tn, le-en-ek-tn
-er wa-al-e-er, a-an-e-er, kar-p-er,
-allu ( no exx.)
- wa-al-a, a-a-a, a-an-a, kar-ap, li-in-ik, li-in-ki,
-du wa-al-a-du, a-a-du, ar-ak-du, kar-ap-du,
-ten wa-al-a-tn, a-a-a-tn, kar-ap-tn, le-en-ek-tn, but a-an-a-at-tn,
-andu wa-al-a-an-du, a-an-a-an-du, li-in-kn-du
7.17 11.3.2 Another group of mi-verbs have stems that end in a cluster with w as its final component: eku- to
drink, tarku- (*tarkw-) to dance, whirl, taru- (*tarw-) to be able, be in charge/control, watku- to leap,
anu- to roast, neku- to become evening.
-mi e-ku-mi

407
See alternative forms: pr-a-zi KUB 1.13 ii 14 (MH/NS), pr-a-i KBo 3.5 iii 30 (MH/MS), pr-a-a-i ibid. iv 3, pr-
a-a-i ibid. i 22 and passim, KUB 1.11 i 8, pr-a-a-a-i KBo 3.5 iv 13, 14.
117
-i e-uk-i,
408
e-ku-u-i,
-ti e-ku-ut-ti
-zi tar-uk-zi, tar-ku-zi, tar-ku-uz-zi, tar-ru-u-zi, wa-at-ku-zi, wa-at-ku-uz-zi, e-uk-zi,
409
e-ku-zi
410
, a-an-u-uz-
zi,
411
tar-u-uz-zi,
-weni akweni, ekweni,
-wani akwani,
412
ekwani
-teni ekwteni (wr. e-ku-ut-te-ni)
-tani
-anzi tar-ku-wa-an-zi, tar-ru-u-a-an-zi, wa-at-ku-an [-zi], akwanzi, ekwanzi
-( i) anzi
-un ekun
-t( a) wa-at-ku-ut,
413
ekwta (wr. e-ku-ut-ta), e-uk-ta
OH
,
-wen e-ku-en
-ten
-er tar-ku-e-er, tar-u-e-er, wa-at-ku-u-e-er
m
, ekwer(wr. e-ku-er)
-allu
- eku
-du tar-u-du,ekuddu
-ten ekutten
-andu akuwandu
-wanzi
414
tar-ku-wa-an-zi,
-war tar-ku-wa-ar,
-atar a-ku-wa-tar

408
409
410
Wr. e-ku-zi, e-ku-uz-zifor /ekwzi/.
411
KBo 17.105 iii 3 (MH/MS).
412
The forms a-ku-e-ni and a-ku-wa-ni are potentially ambiguous, since there is a verb ak(k)- to die with a pres. 1 pl. ak-
ku-u-e-ni (akweni) (HED 1:18). This is distinct from a-ku-e-ni we drink only in the doubled writing of the velar. The w
does double duty for the last consonant of the stem and the first of the ending: akw-weni, etc.
413
This NH form shows that the original consonantal stem has been reinterpreted in NH as a vocalic (u) stem. See
Oettinger,
414
Both the inf. and verbal subst. use haplological, simplified formations: tar-ku-wa-an-zi for *tar-ku-wa-u-wa-an-zi, and
tar-ku-wa-ar for *tar-ku-wa-u-wa-ar. See also the verbal subst. > noun arkuwar (not *arkuwawar) from the verb arkuwa( i) -.
118
-anna a-ku-wa-an-na
-ant- tar-ku-wa-an-t,
7.18 11.3.3 Factitive verbs in -a- (5.4),. For the actives CREF 9.1.9.1.1; for the middles CREF 10.3.1.
Endings Example forms
Present
-mi idlawami (MH/NS), uppiyami (NH), manninkuwami (NH), SIG-ami (MH), KASKAL-iyami
-i (no exx.)
-ti idlawati*, kururiyati, R-ati, SIG-ati,
-i arwai (OH), tauwai (OH), uppiyai (OH), kururiyai (NH), katterai (MH), arazyai
(MH/NS), UL-wai (*idalawai ) (NH), maninkuwai (NS), kartimmiyai, KASKAL-ai
-zi tauwazi (NS), idlawazi, maniyazi, uppiyazi, KASKAL-iyazi
-weni SIG-aweni
-wani dauwawani, [3-y]aauwani, 4-yaauwani
-teni katterrateni, arazziyateni, SIG-ateni, [ak]uwaarateni,
-tani
-anzi [3-y]aanzi, 4-yaanzi, KASKAL-iaanzi
Preterite
-un idlawaun,arwaun, papraun, kururiyaun, uppiyaun, kutruwaun, newaun, appiaraun,
KASKAL-ia[un]
-i (2 sg)
-ta (2 sg.) *miuntata (NH),
-a (3 sg.) antezziyaa, kallaraa, manninkuwaa, newaa
-i (3 sg) ikunai
-ta (3 sg.) R-ata (NH), GB-lata, iiyata (NH), idlawata (NH), katterrata (NH), kuripata (NH), kururiyata,
liliwata (NH), paprata (NH), akiyata (NH), arazziyata (NH), tauwata (NH), tepawata (NH)
-wen idlawauen, ZAG-nauen, [KASKAL-]iyauen
-ten UL-aten
-er kururiyair, ulkearair, appina[ir], pdaair, R-nair, katterrair, [m]iriwai[r], liliwair,
markitair, arwair, paprair, newair, mayandair, dauwair, SIG-yair, dannatair
7.19 11.3.4 Verbs in -e-. For the meaning of the suffix CREF 5.7.
-mi
-i
-ti *appineti (NG.TUKU-ti), *idalaweti (UL-u-e-ti), *kardimmeti (TUKU.TUKU-e-ti),
119
-zi innarawezi, idlawezi,adukizi, kallarezi, *kunnezi (ZAG-nezi), makkezi, mi( ya) u( wa) ntezi,
parkuezi,dannatezi, tepawezi, waruezi, GME-aarezi, etc.
-weni [ia]arwewe[ni ],
-teni idlaweteni, parkueteni,
-anzi [innar]aweanzi, idlaweanzi, maninkueanzi, tepaweanzi,
-un
-ta araweta, idalaweta
-wen
-ten
-er araweer, mayateer, mareer, alleer,
7.20 Paradigms for stems with nasal infix -ni(n)-. For the meaning of the infix CREF 5.11.
PRESENT INDICATIVE
SINGULAR
1 arnikmi arnikmi
2 arnikti* itarniki
3 arnikzi arnikzi ninikz i itarnikzi
PLURAL
1 arninkueni nininkuweni *itarninkueni
2 arnikteni arnikteni ninikteni
3 arninkanzi arninkanzi nininkanzi
SINGULAR
1 arninkun arninkun nininkun
2 arnikta
3 arnikta arnikta ninikta
PLURAL
1 itarninkuen
3 arninkir nininkir
IMPERATIVE
120
SINGULAR
2 arnik ninik
3 arnikdu arnikdu
PLURAL
2 arnikten ninikten
3 arninkandu arninkandu nininkandu
Vbsubst. arninkuwar arninkuwa (gen.) nininkuwa (gen.)
Inf. I arninkuwanzi arninkuwanzi nininkuwanzi
Part. arninkant- arninkant- nininkant-
CONJUGATION OF MI-VERBS WITH THEMATIC STEMS
7.21 12.0 On the Hittite verbal stems and their inflections see Oettinger 1979, 1985 and 1992 213-252.
7.22 12.1 The following mi-verbs are ablauting root verbs which are polysyllabic: see Oettinger 1979 125f. (I 2
g), uwate- to lead here, peute- to lead there, wete- to build, werite- to be afraid, watku- to leap, spring.
The ablaut e/a is fairly predictable:
PRESENT SINGULAR
1 uwatemi putemi widami, witemi, wedai
weritemi
o++
2 uwatei peutei wedai werizzati
3 uwatezzi,uwatezi,
uwadazzi
peutezzi, peutezi,
puttezzi
wetezzi, wedai
weritiz[zi], urizzizz[i]
PRESENT PLURAL
1 uwateweni, uwatewani,
uwatummeni
m
putummni
wedumni
2 uwatetteni, uwatettani,
uwadateni
putetteni, pu<t>ettani
3 uwadanzi
m
peudanzi, peutanzi,
peutenzi
415
wedanzi waritanzi
o
, werita[nzi]
PRETERITE SINGULAR
1 uwatenun peutenun wetenun, wedaun
,
wetun

415
Spelled [p]-e-u-te-en-zi KBo 25.50 left edge 7, not with the -tn- sign.
121
2 uwatet peutet weda
3 uwatet peutet, peute
wetet, weda
weriteta,
wiriteta,
werit[e]
PRETERITE PLURAL
1 uwatewen wetummen
2 peutetten
3 uwater, uwatr peuter weter
IMPERATIVE SINGULAR
2 uwate
m
, uwati, uwatet
m
peute, peuti wete
3 uwateddu peuteddu weteddu, wedau
PLURAL
2 uwatetten
m
, uwatatten, uwatitten
m
peutetten wetatten
3 uwadandu peudandu wedandu
7.23 Verbal subst.: wetummar, *uwatummar. Infin.: wetummanzi, *uwatummanzi(?).For the m in these forms
CREF 1.72, 1.77. Participle: peudant-, widant-. Iterative: weteke-, weriteke-. No iter. of uwate- is yet
attested, and peuteke- (NH) from peute- is rare.
7.24 12.2 The following are vocalic root stems which are monosyllabic : l(i)-to loose, (i)-to trust,
believe, (i)-to be angry, rage.
7.25 12.2.1 Paradigms of the monosyllabic, vocalic root stems. Forms marked with
are marked i-
conjugation. Although Oettinger 1979 assigns l- (64ff.) and e- (sic) (360ff.) to different classes, they conjugate
almost identically in most periods of Hittite.
PRESENT
Singular Plural
1 lmi, mi lweni
2 li, la-[a-i]-i
416
, i
3 lizzi
m
, li
o+
, izzi lnzi, nzi
PRETERITE
Singular Plural
1 lnun
o+,m
, ln
n
, nun, nun lwen

416
If correctly read, see HKM 30:19 (MH/MS).
122
2 la
n
, i atten
3 lit
n
, it, it, yit, i
ler, ir
IMPERATIVE
2 l
o+
, li
n
, ltten, tten
3 lu, lddu
n
Verbal subst.: war, lwar. Infin.: lwanzi . Participle: lnt-, nt-, nt- . Iter. la-a-(i-)i-ki-.
m
7.26 12.2.2 The stem te- is supplemented by the stem ter-/tar- in forming a complete paradigm for this verb of
speech. For a discussion see Oettinger 1979 109f.
PRESENT PRETERITE
Singular Plural Singular Plural
1 tmi, temi tarweni tnun, tenun
2 ti, tei tarteni
m
, tteni
m+
, t
417
3 tezzi, tardi
n418
taranzi tt, tet terer
IMPERATIVE
SINGULAR PLURAL
2 tt, tet tten, tetten
o
3 tddu, teddu darandu
PARTICIPLE: tarant -
ITERATIVE: tar-i-k-, tar-a-k-.
419
7.27 12.3 The extremely common verbs pai- to go and ue-/uwa- to come exhibit many irregularities in
inflection. They are univerbations of the motion prefixes pe- and u- and the inherited motion verb *(e)i-to go,
walk, move. The combination of ablaut and contractions of vowels led to complicated paradigms. For paradigm
and discussion see Oettinger 1979 131f., 388f.
Forms marked with superscript n are (only) attested in NH or NS, those with
o
in OH, those with
o+
in OH/MS and
OH/NS, those with m in MH, those with
m+
in MH/NS, those with om in OH and MH, etc. Unmarked forms are

417
See te-e-e HKM 48:17 (MH/MS), [t]e-e KUB 60.150 obv. 9, and discussion in Hoffner 1997b.
418
A Luwian pres. sg. 3 form in -ti.
419
For the paradigm see 12.7.
123
attested in at least one of the three periods OH to NH, but whose initial period of use cannot be determined.
Normally the first-cited form is the more common: [These sentences should probably be moved to an
introductory chapter to the grammar, since they apply potentially to all paradigms HH]
PRESENT
SINGULAR PLURAL
1 paimi, pimi, pmin uwami, uwmin, uwammin paiwani, piwenin,
pwenin
uwaweni
2 paii, pii, pai n, paittin uwai,
o
uwi n paitteni, paittani
420
uwatteni, uwttenin,
uwattnin
3 paizzi, pizzi uezzi,
421
uzzi
om
, uwazzin pnzi, panzi uenzi, uwanzi
422
PRETERITE
SINGULAR PLURAL
1 pun, pnn, pnunn uwanun, uwnun
423
paiwen, piwen, pwenm uwaweno
2 paitta uwan *paitten uwattenn
3 pait, pit mn, pat om uet, ut
o
per, prn, prn ur
IMPERATIVE
2 t eu tten, paitten uwatten, uitten
424
3 paiddu, paittu
o
uiddu pntu
o
, pndu
mn
uwandu, uwadu
Verbal subst.: pwarn, uwawar. Infinitive: pawanzi o, pwanzin, uwawanzi. Participle: pnt-, uwant-.
7.28 12.3.1 The expected 2 sg. (and occasionally pl.) of the imperative of pai- and uwa- is rarely employed.
Instead, unprefixed forms of *(e)i- are used for the imperative of go, and a special suffixed form for the 2nd sg.
imp. of come. For pai- the forms are 2 sg. t (wr. i-it) and 2 pl. tten (wr. i-it-tn). For uwa- the 2 sg. eu. The
unprefixed imp. forms also occur with preverbs: anda eu KUB 24.2 i 11, par eu (Gterbock, ZA NF 9, 323, line 5),

420
The forms paittni and paittni are found only in MH/NS.
421
In the spelling -i/ez-zi it cannot be determined if the form was read /wezzi/ or /wizzi/. The i writing is the traditional
(or default) writing by Hittitologists. The former, however, is more likely in view of the plene writing -e-ez-zi. Cf.
Melchert 1994 140.
422
Both uenzi and uwanzi occur in all periods, but uenzi is much less common than uwanzi in NH.
423
-wa-nu-nu-un in BoTU 57 I 10, cited HW
1
238, is probably a scribal error for -wa-nu-un.
424
-it-te-en, found only once to our knowledge, in a NH copy of an OH text, may be a scribal error. -wa-at-te-en occurs
twice in the immediate context.
124
kattan eu KUB 7.5 i 16; KUB 7.8 ii 3, ara eu Taw. III 68; andan t KBo 3.23 i 10, EGIR-pa t HKM 84 rev. 5; also as
auxiliary verbs in the so-called phraseological construction.
425
7.29 12.4 Many mi-verbs in -(i)- are part of a very productive class of verb stems formed from nouns and
adjectives. The following are vocalic verbal stems in -(i)-:
426
and(i)- to prepare something, to be fitted,
matched, joined, at(ta)r(i)- to send, write, ir(i)- to make rounds, ikall(i)- to tear, mal(i)- to approve,
consent to, mug(i)- to invoke, munn(i)-to hide, harbor, mut(i)-to remove, discard, dispose of, akt(i)-
to tend (medically), damme(i)-to oppress, tu(i)- to be short of breath.
7.30 kappuwe- to count, reckon, consider, and arkuwe- to put on footwear, in OH originally -e-stems with
pres. pl. 3 in -enzi, in NH developed forms of the atr(i)- type (as kappuwai- and arkuwai-).
7.31 12.4.1 Paradigms of the verbal stems in -(i)-. The full -e/i-stem is found only in pres. sg. 3 atrae/izzi)
and pret. sg. 2 and 3 (atre and atrae/it).
PRESENT SINGULAR
1 atrmi andmi irmi
2 atri andi
3 atrizzi antezzi, andaizzi, andai
iraizzi, irai
,
PRESENT PLURAL
1 atrweni, atrauni
2
3 andanzi iranzi
PRETERITE SINGULAR
1 atrnun andanun
2 atre
3 atrit, atre andait irait
PRETERITE PLURAL
1 andawen
3 atrir andair
IMPERATIVE SINGULAR
2 atri andai

425
nuwakan t KUR
URU
Hapllawakan kueni KUB 14.1 rev. 26 (MH/MS).
426
Oettinger 1979 interprets the stem as -ae-.
125
3 atru antaiddu
PLURAL
2 atratten
3 andandu
irandu
Verbal
subst.
andawar irawar
Infin.I andawanzi irawanzi
Infin.II
Part. atrant- andant- irant-
7.32 Aside from the very few pres. 3rd sg. forms listed above (andai, irai ) there is no confusion in Hittite
between mi-verbs in -ai- and i-verbs in -ai- (for which CREF 14.3 and 14.4).
7.33 12.5 Verbal stems in -(i)ya/e-(CREF 1.9.2.7) include basic verbs such as iya-, tiya-, wemiya-,
uett(iya)-, zaiya-, markiya-, aliya-, ariya-, and also denominatives such as appariya-, la()iy(i)-,
lam(a)niya-, and urkiya-. In the later language there is a tendency for the -ai- type of inflection to replace the regular
one.
427
[Craig: Is this wording correct? Isnt zaiya- also a denom. from zaai- ? One could also add
aariya- to rake together, or do you think we should confine to this group?]
7.34 12.5.1 Paradigms for the unmixed mi-conugation stems in -iya-:
PRESENT INDICATIVE
SINGULAR
1 iemi (OH) , iya( m) mi tiyami wemiyami uittiyami laiyami, laiyammi
2 iyai tiyai wemiyai uittiyai [la]iyai
3 ie( z) zi,
o
iya( z) zi,
iyaizzi
tizzi, tiezzi, tiyazi wemizzi, wemiezi,
wemiyazi
uittiezzi, uittiyazi,
uittiyai
laiyaizzi
PLURAL
1 iyaweni, iyawani tiyaweni wemiyaweni
2 iyatteni tiyatteni uittiyatteni la[i]yatteni
3 ienzi, iyanzi tienzi, tiyanzi wemiyanzi uittiyanzi

427
According to Oettinger ()this is a Luwianism.
126
SINGULAR
1 iyanun, iyaun tiyanun wemiyanun uittiyanun
2 iya, iyat tiyat
3 iet, iyat tiet, tiyat wemi( e) t, wemiyat uitti( e) t, uittiyat
PLURAL
1 iyawen tiyawen wemiyawen uittiyawen
2 iyatten
3 ier tier wemier uittier
IMPERATIVE
SINGULAR PLURAL
1 iyallu
2 iya tiya uitti iyatten tiyatten
3 ieddu, iyaddu tiyaddu iendu, iyandu tiyandu wemiyandu
Vbsbst. iyawar tiyawar uittiyawar
Inf I iyawanzi tiyawanzi wemiyawanzi uittiyawanzi
Inf II tiyanna
Part. iyant-, ient- tint-, tiyant- uittiyant-
7.35 12.5.2 What Oettinger 1979 24, 257ff. calls a simple thematic class, is represented by the verbs ulle-
to repulse, turn back, defeat (an enemy), reverse, cancel (an agreement), a/urne- to besprinkle, iparre- to
spread (something) out, trample(?), kappuwe- to count, lukke- to ignite, malle- to mill, grind, arre- to
divide, arkuwe- , ulle- to quarrel, uwe- to forfeit, repudiate, divorce, duwarne- to break, wae- to
clothe, zinne- to finish. Many of these verbs follow this conjugational pattern only in OH, or in OH and MH,
changing in NH to other patterns (mi-verbs in stem -ai-, i-verbs in -a-, etc.).
7.36 12.5.2.1 The simple thematic verbs in Hittite have the following paradigm of theme vowel + ending:
Active pres. +a+mi, +e+i, +e+(z)zi, +a+weni, +e+t
a
/eni, +a+nzi
Active pret. +a+nun, +e+, +e+t, +a+wen, +e+ten, +e+er
Active Imp. +a+llu, +e+, +e+tu, +e+ten, +a+ntu
127
12.5.2.2 Paradigms for the active voice of the mi-conjugation simple thematic verbs.
pres. sg. 1
pres. sg. 2 u-ul-la-i,
o428
u-ul-li-i
429
, u-ul-li-ia-i,
n
pres. sg. 3 u-ul-le-( e-) ez-zi
430
, u-ul-la-az-zi,
o431
u-ul-le-ez-zi,
m
u-ul-la-iz-zi,
n
u-ul-li-ia-zi,
n
i-pr-re-ez-
zi, lu-uk-ke-ez-zi
432
, ma-al-le-ez-zi,
433
ma-al-la-i,
n
ma-al-li,
n
ar-re-(e)-ez-zi
m+434
pres. pl. 1 ar-ra-u-e-ni
m+
pres. pl. 2 ar-ra-at-te-ni
n
pres. pl. 3 u-ul-la-an-zim, i-pr-ra-an-zi, lu-uk-kn-zi ,
m
ar-ra-an-zi,
pret. sg. 1 u-ul-la-nu-un,
435
[lu-u]q-qa-nu-un
o++
, ar-ra-a-u-un
n
, ma-al-la!-nu-un
pret. sg. 2 [u-u]l-le-e-et,
n
u-ul-li-ya-at
n
pret. sg. 3 u-ul-le-et
436
, lu-uk-ke-et, ma-al-le-e-etn, ar-re-et,
o
ar-ra-a,
m
u-u-ul-le-( e-) et
m ,
u-ul-le-( e) -et,
n
u-ul-la-a-it,
n
u-ul-li-ia-at,
n
pret. pl. 1 u-ul-lu-mi-en,
m+
ar-ru-me-en
n
pret. pl. 2 u-ul-le-et-te-en
437
pret. pl. 3 u-ul-le-er, ar-re-er,
438
ar-ri-i-e-er,
n
ar-ri-e-er,
n
u-ul-le-er,
m+
u-ul-li-i-e-er,
n
imp. sg. 1
imp. sg. 2 ma-a-al-lan
439
, ar-ri
n
imp. sg. 3 u-ul-la-ad-du
n
imp. pl. 1
imp. pl. 2 ar-ri
n

428
u-ul-la-i KUB 37.223 A7 (liver oracle, OS).
429
u-ul-li-i KUB 36.114 ii/iv 6 (OH/MS or MH/MS).
430
NH u-ul-la-( a-) i and u-ul-li-ia-az-zi.
431
u-ul-la-az-zi KUB 37.223 C4 (liver oracle, OS).
432
NH forms lu-uk-zi, lu-ki-i-zi is a NH intransitive verb to become bright; lu-uk-ki-i-zi he sets fire to in Laws 100
is a NH scribes error for correct lu-uk-ke-ez-zi.
433
NH has the additional forms ma-al-la-i, ma-al-la-zi, ma-al-li-ia-az-zi.
434
NH has the additional forms ar-ra-(a-)i, ar-ri, ar-ri-ia-zi, ar-ri-ia-iz-zi, the last possibly a conflation of ar-ri-ia-zi
and ar-re-(e-)ez-zi.
435
OH/NS u-ul-li-ia-nu-un.
436
OH/NS u-ul-li-i.
437
KUB 4.1 ii 11 (MH/NS).
438
NH has additional form ar-ri-i-e-er.
439
So Oettinger 1979 278 n. 38; but probably to be interpeted as noun ml with and mlla and ml (CHD L-N 124).
128
imp. pl. 3 i-pr-ra-an-du,
m+
ma-al-la-an-du ,
m+
ar-ra-an-du
n
inf. ar-ru-ma-an-zi
n
, ma-al-lu-wa-an-zi,
verbal subst. ar-ru-mar, ma-al-lu-wa-ar, u-ul-lu-mar,
n
part. i-pr-ra-an, lu-uk-kn, ma-al-la-an
iter. stem ar-ra-a-k ,
m

ar-re-e-k ,
n
ar-ri-i-k
n
, ma-al-li-k
7.37 12.5.3 Both mi-verbs in -(i)-and those in -iya- spread at the expense of other stem types, leading to a
variety of alternations, some of whose chronology cannot be fully determined.
7.38 12.5.3.1 Sometimes consonantal stems and extended stems in -ai- and -iya- all follow the mi-conjugation,
such as:
7.39 stems in -ai- (12.2) and -iya- (12.5):
440
arlai- arliya-, ullai- ulliya-, ullai- ulliya-, tarkummai-
tarkummiya-, amnai- amniya-, urnai- urniya-, apparai- appariya-, arai- ariya-, arai- ariya-, artai-
artiya-.
7.40 stems in consonant, -ai-, and -iya-: italk- italkai- italkiya-, par- parai- pariya-, tarup- taruppai-
taruppiya-.
7.41 stems in consonant and -iya-: malk- malkiya-, ark- arkiya-, park- parkiya-, itark- itarkiya-, ek-
ekiya-, ik- ikiya-, karp- karpiya-, kar- kariya-, wa- waiya-, ananiya-.
7.42 12.5.3.2 At other times one stem belongs to mi- and the other to the i-conjugation:
(1) i-stems in -a- and mi-stems in -iya-: dala-/daliya-, walla-/walliya-, alila-/ aliliya-, mema-/memiya-,
nanna-/nanniya-, penna-/penniya-, unna-/unniya-, unna- unniya-, uppa-/uppiya-, arra-/arriya-, dala-/daliya-
(for the paradigm of the i-stems CREF 8.18). Cf. nai- and neya- 8.15.
(2) i-stems in -ai-, and mi-stems in -iya-: iai-/iiya-, mai-/miya-, iamai-/iamiya-, duwarnai-/duwarniya-,
appai-/appiya-, ipai-/ipiya-, parai-/pariya-, ai-/iya- .
7.43 12.5.3.3 Not all apparent examples of the above are really the same verb: mark- to cut up versus markiya-
to disapprove of, reject, ar- to flow versus arai- /ariya- to tend, care for, cultivate, and war- to reap,
harvest versus wariya- to pacify, soothe.
7.44 12.5.4 Some illustrations of these alternations with occasional i-conjugation forms (marked with
),
including many verbs from the OH simple thematic class (7.36) which have changed their conjugational pattern in
late MH and NH.

440
See below in 12.5.3 for the original class (simple thematic) of some of these verbs.
129
PRESENT SINGULAR
1 arlami appariyami
2 appir[i] ullai ulliyai,
441
3 arlizzi, arli
o+
appa/iraizzi,
apraizzi
ulliyazzi, ullai
ulliyazi
442
,
ullaizzi
443
PRESENT PLURAL
1
2 appiratteni []ullatteni
3 arlanzi appa/iranzi ullanzi
PRETERITE SINGULAR
1 apparienun ulliyanun ullanun?
2
3 arlit apparit ulliyat, ulli
,
ulla
444
ulliyat,
445
ullit
PRETERITE PLURAL
1 arlawen ullumen, ulliyawen
2
3 ullier
446
Participles arlnt- appirant- ullant- ullant-
447
Infinitives
Verbal Subst. *arlumar
448
ullatar, ullumar ullatar
o+
Iter. stem arlike-, arleke- appirike-
m+
ullike-
n
Supine ullikewan
n
THE -KE/A-ASPECTUAL

441
u-ul-li-ia-i KBo 12.70 obv. 8.
442
KUB 14.3 iv 39 (Hatt. III).
443
u-ul-la-iz-zi KUB 13.32 rev. 7 (Tudh. IV).
444
u-ul-la-a Bronze Tablet 14 (Tudh. IV).
445
Hatt. iii 69, 77, 79 (Hatt. III), KUB 12.60 i 3 (OH/NS).
446
u-ul-li-i-e-er (Annals of Mur. II, NH); the writing u-ul-li-er (KUB 4.1+ i 17, MH/NS) could be read u-ul-le-er and be
assigned to the simple thematic conjugation.
447
u-ul-la-an-da KUB 24.3+ ii 34 (neut. pl.).
448
Genitive ar-lu-ma-a KUB 30.16 i 7.
130
7.45 12.6 The verbal base of an aspectual form in -ke/a-, if it is an ablauting verb, is usually the reduced grade.
Thus:
Full grade stem Reduced grade stem Stem with -ke/a-
wen- to have sexual intercourse wan- uwanikki-
kuen- kwan- kuwake- ( *kwanke-)
uek- to bewitch ukk- ukkike-
pai- to give pi- pike-
ar(u)wai- to do reverence ar( u) wi- arwike-
au( ) - to see u- uke-
dai- to place d- zikki- ( *d-ke-)
ed- to eat ad- azzikki- ( *ad-ke-)
uwart- to curse urt- urzakki- ( *urtke-)
ekw- to drink akw- akkuke- ( *akw-ke-)
epp- to seize app- appike-
mema- to speak memi- memike-
unuwa- to decorate, ornament unu- unuke-
449
7.46 12.6.1 Although the vowel which connects a verbal base ending in a consonant to the -ke/a- suffix is
regularly an -i- in the old language: wekike-, ukkike- , one also finds -e- later (Melchert 1984b, 134-135, 147-
150).
7.47 12.6.2 Some verbs in a consonant connect directly with the sibilant, the resulting cluster undergoing
certain changes: *ad-ke- >azzikke-, *d-ke- >zikke-, *urt-ke- >urzakke-, *tarn-ke- >tarikke-, *ipand-ke- >
ipanzakke-, etc. Forms without an inserted vowel are sometimes replaced by forms with one (tarnake- and
tarnike- from tarna- ).
7.48 12.6.3 The -k- suffix is connected to the inflexional endings of the verb by a thematic vowel, which
alternates between e/i and a. As in the case of the simple thematic stems and stems in -(i)ya/e-cited above, there is
considerable variation in the distribution within the paradigm of the variants -ke- and -ka-. Evidence for e is -ke-
e-mi, -ke-e-u-e-ni, -ke-e, -ke-e-er and -ke-el-lu. Less frequently i: -ki-i-mi, -ki-i-i. The inflexional
endings are those of the mi-conjugation. The following combinations of thematic vowel and endings are known:
PRESENT INDICATIVE
sg. 1 -kemi da-a-ke-e-mi (OS), da-a-ke-mi, pekemi, i-i-i-ki-i-mi, da-a-ke-e-mi, me-mi-i-ke-e-mi

449
The form -nu-u-ke-ez-zi is found in KBo 38.265 i 13. Note this reduced grade stem even in the non-iterative form -
nu-uz-zi ibid. 11.
131
-gami a-an-da-a-i-qa-mi
sg. 2 -kei da-a-ke-i, p-e-ke-i, p-i-ke-i, u-ke-i
-kii da-a-ki-i-i
-katti u-kat-ti
sg. 3 -kezzi da-a-ke-ez-zi, pekezzi, ukezzi, akkukezzi
pl. 1 -kewani dakewani,CHECK THIS!!
-keweni da-a-ke-e-u-e-ni (OS)
-gaweni da-a-ga-u-e-ni, pigaweni
pl. 2 -ketteni da-a-ke-et-te-ni,
-kettani ak-ku-u-ke-et-ta-ni, up-p-i-ke-et-ta-ni, -e-te-e-ke-ta-ni, a-a-nu-u-ke-et-ta-ni
-ka( t) teni da-a-a-qa-te-e-ni, da-a-ga-at[-te-ni], u-ka-te-ni, u-ka-at-te-ni, a-a-nu-u-ga-at-te-ni ;
450
da-a-kat-te-
ni, p-i-kat-te-ni, u-kat-te-ni, u-kat-te-e-ni
pl. 3 -kanzi dakanzi, pekanzi, ukanzi, akkukanzi
sg. 1 -ganun da-a-ga-nu-un
-kenun p-e-ke-nu-un, ukenun, akkukenun, da-a-ke-nu-un
2 -ke da-a-ke-e, zi-ik-ke-e (*d+ke < dai- to put),
451
a-at-re-e-ke-e
3 -ket daket, peket, uket, akkuket
pl.1 -gawen u-ga-u-en
m
, e-pu-re-e-ga-u-en
n
, a-an -i-i-ga-u-en
n
, [-]e-ga-u-en
n
,
-kewen wekikewen,
2 -katten pekatten
3 -ker da-a-ke-e-er, peker, akkuker
-kar p-i-kar
452
KUB 38.3 i 17 (NH)

450
In view of the preceding forms with resolved spellings containing the vowel a, it is unlikely that one should read the
GAD sign (HZL #173) in the following forms as kit instead of its usual kat.
451
Both of these forms are found in KUB 14.1 (rev. 21 and 35), which is MH in MS. atreke is found in HKM 30:15
(MH/MS).
452
KUB 38.3 i 17 (NH). On the reality of the a vowel see Neu 1989a. On the 3rd pl. preterite ending in general see Yoshida
1991.
132
IMPERATIVE
sg.1 -kellu p-i-ke-el-lu
2 -ke peke, uke, akkuke
3 -keddu dakeddu, ukeddu, akkukeddu
pl. 2 -ketten akkuketten, daketten
-katten da-a-a-qa-te-en, da-a-kat-te-en, pikatten, ukatten, akkukatten
3 -kandu dakandu, pikandu, ukandu, akkukandu
Supine: -kewan, -kawan. Ratio c. 48:1. Writings -ke-u-an, -ke-u-wa-an, -ke-wa-an, -ga-wa-an.
Verbal
substantive:
-kewar. Written: -ke-u-wa-ar.
Infin.: -kewanzi. Written: -ke-u-wa-an-zi.
Participle: -kant-. Written: -kn-za, -kn-ta-a, etc.
7.49 12.7 Paradigms of ke- aspectuals with unusal stems (ed- to eat, dai- to put, tar- to say
453
). Note
also malzakemi< malt-.
PRESENT INDICATIVE
sg 1 zikkemi tarikkemi
2 azzikei zikkei tarik(k)ii
3 azzikezzi zikkezzi tarikezzi, tar-a-ke-ez-zi
pl 1 zikkeuwani
2 azzikkettani

453
It has been demonstrated by Otten 1973 27, 43 that that the iterative stem tar-i-( ik-) k- is older than tar-a-k
Although in the two passages in Ottens text, and in most other occurrences the tarikanzi forms are from tar- to say,
there are a few passages in which tarikki/a- is clearly from tarn( a) - to let, not tar- to say (for example, HKM 46 25-27
compared with KUB 13.2+ i 7-8 nu URU.DIDLI.I.A anda itappandu nata L.MEE.KIN.KUD GUD UDU ANE.KUR.RA
/ ANE katta l tarnanzi ).
133
3 azzikkanzi zik(k)anzi tarikkanzi, tar-a-kn-zi
sg 1 azzikkenun
2 zikke tar-a-ke-et
3 zikket
pl 1 tar-a-ke-u-en, tar-i-ga-u-en
3 azzik(k)er zikker
7.50 12.8 Paradigms of causative verbs in -nu-. For the meaning CREF 5.12-5.16.
PRESENT INDICATIVE
sg 1 arnum(m)i wanumi paanumi aanumi, anumi
2
454
arnui, arnutti
n
wanui
455
aanui, anui
3 arnuz(z)i wanuz(z)i aanuz(z)i, anuzi
pl 1 arnummeni wanummeni
2 arnutteni wanutteni paanutteni,
paanutteni
3 arnu(w)anzi wanuwanzi paanuwanzi aanuanzi, anuwanzi
sg 1 arnunun wanunun paanunu[n] aanunun
2 paanu
o
3 arnut wanut paaanut aanut
pl 1 wanum( m) en
3 arnuer wanuer paanuer, paaa[nuer] aanuer
IMPERATIVE
sg 1 aanullu, anullu

454
Other verbs: atkinui, arganui, karanui, laknui, nuntarnui, tinnui, tittanui, etc.
455
Also written BAL-nu-i KBo 4.14 ii 34, cf. Hoffner 1997c.
134
2 arnut paaanut, paanut anut
3 arnuddu paanuddu, paanuddu aanuddu
pl 2 arnutten paanutten, paanutten
o
3 arnu( w) andu paanuandu
o+
Verbal
subst.
arnummar wanumar, wanuwar paanummar aanuwawar, gen.
a( a) numa
Inf. I arnumanzi wanummanzi paanummanzi,
paaanumanzi
aanummanzi, anumanzi
Part. arnuwant- wanuwant- paanuwant-,
paanuwant-,
paaanuwant-
aanuwant-, anuwant-
For the forms in -meni, -men, -mar, -manzi, etc. CREF 1.72 (*1.9.1.5.6).
8. Active Conjugation: hi-Verbs
135
CHAPTER 8
ACTIVE CONJUGATION OF HI-VERBS
8.1. 13.1 The following are i-verbs with consonantal stems:
8.2. 13.2 Ending in a single consonant: akk-/ekk- to know, akk-/ek- to die, ar-/er- to come to, arrive at,
wak- to bite, ae-/aa- to settle, d- to dry up.
Present Indicative Singular
1 aki, aggai kmi
n456
ri aai, aae o
2 akti, ekti kti rti aati
3 akki aki ari, ri, ar wki aai, ai o, aae ti
Plural
1 ekkuweni
n
akkuweni
457
erweni
458n
2 ekteni
m
kteni rteni m, arteni n, artni n, erteni m
3 ekkanzi
n
akkanzi aranzi aanzi
m
, aeanzi, aianzi tanzi
Singular
1 aggaun ar( a) un,
r( a) un
aaun
2 akta
3 akki, akta,
ekta
kki, akki, aki,
akta, agga
rao, ara, ra wakki, waqa,
wkit
459
aata, aeta zta,
azta
Plural
1 ekkwen erwen
n460
wkwenn

456
So, instead of expected i-conjugation *ki or *aggai. For other mi-conjugation forms of akk- see imper. akdu and
3 sg. pret. akta. Since the mi-conjugation forms are all in late texts, we can assume 1 sg. forms *aggai and *aggaun in
OH and MH.
457
Wr. ak-ku-u-e-ni, in contradistinction to a-ku-e-ni we drink.
458
Wr. e-ru-u-e-ni and er-u-e-ni.
459
The variation a/i in the second syllable together with the gemination in wakki suggests a realization as /waks/.
460
Wr. e-ru-u-en, e-er-u-en, e-ru-en, ar--en.
136
2 kten
3 ekker
n
aker, eker
n
arer,
o
erer
m
aeer, aeir, aer,
eeer,
ter
IMPERATIVE
Singular Plural
1 eggallu,
n
iggallu,
n
aggallu, akkallu *ekkweni, *akkweni, *erweni
2 k, k ekten,
o++
arten, aeten
3 aku, aru, du, akdu,
n
akdu
n
ekkandu,
n
akkandu
Verbal
subst.
aggatar wagatar aeuwar
461
Inf I arawanzi aeuwanzi
Inf II *agganna
462
waganna
Part. ekkant-
m+
akkant- arant- dant- aeant-
Iterative
stem
akkiki- raki-, raki- wakkiki- aaki-, aeki-,
aiki-
8.3. 13.3 Ending in a consonantal cluster: pa-paa- to guard, tak-/takke-/takka- to join, ipand- / ipant-
to libate, offer.
PRESENT INDICATIVE
Singular Plural
1 paai,
paami
taggai ipantae ,
o
ipandai,
ippantai
paueni ipanduwani
m+
2 paati takkii paateni takketeni,
taggateni
3 takkezi,
taggai, takkizzi
ipanti,
o
ipnti,
o
ipandi, ipanti,
ippanti,
ipantai
n463
paanzi takkeanzi ipantanzi,
o
ipandanzi,
ippantanzi
o464

461
Wr. a-e-u-u-wa-ar.
462
This would be the expected form based upon the verbal substantive aggatar.
463
Pres. 3 sg. ipantai and pret. 3 pl. ippantair are late reanalysis as a-stem modelled on d- to take.
464
This seems to be the only OS form of ipand- written with geminated p.
137
Singular Plural
1 paa[u]n ipandaun,
ippandaun
ipantuen,
ipanduen
2
3 paata takkita, taggata ipanta,
m
ipanda,
ipanzata
n
pair taker ipanter,
m
ippanter,
n
ippantair
n
IMPERATIVE
Singular Plural
1 *paallu *paueni, *paaueni
2 pai paaten
3 paandu
VERBAL NOUNS
Verbal
subst.
ipantuwar, ippanduwar
Inf I takuwanzi ipanduwanzi, ippanduwanzi
Supine
Part. paant- takant- ipantant-
Iter.
stem
paaki- takkiki-,
o++
takkeki-,
m
ipanzaki-,
o
ipanzaki-,
ippanzaki-
The originally consonantal stem - (iter. to iya- to do, make) and the stems la(w)-and i(w)-are treated in
8.10-8.11, because their attested inflection is predominantly as vocalic stems.
I-VERBS WITH VOCALIC STEMS
IF THE FORMS MARKED WITH * IN THIS CHAPTER ARE REALLY SUPPOSED TO BE UNATTESTED, I
HAD BETTER CHECK THEM ALL!! THERE ARE DEFINITELY SOME WHICH DO EXIST!
8.4. 14.1 The number of possible vocalic endings on stems of the i-conjugation is more restricted than on stems of
the mi-conjugation. There are basically only two types: stems in -a- and stems in -i-, but these mutually influence
each other, and remodelings of original consonantal stems further complicate the situation.
8.5. 14.2 Stems in -a-: According to the rule given in 1.72 and 1.77 these stems show first plurals and verbal
nouns in -um-. There is, however, a strong tendency to level out this odd alternation in favor of the regular -a- stem
and regular endings (cf. dwen, dwanzi, dwa).
8.6. 14.2.1 Underived stems in -a-.
138
8.7. 14.2.1.1 d- to take:
Present Preterite
1 de
o,465
di, dai tumni
466
(OH),
dummeni
467
, dweni
468
dun
o
, daun dwen
469
2 dtti
om
,datti
n
, tatti
n
datteni d datten
3 di danzi d der, dir
Imperative
Singular Plural
2 d a_ datten
3 du, daddu
470
dandu
Inf.I dwanzi (NH) Inf.II danna
Verbal
subst.
*dwar, gen. dwa Part. dnt-
Iter. dake-
8.8. 14.2.1.2 (old 14.4) Paradigms of verbs with -u(m)-in 1st pl. (but CREF also 8.7) tumni above), in verbal
subst., and infin. I: tarna- to let, arra - to divide, wata- to sin, uda- to bring here, peda- to carry off.
The late Hittite writing -TN-zi and p-TN-zi does not indicate a second vocalization /utenzi/ or /pitenzi/ for the
forms udanzi and pedanzi, since the tn (DIN) sign in late Hittite often should be read dan.
Move to the front matter of the book? The forms marked with are intrusive mi-conjugation forms.
Present Singular
1 tarnae,
o
tarnai watai udai pedai
2 tarnatti, tarnai
n
arratti watatti, watai
n
udatti pedatti

465
da-a-a- in CTH 416 (OH/OS).
466
Written tu-me-e-ni in CTH 416 (OS), CTH 752.2 (OS), CTH 336.5 (myth, OH), KBo 17.25+ (OH/MS) and tu-me-ni in
KBo 25.8 (S), and tum-me-e-ni KUB 28.79 (OH fest. w. takku) and du-me-e-ni in CTH 443 (MH).
467
Written du-um-me-e-ni in and tum-me-e-ni in Hatt. III and Tudh. IV texts, therefore late NH.
468
Written da-a-u-e-ni in KUB 16.16 rev. 20 (NH liver oracle). The form daani cited without reference in Friedrich, HE 1,
p. 101, 172, and Held, p. 42 4.200 (da-a-u-wa-ni ), is taken from KUB 12.63 rev. 8 and is probably not a form of the verb
da-.
469
Written da-a-u-en and da-a-u-e-en .
470
Much less common than du.
139
3 tarnai, tarnaizzi
n
arrai, arrizzi
n
watai, wati
471
udai pedai
Present Plural
1 tarnummani arraweni,
*arrummeni
*watummeni utummeni pedummeni
2 tarnatteni arratteni *watatteni udatteni pedatteni
3 tarnanzi arranzi watanzi udanzi pedanzi
Preterite Singular
1 tarnaun arraun wataun udaun pedaun
2 tarna wata
3 tarna, tarneta
472
arra, arret wata uda peda
Preterite Plural
1 tarnummen,
tarnuen
473
arrummen utummen petummen
2 tarnatten
3 tarner arrer water uter peter
Imperative
g 2 tarna, tarni arri wati
474
uda peda
3 tarnu, tarnedu
475
*watu udu pedu
l 2 tarnatten, tarniten
476
*watatten udatten pedatten, piteten
3 tarnandu *watandu udandu pedandu
Verb
subst
tarnummar arrumar wadumar utummar petummar

471
The form wa-a-ti (KUB 1.16 iii 60) suggests that this verb was originally a consonant stem.
472
tarneta shows replacement of the i -conjugation pret. 3rd sg. - by -ta. See 9.1.7 and 9.2.4 .
473
tar-nu-en KBo 3.60 iii 7 (OH/NS).
474
The form wa-a-ti suggests that this verb originally had a consonantal stem wat-.
475
tarnedu and eezi (cf. below in 14.5) are strange forms, combining the intrustive of the hi-conjugation with the
characteristic endings -du and -zi of the mi-conjugation.
476
This variant is due to influence of the i-verb stems in -i- (see 14.3).
140
Inf. I tarnummanzi arrumanzi utummanzi pedummanzi
Part. tarnant-
477
arrant- watant- udant- pedant-
8.9. 14.2.2 Iteratives in -(a)-.
8.10. Archaic forms of the stem (a)- show that the suffix -(a)-, which marks the iterative in some verbs
instead of -ke/a-, originally had consonantal inflection. For the most part, however, the suffix is -a-.
pres. sg. pres. pl. pret. sg. pret. pl.
iai, eai eueni eaun euen
iatti, eatti eatteni
eai, eezi eanzi eeta
478
ier, eer
imp. sg. imp. pl.
* allu * uen
a, ea, ei atten
eu andu, eandu
verbal subst. euwar
supine euwan
8.11. 14.2.3 Stems originally in -Cw-: la()w-to pour (liquids), redupl. lilw-, and iw- to pour (solid
particles). These stems originally inflected with a stem in -Cw- before vowel (necessarily written -Cu-wV- or -Cu-
u/-V-) and -Cu- before consonant). There was a strong tendency for these to be replaced by vocalic stems in
-C(u)wa- throughout.
Present and Preterite
pres. sg. 1 la-u-u-i pret. sg. 1 la-a-u-wa-nu-un
pres. sg. 2 la-a-u-ut-ti pret. sg. 2

477
The form tar-na-a-a-an KBo 3.45 obv. 2, ostensibly a neut. participle of tarna- , cited by Oettinger (Stammbild.
155) under tarna- certainly doesnt belong there.
478
This variant is due to influence of the i-verb stems in -i- (see 14.3).
141
pres. sg. 3 la-a-u-i, la-a-u-wa-i, la-a-
u-u-wa-i, la-u-uz-zi, la-a-u-
u-wa-a-iz[-zi]
pret. sg. 3 la-a-a-u-u, la-a-u-wa-a, la-a-
u-wa-i
pres. pl . 1 la-u-e-ni pret. pl. 1
pres. pl. 2 pret. pl. 2
pres. pl. 3 lauwanzi pret. pl. 3 la-u-wa-a-er
Imperative
sg. 2
479
pl. 2 la-a-u-tn, la-a-a-u-wa-tn
sg. 3 pl. 3 lauwandu
8.12. Participle: luwant- . Verbal subst. luwar, gen. luwa .
8.13. 14.2.3.1 Just as i-verbs in -i- tend to acquire the inflection of mi-verbs in -iya-, based on forms like the
third plural present in -iyanzi, so too there are a few examples of this verb- as a mi-verb stem lauwa(i)- (e.g.,
lauwanun, lauzzi, lauwaizzi, etc.).
8.14. 14.3 Ablauting verbs in -(i)-. We retain the traditional classification of these stems as i-verbs in -i-.
The paradigms actually show a complicated alternation of stems in -ai-, -e-, and -i-/-y-. As the following paradigms
show, -i- tends to compete with the other variants. There is the further important peculiarity that an -- is inserted
before endings beginning with a -t-.
8.15. Paradigms of dai- to put, pai- to give, nai- to turn, zai- to cross, alzai - to call:
Present Singular
1 tei pei nei neyami
480
*zei alzei
2 ditti, titti pitti,
m
paiti,
n
peti
n
nitti, neyati neyai zitti, zi
n
alzitti,
alziyatti
n
,
alzeti
n
,
alziyai
n
3 di pi ni neyazzi zi alzi

479
Imp. sg. 2 la-a-a supplied by stem l-.
480
Obviously, this paradigm is not i-, but mi-conjugation. It is placed here to alert you to the fact that nai- conjugates
both ways. The i-conjugation is the older and more regular for nai- .
142
Present Plural
1 tiyaweni, tiyauni
481
piweni,
m
piyaweni
n
naiwani, neyaweni *ziyaweni alziwani,
alziyaweni
2 titteni, titeni
482
piteni,
m
peteni
n
naitani, niteni *zaiteni, *zeyatteni alziyatteni
3 tienzi, tiyanzi pianzi, piyanzi neyanzi *zeyanzi alziyanzi
Preterite Singular
1 teun peun neun, neyaun zeun alzeun
2 paitta,
m
peta
n
naitta zit
n
alzit
3 di, dita ditta pi,
o
pita,
n
peta
n
ni, naie, nita,
nait, neyat, nitta
zi alzi
Preterite Plural
1 daiwen
483
, tiyawen piwen, piyawen neyawen zaiwen alziwen,
alziyawen
2 diten,
o484
tiyatten
3 daier,
485
da( i) er,
486
der,
487
tier
488
pier nair, neyer alzier
Imperative
sg 2 di pi ni, neya *zi alzi
3 du pu, pedu
n
nu *zu alzu
pl 2 diten piten, piten niten, neyatten zitten alziten

481
In ti-ia-u-ni 1691/u ii 18 (CTH 375.1 prayer of Arnuwanda + Amunikal, MH/MS). That this is not a scribal slip for ti-
ia-u-e-ni is indicated by the immediately following na-at SIG-a-u-ni for SIG-a-u-e-ni.
482
Note that the -teni, and pret. sg. 2 and 3 -ta, and pret. pl. 2 -ten endings are characteristic of the i -, not mi-,
conjugation.
483
da-i--en (MH), da-i-u-e-en (MH), da-a-i--en (MH).
484
Also iiten
o
, and aiten.
485
da-i-er KBo 17.2 obv. 16 (OS), KBo 15.10 iii 44 and pass. (MH/MS), da-a-i-e-er KUB 36.115++ iii 9, iv 9 (MH/MS),
KBo 6.34 i 27 (MH/NS), da-a-i-er KBo 15.10 ii 30 (MH/MS), da-i-e-er ibid. iii 15 (MH/MS), KBo 8.35 (MH/MS), HKM
57:17; and HKM 63:19 (both MH/MS), sporadically as late as KBo 16.61 ii 17 (Hatt. III, later NH).
486
da-e-er HKM 47:11 (MH/MS), perhaps scribal slip for da-i-e-er, the form found elsewhere in HKM texts.
487
da-a-er in NH.
488
ti-e-er and ti-i-e-er.
143
3 tiyandu piandu neyandu
V subst tiyawar piyawar neyawar (gen.) alziyawa
Inf.I tiyawanzi piyawanzi
489
alziyawanzi
Inf.II tiyanna piyanna
Part. tiyant- piyant- neyant- alziyant-
Sup. piyawa[n]
8.16. 14.4 Stems with mixed inflection in -a- and -i-.
8.17. 14.4.1 Base verbs in -a-/-i-.
8.18. Paradigms of verbs with a tendency to form 3 pl. pres. like the -iya- verbs: mema- to speak, unna- to
drive here, penna- to drive there, uppa- to send here. CREF 7.42 (1) ), where the following verbs are added:
walla-/waliya-, alila-/aliliya-, nanna-/nanniya-, unna-/unniya-, arra-/arriya-, dala-/daliya-.
Present Singular
1 memai unnai pennai uppai
2 mematti unnatti pennatti
3 memai unnai pennai uppai
Plural
1 memaweni, memiyaweni uppiweni
2 mematteni unnatteni, unniteni uppatteni
3 memiyanzi, memanzi unniyanzi, unnanzi penniyanzi, pennanzi uppiyanzi, uppanzi
Preterite Singular
1 memaun unnaun pennaun uppaun
2 unne uppeta
3 mema, memita unne, unneta penni, pennita uppa, uppeta
Preterite Plural
1 unnummen uppiwen
2 memiten

489
See, however, the cautionary remarks in CHD P 42 about this form possibly being from peyai-.
144
3 memier pennier uppier
Imperative Singular
1 memallu
2 memi unni penni uppi
3 memu, memattu unnu uppu
Plural
2 memiten
3 memandu
V-subst
Inf.I memiyawanzi, memiwanzi pennumanzi, pennwanzi,
penniyawanzi
Sup.
Part. memant- uppant-
8.19. 14.4.2 (old 14.8) As verbs with the iterative derivational suffix -ke- inflect according to the mi-
conjugation, so those with the isofunctional suffix -anna/i- (previously wrongly labeled durative) inflect as i-
verbs with mixed stems in -a- and -i-. On these suffixes cf. HE 1 137 and 141c-d. For IE parallels to these
suffixes see most recently Rikov 1988.
8.20. 14.4.2.1 (old 14.8.1) The combination of stem -anna/i- and endings is represented thus. Move the
following statement to the front matter of the book? Rarer forms ( not reconstructed ones!) are starred.
act. pres. sg. 1 -an-na-a-i pr-i-ia-an-na-a-i, i-u-u-wa-an-na-a-i, u-it-ti-ia-
an-na-a-i
sg. 3 -an-na-i, a-na-i*, -an-na-a-i* a-at-ta-an-na-i, u-it-ti-an-na-i, i-ia-an-na-i, pr-a-an-na-
i, pr-i-ia-an-na-i, pr-i-ia-an-na-a-i*, t-a-an-na-i, wa-
al-a-an-na-i, wa-al-a-a-na-i*
pl. 3 -an-ni( -ia) -an-zi
o
, -an-na-an-zi* wa-al-a-an-ni-an-zi
o
, i-ia-an-ni-an-zi
m
, al-la-an-ni-ia-an-
zi, al-la-an-ni-an-zi, pr-i-ia-an-na-an-zi*
pret. sg. 1 -an-na-a-u-un, -an-ni-ia-nu-un [t-a]-an-na-a-u-un, i-ia-an-ni-ia-nu-un
sg. 3 -an-ni-i,-an-ni-e, -an-ni-it*, -an-ni-ia-
at*
i-ia-an-ni-i/-e , pd-da-an-ni-i, (but rarely: i-ia-an-ni-
ia-at, pr-i-ia-an-ni-it)
pl. 2 -an-ni-ia( -at) -tn i-ia-an-ni-ia( -at) -tn
pl. 3 -an-ni-er, -an-nir* a-at-ta-an-ni-er, pr-i-ia-an-nir
imp. pl. 3 -an-ni-an-du i-kar-ra-an-ni-an-du
145
mid. pres. pl. 3 -a-ni-an-da wa-al-a-ni-an-da
supine -an-ni-u-w[a-an-zi] wa-al-a-an-ni-u-w[a-an-zi], u-un-ni-u-wa-an-zi
o+
+ iter. -an-ni-e-k,
o
a-ni-e-k GUL-an-ni-e-ki-it, GUL-an-ni-i-ki-u-an, -e-ri-an-ni-i-
ki-i, la-a-i-ia-an-ni-i-ga-u-e-ni, -e-u-wa-ni-e-k[i-
it]
490
8.21. 14.4.2.1.1 Forms of the verb iyannai- in older texts follow the i-conjugation like other -annai- duratives.
But in NH mi-conjugation forms begin to appear.
8.22. 14.4.2.1.2 The verb piyani- to reward (with CHD P s.v., contra HW 169) is not a durative stem of pi-
, piya- to give, as its mi-conjugation inflection and meaning in context clearly show.
8.23. 14.4.2.2 The combination of stem -a/i- and endings is represented thus.
act. pres. sg. 1 -ai i-a-a-i ,
o
e-e-a-a-i,
n
alziai, war( r) iai,
sg. 2 -atti i-a-at-ti
o+
, e-e-a-at-ti (NH), e-e-a-ti (rare), wa-ar-re-e-a-at-ti
n
, wa-ar-ri-a-
at-ti
n
, al-zi-i-a-at-ti
m
,
sg. 3 -ai i-i-a-i,
o
i-a-i, e-e-a( -a) -i, al-zi-i-a-i, u-it-te-e-a-i,
pl. 1 -weni i-u--e-[ni]
m
pl. 2 -teni, -atteni i-i-te-e-ni,
o
i-a-at-te-ni, e-e-a-at-te-ni,
pl. 3 -anzi i-a-an-zi, e-e-a-an-zi
pret. sg. 1 -aun i-a-a-u-un, e-e-a-a-u-un, warreaun,
sg. 3 -eta i-i-i-ta, e-e-e-e-ta, e-e-i-i-ta, e-e-e-ta
pl. 1 -wen i-u-u-e-en, e-u-u-en, e-e-u-u-e-en
pl. 2 -atten e-e-a-at-te-in,
pl. 3 -er, -ir i-e-er, e-e-e-er, i-e-e-ir, e-e-i-ir, e-e-ir, e-e-er, e-ir
imp. sg. 2 -a, -i i-i-a, i-a, e-e-a, e-e-i
sg. 3 -au e-e-a-
-addu e-e-a-ad-du
imp. pl. 2 -( e) ten, -atten,
-eten
i-i-te-en, i-a-at-tn, e-e-e-e-tn,
pl. 3 -andu i-a-an-du, e-e-a-an-du
supine -uwan i-i-u-wa-an,
o
i-u( -u) -wa-an, e-e-u-( u-) wa-an
verbal subst. -umar e-e-u-mar
+ -k-iter. -ikir,-ikir e-e-i-kir, e-e-i-i-kir, e-e-i-i-ki-it, e-e-e-ke-er

490
Neu 1981a denies that this form can be an -annai- form because of the non-geminate writing of the n. Since other non-
geminating n forms occur in the above paradigm (wa-al-a-a-na-i , wa-al-a-ni-an-da ), this is insufficient grounds for the
denial.
146
8.24. 14.5 (old 14.7) These verbs show a more thorough-going mixture of mi- and i-forms than those in 8.18
(*14.4.1), whose only indebtedness to the mi-conjugation is the 3 pl. in -iyanzi. The verbs conjugated here are such
an admixture of mi- and i-forms that it cannot be determined to which conjugation they originally belonged. They
are: dala-/daliya- to leave, iai-/iiya- to bind, ai-/iya- to press, parai-/pariya- to break up.
Present Singular
1 dalai, daliyami pariyai, pariyami
2 dalatti, daliyai
3 dalai, dalaizzi, iai, iiezzi, iiyazzi iezzi, iyaizzi pari, pariya, paraizzi,
pariyazi
Plural
1 daliyaweni iyaweni
2 daleteni iiyatteni
3 daliyanzi iiyanzi iyanzi paranzi, pariyanzi
Preterite Singular
1 dalaun, daliyanun iiun, iiyanun iyanun
3 dali, daleta, daliyat iiyat iyait pariyat
Preterite Plural
1 daliyawen
2 daliyatten
3 dalir iier iyair
Imperative
Singular Plural
2 dala, dali ai, iya unni daleten *iaiten *aiten
491
uniten
3 taledu unniddu iiyandu iyandu *uniyandu

491
iten KUB 26.82:9 quoted in HW 175 as imp. is by context pret.
147
Verbalsubst dalumar,
taliyawar
iiyawar unnumar
Inf I iyawanzi unnumanzi pariyawanzi
Inf II iyanna
Part. daliyant- iiyant- iyant- unniyant- pariyant-
8.25. 14.6 Classified as irregularis the conjugation of au()-to see (and the much rarer mau()-to fall). It
shows an ablauting stem (full grade au-, zero grade u). The two grades are also reflected in nominal derivatives:
au+ri- sentinel post, watch and par uwattalla- overseer, watcher (from par au()- to oversee). The verbal
paradigm shows an inserted -- before endings beginning with -t- (cf. the verbs in -i- above!). Unexpectedly, the
third person singular forms show not only the inserted --, but also mi-conjugation endings!
Present Preterite
1 ui umeni, aummeni uun aumen
2 autti autteni, auteni, uteni auta
3 auzi uwanzi auta auer
Imperative
Singular Plural
1 uwallu
2 au auten
3 audu uwandu
Infin. II uwanna, Verbal substantive II uwatar.
8.26. 14.6.1 Iterative forms of this verb use the reduced grade stem u- (uki/a-) exclusively and inflect according
to the mi-conjugation pattern:
Singular Plural
Present
1 ukimi ukiweni
2 ukii ukitteni
3 uki( z ) z i ukanzi
Preterite
1 ukinun ukiwen
2 *uki ukitten
3 ukit ukir
148
Imperative
1 ukellu ukiweni
2 uki ukitten
3 ukiddu ukandu
8.27. Verbal substantive uki(ya)war, Supine uki(u)wan, Inf. uki(ya)wanzi , Participial stem: ukant-.
9. Middle Conjugation
149
CHAPTER 9
MIDDLE CONJUGATION OF VERBS
9.1. 10.1 The distinction between mi- and i-conjugations in the middle is slight. The principal differences may
be seen in the table below (forms shared by both conjugations are printed in Roman type):
Form mi-conjugation i -conjugation
pres.sg. 3 -ta, -tari -a, -ari
pres. pl. 2 -duma, -dumari -duma, -dumat
pret.sg.2 -tat, -tati, -ta -at, -ati, -tat
pret. sg. 3 -tat, -tati, -ta -at, -ati, -tat, -ta
pret. pl. 1 -watati, -watat -watati
imp.sg. 2 -ut, -uti, -ut -ut, -uti
imp. sg. 3 -taru -aru
9.2. Because the differences are slight, Friedrich 1960 108 disregards the distinction in the medio-passive. The
following tabulation of endings (based almost entirely on Neu 1968a 23-31) shows, however, that some distinction
however slight was maintained.
492
9.3. 10.2 The following is the scheme of endings for the verb forms of the present-future, preterite, and imperative.
MI-CONJUGATION
PRESENT
Endings Verbs (or forms) attested with this ending
493
sg. 1 -a iya- (iyaa), par-, we- (weaa), zaiya-, (iter.) ekaa
-ari ar- ( arari) , adda- ( addaari) , uitt( a) - ( uittaari) , iya- ( iyaari) , nai-/neya-
(neyaari), par- (parari), tarra- (tarraari), unu(wa)- (unuwaari), zaiya-
( zaiyaari) , iter. of e- (ekaari)
-ri iter. of tepawe- ( tepawekari)
-aari ar- (araari), weriya- (weriyaaari)
sg. 2 -ta
-tari ar- ( artari) , iya- ( iyattari) , ninink- ( niniktari) ,
-tati ar- ( artati) , iya- ( iyattati) , ninink- ( niniktati) , weriya- ( weriyattati)

492
In view of the consistent distinction -ari, -aru, -ati versus -tari, -taru, -tati we do not understand the categorical
statement: Similarly, there is no difference between mi- and i -verbs in the middle (Jasanoff 1979 79 n. 2).
493
This does not mean that other verbs never occurred with the respective endings, only that these are (to my knowledge)
not yet attested.
150
sg. 3 -ta ar-, arai-, anu-, andai-, arp-, aik-, urakniya-, uwai-, iya-, igai-, irai-,
mummiya-, putkiya-, anna-, arra-, ieuniya- (ieuniyata), tarup-, watku-, wea-,
wemiya-, weiya-, zappiya-,
-tari ar-, aiya-, andai-, ap-, apuwai-, arra-, attariya-, unink-, iya-, immiya-, karp-,
kar-, kardimiya-, arra-, we-, wea-, weriya-, weiya-, za-, zaiya-, zappiya-, zinna-,
R-na- (R-atari )
pl. 1 -wata ar-, zaiya-, pa-, iya-
-watati zaiya-, uppariya-
pl. 2 -( d) duma,
-( t) tuma
uwai- ( uyadduma) , iya- ( iyadduma) , nai- ( neyadduma) , pa-, arra-, wappiya-,
zaiya-, iteratives: ninink- ( ninikikittuma) , pai- ( paikattuma) , apai-
( apaikadduma) ,
-t/dumari alik-
o
, arkaliya-
o++
pl. 3 -anta ar-, uwai-, we-, za-, zaiya-
-antari ar-, we-, weiya-, zaluganu-, zinna-
PRETERITE
sg.1 -at innara-, zaiya-
-ati ar-
-aat ar-, we-, weriya-
sg.2 -ta tarra-
-tat ar-, andai-, R-na- (R-natat )
-tati ar-, iya-
sg.3 -ta arra-, weiya-, zaiya-
-tat aniya-, ar-, arra-, a-, aanu-, aiya-, au-, epp-,amenk-, andai-, ap-, ulle/a-, unink-,
iya-, kardimiya-, kikki-, naariya-, neku-, arra-,dammeai-, we-, wea-, weriya-,
weiya-, wiuriya-, zaiya-, zinna-
-tati aanu-, arp-, ullai-, ki-, kinu-, lazziya-, lukka-, naariya-, ninink-, pangariya-,
parkunu-, u( wa) -, wiuriya-
pl.1 -watat ar-
-watati uppariya-
pl.2 -dumat aik-
pl.3 -antat ar-, andai-, iya-, immiya-, we-, wiuriya-
-antati -ke-iteratives, ar-, andai-, arra-, wiuriya-
IMPERATIVE
sg.1 -aru zaiya- (zaiya[aru ])
-aaru ar-
151
sg. 2 -ut ar-, arra-, ariya-, weriya-, zaiya-
-uti e- (iter.) (ekiauti) , uppiya- ( uppiyau[ti])
-ut warp-
sg.3 -taru ar-, arra-, ariya-, aanu-, andai-, igai-, immiya-, kar-, ninink-, park-,
amniya-, wea-, wemiya-, weiya-
pl.1 ( unattested)
pl.2 -dumat -ke-iteratives, ar-, ninink-, zaiya-
-dumati arp-, ki-
pl.3 -antaru ar-, we-
I-CONJUGATION
PRESENT
sg.1 -a paa-
-ari atta-, neya-
-aari e- ( eaari) , ki- ( kiaari) ,
sg.2 -ta anna-, ki-, pa-
-tari e-, alziya-, anna-, nai-,
-tati ki-, neya-
sg.3 -a ark-, e-, atta-, ink-, kar-, ki-, neya-, alik-,zeya-
-ari a-, ar-, a-, e-, aliya-, anna-, atta-, ink-, uittiya-, iari-, ikalla-, iduwa-, ki-,
lauwa-, lak-, neya-, pa-, a-, alik-, upp-, tiya-, zeya-
-tari lauwa-, lagai-
pl.1 -wata e-, pa-
-watati e-
pl. 2 -duma pa-
-dumat e-, anna-
pl. 3 -anta e-
-antari e-
PRETERITE
sg. 1 -at e-, uitta-, ki-, pa-
-ati ki-, mai- ( meati)
-atti e- (atti )
-aat e- (aat, iaat) , ki-, pa- (paaaat )
152
-aati e- (aati )
-aatti e- (aatti )
sg. 2 -at e-, ki-
-ati
-tat e-, aliya- (aliyattat ), ki- (OS)
sg. 3 -at e-, anna-, ki-, neya-, parkiya-, itarki( ya)-
-ati e-, uittiya-, upp-, iduwa-, ki-, kuleyawa-, miya-, neya-, pugg-, iuniya-, uppiya-
-ta ikalla-
-tat e-, aliya-, anna-, uittiya-, karuiya-, neya-, pa-,
pl. 1 -watati e-, alik-
pl. 2 -dumat ki-
pl. 3 -antat e-, aliya-, ki-, neya-
-antati ki-, neya-
IMPERATIVE
sg.1 -aru uwa- (< au- ) (uwaaru )
-aaru ar-
sg.2 -ut e-, ki-, nai( ) -
-uti
sg.3 -aru ark-, uwa- (au-), e-, anna-, ap-, kar-, ki-, lauwa-, miya-, neya-, pa-, akuwa-, alik-
pl.1 (unattested)
pl.2 -dumat e-, ki-, nai( ) -, pa-
-dumati anna-, ki-
pl.3 -antaru ki-, neya-
9.4. But despite the evidence just given above as to the slight differences, there are some striking examples not only
of verbs which follow one conjugation in the active and the other in the middle (e.g., act. mi-verb e- to be
sitting, mid. i-verb e- to take ones seat), but even entire types that do this. For while the iteratives in -k-
seem to follow the mi-conjugation in both active and middle, the factitives in -a-, which in the active are always
mi-verbs, are sometimes i-verbs in the middle (e.g., pret. sg. 3 kuleyawaati, iuniyaati, and uppiyaati
versus pres. sg. 3 R-(n)atari and ieuniyata). Therefore in the following we will follow Friedrich 1960 and Neu
1968b who presented paradigms based on whether or not the stem ended in a consonant or a vowel.
9.5. 15.1 For reasons of practicality already outlined in Chapter 10 we have presented paradigms of middle verbs
according to whether or not the stem ends in a consonant or a vowel.
153
9.6. 15.2 The following are verbs with consonantal stems which are conjugated predominantly in the middle. Two
are passives of attested transitive actives (tarup- to assemble something, R-a- to subjugate someone), others
either transitive middles (so-called deponents) synonymous with attested transitive actives (paa- to protect
8.3) or intransitive middles without attested active counterparts (ar- to stand, e- to sit down, ki- to
happen) (CREF 24.10 (*31.4.5). One of these, the verb e-, indeed has a semantic contrast with a formal active
of the same verb root, but the difference in meaning is not an active-passive contrast. Rather the active of this e-
(not to be confused with the active verb e- to be) means to be sitting, while its middle means to take a seat.
The active is stative, the middle inchoative.
494
Present Singular
1 arari, araari aari kiaari
n
paaa
o++
2 artati, artari tari kita
o+
, kitati
n
paata
o++
3 arta(ri) ea( ri) k a
o
, kia,
kiari, kiri
n
paa,
m
paari
m
taruptari,
taruptri,
tarupdari,
tarupta
R-atari
Present Plural
1 arwata wata( ti) pauwata
m
2 paaduma
o++,m
3 aranta(ri) eanta(ri), aanta kianta( ri) panta
o+
,
paaantari
m
taruppantari,
taruppandari,
daruppantari
Preterite Singular
1 araat at( i) , aat kiat( i) ,
kiaat
paaat
n
, PAP-
aaat
n
, PAP-
aat
n
,
paaaat
n
[R-a]aat
2 artat tat kitat
o
, kiat maniyatat,
3 artat eat, eati, tat kiat, kiati paatat taruptat, darupdat luktat, R-
( n) atat,
Plural
1 arwatat

494
The evidence for this was clearly and conclusively laid out in Goetze 1928 100ff., 162.
154
2 kidummat
3 arantat( i) eantat kiantat( i) taruppantati,
[tar]uppand[ati],
taruppantat
R-(n)aandat
Imperative Singular
1 araaru
2 arut ut kiut R-aut
3 artaru earu kiaru paaru taruptaru
Plural
2 ardumat dummat kidumat paadumat
3 arantaru kiandaru paandaru taruppantaru
Note: The active versus middle distinction does not apply to verbalsubst., infin. or participle.
Verbalsubst taruppuwar
Inf.II aanna
Part. arant- aant- kiant- paant- taruppant-
9.7. 15.2.1 Few forms of the middle of epp- are attested. But it appears that the middle forms of epp- show
consistent a-vocalism, even where the corresponding active has e-vocalism.
9.8. 15.3 The following are verbs with vocalic stems which are conjugated predominantly in the middle: iya- to
go, nai-/neya- to turn, zaiya- to do battle, uwa- (middle of au()-) to show oneself, appear, ki- to lie, be
placed, naariya- to fear, pangariya- to be general, wiuriya- to be stifled, arra - to transgress, weriya-
to be called/summoned, andai - to be determined by oracular inquiry.
Present
sg 1 iyaa, iyaari
n
,
iyaaari
n
neyaari zaiyaa
m
,
zaiyaari
m
2 iyattari, iyattati neyattati, naita( ri)
3 yatta,
o
yetta,
o
iyatta
o++,m
,
iyattari
o++,m
iyaddari,
n
iyattri, iyatari
neya ( ne-e-a) ,
o
neyari zaiyattari
m+,n
kitta,
o
kittari
pl 1 iyauwata zaiyawatati
2 iyadduma zaiyadduma
155
3 iyanta( ri) , yentari ne-e-an-da,
o
neyanta( ri) ki-an-ta,
o
ki-ia-an-ta,
o
kiyanta( ri)
Present Singular
1
2 weriyattati kurkurikattati
3 uwaitta( ri)
Preterite Singular
1 iyaat,
iyaaat
neyaat zaiyaat
m
uwaat,
auaat
2 iyattati
3 iyattat neyattat, neyat zaiyattat,
zaiyatta
uwaittat kittat, kittati
Preterite Plural
3 iyantat neyantat aliyandat uwantat
neyantati wiuriyantati andantati
More sg. 3 forms in -tat: irmaliattat, itarkiyattat, iaruwattat, andaittat, aliyattat, kitanziattat,
naariyattat, arrattat, uikittat, weiettat . In -tati : naariyatati, pangariyattati
Imperative Singular
1 uwaaru
2 iyaut naiut, neut zaiyaut aanuut
3 iyattaru neyaru kittaru
Imperative Plural
2 iyaddumat naidumat zaiyaddumat kiddumati
3 iyantaru neyandaru uwandaru
Verbalsubst neyawar
Inf I zaiyawanzi
Inf II uwanna
Part. iyant- neyant- (ne-e-an-za,
o
ne-e-
an-te-e
o
)
zaiyant-
156
9.9. (15.4) The syntax of the passive and reflexive expressions will be discussed in Chapter 31. For the present
only a few observations will be made in anticipation: (1) The r of the pres. sg. 3 and imp. sg. 3 regularly
dissimilates to n with the verb war- to burn (warni and warnu instead of *warri and *warru (CREF
1.144 and 1.151 (*1.9.2.6.1); (2) the passive or reflexive of certain verbs is supplied by a suppletive stem (kuen-
to kill and ak- to die, be killed, dai- to put, place and ki- to lie, be placed, iya- to make and ki- to
become, be made).
9.10. 15.3.0.2 Some verbs show endings -a(ri) and -at(i) in the third singular, while others (most) show -ta(ri)
and -tat(i).
9.11. 15.3.1 The following classes of verb consistently show -ta(ri) and -tat(i: (1) all -ke-verbs (iteratives), (2)
all -nu-causatives, and (3) verbs with nasal infix (amenk-, arnink-, unink-, ninink-, itarnink-, damenk-, etc.)
9.12. 15.3.2 The prehistoric status of the difference between the endings with and without the -t- is a major
controversy. See Yoshida 1990 70 (with opposing views cited there, n. 17).
9.13. 15.3.3 (older 15.3.6) A fairly large group of verbs occur in the mediopassive only in the iterative: akk-,
ariya-, aiwante-, earwa-, ikai-, impai-, inu-, iiya-, kallare-, kunk-, kurkuriya-, makke-, marlai-,
mugai-, pai- (to go), pale-, pariparai-, pargawe-, parke-, dala-, dankuwa-, tepawe-, uiya-, ulai-,
uaniya-, uwa- (to come), wal-, wallu
9.14. 15.3.4 (older 15.3.7) It has been noted that many of the mediopassive endings which are shortest (-a, -ta,
-a, -wata, -duma, -anta, -aru ) appear to be especially common in documents from the earliest period.
9.15. 15.3.5 (older 15.3.7.1) Preliminary isolated observations were made by Neu 1968a 34ff., 39. He noted
that medio-passive forms with -ri tend to occur in certain preferred contexts: (1) with preverbs, (2) with adverbs,
such as apenian (QATAMMA), enian, auli, dak, kar, nuwa, nawi, par par, takan, tepu, and -pat, (3)
with infinitives that are dependent on a medio-passive verb form, (4) with negations, (5) in fronted or medial
position in its clause, (6) in clauses consisting only of the verb form or of a conjunction + the verb form. A few
exceptions: (1) form without -ri with preverbs: L.ME NINDA.D.Dma kuedani witeni QATE
ME
UNU
ianawanta anda alikianta KBo 15.33 + 35 ii 19-20 (OH/MS), (3) with dependent infinitives: [nu
L
]SANGA
IM
MUNUS
SANGA Hebat adanna eanta KBo 33.207 iv 19-20 + KBo 39.163 iv 5; (4) with negations:
lmamuan pakuitta KUB 1.16 iii 65 (OH/NS).
9.16. 15.3.6 A statistical investigation that paid attention to the chronologization of the texts and manuscripts
was carried out by Yoshida. The gist of his conclusions (Yoshida 1990 95ff.) were: the locus of -ri in OH was
verbs in -ari , but more specifically those in -ri. From this starting point the -ri spread to all classes within the
history of Hittite, although some resisted longer than others. The motivation for the spread was what Neu had
already claimed (p. 34), namely, that -ri made the present medio-passive line up with the active, which is marked
with final -i. Whether there are further conditioning factors on the pattern of its spread as per Neu (CREF 9.15
157
(*15.3.5) requires further study. The preterite endings without the final -i spread over time at the expense of those
with it.
9.17. 15.4 Changes in the Stem Endings (Neu 1968a 40ff.). In the consonantal stems, when the verbal ending
begins with a vowel, the geminate nature of the stem-final consonant appears: ap- : a-ap-pa-ru versus a-ap-ta-
at, and the non-geminate is also then explicit: ki-a-ri versus ki-i-a-at.
10. Independent Personal Pronouns
158
CHAPTER 10
INDEPENDENT PERSONAL PRONOUNS
10.1 18.1 It is a characteristic of IE languages that the pronominal paradigms exhibit certain differences from the
nominal and adjectival ones (Kammenhuber 1969b 207). (a) Pronouns show more than one stem form (see Sihler
1995 384f. and Szemernyi 1996 203 8.1). This is particularly true of the independent personal pronouns,
495
where a different stem characterizes the nom. from the other cases: nom. *eg I versus acc. *me me. In Hittite
we see this in k I (nom.) versus amm(e)-me in the other cases, or w we (nom.) versus anz-us in the
other cases. It is the non-nominative stem which appears in the clitic forms of the same pronouns: -mu, -tu, -na,
-ma (31.3).
10.2 18.1.1 In the other pronouns (demonstratives, relatives, interrogatives; CREF Chap. 12 and 13) the nom.
and acc. often share one stem, while the other cases show a slightly different one: k, kn
496
this versus ke(da)-
(CREF 12.2); kui- who, what (nom.-acc.) versus kue(da)-(CREF 13.3). Other words, originally adjectives,
gradually assume characteristics of the pronominal stem apophony (e.g., tamai- in nom. and acc., tamed(a)- in other
cases, CREF 13.19) and distinctive pronominal declensional endings (-el in gen. tamel of another; CREF also
12.7, 14.7 on numbers).
10.3 18.1.2 (b) Pronouns do not always use the case endings of the noun. There may either be no case ending at
all (e.g., Hittite acc. ammuk me), or endings occur that are unknown in the noun inflection (Hittite gen. -el).
Sometimes insertions appear between stem and endings: CLuw. zta/i- this (very) (CLL 281) with inserted -t-,
and Hittite dat.-loc. sg. kdani (i.e., ke+dan+i ) this not *ke-i.
10.4 18.1.3 (c) Pronouns are often strengthened by means of deictic particles: French ce, celui, celui-ci. Latin
ego-met, ns-met (Szemernyi 1996 202). The -ila in zikila you yourself and ukila I myself may be such a
deictic particle. CREF 10.20.
10.5 18.1.4 (d) Original personal pronouns (i.e., those of the first and second person) show no difference of
gender (i.e., animate vs. inanimate).
10.6 18.1.5 In Hittite the anaphoric demonstrative pronoun apa- the aforementioned (one) (CREF Chapter
12) also performs the function of a third person independent pronoun (he, she, it). There is no formal
differentiation of apa-, when it is used as a personal pronoun from when it is used as a demonstrative pronoun.

495
Also called accented personal pronouns (Luraghi 1997 24).
496
Although the normal forms of the com. acc. sg. of this and that are kn and apn , a less common although
apparently late and perhaps secondary variant kn, apn is also attested. See 19.1.2.1.
159
10.7 18.2 The following is the paradigm of the independent personal pronouns:
FIRST PERSON SECOND PERSON THIRD PERSON
Singular
nom. k, ammuk
497
z ik ap (c.), apt (n.)
acc. ammuk tuk apn, apn
gen amml tul apl
d.l. ammuk, uk (late) tuk apdani, apti
abl. ammdaz( a) tudaz( a) apz, apezza
Plural
nom. w, anz (late) um( m) ,um( m) (late) ap, ap ( late) (c.), ap(n.)
acc. anz um( m) , um( m) (late) ap (c.), ap (n.)
gen. anzl um( m) enzan, uml(NH) apenzan
d.l. anz um( m) , um( m) ( late) apda
abl. anzdaz um( m) daz
10.8 18.2.1 All forms of the independent personal pronoun with -a extensions (e.g., -ga, -uk-ka, zi-ga, zi-ik-
ka) represent the pronoun + clitic and or but (Neu 1997). Houwink ten Cates thesis about -ga but I versus
-uk-ka and I (1973b), which is valid in OH, is apparently not maintained in post-OH cases like nuwa - [g]a
A-a i-wa-ar -i-ia-mi And I too (-ga) will squeal like a pig KUB 14.1 rev. 93 (MH/MS), where there is no
reason for an adversative -a but.
10.9 18.2.1.1 A case ending distinctive to the pronouns is -el, which marks the gen. sg., and sometimes the pl.
pronouns (cf. Sihler 1995 385 [his 374.2a], and 12.7): ammel my, tuel your, apel his/her, anzl our
(CREF 10.13 (*18.2.3), uml your (pl.). In late Hittite the stem extended by this -ell- serves once as the
basis for an ablative form a-p-el-la-az (KUB 14.4 iv 23).
10.10 18.2.2.1.0 In OH ammuk is confined to the dative and accusative. In a few MH texts
498
and throughout NH
it serves also as a nominative. Although ammuk occurs as a nominative in NH copies of OH texts (e.g., KBo
3.40:11), this represents the NH scribes modernization of the original. Nominative ammuk only occurs in texts
copied after the OH period.
10.11 18.2.2.1.1 In OH and MH -uk is confined to the nominative. In early NH -uk alternates with am-mu-uk
always as a nom. In late NH it is revived as an archaism, but is used as either nominative, dative or accusative, on
analogy with the current use of ammuk. CREF 10.14 (*18.3) below.

497
Post-OH.
498
In HKM 10:26 (MH/MS) and other passages of the MH Maat letters (see indices to Alp 1991), also in ammuk
uwami KBo 32.19 ii 22-23 (Song of Release, MH/MS).
160
10.12 18.2.2.2 zik you (nom. sg.) is written zi-ik when the clitic -a and, but is not appended. In the latter
cases it can appear as zi-ga, zi-ig-ga or zi-iq-qa A plene writing zi-i-ik occurs rarely and only in Old Script. On zik
see Melchert 1983, Shields 1987, Villar 1988; Barton 1993. Similarly non-nominative tuk is written tu-uk without
clitic -a but with it tu-ga, tu-ug-ga, tu-uq-qa. The writings *zi-ik-ka and *tu-uk-ka are avoided for graphical
considerations, KA being a more complex sign to draw than GA or QA.
10.13 18.2.3 The secure attestation of anzel ourin the OS Zalpa text:
499
KBo 22.2 obv. 12-13 (OS) UMMA
L.ME URU-LIM ma anze[l MUNUS].LUGAL
URU
Kani 30 MUNUS.DUMU 1U ta, makes extremely
unlikely the theory of Forrer 1922, 1926 17 (transliteration of Bo 2423 = 2 BoTU 10 = KBo 3.27), rejected by
Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 75, revived by Kammenhuber 1969b 209f., and defended by Neu 1997 140f., that
there was in Old Hittite a first plural independent genitive pronoun *ammenzan, formally parallel to umenzan
your (pl.).
10.14 18.3 Old Hittite (OH) employs as nominatives only the forms k, w, zik, um, ap , and ap, whereas
in Middle and New Hittite various dative or accusative forms have come to be used as nominatives, and in two
cases (uk and ume) the reverse also has taken place. In OH ammuk, anz, and um serve only as datives or
accusatives. We have already seen (2.4, 3.2, etc.) that this mutual contamination of nom. and acc. cases in the
plural is common among nouns and adjectives. Since in the first and second person pronouns (ammuk, tuk) the
dative and accusative forms are alike, ume (originally nom.), which first was extended to the accusative, soon was
extended further to the dative (KUB 26.12 ii 26). Similarly uk is once employed as a dative in the late NH period.
umenzan is an Old Hittite form, while u(m)melarose in NH, modeled on ammel, tuel and anzel. On the other
hand anzel our is attested already in Old Script (CREF 18.2.3) and is therefore not an innovation (contra
Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 77 and Friedrich 1960 97b). Plural apenzan their always contrasts with singular
apel his, her, its.
10.15 18.4 Only the nominative forms can serve as subjects. Only the dat.-acc. forms can serve as direct objects
of verbs. But any of several cases can serve as a predicate in sentences with the verb to be. Locative: The king is
in the land . Genitive: They were mine
500
Ablative: It (scil. a field) is on the right of the road to
URU
atira.
501
For statements of possession or ownership Hittite could employ either the genitive or the dative. For the latter: mn
antui L-i nama MUNUS-i MU.I.A nininkante If a person either man or woman has shortened years

499
Thus refuting the claim of Luraghi that only genitive plurals of the type umenzan occur in OH, and that genitives of
the type anzel and umel, which are certainly analogical to the singular, are only post-OH
500
Cf. [RIN.ME A
URU
Ura ]A
URU
Mud[amu]ta[iya ] kar ammel e[er] Formerly [the troops of Ura] and
Mutamutai were mine KBo 16.47:1; nu ammel kpat 1-a dammea Only this one punishment was mine KBo 4.8
ii 16 (NH).
501
ANA KASKAL
URU
Hatiraakan ZAG-az KUB 8.75 i 22.
161
KUB 43.57 iv 24-25. The distinction in meaning between the genitive and dative constructions denoting possession
or ownership has not been worked out.
10.16 18.5 Since the finite forms of Hittite verbs already indicate that the subject is I, we, you, (s)he or
they, the presence of an independent personal pronoun in the nominative case may indicate a special emphasis on
the subject or a conscious contrast with the subject of a neighboring clause. Thus, kwa LUGAL-umi kia I
will become your king KBo 22.2 rev. 15 (OS) could have been written LUGAL-umiwa kia without
ambiguity as to the subject. Use of the independent pronoun as subject in order to mark contrast with a different
actor in a neighboring clause can be clearly seen in:
MUEN
ranan LU[GAL-a MUNUS.LUGAL-a]a ramet
3[(U)] DUMU .GAL wanu[zzi ]gamaan RIN.ME-an [(r)] 3U wanmi The palace servant
waves an eagle three times over the king and queen, but I wave (a model of) troops over them three times StBoT 8
ii 30-32 (= KBo 17.1 + 25.3 ii 16-18) (OS). See: zikwa UR.BAR.RA-a kitat You have become a wolf KBo
6.2 ii 12 (Laws 37, OS),
502
nanza zik d (No one else has accepted my advice,) but you must accept it
KUB 1.6 iii 27 (OH/NS), zik ammel-na l uwai / uga tul parna UL uwmi You must not come to my
house, and I will not come to your house KUB 29.1 i 19-20 (OH/NS), etc.
10.17 18.5.1 The same is the case with forms of the dative and accusative, since a corresponding clitic form of
the pronoun (mu, ta, i, na , etc.) could have been used. UMMADUMU.ME wea kuwapit arumen nu
MUNUS-za [30] DUMU [1U ]i nuzza anza 1U ta Where have we come to, that a woman bears
[thirty] sons [at one time]? Yet she bore us all at once! KBo 22.2 obv. 11-12 (OS); andanzakan antuwa[a
(tukpat au)] / nan zikpat [(arlikii)] It is to you (in particular) that the just person is dear, and you (in
particular) always elevate him KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44 i 7-8 (OH/NS). In these examples the natural emphasis
involved in using the independent form is strengthened by the particle -pat.
10.18 18.5.2 And with the independent genitive pronoun for which a clitic possessive could have been used. kui
ammel ppan LUGAL-u kar[i] He who becomes king after me KBo 3.22:22, 49 (OS). For a clear opposition
of ammel and tuel see: zilatiyatta katta [(a)]a anzaa tuel DUMU-an ammel DUMU.MEYA
DUMU.DUMU.MEYA [paa ]antaripat In the future, to the third and fourth generations, my sons and
grandsons will loyally protect your son KUB 21.1 + 19.6 i 73-75; cf. ammel R.MEYA tul R.MEKA
my servants your servants HKM 74:10, 15-16 (MH/MS), and KUB 29.1 i 19-20 cited above in 18.5.
10.19 18.6 The ablative forms are post-OH and can be found in double case constructions where they function
like adjectives: tuedaza memiyanaza by your word, ammedaz U-az by my hand, ammedaza
GI
BAL.TUR-az
with my spindle (Luraghi 1997 24 2.3.1.1). The abl. forms of the independent pronoun sometimes have the
normal ablatival force of from in the sense of source: EYAma ammedazaNG.TUKU-ti kuitki My brother,

502
The z ik is necessary to disambiguate in the NH copy (KBo 6.3 ii 29), where the finite verb ki-a-at is identical with the
3rd sg. form.
162
you are enriching yourself somewhat at my expense KUB 21.38 obv. 16. But often instead they often mean on
my/your side or in my/your favor: nu DINGIR.ME am-me-da-az ti-an-du nu-wa DI-e-ar am-me-da-az a-an-
na-an-du Let the gods stand on my side and adjudicate the case in my favor KUB 14.17 iii 18-19.
10.20 18.7 The deictic particle -il(a) added to the independent pronouns expresses the idea of -self, always
nominative (like Latin ipse, CREF also 32.1 (*30.1): ukila I myself, zikila you yourself, umila you
yourselves, apila he himself, apila
503
and apilu they themselves (CREF above in 10.4 (*18.1.3) and
Sommer 1922 48 n. 1, 1938 141 n. 3, Friedrich 1960 99, and HW
2
I 165f.). Forms without the final a are also
attested: ukel KUB 40.1 rev.! 14.

503
For apila used with a plural subject see: nu uizzima ITAR-iebatua [
NA
AR].AR apila mallanzi Then it
will happen that ITAR and ebat will themselves mill grain KUB 33.103 ii 14-15 (NS).
11. Enclitic Possessive Pronouns
163
CHAPTER 11
ENCLITIC POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS
11.1 18.9 (old 18.9.7) Of the old Indo-European languages of Anatolia only Hittite and Luwian had enclitic
possessive pronouns.
504
Earlier Hittite (OH and early MH) expressed the possessive relationship by suffixing to the
noun a possessive adjective (my, thy, his/her/its, our, etc.). In later MH and throughout New Hittite this
construction was first supplemented and then replaced by a more analytical one, using the genitive independent
pronouns ammel my, tuel your, apel his, her, its, anzel our, and umel your: apl watul his sin
(MH), ammel aul my greeting (MH), tuel KUR-i your land (MH). An even later development during the
final century of New Hittite was declinable possessive adjective tue(da)- your, as in: ULwarankan tuetaza
memiyanaz kuennerdid they not kill it (the bull) at your word? (Gilg.). Another method for indicating the
possessive relationship was the use of dative enclitic pronouns of the type -mu, -ta, -na, -i, -ma (see Luraghi
1997 23): L.KR.MEmukan
L.ME
aranatallu ITARGAANYA U-i dai Ishtar, my lady, put into
my hand my enemies and my enviers StBoT 24 i 58-59.
11.2 18.9.1 (old 18.9.7.1) Here is the paradigm for the enclitic possessive adjective:
505
Singular
Case my thy his our
506
your (pl.) their
nom.com -mi, -me
507
-ti, -te
508
-i, -e -ummi -mi
509
-mi
2

504
Indeed no morphological category of possession expressed in nominals existed in PIE: see Comrie 1998 82, who
notes how this contrasted with Uralic and Semitic. On the enclitic possessive pronoun in Hittite see Friedrich 1960
106-109, 245-256, Houwink ten Cate 1967, Kammenhuber 1969b 210-212, Otten and Souc ek 1969 70f., Rosenkranz
1978 71f., Villar 1988, CHD L-N (1989) 222f., Francia 1995; 1996, Neu 1997. An attempt to identify this category in
Luwian was made by Carruba 1986.
505
See Friedrich 1960 65 108, Kammenhuber 1969b 211f. Forms with initial * are conjectural, i.e., not yet attested, but
likely.
506
Otten 1959 180 and 1973 35, Neu 1974 65f., 119, 128, and Francia 1995. The identity of -ummi- as the first pl.
possessive was not yet known to Friedrich 1960 and Kammenhuber 1969b, and Rosenkranz 1978, who considered it a
variant of -mi- your (pl.) or their.
507
Not so far attested as *-me-e, but only with broken writings -mi-e and -me-i (cf. CHD sub -mi-), both of which
could be interpreted as -mi (using HZLs transcriptional method, -mi- and -m-i).
508
Although the more common, and expected form, is -ti-i, the by-form -te-e is attested in nu wa-ar-u-la-a-te-e ammel
katta uwaru Let your (sg.) warula appear to me KUB 36.44 iv 4 (OH/MS), nu tuel / warulate-e paigataru And let
your warula go VBoT 58 i 10-11 (OH/NS), and EN.LL-a attate KUR-e / 4 alaldumari tu [kp]at kiritti t [i y]an
arzi Your (sg.) father, Enlil, has put the land (namely) the four corners in your hand alone KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44 + i
22-23 (OH/NS). Also e-ek-za-te-e your net KBo 3.21 ii 16.
164
acc.com -man
o
,
510
-min
n
-tan
o
, -tin
n
-an
o
, -in
n
-ummin
o511
-man, -min -man, -min
n.-a.neut. -met, mit -tet, -tit -et, -it -ummet,
-ummit
-(a)met
512
,
-(a)mit
-(a)met,
-(a)mit
voc. -mi, -me
513
*-ti *-i *-ummi *-mi *-mi
gen.
514
-ma, -man -ta -a *-umma *-ma *-ma
d.l. -mi -ti -i -ummi -mi -mi, -ummi
all. -ma
515
*-ta -a
516
*-umma *-ma *-ma
ins -mit -tit -it *-ummit -(a)mit -(a)mit
Plural
nom.com -mi -te/i -e/i -umme -me/i
517
-me/i
518
acc.com -mu -tu -u *-ummu -mu *-mu
n.a.neut -me/it *-tet -et *-ummet *-met *-met
gen -man *-tan *-an *-umman *-man *-man
d.l. *-ma -ta -ma *-umma *-ma *-ma

509
Whenever this ending must immediately follow an unassimilated consonant in its nouns ending, since cuneiform
writing cannot represent a sequence of three consecutive consonants without some ghost (or perhaps epenthetic) vowel,
the enclitic possessive ending -mi- will be written -a-mi- or -e-mi-.
510
Forms marked
o
are distinctively OH. Other, unmarked forms may also occur in OH, but are not distinctive.
511
The i vocalization of the acc. sg. -ummin (instead of expected *-umman) is a striking lack of concurrence with the
other OS common gender acc. sg. forms -man, -tan, -an, and -man, but it must be correct, if
d
iuummin in KBo 3.22 (OS
Anitta) is really the noun + possessive our deity and not just a proper name which happens to sound like the words our
deity, and if UTUummin our sun (referring to the king) KBo 20.67 + 17.88 iv 17 (OH/MS?) reflects an OS originals
spelling.
512
The forms of -mi- (both your (pl.) and their with epenthetic vowel between and m occur only when the
substantive to which the possessive enclitic is attached ends in a consonant.
513
Attested in at-ti-me O my father KBo 12.70 rev.! 10b (CHD -mi- e 2 a).
514
Insofar as a use of the OH (properly) gen. pl. -man, -tan, -an, etc. with singular nouns is recognized, it is claimed to
occur only with nouns having animate referents; cf. Kammenhuber 1969b 309ff., Kammenhuber 1969c 33, Rosenkranz
1978 71f.
515
In pr-nam-ma (= parnamma ), cf. CHD sub *-mi-.
516
Attested in CTH 370.KBo 25.151 + 26.136 obv. 17-19 UR.GI-aa uilia paitta / A-a
ummaa paitta
ANE.KUR.RA-u aliyaa / paitta UDU-u aaunia paitta GUD-u
kizzumii paitta The dog went to its uili, the

pig went to its sty, the horse went to its corral, the sheep went to its fold, the cow went to its kiz z umi-structure.
517
See a-re-e-me-e (*areme ) your colleagues in Laws 55 (manuscript B, OH/NS).
518
See
L
karualemea and their k.-men in Laws 54 (manuscript A, OH/OS).
165
11.3 18.9.2 (old 18.9.8) Both the substantive and the enclitic possessive adjective are declined, and agree in
number, gender and case: kiarimi in my hand (lit. in the hand + in my), tuzziyami my army (KBo
2.5 ii 13), kardiyata of thy heart (lit. of the heart + of thy), attii to his/her father, itarnimi in
your (pl.) midst, areme your (pl. nom.) companions, aruwanduu her unborn child (acc.,
grammatically pl.
519
). Final n in the substantive regularly assimilates to the first consonant of the possessive
pronoun. Compare the following acc. sg. forms: alugatalla (n)tin your envoy, itamana(n)an his ear,
tuzzi(n)man my army, ara(n)an his border, arra (n)an his anus, pantua(n)an his bladder. In
NH one fids back forms in which the n was restored: na-an-a-an (MH), ma-a-an-i (MH), p-ra-an-i-it (MH).
CREF 15.3.
11.4 18.9.3 In the dative-locative the clitic possessive is found on what must have been the original nominal
form of certain adverbs and postpositions: itarniummi in our midst (= anza itarna) , kattitti together with
you (= tuk katta), kattiummi with us (= anza katta). CREF 23.14.
11.5 18.9.4 (old 18.9.9) In the empire period (NH), when this enclitic possessive was passing out of use,
speakers lost the sense of the bipartite nature of constructions like attami and began to decline only the final
element. Thus acc. sg. attamin (for *attanmin ) and attatin (for *attantin ).
11.6 18.9.5 (old 18.9.9.1) In the acc. sg. forms the a vocalism (-man, -tan, -an) is the earlier (OH and
sporadically
520
MH), the i vocalism (-min, -tin, -in) is NH. But CREF above 11.2 on OH -ummin our (acc.
sg.).

519
Compare Hebr. plural yeladha her unborn child(ren) in the Exodus 21:22 assault law.
520
CTH 142.2A ii 22 [ukma]
m
Tudaliya ipandaz tuzzi<n>man SUD-nun.
12. Deixis: the Demonstratives
166
CHAPTER 12
DEIXIS: THE DEMONSTRATIVES
12.1 19.0 The function of the demonstratives, called deixis, is to indicate position of a third party or object
relative to the person speaking or spoken to. Factors may include degrees of distance (near, far) from the speaker, or
primary relationship to speaker versus person spoken to. Thus, one enumerates the following types of Indo-
European deixis: (1) I-deixis (here, near the speaker), (2) you-deixis (there, near the one(s) addressed), (3) that-
deixis (there, without a particular spatial reference), and (4) yonder-deixis (yonder, over there) (Szemernyi 1996
204 with bibliography in note 1). In face-to-face speech situations the spoken demonstratives were probably
reinforced by gestures of eye and hand. Sometimes Hittite texts refer to such demonstrative gestures with phrases
such as IGI.I.A-it iezzi he makes (a signal) with (his) eyes or QTAMdi he extends (lit. places) the hand.
In kian in the following (i.e., yet to be stated) manner and apenian in the preceding (i.e. just stated)
manner (12.9) we have a contrasting temporal deixis. The Hittite mode of referencing temporal relationships
using terms of spatial reference is a complicated subject in its own right. Does the speaker face the future, with the
past behind him, or does he face the past, which he can and does know, with the yet unknown future behind him?
The second theory is supported by the normal use of peran for before and ppan after, and appaiwatt- (lit.
after-day) for future. Also antezzi(ya)-older, earlier-born (< ant- front, forehead) versus appezzi(ya)-
younger, later-born. Yet there are a few expressions suggesting the opposite, such as -mu peran before me (KUB
13.4 ii 58-60, MH/NS) in the sense of tasks awaiting my attention in the future.
12.2 19.0.2 (old 19.5.2)
521
The two primary demonstratives (near and far, or I and you) in Hittite are k-
this and ap- that, the Luwian equivalents being za- and apa-. The far demonstrative, ap-, also serves as a
third person independent pronoun. When it does so, it shares with the first and second person pronouns the ability
to take the suffix -ila (apila himself, CREF 10.20). The following is the paradigm for the Hittite
demonstratives k- this and ap- that:
Singular Plural
n.c. k ap k, k, ku ap, ap
acc.c kn, kn apn, apn k, k ap, ap
n.a. k , k apt k, k ap
gen. kl apl kinzan, kda apenzan, apda
d.l. kdani, kti apdani, apti kda apda
abl. kz, kezza apz, apezza, apellaz
522
kezza

521
Numbers in parentheses indicate an earlier stage of numbering.
522
Late NH: nukan DAMY A apellazBA. And my wife died from that KUB 14.4 iv 23.
167
ins. kidanda, kt apedanda, apt
12.3 19.1.1 Although the declension of the two primary contrasting demonstratives, ka- and apa-, shows broad
agreement, there are a few striking differences. In the neut. nom.-acc. sg. OH had k this but apt that. In the
PIE pronominal systems neut. nom.-acc. sg. often had a final d (see Kammenhuber 1969b 309 45, 1; Sihler 1995
374, 2; Szemernyi 1996 204f.), which matches apt. k follows a different, but equally archaic PIE pattern.
12.4 19.1.1.1 The regular spelling of ap as a-p-e (i.e., a-bi-e) helps to avoid orthographic confusion with the
Akkadogram A-BI, as well as the Hittite (perhaps originally Hurrian) noun bi (see Hoffner 1967) normally written
a-a-bi but on occasions defectively as a-bi-i (KUB 7.41+ ii 67) or a-bi (KUB 7.41+ iv 27, KBo 2.9 iv 11-12).
12.5 19.1.2 The ending -e of the nom. pl. com. is the Old Hittite pronominal ending inherited from the parent
IE language (see Sihler 1995 386 374, 5). On the implications of these factors for the dating of Hittite texts see
Houwink ten Cate 1970:14 and Hoffner 1972:17. The nom. pl. forms in -u represent contamination from the
accusative forms. The isolated example keu represents a conflated formation of the old ending -e + the latter ending
-u.
12.6 19.1.2.1 The forms kn and apn are isolated and occur in later texts. The antiquity of the kn and apn
forms in Hittite is supported by the archaic pronoun a-i (nom. sg.), un-i (acc. sg.) (Laroche 1979), which
preserves the same vowel contrast.
12.7 19.1.2.2 The sg. gen. shows the same characteristic pronominal gen. ending -el that marks the independent
personal pronouns (18.2.1.1), and the pl. gen. ending -enzan that marks the independent personal pron. umenzan
(18.2 and 18.2.3). In Luwian the gen. is expressed by the genitival adj. apaa/i-.
12.8 19.1.2.3 For the instrumentals kidanda and apedanda CREF 3.27.
12.9 19.1.3 In Hittite, as in Luwian, a number of adverbs are derived from the demonstrative bases, from one of
which in turn an adjective is derived. As a rule it is the stems ke/i- and ape/i- that occur in the pronominal adverbs,
just as the stem kuwa- (versus kui-) that occurs in pronominal adverbs and conjuctions kuwapi, kuwapikki,
kuwattan, etc. (Kammenhuber 1969b 207).
ka-/ke- apa-/ape-
k here apiya there
ket here (OH), to this place apeda to that place
kez from this place apez from that place
kian, kinian
523
in the following manner
524
apenian in the preceding manner

523
Kammenhuber 1969b 207 considers kinian an analogy formation to apenian.
524
For kian in interrogative clauses CREF 37.1.1 and 37.1.1.1.
168
kiuwant- (adj.) this kind of a .. apeniuwant - (adj.) that kind of a ...
12.10 See also kitpantalaz from this moment on (always univerbiert) versus apit pantalaz from that
moment on written as two separate words. See discussion in CHD P sub pantala-. See also kitkarza at the head.
12.11 With some the endings are not the same: kinun now versus apiya then.
12.12 Some built upon ka- have no counterpart built upon apa-. The interjections ka and kma, often
unsatisfactorily translated behold, function to make the action of the clause immediate (i.e., the near
demonstrative force): just ed with preterite verbs, is/are about to with present-future (see Hoffner 1968b).
The Luwian functional equivalent is zwi here, voici (see DLL 115, CLL 282).
12.13 19.1.3.1 As in the declension of the two demonstratives, here too there is much symmetry. But there are
also a few striking dissimilarities: k and apiya are formed differently. Note too kian, (rare) kenian, and
apenian, but not *apian. The nasal in apenian occurs also in kni here (KBo 22.2 obv. 9, OS) kenian,
and in enian thus.
12.14 19.1.4 (19.5.6) The demonstratives ka- and apa- can be used either as pronouns or adjectives. If the clause
is verbal, the pronoun may occupy whatever position in the clause is appropriate to its syntactic function (subject,
object, etc.). In to be clauses the pronoun ap or k normally precedes its predicate noun or adjective.
12.15 19.1.5 The following are some examples of ka- as subject in to be clauses: numu k IGI-zi L-
natarmit This was my first heroic deed Hatt. (= StBoT 24) II 29-30; nuwanna k EN-apat this one
alone is our lord (von Schuler, Dienstanw. 23, KUB 21.42+ i 17-18).
19.2 Yet at least in the case of apa- there are exceptional cases in which the pronoun ap follows rather than
precedes its predicate noun or adjective: parkuia ap, miriwanza<a?>ap, arkia ap, na....
mandaz aanuwanza she is pure, that one; (she is) lovely, that one; she is white, that one; and she is endowed
with every good thing KBo 4.6 i 13-14 (prayer of Murs. II). What marks the above case is the use of a as a
cataphoric pronoun, of which ap is the referent. Cf. also the following two sentences without a cataphoric
pronoun. UL DUMU-YA ap
525
KUB 1.16 ii 14; zaiya uttaret apt KUB 17.1 ii 19-20 (Kei story, CTH
361) (NH).
12.16 19.2.1 There is also a Late Hittite appositional use of the demonstrative, in which case the demonstrative
immediately follows its noun: (Queen Puduhepa writes to Ramesses II of Egypt:) nu ANAE-YA lumpatin apn
iyami for My Brother (Ramesses) as a grief I have brought that KUB 21.38 ii 12 (editions by Stefanini 1964;
Helck 1963);
KUR
Alaiyanmazakan pedei R-aun arkammanaun, arkammanmaikan [k]n
iiyanun But I subjected Alaiya and made it tributary on the spot; and as tribute I imposed the following (=

525
This is a statement, not a question.
169
kn) KBo 12.38 i 7-9 (CTH 121, cf. Gterbock 1967 73ff.). Because there are many herbal medicines, I will
inquire which herb is determined by oracle. I will also inquire about physicians kuimu
L
A.ZU SIS-ri nukan
ANA
d
UTU-I IGI.I.A apt :pa-ar-ri-it-ti And as medicine the physician designated to me by oracle will
apply that to His Majestys eyes KUB 22.61 i 16-18 (oracle, NH), ed. StBoT 19:4 (soll selbiges Kraut
streichen); it is not clear why the apt is separated from the in this clause; cf. ibid. i 6. The appositional use is
distinguished from the attributive by the reversal of the normal sequence of demonstrative followed by substantive
(attributive kn arkamman versus appositional arkamman kn).
12.17 19.3 (19.5.7) The unmarked position of the adjectival demonstrative is preceding its substantive. When
that substantive is further modified by either an attributive adjective or a noun in the genitive case, the latter
intervenes between demonstrative and substantive.
12.18 19.3.1 (19.5.7.1) With intervening genitive: k
URU
inauwa
URU
Ubariyaa uttar l iyatteni Do not do
this thing of the cities X and Y! KUB 1.16 ii 50-51 (OH/NS); ki[a]nmamu kuit atre / kuitmanwamu
d
UTU-I / k A L.ME
URU
Gaga takula / uttar atri ammuggawa / memian INA KUR
URU
Iupita /
ukimi But concerning what you wrote me as follows: Until you write me this matter of the peace of the
Kakaean men, I will await word in the land of Iupitta HKM 10:23-32 (letter, MH/MS); kmu kuit A
m
Marruwa / L
URU
immuwa aliyatar atre This homage of Marruwa, the ruler of immuwa, about which you
wrote to me HKM 13:4-5 (letter, MH/MS); nu A IM linkiya
NA
KIIB / ara ullanzi KUB 17.21+ iv 17-19
(pr., MH); apn A GIDIM NINDA-an parkunuer KBo 11.1 rev. 11 (pr. of Muw. II); k A .DINGIR-LIM
uppiyauwar EN [(SISKUR.)SISKUR(ma)] / EGIR SISKUR UL artari KUB 17.8 iii 9-10 w. dupls. KBo
19.140 and KBo 19.137; numa maan ai
L
U.DAB-un / [memian kuiki peran] memi nu uni A
L
U.DAB
memian EGIR-an [ananzi ] KUB 14.17 ii 9-10, ed. AM 84f. (the first clause is, of course, problematic on any
reading); nu uni A
HUR.SAG
Aarpaya
URU
Gagan zaiyanun KBo 3.4 iii 41, ed. AM 76f.; nuwamukan uni
arazena KUR.KUR<-a?> L.KR peran kuenni Strike down before me the aforementioned enemy of the
surrounding lands KBo 3.4 i 26, ed. AM 22; nuza k (var. in B k) / A .GAL-LIM / AWAT MUNUS mekki
aruma ugaut KBo 5.3++ iii 51-52 (Hukk.) (transposed into Hittite, this last example would actually have a
sequence of genitives: this + of the palace + of the woman + word/matter); kema namma A KUR
URU
attipat
KUR.KUR.I.A-TIM KUR
URU
Gaga / [n]at
L.ME
SIPA AH U L.ME EPI GAD eir (var. eer) KUB
24.3++ ii 38-39 (pr. Murs. II); antuatarma kuit nuan ULya kuit / uttar wemiyaweni nat [an ked]ani
linkiya / tuppiya UL kitta[ri ] KBo 5.3+ ii 60-62 (Hukk.); kwa na uttar tuppiyaz au KBo 3.1++ (THeth 11)
ii 47-48 (OH/NS); kn AWATBAL KBo 5.13 iii 6 (NH) and KUB 21.1 + 19.6 + ii 70 (NH).
19.3.2 (19.5.7.2) With intervening attributive adjective or participle used attributively: k daawa INIM.ME-ar
these important words KUB 17.7 (Ullik. I A) ii 18-19; k 600 RIN.ME these (grammatically sg.) 600
troops KUB 14.15 (AM 74) iv 48; k MU.20.KAM these 20 years (lit. this 20th year) KUB 14.10 obv. 12
(Murs. 2nd Plague Prayer, copy C); cf. kyata waran paur maan kitati KBo 6.34 (StBoT 22) iv 5-6
(MH/NS) (participle waran ), kma idalawa uddr kuie eanzi KBo 3.1 ii 61; k 3 L.ME INA
URU
Tanipiya
170
aanzi KBo 3.7 iv 20-21 (Illuyanka, OH/NS); kpat 1-a dammea ta KBo 4.8 ii 12-13, 16 (NH) (edited
Hoffner 1983) (where the number is used as attributive), kyata waran paur maan kitati KBo 6.34
(StBoT 22) iv 5-6 (MH/NS); kma idalawa uddr kuie eanzi KBo 3.1 ii 61 (OH/NS).
12.19 19.3.3 (19.5.8) When, however, one or both of the words following the demonstrative (but CREF above
in 12.18) is a logogram, it is permitted to diverge from this order: nuza k ALAM-YA A K.GI iyanun so I
constructed this gold statue of myself KBo 10.2 iii 21 (annals of Hatt. I, OH/NS); numu k KUR.KUR.ME
dannatta AUMMUIRTU_ TI peta she (the goddess) gave me these depopulated lands to govern Apology of
Hatt. (StBoT 24) ii 56, cf. lines 63-64; kma UPPA
I.A
iiulla kar aniyan ta these tablets of the treaty
were already executed KBo 4.10 i 38, cf. 50 (treaty with Ulmiteub of Taruntaa); nu aptaya uttar A
f
Danuepa iya[t k]ui / nuza apaa DINGIR-LIM-i kar kiat He who committed that deed against (lit. of)
Danuepa has already died (lit. become a god) KUB 21.19 + 1303/u (+) KUB 14.7 ii 12-13 (NH); nu k UPPU
A DI.I.A apiya / iyanzi They will seal these legal documents (lit. these tablets of cases) there KBo 3.3++ iv
12-13 (NH).
12.20 19.3.4 (19.5.9) Occasionally the substantive itself is suppressed, leaving the demonstrative followed by
the attributive adjective or genitive: kuwatmu k tepu paitta why did you give me this little bit? KUB 1.16 iii
10 (OH/NS); knmawaza A 2 GR.ME-U kuwat aun why have I borne this two-legged (child) (lit.
this one of its two legs)? KUB 24.7 iii 23-24 (story of cow and fisherman); kipat A
f
Tunnawiya MUNUS
U.GI QATI this (ritual) of Tunnawiya, the Old Woman, is finished KUB 7.53+ iv 44 (colophon).
12.21 19.3.5 (19.6.0) As an equivalent to the English distributive this .. and that .. Hittite coordinates either
k ... kma (... kma) or ka ... ka (... ka). We have arbitrarily used nom. com. sg., but the
correlated forms could show any case, gender or number. k ... k this one ... that one StBoT 8 ii 35-36
(OH/OS); k
GIS
TUKUL-limet kma aa (n)met this is my craftsmans fief, and that is my aan field
Laws 40 (OH); kl klla this ones that ones (OH); kedani kedaniya to this one to that one.
The distributive ka- also occurs in the expression kez ... kezziyaon this side ... and on that side, or in kian ...
kiana in this way and in that way.
12.22 19.3.5.1 (19.6.0.1) Similar in force is kuie kuie (plur. nom.) some others.
12.23 19.3.6 (19.6.1) Sometimes k ... k (or even simple k) is used to represent a name to be supplied as
appropriate: kya kya iyami I am about to do such-and-such KBo 3.7 i 22 (Illuyanka, OH/NS); When they
gave it to him, nuwa k ka arantat so-and-so and so-and-so were present KUB 13.4+ ii 37-38 (inst. for
temple officials, ed. Sturtevant and Bechtel 1935); [LUGAL-i=wa=k]an k k itarningain EGIR-pa da So-
and-so has taken back [from the king] the illness(?) KUB 29.1 ii 32 (rit., OH/NS), kwarati LUGAL-u
pai King So-and-so (lit. this king) gave it to him ibid. ii 34.
171
12.24 19.3.7 (19.6.2) When correlated k- forms have different cases, this is sometimes used (like ara ari and
ara aran ) to express reciprocal action (one ... the other): kman kn epzi one might seize the other Laws
49; [lmazaka ]n k kn EGIR-pan azkitta let one [not] ... the other! KUB 1.16 ii 58 (OH/NS).
12.25 Although the primary demonstrative pronouns of Hittite are k- and ap-, they are not the only deictic
elements in Hittite speech. The contrasting u- and p(e)-inseparable prefixes on verbs of movement also indicate an I
or a you reference: with u- indicating the I-deixis and p(e)-the you one.
12.26 (19.7) There is a demonstrative, similar to Latin is, ea, id, built on the same stem a- (and variants) as the
third person enclitic pronoun. Laroche (1979), following Holger Pedersen (1938), claimed that forms which others
had attributed to separate paradigms (ai-, uni-, eni-) were actually at least during the Old Hittite period
members of the same paradigm. He was followed in turn by Neu 1979c 79 and 82, who utilized the diachronic
aspect as a dating criterion for the ukkana treaty.
nom. sg. com. ai
acc. sg. com. uni
nom-acc neut eni
loc. edi, edani
abl. edez, edaza
12.27 All but the ablative forms consist of an ending (a, un, en) followed by the deictic element i. The first
two endings can be compared to k and ap (ending: -a) and kn and apn (ending: -un). From the same stem
comes the adverb enian thus, parallel to kian and apenian built on the bases k- and ap-. The CLuw
equivalent to ini is zni (CLL 277) built to the near demonstrative root z-.
12.28 19.4.1 (19.7.1) It would appear, however, that by New Hittite times even the speakers of Hittite no longer
understood how these unusual forms fit into a single paradigm. New forms arose through analogy to the customary
paradigms, assuming that the stems to be inflected were ai-, uni-, and eni-. A new nominative ai was formed
from the stem ai-. For the new stem uni- the forms unin (acc.c.sg.) and uniu (nom. and acc. com. pl.) are
attested. For the new stem eni- the forms eni (nom. com. sg.) and eniu (acc. com. pl.) are attested. At this time
the older forms uni and ai may have even been reinterpreted as neuters. Objections to Laroche by Kammenhuber,
(1975-1984 400) on the basis of an alleged uniu in OH (reference to the form not given!) remain to be established.
It appears rather than all uniu forms are found in NH. That correct forms such as ai (sg. nom. common), uni
(sg. acc. common), eni and ini (neut.) continue to occur in NH (Murili II), pace Kammenhuber, are not surprising
and constitute no serious objection to Pedersen and Laroche.
12.29 19.5 (19.8) From the stem anni- (HED A 51-55) there is only the nom. sg. com. form anni. To this
stem belong the adverbs annaz and annian once, long ago (compare kez and kian)). The meaning of annian
suggests a far-deictic meaning that, yonder for anni-. There is also a very rare stem ani- (or ana-) seen in the
172
compound a-ni-i-wa-at KBo 3.45:12 (cf. Neu 1980 15f.; HW
2
A 81b; HED A 52). Puhvel (Hed a 52) attributes
this a-ni- to the same stem as anni-.
13. The Pronouns kui- and tamai-
173
CHAPTER 13
THE PRONOUNS kui- andtamai-.
13.1 20.0 In IE languages it is not uncommon to find a single pronoun serving both interrogative and indefinite
functions, e.g., Greek . < *k
w
is (Szemernyi 1996 208). In Hittite, however, the common form kui- serves
interrogative and relative functions, while the indefinite construction requires a built-up derivative, either kuiki or
kui imma.
13.2 20.1.1 The following is a chart of correlatives for Hittite similar to those given in traditional Latin and
Greek grammars (cf. also Laroche 1979). Most pertinent to the subject of this chapter are columns 3-6 which largely
contain forms built on the interrogative-relative stem *kui-, *kue-and *k(u)wa-(from PIE *k
w
o-) (Szemernyi 1996
209).
1 2 3 4 5 6
thi s that i nterrog. rel at. i ndef i ni te rel . i ndef . pron.
A k ap kui who? kui kui ( imma) kui
whoever
kuiki someone,
anyone
B k apt kuit what? kuit kuit ( imma) kuit
whatever
kuitki something,
anything
C k here apiya there kuwapi where? kuwapi,
kuedani pedi
kuwapi kuwapi
wherever
kuwapikki,
somewhere
D kedani er for
this reason
apadda, apezza
therefore
kuwat why?
kuit why?
kuit because
E ket hence apeda thence kuwapit,
whence?
kuwapita
anywhere
F kinun now apiya then kuwapi when? mn, maan,
kuwapi when
kuwapi kuwapi
whenever
kuwapikki anytime
G kian thus, as
follows
apenian thus,
in the same way
maan how? maan as kuwatqa, manqa
anyway, anyhow
13.3 20.2 The following paradigm of forms of kui- who, which serves both the interrogative and relative
functions. Rarer forms are in parentheses. As with the demonstratives, there was a differently vocalized stem for
nom. and acc. (kui-) from that of the oblique cases (kue-).
Singular Plural
nom. com. kui kui, ku (kueu
526
)
acc. com. kuin kuiu (kueu, kui, kui, kuie)
nom.-acc. neut. kuit kue(kuie)

526
Attested in copies of CTH 76 (Muw. II),
174
gen. kul
d.-l. kuedani kueda
abl. kuz (kuzza)
13.4 20.3 The indefinite pronoun some(one), any(one) is kuiki. The distributive each, every is kuia.
Since the varying endings occur between the stem and the final -a, it is clear that the latter is the clitic and.
kuiki kuia
nom. com. kuiki kuiqa, kuqa kuia (kuia) kuiea
527
acc. com. kuinki kuiuga kuinna kuiua
nom.-acc. n. kuitki kuq(q)a, kuekki kuitta kueya
gen. kuelqa, kuelga, kuelka,
kuelki
kuella
d.-l. kuedanikki/a kuedaqa kuedaniya kuedaa
abl. kuezqa, kuezzaqa,
kuizzaqa
528
kuezziya
13.5 20.3.1 It should be noted that the -a forms of kuiki (kuezqa, etc.) are normally found: (1) in the plural, or
(2) in the oblique cases of the singular. On the other hand, some -i forms appear as exceptions to the above rule:
gen. kuelki
529
, and kuedanikki and kuekki.
13.6 20.3.2 On the word order in constructions with kuelka + head noun CREF 17.14.
13.7 20.4 The indefinite relative concept (13.2, column 5) is expressed by the repetition of the relative
pronoun or adjective, with or without an intervening imma: nukan kui kui URU-a anda SIS-ri Whatever
town is determined within (that radius of the crime site) (Laws 6 Late parallel 4), nu antezziya L-a kuit kuit
[piddaizzi] / tae arnikzi he shall give as compensation to him whatever the first man [brings] Laws 28a; nu
URU.DIDLI.I.A kuie kuie []A Armatarunta Whatever cities belong to Armatarunta att. iv 71-72; kuel
imma GI-ruwa aalla alil The flower of the aal of whatever tree KUB 24.14 i 7-8.
13.8 20.5 Although we will consider in greater detail how questions are expressed in Hittite in chapter 37, it is
useful at this point to make just a few observations regarding the construction of clauses with kui, kuia, kuiki,
etc.

527
ku-i-e-a KBo 3.27 obv. 16 (OH/NS).
528
Written ku-e-ez-za-qa KUB 22.52 obv. 11 and ku-i-iz-za-qa IBoT 3.122:7.
529
KUB 23.68+ obv. 15 (MH/NS), KBo 19.61 iv 2, KUB 13.23:3 (both pre-NH).
175
13.9 20.5.1 kui serves as either an interrogative or a relative. A combination of the observations of Held, Hale
and [Garrett, 1994 #4180] yields the rule that the kui- form should occur no later in the clause than the second
accented word (i.e., excluding nu, ta, etc.), i.e., the so-called Wackernagel position. Since nu (or ta) and its
clitics are unaccented, they do not count. Futhermore, units formed by a genitive and its head noun or pronoun
count as only one position and can therefore precede kui- in the clause.
13.10 20.5.1.1 The interrogative word kui is often clause initial, even when it does not represent the subject:
13.11 interrogative pronoun: nu kuit iezzi IM-a And what can the Stormgod do? KUB 36.44 i 5; nu kuit so
what? KUB 1.16 ii 9 (OH/NS), kuit iyanun kuit What did I do? What? KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:3.
13.12 interrogative adjective: kuit=wa=i=kan UM-an [tei ]Gulu=wa=mu DINGIR.MA.I.A-u / kuin
DUMU-an SUM-er What name shall I give to him, the child which (lit. what child) the gula- and kunutalla-
deities have given me? KUB 33.93 iii 16-17 (Ullik. I). If the second clause in the preceding example is not
another exception to the word-order rule, it would indicate that the compound subject []Gulu=wa=mu
DINGIR.MA.I.A-u was counted as one position. In the following dialogue we see how the interrogative adj.
kui- is used to narrow possibilities: nu kuez uwai uppazwa uwami nuwa kuez uppayaz
zaanittennazwa nuwa kuez zaanittennaz UTU-wawa -az nuwa kuez UTU-az Open! And where are
you coming from? I am coming from the holy thing. From what holy thing? From the z. From what z.?
From the sun-gods temple. From what sun-god? KBo 21.22:22-25 (OH/MS).
13.13 20.5.1.2 But at other times it occurs in the Wackernagel position, sometimes not far from the finite verb or
the predicate (CREF 30.17).
13.14 interrogative pronoun: KUR.KUR.I.Ama man kui arzi But who holds all the lands? KUB 31.4
+ KBo 4.31:12; DUMU.ME LUGALma kuedani er arkikantari But the princes on what account are they
being killed (lit. perishing)? KBo 3.1+ ii 56-57 (THeth 11:34f.); aramakan kuit datti But what do you take
away? KUB 4.3 + KBo 12.70 iii 37; kuitwara / uizzi nepia UTU-u[( KUR-e)a LUGAL-u
(uizzi)m]awara kuedani / memiyani Why does he come, the Sungod of the Sky, the king of the land(s)? On
what account does he come? KUB 33.96 + 33.93 + 36.7a (Ullik. I A) iv 44-46; karawaret kuit anda lipan
Its (scil. the bulls) horn why is it bent/split(?)? KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:16. In the clause
[(KUR.KUR.I.A)=m]a man kui arzi Who holds all lands? KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41: 12 (OH/NS) the noun
and its attribute [(KUR.KUR.I.A)=m]a man all lands are counted as one position. One sees this also with the
use of kuit because in: KUR-e=ma man kuit ITU L.KR [dann(attaan )] / ta Because the whole land
had been depopulated by the enemy KUB 19.11 iv 12-13 (D), and
URU
Gaga=ma manza kuit takul ta
Because the entire Kaka (group) was at peace (with us) KBo 5.6 i 14 (D). But CREF below in 38.48.
13.15 20.5.1.3 Because the ku-i restored in nu-wa-ra-an-k[n GE-i] KI-p-ia an-d[a ku-i(?) p-e-d]a?-i? And
who will carry him off to the dark netherworld? KUB 33.93 + 36.7a + 17.7 iii 30 (Ullik. I A, ed. Gterbock
176
1952 18) would occur later than the second position, the line should probably be restored without ku-i and the
clause understood as carrying over the force of the ku-i in line 28: Who will and (will) and (will) ?
13.16 20.5.1.4 (b) interrogative adjective: tuella DUMU.ME-KA kuin again iyanzi And what (kuin)
sign/miracle do your sons perform? VBoT 58 i 7; [zi(qqaz)]a kui DINGIR-LIM-i nu UL [...] What (kind of
a) deity are you, that [] not []? KUB 33.86 ii 12 with dupl. KUB 36.56 iii 9 (StBoT 14:54).
13.17 20.5.1.5 Note especially that kui takes the Wackernagel position, when a form of the demonstrative k- is
used as a predicate nominative: k kuit kiat What is this (that) has happened? VBoT 58 i 16; kwa kuit ULwa
arnammar What is this? Is it not yeast? KBo 6.34 i 30; kwa kuit ULwarat A MUNUS
TG.NG.LM.ME What are these? Are they not the fine garments of a woman? ibid. ii 44-45; kwa kuit
walkuwan aun What kind of a brood(?) is this which I have born? KBo 17.1 obv. 2; k kuit kat What is
this that happened? VBoT 58 i 16 (OH/NS). And even when the near demonstrative is the object of a finite verb:
k ara kui peutet Who led these (people) out (here)? KBo 3.34 i 19 (OH/NS), ed. Dardano 1997 34f. Note
that here kui appears to be in third position.
13.18 20.5.1.6 Not infrequently, in a sequence of two or more interrogative clauses the kui-word is expressed
only in the initial clause: nuza kui ... nu anzel .SAL ara weiekii Who are you that you devour our
meadow? KUB 24.7 ii 56-57; kuitwa watultit nuwaratta SIG-ami KUB 24.8 i 45 could be translated
either What is your problem (lit. sin), that I may remedy it for you?
13.19 20.7 The adjective tamai- other inflects partly like the pronouns k-, ap- and kui-. It is similar in
inflection to dapi(ya)- all, entire. The following is its paradigm:
Singular Plural
nom.com. damai damau
acc.com. damain damau
neut. nom.-acc damai dapiyan, dapin tamai
gen. dammel dapiya dapida
d.-l. damedani dapi dameda dapiya
all. tamatta, tameda
abl. tamedaz(a) dapiza, dapidaz
13.20 20.7.1 When used adjectivally, damai- like most other adjectives precedes its noun: tamai utne another
land, tamai i another lord, tamai pedan another place, tamai kupiyati another plot, tamai URU-a
another city. Occasionally, when its head noun is a logogram without Hittite phonetic complement, tamai- as
attributive adjective follows its noun: maanmaan LUGAL-u ANA KASKAL.GAL par ari
GI
GIGIRma
tamai turiyan antan but when the king comes forth upon the Great Road, another chariot is harnessed (and)
177
ready KUB 10.18 i 24ff.;
L.ME
ALAN.ZU tamae TG GN.A waan arkanzi the other performers wear
brightly colored garments KBo 4.9 i 45-46; NINDA.KUR.RA damau in KUB 7.5 ii 27ff.
13.21 20.7.2 When used substantivally, tamai- means another (one) and is construed within its clause just like
any ordinary noun: nammamaza damain l kuinki akti But (-ma) in addition (namma) do not recognize any
other (overlord) KBo 5.3+ i 32 (treaty w. uqq.); itarna UD-tima NINDA.KUR.RA damau pariyannai
nekuz meurra damau pariyannai at midday I break other loaves, and in the evening I break (still) others
KUB 7.5 ii 27ff.; takku DUMU.MUNUS L-ni taranza tamaiaan pittenuzzi If a young woman is promised
(in marriage) to a man, and another (man) runs off with her KBo 6.3 ii 5-7 (Laws 28a, OH/NS); kur-zu-na-a
(var. lam-na-a) [LUGA]L-u aki
GI
GU.ZAUmazakan tamai eari a king will die, and another will
sit down on his throne KUB 8.1 ii 18-19 (omens, OH/NS);
13.22 20.7.3 It was thought by some
530
that another form dam(m)eli- another kind of was derived from the
stem tamai- (perhaps by way of the gen. pronominal form damel). But since the meaning of dammeli- is rather
virgin (land), unworked or uncultivated (land), it is doubtful if it can be derived from damai-.
531
13.23 20.8 kui kui and the neuter kuit kuit and the forms kuia and kuitta (HE 125) are indefinites
(whoever, whatever): nu antezziya L-a kuit kuit [piddaizzi] tae arnikzi (the eloper) must restore to
him whatever the first man (i.e., the fianc) brought Law 28 (OH); nukan kui kui URU-a anda SIxS-ri
whatever town is determined within (the limits of liability) Late NH version of Laws 6.
13.24 20.8.1 kuia (kuia) can also serve as an indefinite relative Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 59f.; cf. also
HE 120b and 125 und auch wer auch immer).
532
13.25 20.8.3 kuiki, kuinki, kuitki, kuedanikki , etc. can be translated someone/something or anyone/anything:
nau DINGIR-LIM-ni kuiki peran wati (if) either someone sins before a deity KUB 1.16 iii 60 (HAB); nu
arnikdu LUGAL-imaapa le kuitki Let (the offender compensate, but to the king let there be no responsibility
(lit., let there not be anything) KBo 3.1+ iv 21 (Tel. pr.).
13.26 20.8.4 Why? is usually expressed by kuwat: ukmama [IGI-a]nda zaiya kuwat UL paimi Why
should I not go [agai]nst them in battle? KUB3 1.1 + KBo 3.16 ii 16-17; [eu]n umeawamu aandan
[kuwat aranutten ] [ nuwamu ]antan kuwat memanutten I was asleep. Why did you make me arise, when I was
sleeping? Why did you make me talk, when I was sulking? KUB 33.10 ii 7-8.

530
Gterbock 1943, HW 207.
531
Gterbock 1964 153.
532
Hoffmann 1984 34f. renders this Ferner, wer auch Knig wird. It is difficult to understand how the auch functions
here, if it isnt synonymous with -ever in whoever.
178
13.27 20.8.4.1 Less often why? is kuit anda: [uk] punukimi karawaret kuit anda lipan I ask: Why is
its (i.e., the bull's) horn bent/split? KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41, line 16 (OH/NS); []IM-a tezzi nuwaran kuit
anda UL wemiya[tten] The Stormgod says: So why didnt you (plural) find him? VBoT 58 i 23 (myth,
OH/NS).
13.28 20.8.4.2 Also less often than kuwat is kuit why?: kuit uwanun kuwat tariyanun Why have I come? Why
have I exerted myself? KUB 30.33 i 13-14. (rit.); kuitwaran zaikinun kuitwaran zaikinun Why was
I fighting him? Why was I fighting him? KUB 31.77 i 15-16 (queens dream, NH); ku-it-wa-ra-a -iz-zi ne-p-a-
a UTU-u ut-ne-ya-a LUGAL-u, -iz-zi-ma-wa-ra-a ku-e-da-ni me-mi-ya-ni Why does he come, namely the
Sungod of Heaven, the king of the lands? For what reason does he come? KBo 26.58 + KUB 36.7a iv 44-46 (JCS
5:158f). In the last cited example the repeated shortened version of the question explains kuit why? by kuedani
memiyani for what reason?
14. Numbers 179
179
CHAPTER 14
NUMBERS
14.1 20.0 In PIE it appears that only the words for the cardinal numbers 1-4 were declined. But this
reconstruction seems not to fit what we know about Hittite number words. Some numbers above 4 have
complements reflecting case inflection.
14.2 21.1 The pronunciation of almost all the Hittite numerals is unknown to us, since the scribes made such
extensive use of ciphers.
14.3 21.1.1 Of the few number words which are written syllabically we may mention: dn second, d in
dyuga two-year-old, teri- three which is inferred from the genitive teriya, the professional designation
L
tarriyanalli- third- (which is of Luwian origin, cf. Eichner 1992 66ff.), and the beverage name teriyalli (see
below on iptamiya). The Hittite and Luwian words for four, meu-and mauwa-, do not correspond to the words
for four (*k
w
etwor) in other Indo-European languages. The number seven is perhaps attested in the beverage
name iptamiya.
14.4 21.1.1.1 Although ma is not, as used to be thought (HW and HW
2
sub voce, Eichner 1992 43f.), the
ordinal first (cf. HED A 216f.), the writing a-an-ki for 1-an-ki once (KUB 4.1 iv 36, 38, if it is not to be read
1!-an-ki) might indicate that the Hittite stem for one was a- (so Eichner 1992 42f.
533
).
14.5 21.1.2 Since the number words are almost always written with numerals, and the complements consist of
only one or two signs, it is extremely difficult to be certain as to what suffixes have been added to the root. For
example, since numbers can have the complements -ki-i and -i, when -i is used, is it merely the end of -ki-i or a
second and different suffix? Is 2-u different from 2-i-lu-u?
14.6 21.2 One declines like the pronouns (gen. -el, dat. -edani, abl. -edaz):
nom. com. 1-i, 1-a (both attested from OS, although in NH -a is more common than -i.)
acc. com. 1-an
gen. sg. 1-el
dat.-loc. 1-edani, 1-etta, 1-eda; the writing 1-eda is OS.
abl. 1-edaz(a), 1-eaz
14.7 In reciprocal constructions: 1-a 1-an walzi the one hits the other, 1-a 1-edani pai the one gives to
the other, 1-a 1-el UDU-un dai the one takes the other's sheep.

533
Eichners citation KUB IV 2 iv 36, 38 is a simple mistake. What appears on page 4 of the KUB 4 volume is the reverse
of text 1, not text 2.
14. Numbers 180
180
14.8 21.2.2 The following is the declension of two:
nom. com. 2-u
acc. com. 2-e
534
, 2-an
dat.-loc. 2-eta, 2-a
ins.? 2-etanta
14.9 Twice, doubly can be written 2-anki, 2-U, or 2-an. There are verbs 2-a-, 3-ya-, 4-ya- to
multiply by 2, 3, 4. In combination two occurs in t-yuga two-year-old (animal). Inexplicably, the writing 2-
an seems to stand for takan. Other as yet unexplained complementations of 2 are 2-at, 2-el, and
14.10 21.2.3 The following case forms of three are attested:
nom. com. 3-e (i.e., *tres or *teres)
acc. com. 3-u, 3-e
535
gen. te-ri-ia-a (i.e., *triyas)
14.11 21.2.4 Four has the following forms:
nom. com. meyawa, mewa
acc. com. meu, 4-a
gen. mi-i-u-wa<-a>
dat.-loc. 4-ta
The word for 4 in Luwian is mauwa-.
14.12 24.2.4.1 The cardinal number 8 has the following complementations: dat.-loc. or acc. 8-ta.
14.13 21.2.5 In counting, using the cardinal numbers, Hittites apprently used two modes, depending on whether
or not the counted noun was a collective. This is easiest to detect when the number word is written logographically.
Collectives were written with 1-NUTU (Akkadian itntu) for one, and with the bare cipher followed by TA-PAL
for numbers above one: 2 TA-PAL, 3 TA-PAL,etc. It is possible that the form of the numeral in Hittite in this
mode had the stem augment -ant-. Some instances show the noun written as a collective but the number as a mere
cipher: 4 alaltumari four corners, but also 4 alaltumar without the collective ending -i, etc.
14.14 21.2.5.1 Non-collectives were written with the simple cipher followed by the noun, either in the singular
or plural.

534
The forms in -e in the construction LUGAL-u 2-e ekuzi the king drinks two may be adverbial (two times?) or
accusatives.
535
See preceding note.
14. Numbers 181
181
14.15 21.2.5.2 Logographic evidence consists of items with numbers above 1 whose logograms either have or
lack the plural markers ME and I.A: (a) with: 2 L.ME two men, 3 L.ME three men, 30 UDU.I.A
thirty sheep, 7 DINGIR.ME seven gods, (b) without: 7 SAG.DU seven persons, 5 UDU.NTA five male
sheep, 2 NIM.LL two beehives.
14.16 21.2.5.3 Syllabic evidence shows declined singulars: 5 tayuga five two-year-old (oxen) (tyuga is
nom. sg. common gender), 5 yuga five yearlings, 5 awitiza five weanlings, 2 gipear two ells (of field),
14.17 21.2.5.4 But also plurals: 2 L.ME ululiyante two men are fighting (each other), 3 puale three
p.-garments, 2
GI
zaluwaniu 2 upparu two z.s (and) two .-vessels, 2 tu[n]inga NINDA arau two thick
loaves (made) of tuninga, 2
KU
annanuzziu two leather harnesses, 8
TG
iimane neyante eight i.-garments
(are) turned, 2
L.ME
pi[tt]iyandu two fugitives.
14.18 21.2.5.5 Some syllabic forms are ambiguous, such as neuters: 7
GI
attalu seven bolts, 3 NINDA n
three warm breads, 6 arnaiar .
14.19 21.2.5.6 A suffix -il(a)-/-el(a)-exists at least for 2 (2-ila, 2-elu) with the meaning the both (of them).
14.20 21.2.5.7 Hundreds are written with the Akkadogram ME, thousands with LI-IM, and ten thousand with
SIG. These three logograms are always preceded by a number, even for the unit one: 1 ME for 100, 1 LI-IM for
1,000, 1 SIG for 10,000.
14.21 21.2.6 Fractions existed, as attested by logograms for \, but we do not know how they were pronounced
in Hittite.
14.22 21.2.7 Pairs of objects or persons were expresed with the number + yugan yoke, pair + the noun in the
plural: 9 yugan
L.ME
unepi
L.ME
alliyare nine pairs of -men (and) singers.
14.23 21.3 Only the following primary ordinals are attested in syllabic writings: antezzi- first (this declines),
dn second (this is indeclinable). Second is also written Akkadographically as 2-NU- (i.e., an).
14.24 21.3.1 In addition to the primary ordinals, Hittite also possessed an ordinal suffix -anna-: 2-anna
second(ly), 3-anna third(ly), 4-anna or 4-in fourth(ly), 5-anna fifth(ly), etc. Attested examples go through
7-anna.
14.25 21.3.1.1 An ordinal adverb meaning firstly is ma.
14.26 21.3.2 Not ordinals in the strict sense, but related, are the professional designations:
L
duyanalli- or
L
duwanalli- second ranked (soldier) and
L
tarriyanalli- third ranked (soldier).
14.27 21.3.3. The numerical adverbs times ended in -anki in Hittite, 1-anki once, 2-anki twice, 5-anki
five times, etc., but are often written Akkadographically as 2U, 3U twice, three times, etc. For non-
occurrence with imperfective (-ke-) forms (CREF 27.16).
14. Numbers 182
182
14.28 21.3.4 Distributives (two each, four apiece, etc.) are expressed with the Sumerian suffixes -M
(signs: -A.AN) and -.TA.M (signs: -TA.A.AN) (Rster and Neu 1989 274, sign #364).
14.29 21.4 There is a different system of indicating the numbers with collective nouns: one is 1-NTUM
(Akkad. itntu), and all numbers above one are numeral + TAPAL: 2 TAPAL,3 TAPAL, etc. Rarely one
actually finds 2-NUTUM. When the numeral has a Hittite phonetic complement, it indicates that the numeral had a
stem extension -ant- and a collective ending -a and followed rather than preceding its head noun:
GI
arpama 1-
anta LUGAL-a GRi kitta MUNUS.LUGAL-a 1-anta kitta one heap of wood lies at the kings foot, and one
(heap) lies (at that) of the queen KBo 17.3 iv 25-26 = StBoT 8 iv 28 (OS). The non-collective numerals precede
their head nouns. Exceptions are appositional: nata c.attuapat URU-ria 1-a ta Hattua the city alone
(lit. as one) remained (loyal) KBo 10.2 i 26 (OH/NS); [Ku]panta-LAMMA-amakan L
URU
Arzawa 1-a
uwai Kupanta-Kuruntiya, the man of Arzawa, fled alone KUB 23.21 obv. 31-32 (CTH 143); numukan
Pittaggatallipat / 1-a iparzata KBo 5.8 iii 31-33; to see that these are really appositional see the
unabbreviated form in [(Tapalazunaulimak)]an 1-a SAG.DU-a iparzata KBo 3.4 ii 77; and
Mammalimakan 1-a S[AG.DU-a iparzata ] Mammali as the sole per[son escaped] KBo 40.6 + KBo
14.7 i 6'} i 6'; nui ANA KUR
URU
Kargami
URU
Kargamiapat 1-a URU-a / UL takulait KBo 5.6 ii 9-10;
iii 50; nuza ammuk 1-a INA YA 15500 NAM.RA.ME uwatenun And I alone led off 15,500 captives to
my house KUB 14.15 (AM), nu zik 1-a nni You drive here alone! KUB 21.1 + 19.6+ ii 69
14.30 21.4.1 Among the nouns counted in this second manner are: UB.BI earrings,
TG
NG.LM(.ME)
fine garment, manninni necklace,
GI
KANNUM,
TG
G..A tunic,
KU
NG.BR curtain,
KU
E.SIR.I.A
shoes,
URUDU
AGAR,
DUG
GR.KN,
TG
GAD.DAM and
TG
KABALL leggings,
(TG)
E.B sash, GU.I.A
oxen,
GI
IG door, GI.RN ZI.BA.NA balance, pair of scales,
GI
ZA.LAM.GAR.I.A tent,
TG
MAYALU bed
roll, etr ?, .GAL.I.A green fodder,
GI
N bedstead, kattiluri (or
GAD
tiluri ),
GI
UD.GAL, eelliya widr
purification waters, TAAPIbelt, sash, TUDITTU toggle pin, R.R chain, purki, ASKALLATU,
(GI)
uupal (a percussion instrument or pair of such),
GI
GA.ZUM comb(s),
GI
manapnalla,
GI
kiita chairs,
GI
tarmalla, azzallaya , KASKAL-a SUD-war ritual of drawing paths,
GI
GIDRU staff, scepter, parzagulliya,
prana,
NINDA
arma, galgaltri, GI.KIN.TI.I.A.
14.31 21.4.2 From the meanings of some of these words it is very possible that pairs (shoes, earrings,
leggings, scales) or teams (oxen, equids) is intended. In those cases it is possible that some Hittite expression
like yugan pair, team underlies the Akkadian writing. Other words, while not occurring in natural pairs, are
designations of garments or chains that could be conceived as consisting of many parts. Most of the words so
counted are logograms. We do not yet know if their syllabic writings were also counted in this fashion.
14.32 Some of these logograms also occur in the texts written with the usual numeration system: 2
GI
KANNUM,
6
KU
E.SIR.I.A, etc. Other words for objects regularly occurring in pairs are numbered in the normal way: 2
itamauru two earrings, etc.
14. Numbers 183
183
14.33 21.4.3 While most of the syllabically written Hittite or Luwian nouns attested in this system have endings
that could be understood as collectives or neuters (widr, kiita, manapnalla, tarmalla, azzallaya, SUD-war,
parzagulliya, prana, arma, galgaltri the syllabic equivalent of GI.RN was elzi scales), it is also clear
that in some cases the noun counted in this way did not have the formally collective ending -i or -a, but a simple
(common gender) plural: manninni, purki,
KU
E.SIR zazzapi, etc.
14.34 Melchert has suggested that the Hittite number word in this system had the suffix -ant-, but the evidence
to support this view has yet to be published and evaluated by the scholars in the field. Craig: Do you want to
update this paragraph or give the evidence or bibliography if I missed it?
14.35 21.5 The PIE number nomenclature implies a ten-base system of counting. But just as in some IE
languages other groupings can occur (four-score, two dozen), so in Hittite larger numbers were sometimes
expressed in multiples other than tens or hundreds: 2U 4
NINDA
wagear, 3U 9 NINDA.KUR.RA, 2U 9
alakar,
GI
zupari 2U 9-an, 2U 7 tri
I.A
, 3U 9 EME.ME, 2U 7
GI
GAG, 2U 7 paila , 2U 7
kappin, 4U 9 NINDA.RIN.ME, 2U 9 NINDA.UMBIN.I.A, 2U 9 UDU.I.A, etc. Note, however, that
while the multiplicand varies (the favored numbers being 7 and 9), the multiplier rarely exceeds 2.
15. Grammatical Agreement 184
184
CHAPTER 15
GRAMMATICAL AGREEMENT
15.1 22.1 Grammatical agreement is part of a system of marking that enables speakers to indicate which parts of
their utterances correlate with others. In Hittite the following correlated speech elements show agreement in one
form or another:
(1) a noun and its attributive or predicate adjective,
(2) a noun and its attributively used demonstrative (ap or k) pronoun,
(3) a nominal or pronominal subject and its verb,
(4) a possessive adjective and its noun,
(5) a relative (kui) and its accompanying noun,
(6) a noun or pronoun and its appositive (CREF 15.11 (*22.3.1),
(7) the antecedant noun and the compared noun in like / as clauses with mn or maan,
(8) the antecedent noun and adverbial appositives,
(9) the subject and the predicate noun or adjective in the nominal sentence.
All but case (7) above are illustrated in the examples supplied in the following paragraphs of this chapter. For
examples of (7) see CHD maan mng. 1 and mn mng. 1.
15.2 22.1.1 Nouns with adjectives or participles as attributes: arranza alki washed barley (KUB 1.13 iii
14), damain antuan another person (KBo 4.2 i 25), arran wtar polluted water (KUB 13.3 ii 30),
arazene utneyante mante all neighboring lands (KUB 24.4 11 7), tarpalliu waandu clothed
substitutes (KBo 4.6 i 28-29), k antezzi L-natar mit this (was) my first exploit (Apol. of Hatt., II 29), k
utne dannatta these depopulated lands (Apol. of Hatt., II 56), alli utne large land (KUB 23.11 iii 33), ITU
BIBRIUR.MA 4 arantet akuwanzi they drink from animal-shaped vessels of lions standing on all fours (KUB
10.89 i 20-21). On such animal-shaped vessels see now T. zg apud Otten 1989 p. 366 with note 10.
15.3 22.1.2 Nouns with relative, indefinite, demonstrative, and possessive pronouns (11.3 (*18.9.2) as
attributes: alla -er kue, ne natta parkunuttati (all neuter plurals nom.-acc.); kue kue aawar ta, ne ANA
RIN.ME aanduli peun, whatever folds there were, I gave them to the troops for garrison (KBo 10.2 i 7-8);
nunna per kuit euwen nunnakan iuni anda arta, the goddess came to us there in the house which we had
built for ourselves (Apol. of Hatt., iii 6-7); ap memiya the afore-mentioned matter (KUB 14.14 i 36),
tuzziyami my army (KBo 2.5 ii 13), kn MUNUS-an this woman (KBo 4.6 ii 12), k iiul this treaty
(KBo 4.10 i 42), aatar et his procreative power (KBo 6.34 ii 31), kuie auriyalu
536
what border watches
(KBo 5.8 i 42), areme your companions (Laws 55), aruwandu u her unborn children(acc. pl. com,

536
This text is New Hittite, showing interchange of nom. and acc. pl. common gender endings. It is not, therefore,
technically a case of failure of concord.
185
Laws 17, 18), k arkuwarri these prayers (KUB 6.45 i 26), kedani pedi in this place (KBo 4.14 iv 48), apez
linkiyaz from that oath (Huqq. 4.48f.), kardiyata of your heart (KBo 3.7 i 26).
15.4 22.2.1 It is doubtful if there are more than a few cases of true lack of concord in gender. When a
resumptive pronoun refers back to two nouns, one of which is common and the other neuter, the speaker cannot
avoid choosing between the two: for example
d
IMwa L.ME L.KR (com.) KUR.KUR.ME L. KR
(neut.) tukpat LUGAL-i GR.ME-a katta(n) zikkizzinuwaru (com.) ara dannaru DUG.KAM.I.A
maan duwarnikii , The Stormgod keeps putting the enemy men (com.) and the enemy lands (neut.) under
your feet, O king, and you smash them (com.) like empty vessels KBo 15.52 v 14-17 (the lands are ad sensum
people and therefore resumed by animate pronoun).
15.5 Other cases of disagreement in gender have been claimed for parts of the body, but there may be better
solutions: genuit his knee (neuter; KUB 7.i iii 7), and genuu his knees (com.; KBo 3.4 ii 20; KUB
13.4 ii 58), but Eichner has interpreted the latter as acc. pl. of a noun genui- Kniegelenk (Eichner 1979). The
two forms of the noun hand: kear (previous thought to be neut.) and keara (com.) seem to show inversion
in the possessive pronouns: U-aet (which implies *kearaet) (Hitt. Laws 4) and keari (Hittite Laws
3). But Neu 1983 97 with n. 354 has plausibly proposed that kear in keari is an asigmatic common gender
r-stem (CREF 4.81 (*5.4.3) and the paradigm in 4.78), since there is no attested example of kear as a
(neuter) direct object. Other possible instances of disagreement in gender may also require reconsideration: mn
antuwaa uppi if a person is pure (neuter!) (or perhaps: If a person is in a pure state [loc.]) (KBo 5.2 i 3);
and alongside correct ipantan mandan the entire night also GE-an man (KUB 1.13 iii 28; KBo 3.5 i 30);
nu[kan a(ntuatar )] (neut.) / kuinna (com.) apel ANA URU-U EGIR-pa [(peutet)] KUB 19.11 iv 14-15 (DS
fragment 13.D). More difficult to explain away is the apparent gender disagreement in umilin genu (com.) KBo
10.37 ii 33, where umili- is a com. gender adjective, perhaps meaning firm(?).
15.6 22.2.1.1 Heterogenericity plays a relatively minor role in Hittite. Among the nouns claimed as
heterogeneric in the dictionaries are: arui, ai, alil, alpa -, aniyatt -, anki, antuatar, antuwaa -, api -,
argama-/argaman -, arkammi-, ararura -, aul -, ate-/atea-, eka-, erui -, erman-, aar (a)-, ari -,
akkunai-, alentuwa-, alaltumar (i)-, ali -, alki-, annear,
DUG
anea-, ant -, appu(t)riya-, arganau -,
arnau -, arpa -,
DUG
ari -,
NINDA
ari -, arzazu-, a (a)-, etc. This is the subject of the book by Prins 1997. But a
number of the cases cited by her are not neuters, but collectives.
15.7 22.2.2 Disagreement in number is often accounted for as:
15.8 22.2.2.1 A collective singular being conceived as a plural: numukan GIM-an UN.ME-annaza A
d
ITARGAAN-Y A kaniuwar AE-YAya aulan awer but when the population (sg.) saw (plur.) the
186
honor of Ishtar, my lady, to me and the favor of my brother toward me
537
(Apol. of Hatt., i 30-31); RIN.ME-
zakan kuie tepawe iparter apt makan man ara apirpat they utterly annihilated it (apt , neut. sg.)
all (neut. sg.), the army (com. sg.) which (com. pl.) escaped (pl.) few in number (com.pl.) (Madduwatta text,
KUB 14.1 i 48, ed. Goetze 1928).
15.9 22.2.2.2 As in other Indo-European languages, neuter plural (collective) nouminal subjects take singular
predicates (2.3.1). When the predicate is an intransitive verb, it will be singular: Akalima uddr arai KBo
3.34 ii 18-19. When the predicate is made up of the verb to be and a predicate nominative adjective, the adjective
takes the singular form by attraction to the form of the verb to be (van den Hout 1984 63-64). That the singular
form of the predicate adjective is due to its attraction to the verb to be is shown by the fact that neut. pl. nouns
take neut. pl. attributive adjectives: idlawa uddr, liiyala uddr, akkanta UL uwanda uddr, kue uddr,
tami kukki uddr.
15.10 22.3 Nouns in apposition will show agreement in number and case.
15.11 22.3.1 Appositional constructions normally supply additional information about a substantive which may
or may not be essential to the meaning of the clause. nukan
m
Zidantan adda(n)an kuenta he killed Zidanta, his
father Tel. Procl. i 68; napa DINGIR.ME-i atta a
m
Zidanta ear et anir then the gods avenged the
blood of his father Zidanta Tel. Procl. ii 8; anna a MU[-a kuit uttar nu apt d ] the word which was of
his mother, the snake, that (word) he accepted KUB 1.16 (HAB) ii 10 (restored from the Akkadian version);
m
Telepinuaz
f
Itapariyan antezziyan NIN-ZU arta Telepinu had (as wife) Itapariya, his older sister Tel.
Procl. ii 8-10. Other examples: ABUYAnaza
f
DINGIR.ME-IR-ina DUMU.MUNUS-an ata My
father begat us (four sons) and DINGIR.ME-IR, a daughter KUB 1.1+ i 9-10 (Apology of Hatt. III); dapiya
iuna addan
d
Kumarbin iamii I sing of Kumarbi, father of all the gods Song of Ullik., Tabl. I A i 3;
lemawaran auzi
d
U-a
URU
KummiyaUR.SAG-liu LUGAL-u Let not the Stormgod (Teub), the brave
king of Kummiya, see him! Song of Ullik., I A iii 32;
d
Impaluri
L
SUKKAL-Y A uttarta kuie memikimi numu
uddana itamanan par lagan arak O Impaluri, my vizier, hold (your) ear inclined to my words which I am
speaking to you! Song of Ullik. I A ii 16-18;
URU
Tiliura URU-a
m
antilia UD-az dannatti eta Tiliura, the
city, was depopulated since the time (lit. day) of Hantili KUB XXI 29 i 11-12; takku antua L-a nama
MUNUS-za takiya URU-ri aki If a person, male or female, is killed in another town Hittite Laws 6.
15.12 22.3.2 Other appositional constructions seem to be almost adverbial in force, i.e., they serve more to
define or restrict the nature of the verbal action than the noun with which they are in apposition. nuwarankan
d
Ubelluriya ZAG-ni paltani iyattal tiyatten Place him (the child) on the right shoulder of Ubelluri (like) a
blade! Song of Ullik. I C iii 23-24; like a blade describes how Ubelluri is to be placed; numu kappinpat
DUMU-an
d
ITAR
URU
amua atti mi wekta ITARof amua asked my father for me (when I was) just (pat ) a

537
The dative -mu receives the verbal action implied in both kaniuwar and aulan.
187
small child KBo 6.29 i 7-8 (Apol. of Hatt. III, other version); ka tuk
m
uqqanan appezzin UR.SAG-an ar
daun I took you up, H., (when you were) a common soldier KBo 5.3 i 2-3 (treaty w. Huqq.); if a slave pays
the brideprice for a free young man nan antiyantan epzi and takes him (as) a live-in son-in-law (Hittite Laws
36). Such examples seem to be different from double accusatives with verbs like iya- to make, alzai- to call,
and te-, etc. (on which see van den Hout 1992).
15.13 22.3.2.1 Some of these examples are participles in the nominative case, appearing immediately before the
verb: .-aan GI.N-a arkuwanza ekit he lay down on the bed in the bedroom booted (i.e., with his
boots one) KUB 24.8 i 25-26 (Appu story, ed. StBoT 14); naza ITTI
m
Appu waanza ekit and she (his
wife) would lie down with Appu clothed (i.e., with her clothes on) KUB 24.8 i 30; kuiwattakan A KUR
URU
atti
L
uyanza anda uizzi whoever of the land of Hatti takes refuge with you as a fugitive KUB 14.1 obv. 34
(Madd.); Telepinu lelaniyanza uit uwantiwantaz / titikitta Telepinu came as a furious one: with lightning he
thunders KUB 17.10 ii 33-34; nukan nepia K-a zikpat aanuwanza UTU-u / arrekii you pass
through heavens gate as an established Sungod KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44+ i 30-31 (this case could be an
appositional vocative, CREF 15.15 (*22.4). Since most nominative participles are predicates, the less common
non-predicative ones tend to assume the role of apposition to the subject.
15.14 22.3.2.2 Related to this construction, if not the very same, are the double accusative constructions to be
discussed later in Chapter 16.
15.15 22.4 An appositional construction not to be confused with the true vocative construction (CREF
Hoffner 1998a and (CREF 3.36 and 16.14) is used for direct address.
15.16 22.5 Singular forms are often used following numbers greater than 1.
16. Cases: Nominative, Vocative & Accusative
188
CHAPTER 16
NOMINATIVE, VOCATIVE, AND ACCUSATIVE CASES
16.1. 23.0 STEM FORM. There are several situations in which scribes used the bare stem form: (a) As a real
pronounced form it could represent the vocative case (23.2), (b) or a naming construction (23.2.3); and (c) as
a purely graphic entity when the noun in question is a proper name (personal, divine or geographical), when
following an Akkadian preposition (ANA, INA, A, etc.), or in listings immediately following a numeral (nu 2
NINDA
zipinni nu aeanzi KBo 5.1 ii 15). Situation (c) is referred to as Akkadographic in the CHD. Some
early Hittitologists had such words set in upper case italics like real Akkadograms.
16.2. 23.1.1 NOMINATIVE. The nominative case is primarily the case of the subject of the clause , regardless
of the nature of the predicate (noun phrase or verb). Thus in the sentence anna i MU-a (KUB 1.16 ii 20),
his mother (is) a snake, the noun anna is in the nominative case the subject of the sentence whose predicate is
MU-a. In the verbal sentence iaian ganezi (Laws 61), its owner recognizes it, the noun ia is also
nominative by virtue of its function as subject of the verb gane-.
16.3. Any demonstrative, attributive adjective, or other such form modifying the subject of the sentence will be
nominative also under the conditions of grammatical agreement (CREF Chapter 15). Nouns or adjectives which
serve as the predicate in sentences with linking verbs (to be, to become, to appear, etc.) also stand in the
nominative case. For example, MU-a snake in anna i MU-a. The predicate nominative is sometimes
called a subject complement.
16.4. 23.1.2.1As in other languages, the verb to be may be omitted in Hittite in the present tense. Because of
the absence of an expressed finite verb these sentences are often called nominal sentences. Examples are: DAM
BELI-NImawana wannummiya the wife of our master (is) a widow KBo 14.12 iv 19-20 (DS fr. 28); takku
DUMU.MUNUS L-ni taranza if a daughter (is) promised (in marriage) to a man (Laws 28), -eret
arawan , aree arawe his house (is) exempt, his colleagues (are) exempt (Laws 51),
partawa (r)etwa amiyanta apawa amiyanza its wings (are) small, and it (is) small KUB 17.10 i 38
(Tel. myth, OH/MS).
16.5. 23.1.2.2 The predicate noun or adjective will also occur in the nominative case, when the verb e- to be
is expressed ammukkaza
f
Puduepa arnawa MUNUS-za mi, I, Puduepa, am a woman of the bearing stool
KUB 21.27 ii 17 (prayer of Pud.); umea DINGIR.ME-a uddani naante ten You (pl.) be afraid of the
word/matter of the gods KUB 1.16 iii 49-50 (OH/NS); kuduwata l andanpat du Let not slander be
established! KUB 1.16 iii 61-61. Similarly when the verb is ki- to become: zikwa UR.BAR.RA-a kiat You
have become a wolf Laws 37 (OH).
189
16.6. Since appositional elements regardless of their case can serve for direct address (CREF 16.14), one
naturally finds many nominatives so used.
16.7. Although quite rare, there are also clear instances of a non-appositional nominative of direct address .
Like the true vocative case (23.2ff.), this nominative stands in a clause by itself. Only two examples are known:
ai EME-a gaga qa makan / parkuin miriwantan arkin
GI
PA UL walantan / UDU-un ipantaun O
mouth, tongue, tooth! Lo, I have sacrificed to you a pure, gleaming white sheep, never struck with a rod KBo
15.10 ii 8-10 (MH/MS), ed. Szabo, THeth 1; UMMA
d
Gula
d
NIN.TU-a
d
IM-na atta kuitwa uw [(a)] Thus
said to Fate deities and Mother goddess: O Father Stormgod, why have you come? KUB 33.24 (+) 33.28 i 38
(OH/NS).
16.8. The naming function of the nominative case is reflected in its frequent appearance in lists: 3 GUD.MU.2 3
GUD.MU.l 4 awitiza pi, he shall give three two-year-old oxen, three yearling oxen, and four weanlings
(Laws 63). As the example shows, this usage includes cases where the list as a whole may logically be construed
as the direct object of a verb.
16.9. 23.2 VOCATIVE. The form of the vocative is the bare stem (i lord!, arku preeminent KUB
31.129 obv. 4, CREF 16.1 (*23.0), or the stem plus the vowel i (attime O my father KBo 12.70 rev.! 10b,
arkui LUGAL-ue O heroic king KUB 31.127 i 15), or e (LUGAL-ue O king). Examples are so rare that it is
difficult to formulate a rule as to which of the three forms occur under what circumstances.
538
16.10. a-stems can take either the bare stem i or the ending -i (as in attime ). All other examples are u-stems
(see Weitenberg 1984 832-833): the noun au- (LUGAL-u-) king, the name Itanu (UTU-u-), and the
adjective arku- preeminent. Here either -i or -e can occur. The -e can also occur on the clitic possessive my in
attime , which in OH shows i-mutation..
16.11. 23.2.1 There is no plural vocative ending -e (contra Kammenhuber 1969b 303). Examples of
DINGIR.ME mante or DINGIR.L.ME DINGIR.MUNUS.ME mante as direct address in the god-lists
of the treaties are nominatives used in the appositional direct address form. Similarly, nuza ka ume L.ME
KUR
URU
Imirika mante IT[TI U]TU-[I l]i[n]kiyaa All you men of Imerika are parties to his oath with
His Majesty KUB 26.41 (+) 23.68 + ABoT 58 rev. 7 (MH/NS). Examples such as these do not prove a plural
vocative ending -e.
16.12. 23.2.2 Occurrences or Examples . The true vocative is used principally in prayers and mythological texts:
[(UTU-e)] imi O Itanu, my lord (KUB 31.127 i 1); UTU-e arkui LUGAL-ue, O Itanu, heroic king
(KUB 31.127 i 15);
d
Impaluri
L
SUKKAL-YA, O Impaluri, my vizier! (Ullik. I A ii 16);
d
Mukianu
L
SUKKAL-YA, O Mukianu, my vizier! (Ullik. I C ii 32), iunimi zikmu iya O my god! You made me

538
For the attempt by Luraghi (1997 2.1.6.2) to establish a criterion with the u-stems see above in 16.14.
190
KUB 30.10 rev. 11-12 (prayer). inana UTU-i kata SSKUR peun O Sungod of Illness, I have hereby
given to you a sacrifice KUB 7.1 + KBo 3.8 i 6; cf. also ibid. i 15; [Ala]waimi la namma zaikii O
Alawaimi, fight them no longer! KUB 27.67 ii 31. Note how in all these examples the vocative stands in a
separate clause of its own and is not included in the immediately following clause with the verb (see Hoffner
1998a).
16.13. 23.2.3 Also exhibiting the form of the bare stem (3.15, 3.22, 3.28, 3.32. 3.41, 4.4), but not
serving the purpose of direct address, is the form used for the introduction of new names (Gterbock 1945; Hoffner
1968a; Hahn 1969; Laroche 1969; Stefanini 1974; Hoffner 1998b): MUNUS-a lamanet intalimeni (there
was) a woman whose name was . (KUB 33.121 ii 5); URU-a lamanet
URU
udul , (there was) a town whose
name was udul (KUB 14.8+ i 7); L-a Appu lamanet, (there was) a man whose name was Appu (KUB
14.8+ i 9-10).
16.14. Appositional Direct Address. As in other PIE languages, the nominative case forms occasionally appear in
the role of vocatives (i.e., in direct address) (Meier-Brgger 2000 249f.), but in Hittite the embedded direct address
form also occurs and in whatever case is appropriate to the syntax, often with the name in apposition to an
independent personal pronoun used for direct address: DINGIR.MA IM-ni tet iya kuitki / []IM-a
DINGIR.MA said to the Stormgod, Do something, Stormgod! (KUB 17.10 i 30-31); nu tuel iuna uddanta
natta lazziyaat Did I not prosper by your word, O god? (KUB 30.10 obv. 18). Here iuna is genitive singular
in apposition to tuel your, of you. CREF Also KBo 3.27: 15-16 in 10.13. Rarely, however, the nominative
form in its own clause stands for the vocative, as in Middle Hittite: ai EME-a gag O mouth, tongue, tooth
KBo 15.10+ ii 8. It is inappropriate, however, to claim (as Kammenhuber does
539
) that with substantives of
common gender the vocative corresponds in general to the nominative, since this implies that such forms are really
vocatives that merely share the same endings with the nominative! When Luraghi 1997 2.1.5.1 writes It [the
nominative] is also used as a vocative in the plural, she ignores the fact that one can use any case form in singular
or plural for direct address, so long as it does not occupy its own separate clause, as the true vocative does. The fact
that there appears to have been no distinctively plural vocative ending does not justify her claim (2.1.6.2) that the
nominative [plural] is used in its place. For further discussion CREF footnote 538 and in Chapter 16. See the
treatment of the subject in Hoffner 1998a.
16.15. 23.3 ACCUSATIVE. The principal use of the accusative case is as the direct object of transitive verbs.
takku L.U.LU-an kuiki nikzi tan itarnikzi nu apn ktizzi pdiima L.U.LU-an pi mna
lazziattama nue 6 GN K.BABBAR pi, If someone injures a man, and makes him ill, he shall look after
him and give a man in his place; but when he recovers, he shall give him six shekels of silver (Laws 10).

539
Der Vokativ bei Subst. commune entspricht im allgemeinem dem Nominativ Kammenhuber 1969b193 [19.1].
191
16.16. 23.3.1 Double objects (van den Hout 1992) are particularly common with verbs which are causatives of
transitive verbs (apan zai , he crosses the river; GUD-U D-an zinukizzi (zinu- is the causative of zai-) he
makes his ox cross the river) (Laws 43). But verbs other than causatives of transitives also take double objects,
among them: iya- to make something (first acc.) into something (second acc.). LUGAL-uan ANA
URU
Tapaanda EN-an iyanun, I, the king, made him lord for GN (KUB 1.16 ii 63-64, OH/NS); nu aruna
iru iet, he made them (u ) borders (iru) of the sea (KBo 3.1+ i 8, OH/NS); nui
m
Ammunanapel
aandan DINGIR.ME L.KR-an ier, the gods made Ammuna, his (Zidantas) own son (aandan ), his
enemy (KBo 3.1+ i 67, OH/NS); nu LUGAL-u . . .
L.ME
APIN.LAL iyanun, I, the king, made them farmers
(
L.ME
APIN.LAL) (KBo 3.1+ ii 29-30, OH/NS); R-Y Amawa nwan par dai nu waranzakan
L
MUTI-YA iyami , I refuse to (nwan) take my servant and make him my husband (DS fr. 28, A iii 14-15);
nuza
URU
Taruntaan alli pedan iyat, he (Muwatalli II) made the city Taruntaa the great place (i.e., the
new capital city) (KBo 6.29+ i 32, Hatt. III).
16.17. 23.3.1.1 From the fundamental meaning to make into such constructions developed into a mode for the
expression of the idea to treat like: DUMU.ME
URU
Nea idalu natta kuedanikki takkita [nu ] annu attu
iet, He harmed none of the citizens (lit. sons) of Nea, but treated [them] like mothers (and) fathers (KBo 3.22
obv 7-9); kuiwaranzan dai nuwaran uppiyaar iyazzi, who will take him (the speakers son) and treat
him like a gift? (Ullik. I A iii 28-29).
16.18. 23.3.1.2 Other verbs which like iya- take the double object are: alzai - to call te-/tar- to designate as,
declare to be, allanu- to raise up to be, iai - to provide someone with something. Examples: LUGAL-
uanza DUMU-la(n)man alziun, I, the king, have designated him as my son (KUB 1.16 ii 3-4);
numa TUR-lan labarnan tenun , to you have I declared the young man to be the Labarna (KUB 1.16 ii 2-3);
takku . . . A..I.A A L
GIS
TUKUL arkantan taranzi , if they declare the fields of a craftsman to be vacated
(Laws 40); nu idalun UD-an uwappan allanukizzi, he raises up a bad day to be (or which is) an evil
(Ullik. I A i 6); MUNUS.ME wannummiu aniyattan iai , he provides the widow women with a task KBo
16.54+ 15; cf. ArOr 33, 1965, 337-338.
16.19. 23.3.1.3 Another double accusative construction in Hittite is partitive apposition , what corresponds to
the Greek o_) uo iou c \cV io uc pc. It is found almost exclusively in relation to the human body: takku R-
an nama GME-an KIRet kuiki waki, if anyone bites off the nose of a slave boy or a slave girl (lit., bites a
slave boy or slave girls, namely his/her nose) (Laws 14); (if any young man is sick,) nan tuikku igai , I
anoint him, (namely his) members (KUB 7.1+ 39-40); etc. That this construction only became popular in Hittite
after Old Hittite is clear from passages in the laws where the Old Script copy KBo 6.2 uses the genitive
construction and the NH copyist of KBo 6.3 replaced it with o_)uo (Laws 11-13). On partitive apposition and
its relation to the so-called split genitive see Garrett 1998 and CREF 17.11.
192
16.20. 23.3.1.4 When the partitive accusative construction undergoes passivization, the whole (scil. the person)
becomes the subject, while the part (scil. the body part) remains in the accusative. Examples: na genzu
amikta<t>na
UZU
pantaan amiktat he was bound with respect to (his) genzu (scrotum?), he was bound
with respect to his bladder KUB 7.1 iii 5ff. (CHD P 95), DINGIR.MEzakan KAUKUNU idlawaz
uddnaz rrante ten Be cleansed, O gods, with respect to your mouths, from evil words, KUB 43.58 ii
39-41.
16.21. 23.3.2 As the locative case answers the question in what place?, so the allative and occasionally the
accusative case answer the question to what place?: nuzakan arunan tapua [iyanniyanun], [I went] to the
side (allative) of the sea (acc.) (Ullik. Tablet I A ii 11-12) numa UR.SAG-an paranzi , and they will chase
you into the mountain (acc.) (KUB 13.3 ii 11). This is what Neu 1980 30 n. 67 calls Akkusativ der Richtung
(accusative of direction). It is an archaic feature seen in other old PIE languages. It is unclear whether there is a
functional distinction between the accusative of place to which and the allative, or merely a replacement of the
former by the latter (Neu 1980).
16.22. 23.3.2.1 The accusative answers the question in what place? only in the sense that it is construed with
the verb e-/a- used transitively in the sense to dwell in, inhabit, occupy (HW
2
II 97ff.):
d
Itanuza
URU
ZIMBIR-an zi,
d
SIN-amaza
URU
Kuzinan zi,
d
U-aza
URU
Kummiyan zi,
d
ITAR-imaza
URU
Nenuwan zi,
d
Nanayamaza
URU
Kiinan zi, the Sungod dwells in Sippar, the Moongod dwells in
Kuzina, the Stormgod dwells in Kummiya, (the goddess) Ishtar dwells in Nenuwa, Nanaya dwells in Kiina
(KUB 24.8+ iv 13-17); [k]awatta KUR
UR.SAG
Zippal AD[DIN] nuwaza apnpat ei namma maz
ar tamain apatin tamai utne ZI-it l tari I have given you the Mountain Country Zippal; occupy only it;
over and above (this), do not intentionally occupy any other river country or land KUB 14.1 obv. 19-20, MH/MS.
Note that zi in KUB 24.8 and ei in KUB 14.1 are formally active transitives, and tari in the latter is a
transitive middle.
16.23. 23.3.2.2 Related to the accusative of place to which but distinct from it is the accusative of the way :
laan kuwatta RIN.ME-u paizzi ne appa UL SIG-in uikanta,on whatever expedition the troops went
(actually both verbs are present tense) they returned unsuccessful (KBo 3.1+ ii 3-4);
d
UTU-waat takna
KASKAL-an paiddu , let it (i.e., the evil) go the way of the Sungoddess of the Netherworld! (KUB 33.54+ ii 4)
(CREF 17.8; mankan
HUR.SAG
Teinan ar pun I would have ascended Mt. Teina (KUB 19.37 iii 49).
16.24. [Accusative of respect or specification HERE] Some examples might be also classified as o_)uo:
nan tukku igai And I anoint him with respect to the body parts (i.e., on the body parts) KUB 7.1 i 40
(rit.). But other examples in which the clitic pronoun does not agree with the noun in case cannot be so considered:
wappuwa DINGIR.MA-a / kaza 12
UZU
R paprannanza tuel / U-it apiyan[za] parkunuwanza O
DINGIR.MA of the River Bank! Be cleansed from defilement and purified by your hand with respect to (your) 12
body parts KUB 12.58+ ii1-3.
193
16.25. 23.3.3 Adverbial accusatives have been adduced from forms such as: antezzi in the first place, first of
all and karuwariwar in the morning.
16.26. 23.3.4 The accusative of extent, dimension, duration (of time or space) is seen in the following
examples: nuza UD-an (acc.) 2-anki 3-anki t, eat twice (or) thrice in the course of a day! (KUB 1.16 ii 30);
INA UD.1.KAMwara AMMATU pargawekaddari INAITU.1.KAMmawara IKU-an pargawekaddari
in one day (Ullikummi) will grow a cubit, in one month he will grow an IKU Ullik. I C iii 25-26; cf. CHD nai-
15. In the second example it is not the time that is in the accusative, but the height (AMMATU, IKU-an). For the
locative occasionally designating extent of time CREF 17.41.
16.27. 23.3.5 The figura etymologica of the classical languages (and of several Semitic languages as well
540
) is
to be found in Hittite as well. The characteristic of this construction is a verb which takes as direct object a noun
from the same root or stem (cognate accusative): annear anna- to judge a judgment, kupiyatin kup- to plot a
plot, ukmae uek- to incant incantations, uppear uppa- to send sendings, ullatar ulliya- to argue
arguments, arnikzel arnink- to make compensation. ullanzan ullai- to fight a fight. uittear uittiya- to
pull out tufts, atan ek- to sleep a sleep, memiyan mema- to speak a word, iuear iuwa- to heap a
heap, iiul iiya- to tie a tie.
16.28. 23.3.6 The construction of the logical subject as a grammatical accusative object of an impersonal verb is
to be found with verbs of sickness (itark-, irmaliya- ) and emotion (na-). Some of the better examples use dative-
accusative clitic pronouns, which are ambigous: mnmu itarkzi when I got (historical present 24.1625.4f.)
sick Apology of Hattusili i 44, tukma irmaliyattat , you became ill (Duppi-Teup treaty, 7). The active verb
itark- behaves in the same way: tuk itarkta you became sick (lit. it sick-ed you). With a transitive middle: nu
LUGAL-SIN-u-un / [EY ]A [ itar(kiyattat na)] BA. And arri-kuu, my brother, became ill, and
he died KUB 14.29 + 19.3 i 31 with dup. KBo 4.4 i 6. We see the origin of the impersonal verb itark- in the
following example, where the subject (illness) is expressed: nu
GI
kalmina paitpat / [nu
URU
A]paan A
Uaziti URU-an GUL-ata Uazitina GUL-ata / nan idlu GIG-a itarkta A thunderbolt went and
struck Apaa, Uazitis city; it struck Uaziti, and a serious (lit. bad) illness befell him KUB 14.15 ii 4-6
(AM 46f.), cf. ibid. ii 13.
16.29. 23.3.6.1 Note, however, that the verbs of sickness can also be construed with a personal subject:
(Arnuwanda, son of uppiluliuma, sat down on the throne of his father;) EGIR-anmaa irmaliyattatpat but
later he became ill as well KBo 3.4 i 5-6 (AM 14f.).

540
Compare the paronomastic infinitive constructions of Akkadian: Ungnad 1992 109d and the schema etymologicum
(or internal object) of Biblical Hebrew (Gesenius, Kautsch, and Cowley 1910 117 p and 113 l-x).
194
16.30. 23.3.6.2 The use with verbs of emotion (the Hittite example being na- to fear) depends on ones ability
to interpret -tta as acc. and ni as a third sg. pres. instead of second sg. imperative in ltta ni fear not KUB
30.36 ii 8. This is possible because of the lack of attestation of singular dative clitics (plurals can be found)
standing for the reflexive -za in Hittite (CREF 32.2) and the rarity of the l + imperative construction (CREF
29.13 and CHD l). For the impersonal construction compare German mich frchtet, Latin m vertur.
17. Cases: Genitive, Dative, Locative & Allative
195
CHAPTER 17
GENITIVE, DATIVE, LOCATIVE AND ALLATIVE CASES
17.1. 24.0 Adnominal And Adverbal Cases. Of the five Indo-European cases in Hittite, three (vocative,
nominative, genitive) are primarily adnominal cases, and the remaining five (accusative, dative, locative, ablative,
and instrumental) are adverbal. One can understand how the vocative can be considered adnominal, since in Hittite
it constitutes a complete clause in itself (Hoffner 1998a). Similarly, nouns and pronouncs in the nominative case
serve as subjects of finite verbs, but as predicates only of the linking verbs e- to be, ki- to become, etc. This
sets it apart from the remaining cases, which relate in manifold ways as objects of finite verb forms.
17.2. 24.0.1 In the case of the genitive, however, certain factors appear to call into question the claim that the
genitive is an adnominal case. Thus in Greek, Latin and some other IE languages the genitive occasionally serves as
the object of a transitive verb (verbs of perception [hear, see], ruling, etc.). And in Hittite there seems to be
evidence for a genitive of cause which answers the question why? about the verbal action, thus being adverbal
(CREF below). Nevertheless, the vast majority of uses of the genitive reveal its essentially adnominal character. It
can also stand alone with only an implied head noun, CREF 28.9. On the Hittite genitive see Otten and Soucek
1969 60ff., Yoshida 1987; Carruba 1978-1979.
17.3. 24.1 GENITIVE. The normal word order for Hittite is genitive + head noun, not head noun + genitive
as in the Semitic languages (see Sommer and Falkenstein 1938

47f.). This is already consistently the rule in Old
Hittite
URU
Na LUGAL-u the king of Nea, nepia
d
IM-na -er the house of the Stormgod of Heaven,
patnna
GI
GR.GUB a stool of the feet, DUMU.ME-an parna to the house of the princes,
d
IM-na
aantii to the concubine of the Stormgod, labarnaa MU.I.Ae the Labarnas years (see Otten
and Soucek 1969 60ff., and Neu 1974 96f.), with only a few exceptional cases: antaepu arwani GI-a
(StBoT 8 i 22). The structure of Greek, Latin and German syntax permits either position for the genitive, either
preceding or following the head noun, while current English requires the possessive form (Freds) to precede its
governing noun (Freds hat). In this respect Hittite resembles current English. Additional examples:
URU
Nea
LUGAL-u Neas king, atta a -ri in the house (locative) of his father (lit. of father, of his), LUGAL-
an aka to the gate (allative) of the king (archaic genitive in -an), URU-a pupulli the ruins (neut. nom.-acc.) of
a city, U.ME-a wtar water (neut. nom.-acc.) of (i.e. for) the hands, genuwa GAD-an cloth (accusative)
of (i.e., for) the knees, iunan uddr the words (neut. pl. nom.-acc.) of the gods (gen. pl.), MUNUS-a dwar
the taking (neut. nom-acc.) of a woman (objective genitive).
17.4. 24.1.1 If a demonstrative pronoun modifies the head noun, the word order is demonstrative + genitive +
head noun: nu ini A
GI
INBI
I.A
er[i] That image (made) of fruits KUB 39.11:40 (funerary rit.), ed. HTR 68f.;
k tandukena DUMU-a this mortal (lit. this child of mortality) KUB 7.5 i 8, ed. Hoffner 1987.
196
17.5. 24.1.1.1 If an attributive adjective modifies a head noun governing a genitive, the sequence is
ATTRIBUTIVE + GENITIVE + HEAD: andanza maniya[]aya i zi[k] You are a just lord of rule KUB
31.127 + ABoT 44+ i 20 (prayer).
17.6. 24.1.2 Certain conditions describe the less common cases in which the sequence head noun + genitive is
found:
17.7. 24.1.2.1 Principally, it is the presence of a Sumerogram (or Akkadogram) in the construction which causes
the reversal of the sequence: DINGIR.ME EN.ME nepia daganzipa a the gods, lords of heaven and of
earth KUB 6.45+ i 36; AN.BAR GE nepia black iron of (i.e. from) the sky (= meteorite iron) KBo 4.1 i 39.
17.8. 24.1.2.2 A second factor is the occurrence of a genitive phrase within another genitive phrase: taknaat
d
UTU-a KASKAL-an paiddu Let it (at) go (paiddu) the way (acc. sg.) of the Sungoddess of the Earth KUB
17.10 iv 13 is the normal order, but it can also be written
d
UTU-waat takna KASKAL-an paiddu (KUB 33.54+
ii 4, CREF 16.22) with the positions of
d
UTU-wa Sungod and takna earth interchanged. Since this is an
isolated example, it may be only a scribal error. In any event, the second example does not mean way of the earth
of the Sungoddess, as its order would usually be understood.
17.9. 24.1.2.3 Units of weight or measure which occur in the genitive case always follow their head nouns: 4
NINDA
arau tarna four thick breads of (i.e. weighing each) a tarna i.e., not 4 tarna
NINDA
arau or the like.
Perhaps it was the presence of the numeral 4 preceding the
NINDA
arau which caused the genitive tarna to move
to a position following the governing noun, to remove the ambiguity (is it 4 loaves each one tarna or an
indeterminate number of loaves each of 4 tarna ?). Also dependent upon kuia each: nuan ANA
GI
irui
NINDA.LL.I.A mante kuia A \ UPNI kitta All the honey loaves each \ UPNU (in size/weight)
were(!) lying in a basket KBo 21.34 + IBoT 1.7 iii 32-33; nu 9 NINDA.GUR.RA.I.A / anda neyandu tarna
9 NINDA.GUR.RA.I.A tarna / 3 NINDA n kuia tarna udanzi They bring (in) nine thick loaves braided
together (each weighing) a tarna , nine oiled thick loaves (each weighing) a tarna , and three warm loaves (each
weighing) a tarna KUB 17.23 i 2-4; NINDA.LLyaan manda / kuia par tarna kittari KUB 32.128 i
5-6; 3 NINDA-an azzila KUB 7.53 i 22;
NINDA
iduri ZD.DA azzila KBo 15.37 i 8; 1
DUG
DLIM.GAL TU
emeuna azzila KBo 16.49 iv 6.
17.10. 24.1.2.3.1 When the genitive is the indefinite pronoun kuelka, this normally follows the head noun
(CREF 24.1.2.5 below).
17.11. 24.1.2.4 Often the dependent genitive is doubled in a clitic possessive pronoun on the head noun (called
by Otten and Soucek 1969 70 pleonastischer Gebrauch). Garrett (1998), who calls it a split genitive, has shown
that this construction is normally restricted to inalienable possession (body parts, etc.): L.U.LU-a ELLAM-a
KAKAK=et KBo 6.3 i 33-34 (Laws 13, OH/NS), GME-a aruwan[du]u LAW 18 (B i 43-44), tuel
UMKA KUB 24.3++ ii 52 (NH), tuel EKA HKM 63: 12 (MH/MS), tuel SAG.DUKA KBo 5.3 i
197
19 (NH), ammel DUMUYA ibid. i 37, This too already occurs in OH: kel meneit this ones face, Laws
166); [a]mmella lm<n>=mit KUB 1.16 iii 13 (OH/NS), labarnaa MU.I.Ae the Labarnas years,
ammel tueggamie VBoT 58 i 24 (OH/NS).
17.12. 24.1.2.4.1 In some cases, however, even as early as OS, it seems not to be inalienable possession:
d
IM-na
aantii to the concubine of the Stormgod, LUGAL-a MUNUS.LUGAL-a paprataramet their (i.e.)
the kings and queens impurity StBoT 8 ii 10f., uppalaet kuelkasomeones animals Laws 163.
17.13. 24.1.2.4.2 In the same way the doubling possessive can be suffixed to a primitive noun become adverb
(kitkar, er): LUGAL-a MUNUS.LUGAL-a kitkaramet, LUGAL-a MUNUS.LUGAL-aa eremet.
17.14. 24.1.2.5 When the genitive is the indefinite pronoun kuelka, this normally follows the head noun:
uppalaet kuelkasomeones animals Laws 163, parnama kuelka to someones house Laws 44b, takku
GU-a A..I.A-ni kuelka aki If an ox dies on someones field Laws 72, wadul kuelka autti you see
someones sin KUB 1.16 iii 59-60, This pattern persists even when the kuelka is negated: [ARAD.M]E-nata
GME-an natta kuelka daun I took no ones [male slave] (or) female slave KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41 6. For
further examples CREF the following paragraphs.
17.15. 24.1.2.6 But rarely in Late Hittite, when kuelka modifies a noun in the genitive, it precedes the head noun
(DUMU-a): mna apel / A MUNUS-TI DUMU-a mna tamel kuelqa MUNUS-a DUMU-a If he is a
child of that woman, if he is a child of some other woman Bronze Tablet ii 90-92 (Tudh. IV).
17.16. 24.2 The Hittite genitive has the following uses:
(1) to indicate the possessor (possessive genitive),
(2) to indicate the whole from which the head noun denotes a part (partitive genitive),
(3) to indicate the material, contents or quality of the head noun,
(4) to indicate the actor (subjective genitive) or acted upon (objective genitive) when the head noun
denotes an action.
(5) to indicate the length, width, capacity, or weight of the head noun (genitive of measure)
17.17. 24.2.1 The most common genitive use is the possessive genitive (in OH see Yoshida 1987 12-46):
kuela ari aki on what (person)s property he dies (Laws 6), GME-a aruwandu u the slave womans
unborn child (Laws 18), atta aa -ri aki and (if) she dies in her fathers house (Laws 27),
ammelpatwaza GUD-un dai (I have decided that) I will take my own ox (Laws 74), URU-a lamanet
the citys name KUB 14.8+ i 7; apelpat annaa katta watai Laws 189; he sins with his own mother;
apella DUMU.MEU and his sons KBo 3.1 i 12; tuel DUMUKA your son KUB 12.60 i 17. CREF
further examples with split genitive above in 17.11.
198
17.18. 24.2.1.1 The partitive genitive (genitive of the whole) (Yoshida 1987 88-90) is weakly attested in OH
by the following: A
L
URUDU.NAGAR UL kuiki araua no one of the copperworker(s) is exempt KBo 6.6 i
31 (Laws 56, OH/NS) and a few other exx. adduced by Yoshida, which are somewhat doubtful. One of these, also
proposed by Neu (1974 46, 56): ardia(n)anna kuin uwatet of the Anitta text (Neu: wen von seinen Helfern
[. is gen. pl.]), is also doubted by Houwink ten Cate (1984 79 n. 51). This clause could be interpreted as his
auxiliary troop (acc.) which he brought, taking ardian as acc. sg. In most clear cases of the partitive genitive in
Old Hittite, the genitive seems to depend on the indefinite pronoun kuiki as the head pronoun. As a partitive
genitive in the NH period Friedrich (HE 1 211) cites: nuza mandapat EGIR-ezzi DUMU-a eun I was
the last child of all Hatt. i 11. Further examples of the comparative and superlative constructions can be found in
20.8 (*27.5), where the forms in -a are taken to be locative plurals rather than as genitive.
17.19. Similar to the partitive genitive is the construction in which the entire person is the genitive and a body
part is the head noun, but this can also be seen as the possessive genitive (called o_) uo iou c \cV io uc pc; cf.
Friedrich 1960 123f. 213, Kammenhuber 1969b 203f., Yoshida 1987 34f., Neu 1997 142f.): tk-ku L.U.LU-
a EL-LAM-a QA-AS-Sna-a-ma GR-U ku-i-ki tu-wa-a[r-ni-iz-zi] If anyone breaks a free persons arm or
leg KBo 6.2 i 20 (Laws 11, OS). Note: The OS copy KBo 6.2+ (A) uses the genitive, while the NH copies B
and C replace it with the o_) uo iou c \cV io uc pc: tk-kuL.U.LU-an EL-LUM QA-AS-Sna-a-ma GR-
U ku-i-ki tu-wa-ar-ni -iz-zi. Garrett has pointed out that this partitive apposition replaced the older split genitive
and is consequently only used with inalienable possession (body parts, etc.).
17.20. 24.2.2 The genitive of material (made) of (Yoshida 1987 70-76) is attested in: DUG.GIR-a GAL-in
goblet of fired clay KUB 13.3 ii 26, 1
GI
unila
GI
laura TUR one small laura- table of unila- wood,
IM-a
DUG
upuwai .-vessel (made) of clay (2Mast. ii 55), eppitta
NINDA
danna danna -loaves (made) of
eppit-cereal KUB 9.16 i 19 with dupl. KUB 10.48, and a final example: tueggamai NA-a kunkunuzziya
iyanza its body (was made) of k.-stone Ullik. I A iv 12. This last construction is what in Latin is called the
predicate genitive (haec domus est patris mei). For more examples in OH see Otten, StBoT 8 61.
17.21. 24.2.3 The genitive of contents (head noun is the container, genitive is the contents) (Yoshida 1987 83-
87) is exemplified in: 1
DUG
DLIM GAL
TU
ampukkiya one large bowl of ampukki-stew KBo 5.1 iii 10-11,
ZA.UM K.BABBAR A ME_ one silver ZA.UM-vessel of water KUB 39.70 i 17.
17.22. 24.2.4 The opposite of the genitive of the contents is the genitive of the container : A
garupaiya
ezzan the chaff of (i.e., contained in) the granary Hatt. iv 82-83 (on this passage see von Schuler in Or NS 52 [Fs
Kammenhuber]).
17.23. 24.2.5 Examples of the genitive of measure can be found above in 17.9).
17.24. 24.3.1 In Old and Middle Hittite some postpositions still governed their preceding nouns in the genitive
case, whereas in New Hittite they switched to the locative. CREF 23.4f. for examples.
199
17.25. 24.3.2 In New Hittite one postposition continues to govern the genitive case, iwar in the manner of, like
(see the dictionaries, Hoffner 1993 and 21.8). UR.GI-a iwar like a dog, L-a iwar like a man KUB 31.69
i 5, E.ME-a iwar like brothers, L.KR-a iwar like an enemy, A
m
Mauiluwa iwar like
Mauiluwa Kup. D iii 55, LUGAL-uezna iwar = A LUGAL-UTTI iwar in the manner of royalty, like a
king KBo 2.5+ iii 29-30 (AM 188) = KBo 3.4 iii 75 (AM 88f.), A
L
U.DIB iwar like a captive Hatt. IV 62,
URU
attua iwar in the Hittite manner KUB 21.17 iii 7, anzel iwar like us KUB 17.21 i 16; nu ammel iwar
kuwatqa iya[i] Perhaps you will act like me KUB 60.136:4 compared with nu ziqqa kuatqa A Maturi iwar
iyai Perhaps you will act like Maturi KUB 23.1 ii 29-30 (aukamuwa); ANAKUR L.KR-KA zakkiya
iwar tiya[zi] he will enter (literally, step to) the your hostile land like a key (enters a lock) KUB 29.11 ii 4
(translation of Akkadian lunar omen); nuwa uga A-a iwar uiyami and I will squeal like a pig KUB 14.1
rev. 93 (Madd., MH/MS); nuwakan apel ZI-an DINGIR.ME uwitena iwar ara lauwaten pour out his
soul, O gods, like water KUB 13.3 iii 1-2 (inst.). On the Hurrian tab-a-a-a as equivalent of Hittite
L
SAGI-a
iwar in the Hurro-Hittite bilingual see Neu 1988a 15.
17.26. 24.3.3 In later NH iwar is occasionally written (not spoken!) as a preposition before logograms or proper
names written as logograms (without case endings): g iwar LUGAL
KUR
Karg[ami] I, like the King of
Carchemish KBo 18.48 obv. 19 (letter); iwar
m
Manini like Manini KUB 5.1 i 43 (cf. ibid. 87, 90, 93); iwar
MUNUS U.GI like an Old Woman IBoT 1.33:84; iwar
URU
Arzawain the manner of Arzawa KUB 18.67
obv.? 12; iwar
L
TAPPIU like his colleague KUB 8.48 i 15-16 (Gilg.). In this pseudo-Akkadographic
construction it simply imitates the word order of Akkadian kma.
17.27. 24.4 The free-standing genitive he of (Friedrich 1960 212, Yoshida 1987 1-11), or genitivus
absolutus (Carruba 1966 41f.), is attested from Old Hittite on. awatara he of the horn; horn-player,
L
arkammiya =
L
arkammiyala arkammi-player (see Otten and Soucek 1969 61f.), watula he of the sin; the
sinner, tuk linkiyaa iet he made you (a person) of his oath KUB 14.1 obv. 13 (direct obj.), tayazila
he of the theft; the thief (Laws 73), the (compensation) for theft (Laws 94-95, direct obj.), kardiyata that
of your heart, your wish KBo 3.7 i 26 (direct obj.), aawa memiyana (he) of good words = he who is on
good terms Hatt. IV 50, TI-anna (= uiwanna ) he of (long) life, long-lived; with the gen. of the verbal
substantive (CREF 28.9): nauwa he of being reverent, parnawa the (cupbearer) of squatting, UL
uwawa (a person) of not-being-seen, ar pwa (a person) of going up (into the temple) KUB 13.4 ii 12,
and of infinitives ara tarnumma he who is to be released (from military service) KUB 13.20 i 11, kuitma DI-
ar umel UL tar(a)uwa what legal case is of your not-being-able = whatever case you cannot settle KUB
13.20 i 36.
17.28. 24.4.1 Free-standing genitive indepedent pronouns also exist: apel his (water) Laws 162), anzel our
(people) KUB 9.31 iii 47, ammel dai I will take (what is) mine KUB 13.35 ii 3. Cf. Sommer and
Falkenstein 1938 92ff.
200
17.29. 24.4.2 The same construction is attested expressed in Akkadian (Ungnad 1992 30 and 114): A
MAMETIhe of the oath, the liegeman (CREF linkiyaa above), A KASKAL-NIM that of the road =
provisions for the trip KUB 9.31 iii 13.
17.30. 24.5 Related to the free-standing genitive is the usage in the expression LUGAL-u GUB-a = aranda (or
TU-a = aanda ) ekuzi the king in a standing (or sitting) position drinks which occurs frequently in
the festival texts. This has been often discussed, most recently by Holland 1986 165 note. If GUB-a stood for the
genitive of the verbal substantive (arawa or aawa ), it would be easier to understand: he of the action of
standing/sitting. But since it is the genitive of the participle, it is problematic: he of the one standing/sitting.
The Dative case
17.31. 24.6.2 The dative case is primarily the case of the indirect object , and thus answers the question to
whom? takku DUMU.MUNUS L-ni taranza if a young woman is promised to a man (Laws 28); takku
DUMU.MUNUS-a L-ni amenkanza nui kuata piddaizzi if a girl is betrothed to a man, and he gives the
bride price for her (Laws 29); ka DUMUmi Labarni -er peun I have hereby given a house to my son
Labarna KUB 1.16 ii 30-31 (Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 6f.).
17.32. 24.6.3 The use of the dative to express the indirect object can also be attested in the enclitic personal
pronouns (-mu, -na, -ta, -i, -ma) and with nouns represented by logograms. In the latter case when phonetic
complements are lacking, one can only detect the dative case by the employment of the Akkadogram preposition A-
NA to, for.
17.33. 24.6.3.1 Examples of the dative of indirect object : apedaa / tamain GETIN-an pr But to them
they gave a different wine KBo 3.34 ii 3-4; ta LUGAL-i kardimiyattu pikatteni and you are giving to the king
reasons to be angry KBo 22.1: 20 (OS); nu antezziya L-a kuit kuit [piddaizzi] tae arnikzi He shall make
compensation to the first man of whatever [he paid] (Laws 28); nu ANA DINGIR-LIM U.ME-a watar par
epzi He holds out to the deity water for the hands (KUB 39.70 i 19). Rarely, the ideographically written noun,
which appears to be a dative, has no ANAto introduce it: nui 6 GN K.BABBAR pi
L
A.ZUya kuan
ap pat pi he will give to him six shekels of silver and to the physician that same (man) will pay the fee
(Laws 10).
17.34. 24.6.4 The possessive dative is attested not only as a predicate in clauses with the verb to be (kezzama
maan ANA E-YA uiuwali DUMU-a nawi kuiki ta Now at this time (kezza) since there was not
yet any son entitled to rule belonging to my brother Hatt. iii 40ff.), but even non-predicately without it: [Add
Kantuszili ex. uk=a ANA DINGIR=Y A kuit iyanun nu=mu =Y A inani peran pittuliya -er kiat ] nui
DINGIR.ME-U ara daun and I took up his gods (KBo 10.2 i 10);paltanu kuedani awan katta kiyantari
one whose shoulders are hanging down idly (approximate and clumsy Hittite attempt to translate Akkadian au
nad he is idle; KBo 1.42 ii 32). For the possessive genitive CREF above in 17.17 (*24.2.1).
201
17.35. 24.6.4.1 Datives (representing persons) translatable as from , when the object of from is a person
(CREF 3.4). Such datives occur in clauses containing the verbs (kan ara ) da- to take (from), (peran ara )
munnai- to hide (something from), anna- to hide (something from), and tu- to separate (something from),
wek-to ask (something from someone): nuian
GI
uean
GI
ulaliya ara dai nui
GI
BAN pei
I take the spindle and distaff from him (i ) and give him (i ) a bow KUB 9.27 + 7.8 i 23-25 (rit.);
apelmaikan ara dai I take away his from him KBo 17.61 obv. 21 (birth rit.); (the gods were angry at
Kei) nui uitar man peran ara munnir and hid all the animals from him KUB 33.121 ii 13-14 (Kei
myth, cf CHD munnai- a 2); namaankan ANA
d
UTU-Ima munni or if you hide (munna-) him from
(ANA) His Majesty KBo 5.4 obv. 9 (treaty w. Targ.; cf. CHD munnai- b); (if someone reveals a plot to you,)
zikmaankan ANA
d
UTU-I annatti and you conceal (anna-) it (an ) from (ANA) His Majesty KUB
21.1 iii 26-28 (treaty w. Alakandu); (if a girl is betrothed to a man, and he brings the bride price for her, but
afterwards the parents contest it,) nankan L-ni tuanzi katama 2-U arninkanzi they may separate (i.e.,
withhold) her from the man (L-ni), but they must pay back his bride price twofold Laws 29; cf. nanikan
tuanta (var. tuanzi) they may withhold her from him (i ) Laws 28; (if you hear evil concerning My
Majesty,) natmukan mn annatteni and conceal it from me KBo 5.3 i 27-30 (treaty of Supp. I w. Huqq.);
numu
d
ITAR.
URU
amua ANA ABUYA wektaITARof amua requested me from my father KBo 6.29 i 7-
8, cf. Gterbock, Or NS 12:154 and HE 207e.
17.36. 24.6.4.2 Perhaps also rarely when the dative does not represent a person: (they cook a piglet and bring it
back;) nukan kuwapitta appeni tepu dai and I take a little bit from each body part (and sacrifice it to the
Sungoddess of the Earth) KUB 17.28 i 17-18 (rit.), cf. HED 3:113 (a little of every limb).
17.37. 24.7 The locative case is principally used to answer the question where? in what place? takku antua
L-a nama MUNUS-za takiya URU-ri aki kuella ari aki 1 ME gipear A. kariezzi nanza dai If a
person male or female is found dead in another village, the one in whose boundary (s)he dies, he shall cut off
100 gipear of field, and he (the surviving heir) shall take it (Laws 6) nu
alentuwa alli aear Then in

the alentuwa-buildings a large assembly (convenes) (KUB 9.16 i 15-16); genuwaa on her (the goddess)
knees KBo 10.2 i 28; tepawanni in desgrace/obscurity KBo 3.34 ii 12; apedani pedi in that place HKM
47:53 (MH/MS); nepii in the sky KBo 3.28:16; aruni in the sea KUB 14.15 iii 40 (AM 54).
17.38. 24.7.1 Because of the lack of unambiguously locative (vs. allative) forms in Old Hittite, the classification
of the dative-locative of purpose as locative instead of as allative is uncertain, but probable. Examples are all
post-OS: nu panku par ingani arta and the assembly held them for the death penalty (Tel.pr. ii 28,
OH/NS); numu ANA DINGIR-LIM R-anni peta and he (my father) gave me to the deity for servitude (Hatt. i
18); maanmaatkan INA
URU
Ninuwa erer nat ANA
d
ITAR anneni tier And when they arrived at
Nineveh, they stood before Ishtar for judgment (ABoT 48:10-11, Appu myth, OH/NS). Note from the following
example that the Akkadographic preposition is AUM; nui apel DUMU.MUNUS-ZU NIN-YA
f
Muwattin
202
AUMDAM-UTTIM pai And he gave to him his own daughter, my sister Muwatti, in marriage (Kupanta-
LAMMA treaty, 2).
17.39. 24.7.2 With passive constructions the logical subject of the verb as actively conceived (i.e., the agent), if
specified, can be designated by the dative case (Akkadian prep. INA rather than ANA): iel R.ME-U INA 1
AMA aante His servants have been begotten of (literally in) one mother (KUB 1.16 ii 47, OH/NS). But it
is also possible to designate the agent by the instrumental (CREF 18.19) or ablative case (CREF 18.12). CREF
24.16.
17.40. 24.7.4 The locative is used for temporal expressions, usually simply expressing a unit within which
something occurred: ipandi at night, antaii meuni in the hot time (of the day), aniya witti in the same
year, zigaz
GI
atalkena ameiyaz BABBAR-TIM waai BURUmaz iarwanda waai You are
the hawthorn tree. In the spring you wear white, but in the fall you wear blood-red (KUB 33.54 ii 13-14);
gimmanti in winter HKM 17 obv. 10 (MH/MS).
17.41. 24.7.4.1 In other examples it is the extent or duration of time which is indicated by the locative (or its
equivalent, Akk. INA): nu INA MU.7.KAM dauiyaa For seven years I endured (Hatt. iii 63);
m
Kei
ITU.3.KAM-a UR.SAG.ME-a anda weatta Kessi wandered for three months in the mountains (KUB
33.121 ii 15); INA UD.1.KAMwara AMMATU pargawekaddari INAITU.1.KAMmawara IKU-an
pargawekaddari In one day (Ullikummi) will grow a cubit, in one month he will grow an IKU Ullik. I C iii 25-
26; 1-EN MU-anti ata (The Queen of Kanesh) bore (children) in one year KBo 22.2 obv. 1 (Zalpa myth, OS),
ed. StBoT 17. Note how with extent or duration (in the course of) the noun for year shows the -ant-
derivational suffix. For the accusative designating extent of time CREF 16.26.
17.42. 24.7.5 The locative is also used with units of measure or degree .
d
ITARmamukan GAAN-Y A ilani
ilani namma tikit But auka, my lady, kept on advancing me by degrees (Hatt. iv 39-40); nutta
GI
GIGIR.I.A [] E.I.A NUMUN.I.A iueni pekit KA.GETIN.I.Ayata BLUG BAPPIR.I.A
EMA[GA.KIN.AG.HI].A iueni pi[kit] And he kept giving you chariots, [] grain and seeds in large
amounts; and [he kept] giving you beer-wine, malt, beer-bread, rennet (and) [cheese]s in large amounts (KUB 14.1
obv. 7-8, Madd., MH/MS).
17.43. 24.7.5.1 Occasionally the locative indicates not the unit of measure but the dimension to be measured:
na dalugati 3 DANNA palati maa DANNA he was three miles in length and miles in width
(Ullik. I B i 15).
17.44. 24.7.6 (older 24.6.5) The local meanings of the allative and dative-locative are given greater precision by
the addition of the local postpositionals anda(n), appa (n), anda, itarna, katta (n), peran, ar, and er. And
although most of these constructions are attested only in the New Hittite period, when no formal distinction is
made between allative and locative singular, it is often possible on the basis of meaning (motion toward or rest
203
in/on) to assign them to either allative or locative. For instance, er above, upon takes the locative, while ar
up onto takes the allative.
17.45. 24.8 The earlier formally distinct allative singular in -a and dative-locative sing. in -i have merged in
New Hittite, so that both allative and dative-locative appear as -i (or -iya, etc.) in the singular. The allative never
existed in the plural, the function being served there by the dative-locative in -a. From the formal distinction
between allative and locative in the singular in early texts it becomes possible to assign certain meanings to the
allative and others to the dative-locative. Later all these functions were performed by the dative-locative.
17.48 24.8.1 The allative case answers questions regarding location. But in contradistinction to the locative,
which answers the question in what place?, the allative answers the question to/toward what place? First
established by Laroche 1970, this case is clearly attested from OH (StBoT 8 62f.) on. Some Hittitologists call it
the directive (Otten, StBoT 8, Brixhe 1979), others the terminative (Starke 1977, followed by Held,
Schmalstieg, and Gertz 1987), and still others the allative (CHD, etc.). Most would agree with Otten that dieser
Kasus ausschliesslich auf der Frage wohin verwendet wird (StBoT 8 62f.). The principal dissent came from
Kammenhuber 1979a, who on the basis of the postulated case structure of Proto-Indo-European regarded the case in
a as a locative answering the questions in what place or to what place.
17.49 24.8.2 Comparison of the pairs nepia to the sky KUB 17.8 iv 19 and nepii in the sky, as well as
aruna to the sea (KUB 12.60 i 11 and KUB 29.1 i 51) and aruni in/at the sea makes this distinction quite
clear: eu
d
Telepinu zikza [ a]runa t [ne]pia
d
UTU-un arunaz [EGIR]-pa uw[ate]
d
Telepinu aruna pait
Come, Telepinu! You go to the sea. Bring back the Sungod of Heaven from the sea. So Telepinu went to the
sea. KUB 12.60 i 9-11, translit. Myth. 20.
17.50 24.8.3 This use of the old allative is attested in copies in the Old Script: appezziyanna
m
Anitta
LUGAL.GAL
d
iuummin
URU
Zalpuwaz ppa
URU
Nea pedaun Subsequently, I, Anitta, the Great King,
brought our deity back from Zalpuwa to Nea KBo 3.22:41-42 (Anitta), mn tunnakinama paizzi When he
goes into the inner room KBo 3.22:78 (Anitta); takn ariemi I bury (it) in(to) the ground StBoT 8 iii 8f.,
DUMU.ME(-an) parna paimi I go into the house of the children ibid. ii 3, 16f., iii 17; zeriya allapaanzi
they spit into the cup ibid. iv 35; u D-a tarna and she let them (the baskets containing her babies) into the
river KBo 22.2 obv. 3 (Zalpa). But even in Old Hittite texts which were recopied in the New Hittite period
(OH/NS) the true use of the allative survives: na laa paizzi and he goes on a campaign (Laws 42,
OH/NS); ap paiddu let him go to the river ordeal KUB 13.3 iii 29); naza parna a iyanni and he
(Appu) went to his house (KUB 24.8+ i 24-25); nat .-na pedai and he carries it to the inner room (KUB
2.6+ ii 8), etc.
17.51 24.8.4 The allative ending is found also on clitic possessive pronouns accompanying nouns in the allative:
parnaa to his house, parnammato my house; CREF 11.2.
18. Cases: Ablative & Instrumental 204
204
CHAPTER 18
ABLATIVE AND INSTRUMENTAL
18.1 25.1.1 The fundamental study of the ablative and instrumental cases in Hittite is Melchert 1977. For the
ablatival endings attested for nouns CREF 3.24.
18.2 25.2 The ablative designates most often the origin of a movement away and answers the question from
what place?: iaz out of the mouth, nepiaz from the sky, wetenaz out of the water. Often the notions of
source and separation are equally stressed in an utterance. Examples where source or origin (Melchert 1977 192f.)
is more prominent are: kar
Una
iu(n)ummin
URU
Neaz
URU
Zalpuwa peda Previously (King) Una had
carried off (the statue of) our deity from Nea to Zalpuwa KBo 3.22 obv. 39-40; namma
URU
Paluiaz ppa
URU
attui uwanun Then I came back home from Paluia to attua KBo 3.4 ii 7 (annals of Mur.); nata -
an aruwantazet wemiezzi he may recover the lard from its (i.e., the dog's) stomach (Laws 90; CREF
below 18.23 (*25.8); kamu PN
URU
Kaepuraz atrait PN has just written to me from the city Kaepura
HKM 25:4-5 (MH/MS); 5 ANE.KUR.RA.I.Awa ekir nuwara parnaza arninkun five horses died, and I
replaced them from (my own) house (i.e. personal property) KUB 13.35+ ii 40; nukan UTU-u nepiaz katta
akuwayat Itanu looked down from the sky KUB 24.8+ iv 22-23, 30-31; nu DINGIR.ME-az ariyair so they
sought information by oracle from the gods KBo 4.6 i 26; written with ITU; (he does not render corve labor
himself,) ITU ABI-U[(ma ka)rpianzi ] but they render it from the house of his father (Laws 47).
18.3 25.2.1 Examples where separation (from what place?) is more prominent are: DINGIR.DIDLI-a
DUMU.ME-u A.AB.BA-az ar dir But the gods picked up the boys from the sea KBo 22.2 obv. 4-5 (Zalpa
text, OS; ed. StBoT 17:6; cf. Melchert 1977 149);
GI
TUKUL.I.A-uuta ZAG.DIB-za (i.e., paltanaza )
daun numa yugan peun I removed (lit. took) their(!!) weapons from (their) shoulders and gave them a
yoke BoTU 23A ii 30 (OH/NS); LUGAL.GAL tabarna / A GME.MEU U.ME-u ITU NA4 AR
daun A R.MEya U.MEUNU ITU KIN daun I, the Great King, the Tabarna, took the hands of his
(i.e., the enemy kings) servant girls from the millstone; I took the hands of (his) man servants from the sickle
KBo 10.2 iii 16-17 (annals of Hatt. I, OH/NS); 1-amakan arunaz ara uit (one of the two brothers stayed
in their island refuge,) but the (other) one left the island (lit. came out/away from the sea) KBo 3.4 ii 53-54
(annals of Murs. II). Verbs used in clauses with the ablative of separation are (1) intransitive motion verbs (pai- to
go, uwa- to come), (2) transitive motion verbs (uittiya- to pull, draw, peda- to carry, da- to take, uda-
to bring, uwate- to lead, conduct), and at least two verbs which themselves express separation, amen- to
withdraw from and tu- to separate (someone/-thing) from.
18.4 25.2.2 From the notion of origin or source it is easy to derive the idea of cause (Melchert 1977 192;
Hoffner 1997a 166): takku L-an nama MUNUS-an ullannaz kuiki kuenzi If someone kills a (free) man or
woman as the result of a quarrel (Laws 1, cf. also 2, 27), maanma E-YAMuwatalli ITU AMAT(for
205
AWAT) DINGIR-LIM-U katteri utne katta pait but when my brother Muwatalli because of a word (Akkad. ITU
covers the Hitt. abl.) from his god went down (from attua) to the Lower Land (Hatt. i 75-76); apez=kan
uddanaz ara akkikanzi people die because of that behavior KBo 5.3 iii 38-39 (Hukk. treaty); UL=war=an=kan
tuetaza memiyanaz kuenni[r] / GUD alun uwawain=a Was it not because of your word/command that they
(scil. Gilgamesh and Enkidu) killed the Bull of Heaven and Huwawa? KUB 8.48 i 12-13 (Gilg.).
18.5 25.2.3 The ablative is also used for indicating directions (Melchert 1977 151f., 195f.). CREF 23.15
(*29.3) and 23.16 (*29.3.1). A similar usage of a from construction can be found in the Semitic languages:
Hebrew miss
e
ml on/to the left, miafn to the north. Hittite examples are kunnaz (ZAG-naz) on the right
(OH: apaa prammit kunnaz eari KBo 3.22 rev. 78-79, Anitta, OS), GB-laz on the left, antezziyaz in
front, ikiaz in back, backwards, appezziyaz in the rear, kui ammedaza tiyat kuima Uriteupaz tiyat
some stood on my side; others stood on Uriteup's side (KUB 21.37 obv. 15-16); .A-a GALGA[-a
LU]GAL-u tuetaza ar [tari ] Ea, king of wisdom, is stand[ing] on your side CTH 345.3A iv 30; anzedaza tr
DINGIR.ME / anzedazza memir / LUGAL.ME anzetaz nuntarnut The gods stepped to our side; they spoke for
our side; he caused kings to hasten to our side KUB 7.58 i 13-15. Possibly the postposition tapuza is an
ablative of direction in origin (CREF 23.16 (*29.3.1).
18.6 Two OH examples depart from the normal function of the ablative form serving to express the direction
with reference to a point of reference usually expressed by the dative-locative (on the left [abl.] (of) [ref. pt.]), and
use the abl. to indicate the point of reference: (land located)
NA
uwaiyaz anda
NA
uwaiyaz araza inside of
the stela outside of the stela (SBo I 4 = LSU 4 obv. 15-16) (where uwaiyaz is the point of reference). An OS
example (unfortunately partly broken) has the same construction of ablative and anda meaning inside of, i.e.,
toward the speaker from the ablatival point of reference: utn manda
URU
Zlpuaz anda arunaz [anda(?) ] All
the lands on this side of Zalpuwa, [on this side(?)] of the sea []. KBo 3.22:38 (Anitta, OS). Another Old
Hittite example is: takku ket(later var. kez) D-az takku edi D-az if he is on this side of the river if he is on
that side of the river (Laws 22) (where the river [abl.] is the point of reference). The pair does not mean in the
direction of this river in the direction of that river. See discussion of SBo I 4 = LSU 4 obv. 15-16 in Melchert
1977 153f.
18.7 25.2.3.1 The ablative is used in temporal constructions. The forms kitpandalaz from this moment on
(KBo 3.1+ ii 34), DUMU-annaza from childhood KUB 30.10 obv. 10 (prayer, OH/MS), annazma kartaz
from (my) mother's womb (lit. heart) (ibid. rev. 20), and (apez/kez) UD(.KAM)-az from (that/this) day are
clear examples of time from which (Melchert 1977 289 310, 352f.). It appears that speakers distinguished this
usage from the following one by the obligatory demonstrative (apez/kez).
18.8 25.2.3.1.1 But the ablative is also used beginning in MH/MS for the kind of time, like the German
genitive nachts = by night: UD(.KAM)-az (iwattaz) by day KBo 5.8 i 24, KUB 19.37 iii 11 (Mur. II) and
ipandaz by night HKM 25:7 (MH/MS), KUB 23.11 ii 22 (MH/NS), KBo 5.6 i 22 (Mur. II). Melchert 1977
206
297, 322f., prefers to regard these as adverbial ablatives. For the accusative of extent of time CREF 16.26
(*23.3.4); for locative of location in or extent of time CREF 17.40 (*24.7.4) and 17.41).
18.9 25.2.3.2 What can be called a perlative ablative (translated through; Melchert 1977 157, 208) is found
in UTU-u[(kan
GI
lutt)]anza anda tarnai The Sungod slips in(?) through the window KUB 33.70 ii 2,
nammaakan
GI
AB-az andan 2[U appanzi ] Next they hold them (the laanza-ducks) in through the
window twice KUB 39.7 ii 22.
18.10 25.2.4 For the occasional use of the ablative for comparison CREF 20.6 (*27.3.2).
18.11 25.2.5 In the post-OH period we see uses of the ablative taken over from the instrumental for the
expression of means (Melchert 1977 209ff.): na IZI-az kattan [lukkun] And I [burned] them down with fire
KBo 10.2 iii 39 (OH/NS); AINNUwa U-za p take the axe with (your) hand! (KUB 8.50 iii 11), URU-
an zaiyaz katta daun I captured the city through battle (KBo 3.4 iv 40), apnmakan ITAR
URU
amua
GAAN-YAKU-un maan upalaza ppa itapta the amuian Ishtar, my lady, ensnared him like a fish in
(i.e., by means of) a net KBo 6.29+ ii 33-34 (att. III), nata LUGAL-u
URU
Taurpi ar
GI
GIGIR-az paizzi
from thence the king goes up to Taurpa by chariot 126/p++ 16-17 (JNES 19, 80f.).
18.12 25.2.5.1 Similar to the ablative of means is the ablative of agency (with passive verbs), likewise first
used in post-OH texts (Melchert 1977 214f., 367): INA
URU
Tanipiya
A.
kuera LUGAL-waz piyanza a field in
Tanipiya was given by the king KBo 3.7 iv 22-23 (OH/NS), apedani mekki -er DINGIR-LIM-za piyanpat to
him by the god(s) (abl.) much heart has been given KUB 1.16 ii 38 (OH/NS
541
);
URU
attua utne inganaz
tamatat the land of Hattua is being oppressed by a plague (abl.) PP 1 i 8-9; ITU DINGIR-LIMmu par par
SIG-ikattari through the agency of the goddess (abl.) things went better and better for me KBo 6.29 i 10-11
(ed. Goetze 1925 44ff.), (ITU DINGIR-LIM might stand for iunit or iunaz); kinuna ammuk NIR.GL
LUGAL-u tuedaz [i]TU U piaai allanuwanza arkuwekimi Now, I, King Muwatalli, who have been
raised up by you, O Stormgod of P., am offering (this) prayer KUB 6.45 iii 32-33 (Muw. II).
18.13 25.2.6 Less common is the adverbial ablative (Melchert 1977 322f.): nakan tetenaza katta aruni
ara (the Stormgod sprang up from his wagon,) and came down with thunder (abl.) to the sea KBo 26.65 iv 21-
22 (Ullik. Tablet III), ITAR-imakan AN-az UR.SAG-annaz ara uit ITARcame out of the sky with
bravery (abl.) KUB 33.87 + 33.113 + 36.12 + 36.14 (Ullik. II B) i 17-18. These could also be udnerstood as
comitative.

541
One assumes that in the OH original of this late copy in the place of DINGIR-LIM-za there stood the instrumental of
agency i--ni-it.
207
18.14 25.2.6.1 Uncertain cases with ITU could be covering either instrumental or ablative: nu ITU KARA
ANE.KUR.RA.MES pun I went accompanied by infantry and chariotry (abl.) Hatt. iii 45-46. for the
instrumental of accompaniment CREF 18.21 (*25.7).
18.15 25.27 A partitive ablative can be observed in: nata ITU
UZU
NG.GIG uiawaz wakuen we have bitten
off (some) of the raw liver (abl.) (HT 1 i 44).
18.16 25.28 For the ablative with various postpositionals CREF 23.15 (*29.3) and 23.17 (*29.3.2).
INSTRUMENTAL
18.17 25.3 For the instrumental endings CREF 3.27 (*2.5.8). The instrumental case is employed chiefly to
denote the means or instrument by which an action is performed (Melchert 1977 162ff., 227ff., 300ff., 327ff.,
371ff.): tuppu akanda (inst. of agan oil, grease) unna she filled (i.e., caulked) the baskets with grease
KBo 22.2 obv. 2 (Zalpa story, OS); nu tuiyattit kti and you will die by means of suffocation KBo 7.14 obv.
5 (OS); nukan paur wetenit kitanuwanzi they extinguish the fire with water (wetenit) (KBo 4.2 i 12), nu
nepia UTU-un IGI.I.A-it ukizzi she sees the sun of heaven with (her) eyes (KBo 4.8 ii 19, ed. Hoffner 1983
188); idlawa akuwa
GI
atalkenit katta tarman du let the evil eyes be pinned down by the hawthorn (KUB
12.44 iii 6-9); nu ANA ABI-Y A-it Muwattallin E-YA uiyat(the goddess) sent my brother Muwattalli
to my father be means of a dream (i.e., in a dream of the father) (Hatt. i 12-14); nu
MU
Illuyankan iimanta
kaleliet (upaiya) tied up the serpent with cord(s) (KUB 17.5 i 15-16, OH/NS); nukan GR-it ar pun I
went up on foot KUB 14.3 i 24 (Hatt. III); LUGAL-u uizzi / nau
GI
GIGIR-it nama /
GI
ulugannit INA -
TIM GAL / paizzi The king proceeds to travel to the Great House either by chariot or by cart KBo 19.128 i 2-5
(ed. StBoT 13).
18.18 25.4 Perhaps borrowed from the ablative is the instrumental of cause (CREF 18.4 (*25.2.2) mankan
mn ANA Attariya uiwetenna katitaman akten and even if you had escaped from Attariya (contrary to
fact condition), you would have died from hunger KUB 14.1 obv. 12 (Madd., MH/MS). man mn man
expresses the contrary to fact condition (Friedrich 1960, p. 166, 330; cf. also CHD sub man). It is possible, of
course, that the Hittites viewed hunger (katit) not as a cause but a means of dying.
18.19 25.5 The source of the ablative of agency used with passive verbs was the instrumental of agency:
andakan alna teummiu tarlipit wamu 2-TAM ptuminiTwice(?) we bring in cups (made) of alina ,
filled with tarlipa KBo 17.1 + 25.3 i 26-30 (rit., OS);
GI
TUKUL.I.A-iwatta / iunit piyante weapons
have been given to you by the god KBo 22.6 + KUB 48.98 i 24-25 (Sargon epic, OH?/NS);
[DUMU.DUMU].DUMU-U A attuili LUGAL.GAL A LUGAL
URU
Kuar / iunit k[ania]nda (gen.)
NUMUN-a (nom.) [great-grand]son of Hattuili (II), Great King, seed of the king of Kuar (i.e., attuili I)
who was recognized by the god KBo 6.28 obv. 4-5 (Hatt. III) [on this last passage see Goetze 1968, Carruba 1971
78, and especially Gterbock, JNES 29 (1970) 75]. Cf. also the certain restoration in [umenzana] wetna mn
208
pankureme[t 1EN] edu / [ -n]uwan edu iel R.MEU [ ITU 1 AM]A aante Let your clan be
united (lit. one) like that of a wetna-animal (wolf??)! Let it be []ed! His servants have been borne [by one
mo]ther KUB 1.16 (Testament of Hatt. I, OH/NS).
18.20 25.6 Less certain is what appears to be a local use of the forms ending in -ed/t, which might also be old
locatives (cf. Houwink ten Cate 1967 and Melchert 1977 259f.): nuwamu anda itaminit paprai (if he
comes out of my body in a certain way,) he will defile me on the ear KUB 33.120 ii 33 (Theogony).
18.21 25.7 Also resembling a usage of the ablative is the instrumental of accompaniment : maanmaat
eelliya witenit appa uwanzi but when they come back with the water of purification (KUB 7.20 obv. 10-11).
18.22 27.7.1 Since the Akkadograms ITU and QADUcould conceivably reflect either the ablative or the
instrumental, we cannot identify the following examples with certainty: L
URU
Salatiwara QADU DUMU.ME-U
arai [numu IGI]-anda / uet The king (lit. man) of alatiwara arose together with his sons, and he came [ag]ainst
[me] (in battle) KBo 3.22:65-66 (Anitta, OS); A GMEY Aata kuedani / uddani watarnaikinun /
tuelmaankan maan / maniyaante ITU ZD.D[A] / ara dayair nanan [] / INA
URU
Taazzimuna /
EGIR-pa peut [e]r Concerning what I informed you about my maid servant, when your subjects stole her away
together with the flour (she had milled), they carried her back to Tahazzimuna HKM 42-8 (letter, MH/MS), ed.
HBM, pp. 184-187.
18.23 25.8 Instances of what were once thought to be an enclitic possessive pronoun in the instrumental (-met, -
tet, -et, etc.) combined with a substantive in the ablative (so Friedrich 1960, pp. 125f.) have been interpreted as
old locative forms in -(e)d rather than instrumentals (Houwink ten Cate 1967): aruwandazet from its
stomach (Laws 90; CREF above 18.2 (*25.2), iaz()mit out of their mouths (Sommer and Falkenstein
1938 137), ZAG-aztit on your right (KUB 31.127 i 66), kartazmit from my heart (IBoT 3.135:6). To be
similarly understood is ket pantalaz from this moment on (KUB 11.1 [BoTU 23B] iv 5).
19. Cases with Particular Verbs
209
CHAPTER 19
CASES WITH PARTICULAR VERBS
19.1 26.1 A number of verbs can be construed with different cases, in many instances showing a slightly
different meaning.
19.2 26.2 watarna- (1) with the accusative of the person means to command or commission (someone),
while (2) with the thing spoken in the acc. and the person in the dative it means to send a message or
announcement to (someone) (AU 223). Cf. KBo 18.48 obv. 10-11 (interpret contra THeth 16:9).
19.3 26.3 katta dai- (1) with the accusative means to subjugate (an enemy city), while (2) with the dative-
locative it means to beleaguer, besiege (a city).
19.4 26.4 na- to fear, be afraid of governs three different cases: (1) the accusative: namiu I fear them
(KUB 8.65:22), (2) the dative-locative: pauenaa uddani mekki naante eten be very careful in the matter
of fire (KUB 13.4 iii 44); (3) the ablative: nuza alluwayaza mekki naante eten be very careful of strife
(KUB 13.4 iii 43).
19.5 26.5 punu- to ask, inquire can be construed in two ways. (1) One can say: to question someone (acc.)
about something (dat.-loc. ), e.g., na
UTU-I ANADI.I.A punumi and I, My Majesty, will question them

regarding the legal disputes (KBo 3.3 iv 9-10); or (2) one can say: to investigate something (acc.) for someone
(dat.-loc. ): numakan
L
SANGA DI.I.A punukiddu The Priest will investigate legal disputes for you (-
ma) (KBo 3.3 iii 28-29).
19.6 26.5.1 Similarly the verb wek-to ask, request construes with the accusative of the thing requested and
the dative of the person asked: kinunawama kuit wekmi What now shall I ask from them (i.e., the gods)?
KUB 34.53 rev. 8 (CTH 370).
19.7 26.6 arra- : (1) (active) with the accusative and no -kan (often with -za) means to divide something;
while (2) (active or mid.) without -za, but with -kan or -ata and the accusative and especially when it takes the
dative-locative, it means to pass through, cross over, transgress.
20. Comparison of Adjectives 210
210
CHAPTER 20
COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES
20.1 27.1 Hittite does not express the comparative (better) and superlative (best) degree by suffixes, as is
the case in Greek -uV and -o.c or -.cpc and -.o.c, and Latin (-ior and -issimus).
20.2 27.2 Some adjectives have suffixes which at an earlier stage of Hittite may have been comparative in nature
(Cf. HE 49e, 94 with literature).
20.3 27.2.1 Nevertheless, during the period of the Hittite language as we know it from the Boazky tablets the
speakers and writers of Hittite preferred to express the equivalent of English comparative and superlative adjectives
(-er and -est) by syntactic means.
20.4 27.3 The comparative degree was expressed by the predicate adjective governing the object of comparison
in the dative-locative case (HE 221-223). Thus: nuwakan ANA RIN.MEKA RIN.MEYA mekki, ANA
ANE.KUR.RA.MEKAmawatta ANE.KUR.RA.MEYA mekkimy troops (RIN.MEYA)
542
are
more numerous (mekki)
543
than your troops (ANA RIN.MEKA); my horses are more numerous than your
horses (KUB 19.29 iv 18ff.); nammakan anzel uiwanni UL A BELU-NI uiwatar nakkiif the life of our
lord (i.e., the king) (A BELU-NI uiwatar) is not dearer (to us) (UL + nakki) than our own life (anzel
uiwanni ) (KUB 31.42 ii 18ff.); ANALUGAL KUR KUR
URU
U-taakan 1-a
L
tuukanti alli du
nammamaikan l kuiki alli Only the crown prince (tuukanti) shall be greater than the King of
Tarhuntaa. Let no one else be greater Bronze Tablet II 80-81 (treaty of Tudh. IV). Note how the local particle -
kan is employed in all of the previous (NH) examples. Yet in OH/NS this particle is not always present:
arietta ari
544
GAL-li SAG.DUZU ANA SAG.DU[U GAL-li] [K]AKAKU ANA KAKAKU
GAL-li IGI.I.AU ANA IGI.I.AU GAL-li (21) [a]eta i GAL-li EMEU ANA EMEU GAL-li
(22) [kap]ruetta kapruaz GAL-li mielieta (23) [mi]elia GAL-li iki<>etta ikii GAL-li (24)
[paltan]ai!a()ta palta [n] alli GABU A[NA] (25) [GABU a]lli U ANA U GAL-li this
ones (literally his) stature is greater than that ones (literally his) stature; his head is greater than his head; his
nose is greater than his nose; his eyes , his mouth , his tongue , his mieli his back is greater than his
back (KUB 43.53 i 19-25, quoted as unpublished by Sommer, HAB 219).

542
The Hittite noun underlying RIN.ME is common gender, RIN.ME-a( n) t-.
543
The neuter is unexpected here. Perhaps a different, neuter word underlies RIN.ME here; or (more likely) the mekki is
a collective in -i; in HE 192 this is attributed to the irregular declension of mekki-.
544
Judging from the parallel SAG.DUU ANA SAG.DUU which follows, the first eari is nom., and the second dat.-loc.
Note that the order of cases differs here from the earlier cited NH examples.
211
20.5 27.3.1 Several observations are pertinent to the KUB 43.53 passage which was just quoted: (1) the local
particles -kan or -ata are missing in some cases in OH (NS), as shown by the first six, the eighth, eleventh and
twelfth clauses, but -ata appears in the seventh (kapru), ninth (iki), and tenth (paltana ) clauses; (2) the gender
of the predicate adjective is again in most cases neuter,
545
although in line 21 EME-U ANAEME-U GAL-li
his tongue is greater than his tongue the usual gender of EME (= lala- ) is common
546
; and (3) although the
possessive pronoun is employed with both members in all logographic writings, it never appears with the second
member (i.e., the dative) in the syllabic writings. An instance of the common gender in such a predicate adjective
employed comparatively is in: [paltan ]ai !ata
547
paltan alli his shoulder is larger than his shoulder
KUB 43.53 i 24.
20.6 27.3.2 In line 22 of KUB 43.53 Sommer found a rare example of the ablative of comparison .
kapruetata kapruaz GAL-li his kapru is larger than his kapru. See also Melchert 1977 215f., who regards it
as secondary at best. Note the presence of the particle -ata. It would be convenient, if we could show that -kan
was used in comparisons with the dat.-loc., while -ata was used in those with the ablative. But -ata seems also to
occur with dat.-loc. comparisons (see KUB 43.53 i 23-24 in preceding paragraph). So far, only -kan (no -ata)
occurs in the NH examples of this comparative construction. Since this is the only example of an ablative in this
function, we suspect that the text is not in order. On Old Script (hyp)archetype could have had that shape of i (HZL
#217)) confusable with the Old Script AZ sign (HZL #92/6). In which case a scribe at some point in the chain of
transmission wrote original kap-ru-i as kap-ru-az. At least this is a possible explanation, if we hesitate in accepting
this rare construction on the basis of a single example.
20.7 27.4 The syntactic construction employed for comparison is the same when the predicate is the stative verb
takk-to be like (active and middle):
GI
TUKUL.I.A-ew[atta] / alli wanti atugai kari[tti ] / weteni
takkantari [Your] weapons are like the great wind, the terrifying flood, and the [] water KBo 22.6 i 26-28, and
a long series of clauses involving the body parts in KUB 43.53 i 2-15. In the latter passage, as a few lines later in
the long passage cited above from i 19-25, the occurrence or non-occurrence of local particles (in this case -apa)
seems arbitrary. It occurs in 4 out of 23 clauses (lines 4, 5, 7, 15). In two of the four instances the noun has the
clitic possessive, and in two it does not.
20.8 27.5 To express the superlative degree in post-OH one construes the adjective with the loc. pl. in -a:
allayakan DINGIR.ME-a kui alli he who among the great gods is the great(est) KUB 31.141:3. Often
the dat.-loc. plural is further strengthened by mant- all: DINGIR.ME-na manda
Zaapuna alli

545
Since in this case we are not dealing with any form of plurality, the collective interpretation of the forms in -i is no
longer open to us.
546
Note, however, that in two passages cited in CHD sub lala- , namely KBo 2.3 i 50 (MH/NS) and KBo 23.72 rev. 24 (OH or
MH/MS) there is a nominative form EME-an, which has to be neuter. Perhaps in KUB 43.53 too EME is neuter.
547
Emend -i-ta-a-ta here to -i-a!-a-ta for the correct common gender form.
212
among all the gods Zaapuna is the great(est) KBo 3.7 iv 15ff. (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS); nuza
mandapat appezzi DUMU-a eun among (or of?) all (the children) I was the young(est) child Hatt. i 11.
20.9 27.5.1 Occasionally also strengthened by itarna in the midst of: KUR-ekan itarna ap appinanza
in the midst of the land (i.e., in all the land) he was the rich(est) KUB 24.8+ i 10-11 (Appu story); even with an
adjectival verb: DINGIR-LIM DINGIR.ME-a itarna taruilezi the god is the bravest among the gods KUB
36.55 ii 31-32.
20.10 27.5.2 When the adjective is not a predicate, the objects with which comparison is made stand not in the
dat.-loc. but in the genitive: dauai
Anu DINGIR.ME-a antezziyami peranet arta mighty Anu,

foremost of the gods, stands before him KUB 33.120 i 9 (Song of Kumarbi myth).
548
20.11 27.5.3 Since all the examples cited in 20.8-10 stem from post-OH, where -a can be either dat.-loc. or
gen. plural, caution is needed in the case identification.

548
antezziyami their foremost is in apposition to the grammatical subject dau
Anu in this example.

21. Adverbs & Adverbial Endings 213
213
CHAPTER 21
ADVERBS AND ADVERBIAL ENDINGS
21.1 28.1 Whereas an adjective is a word that qualifies a noun, an adverb is one that qualifies a verb, an adverb,
or another adjective. The italicized words in the following examples are English adverbs: he walks slowly, the
day has ended too soon, she is less talkative than her neighbor.
21.2 28.1.1 Adverbs can be derived from other parts of speech by the addition of a suffix or by the use of a
particular noun case (CREF 16.25 (*23.3.3). On adverbs formed on a demonstrative base CREF 12.9
(*19.1.3).
21.3 In the examples cited below note that the same adverb may be assigned to several categories. For example,
apiya is listed below in local (there) and temporal (then) meanings, as is kuwapi where, when.
21.4 28.1.2.1 Local Adverbs : k here (OH kni), kt on this side,
549
kez from here, on this side (often in
correlation kz kzziyaon this side on that side), apiya there, apeda (OH), apadda, apaddan (post-OH)
there, to that place, for that reason, apez from that place,
550
ediz on that side of, kuwapi where, whither,
kuwapiya everywhere,
551
kuwapit where, whither, kuwapitta everywhere, kuwatta wherever, dameda
elsewhere, 1-eda alone, anda(n) inside, within, andurza on the inside; from inside, araza on the outside;
from outside, arazanda around, about, ara away, kaz outside, menaanda opposite, against (usually
a preverb or postposition, not an adv.), par further, in addition, peran in front, er above, ar upwards,
katta below, kattanta downward, tapua, tapuza alongside, laterally, to the side, arayan separately, twa
and twaz at a distance, remotely, maninkuwan nearby, in the vicinity, duwan duwan here there; in this
direction in that (the opposite) direction.
21.5 28.1.2.2 Temporal Adverbs : Most of these occur in main clauses: kinun now (with a form of k/-
this plus nun; cf. in reverse order Latin nunc), apiya then, kuwapi(k)ki anywhere, anytime, natta kuwapikki
nowhere, never, kuwapiya always, whenever, kar formerly, long ago, annian formerly (12.29 (*19.5),

549
takku ket (var. B kez) D-az 2 GN K.BABBAR pai / takku edi D-az nue 3 GN K.BABBAR pai If (it happens)
on this side of the river, he shall pay two shekels of silver; if on that side of the river, he shall give him three shekels of
silver LAW 22 (A i 49b-50); [(UGULA
L.ME
MUALDIM)] / aa katta ket arta The foreman of the cooks stands next
to the fireplace on this side KBo 17.15 obv. 14-15.
550
kinuna apez d / nu ap NUMUN.I.A anniya Now take from there and sow those seeds HKM 54:25-26; [m]n
SG
maitana maiwantan watanzi / [n]u UTU-I kezza zaiyami ziku apezza zaiyaiIf they fail (to give) so
much as a tiny bit of wool, I, My Majesty, will fight them from this side, and you shall fight them from that side
KBo16.47:8-9.
551
menaanda[( yaa) n k( urakki)] / tapuwa ZAG-ni GB-li nu kuwapiya QATAMMA4 wallu[ dai ] Opposite the
pillar, alongside, on the right, on the left everywhere in the same way [he deposits] four wallu KBo 4.1 rev. 3-4.
kuwapiya also means whenever, see 28.1.2.2.
214
lukkatta on the morrow, zilatiya, ziladuwa (Luwian loanword) subsequently, in the future, kattama later on,
afterwards, EGIR-U-MA afterwards, later, nwa still, yet, nawi not yet, peran par provisionally,
previously, duwan par until now, dk immediately, suddenly, lammar or lamn instantly,
immediately,
552
lammar lammar at any moment, 1-anki immediately, at once, pareni quickly, kuanka
anytime, whenever, UL kuanka never, appan (EGIR-an) afterwards, appaiwatti (EGIR-pa-UD(.KAM)-ti)
in the future, karuwariwar early in the morning, andaii meuni in the heat of the day, at noon, nekuz
(meur) in the evening, mitiliya meur (a time of day), ipandaz at night, UD.KAM-az in the daytime,
tapeni previously(?), annaz (a) at one time, formerly (12.29 (*19.5). A few occur in both main and
subordinate (i.e., dependent) clauses: kuwapi when (30.22), kuitman while (38.21 (*43.1.1), kuan when,
as soon as, maan when.
21.6 28.1.2.2.1 An adverb can be both temporal and interrogative: kuwapi when? where?, maan when?
Interrogative adverbs stand in main clauses unless they mark indirect questions (30.20ff. (*37.3.1).
21.7 28.1.2.3 Adverbs of Kind and Manner : Most occur in main clauses: kian thus, as follows,
553
apenian thus, as just seen or said, enian thus, in the previously mentioned manner (CREF 12.27 (*19.7),
apeda (OH), apadda, apaddan for this reason, therefore, kuwat or kuit why?, kuwatka somehow, perhaps, UL
kuwatka by no means, in no way, arumma highly, exceedingly, namma furthermore, next, finally, imma
actually, really, katta accordingly, subsequently, kari really, truly, genuinely, maan how? as, manka
(usually UL manka) in some way, in any way, kuwatta kuwatta in every respect.
554
One occurs in both main
and subordinate (i.e., dependent) clauses: maan as, how.
21.8 28.1.3 Adverbial phrases are formed with the postpositional iwar in the manner of, like, which governs
the noun preceding it in the genitive case (
L
SAGI-a iwar in the manner of a cupbearer) (see Hoffner 1993 and
CREF 17.25), and the postpositive conjunctions mn (CHD mn mng. 1) and maan like (CREF 23.20
(*29.6).
21.9 28.1.4 Distributive adverbs (CREF 27.11, 33.49, 33.84 (*33.2) are formed by repetition: ilani ilani
gradually, step by step, witti witti (MU-ti MU-ti) year by year, ITU-mi ITU-mi month by month, UD-at
UD-at day by day, GE-ti GE-ti night by night, lammar lammar moment by moment, at any moment,
KASKAL-i KASKAL-i trip by trip, KISLA-az KISLA-az from each threshing floor KBo 16.72:5,
ZAG.GAR.RA ZAG.GAR.RA altar after altar, etc. See also DINGIR-LIM DINGIR-LIM Bo 6251 obv. 3, and
gipeni gipe[ni] KUB 45.78 iv? 3. For the use of such distributives of time words with -ke- verbs CREF 27.11.

552
n=an MAAR [UTU-I] / lammar / uwada[ndu] Let them conduct him immediately to My Majesty HKM 12 rev. 3-5.
553
For kian in interrogative clauses CREF 37.1.1 and 37.1.1.1.
554
Akaliya
URU
urmi eta ap=a / kuwatta kuwatta L.ME (var. L-e) ta Askaliya lived (lit. was) in Hurma, and
he was a man in every respect CTH 8 (A=KBo 3.34) ii 8-9.
215
21.10 28.2 As derived adverbs one finds either (1) frozen case forms of nouns, or (2) derivations from
adjectives. Examples of the former are: the accusatives antezzi at first opportunity (14.23 (*21.3),
karuwariwar in the morning, nekuz meurin the evening; the dat.-loc. forms auli in a friendly manner,
pareni in haste, tapeni at the first; the ablatives kunnaz (ZAG-az) on the right, ikiaz backwards,
antezziyaz forwards (on these CREF 18.5 (*25.2.3), twaz at a distance, tapuza to the side, annaz
formerly, iwattaz (UD.KAM-az
555
) in the daytime, ipandaz (GE.KAM-az) at night.
556
21.11 28.3 The neuter nom.-acc. of adjectives can serve as an adverb: (1) in the singular: tepu somewhat, a
little, a bit, mekkivery, greatly, kari in L.KR kari zaiyaddumat really/truly fight the enemy! (KUB
13.20 i 19); u in mn antuan kuinki u par uittiyan armi if I have well preferred any person (Huqq.
28, line 9 f.); but cf. nan par ui uittiyannekimi (KUB 1.16 ii 17); (2) in the plural: atuga (< *atugaya)
in a terrifying manner, munnanda secretly, hidden.
21.12 28.4 A special adverbial suffix is -ili (originally perhaps neut. nom.-acc. sg. of adjectives like karuili-
old). It is suffixed directly to consonantal stems: pittiyantili like a fugitive (pittiyant-), karuiyantili quietly
(karuiyant-), MU.KAM-li or MU-tili (witt-) annually, yearly, UD.KAM-tili (iwatt-) daily,; suffixed to the
oblique stem of the r/n heteroclitic nouns: aranili like an eagle (aran- ), swiftly; and elides the a of a-stem
nouns: MUNUS-nili of a womanly nature (*kuinna-?), L-ni-li (pina-) in a manly way; and cf. duddumili
silently, aluganili like a messenger, GUD-li like an ox, LIM-tili by the thousands. Since we lack a good
example of an adverb based on a u-stem, it is unclear how -ili was suffixed to such nouns, although probably the u
was not elided. One assumes that it would have been analogous to the formation of the adjective karuili-
primordial from the adverb kar long ago and the adjective taruili valiant-. When based upon geographic
names, -ili often denotes the language (or some other cultural characteristic) of that region:
URU
niili,

naili and
neumnili (the latter two without det.) in the language of the city of Nea, in Hittite,
URU
attili in the (pre-IE)
language of the Hattians, in Hattic, luwili (without determinative) in the Luwian language,
URU
palaumnili in
the language of the land of Pala, in Palaic,
URU
urlili in Hurrian,
URU
pabilili in Akkadian, laanili in the
mode/manner of the city Laan (a dance style), uppianili in the mode/manner of the city ubina (a dance
style). For a full list of the adverbs in -ili (without translations) see Reichert 1963 120.
21.13 28.5 Adverbial ideas expressed with finite verbs attached to the infinitive: nu [k]uitman akkukanzi kuitman
a[kuan]na mante / iranzi [i]amikanma apa [t] SR / nat iamiyawanzi EGIR-pa a[rku]kanzi and while
they are drinking, while all are completing the drinking, that song is being song, and they sing it responsively (lit.,
they keep making answer in song) KUB 25.37 + 35.131 + 51.9 i 38-40 (CTH 771.1); maniyaia ian / kuin
BEL-U iezi nuan apedani / URU-ri EGIR-an IGI.DU.I.A dnna maknut (This is the man) whom his lord

555
Puhvel thinks UD.KAM-az is to be interpreted here as the nominative *iwaz.
556
216
makes a district governor, and behind (the back of) the city he took tribute excessively (lit. behind the city he
increased to take tribute) KBo 32.14 iii 13-15 (Song of Release); nu maan Hepaddu Tamiun auta /
nukan Hepadu uaz katta mauuwanzi waqqare And when ebat saw Tamiu, she nearly fell down from
the roof (lit., she lacked to fall down ) KBo 26.65 ii 7-8 (Song of Ullik.).
21.14 28.5.1 The opposite distribution is also attested, where the equivalent of the adverb is the infinitive, not
the finite verb. This is best seen with the verb liliwa-, for which see CHD L-N s.v. and: ape[d]a[n]i KUR-e / [A
GE]TIN A GUD.[]I.A UDU.I.A / uttar ku[i]t / maan nu[m]u / liliwauwanz[i] / atrai HKM 4:4-9;
maanama / k tuppianza anda / wemizzi nu annin / 1 LIM 7 ME 1 RIN.ME
URU
Iupitta /
liliwauwanzi / ninikten HKM 20:4-9; nan MAAR UTU-I I[N]A UD.2.K[AM
URU
]apinuwa /
liliwauwanzi / uwatetten HKM 20:10-12; and other examples in the Maat letters, and the broken passage in
KBo 32.37:8 [ li]liwauwanzi zai [] he crossed hastily .
21.15 28.6 An adjective (or participle) in the nominative (appositional to the subject) can function like an adverb
from the English point of view. CREF 15.13.
22. Preverbs 217
217
CHAPTER 22
PREVERBS
22.1. 17.5 As in other Indo-European languages the basic meaning of the simple verbal stem is modified by the
addition of preverbs. Unlike some other IE languages, however, Hittite permits more classes of words to intervene
between the preverb and the verb.
22.2. 17.51 In Hittite very few truly inseparable preverbs exist, chiefly u- here and p(e)- there, attested in the
pairs: uda- to carry here and peda- to carry away, uiya- to send here and peya- to send away, unna- to drive
here and penna- to drive away, uwate- to lead here and peute- to lead away, which are always written as
single words. An exception is pe in pe ar- to bring, present, in which the preverb is clearly separable: pepat
arkanzi they shall also present (it). On the particle -pat see Chapter 33.
22.3. 17.5.2 Otherwise, all Hittite preverbs are separable. But only words of certain classes (chiefly negations,
indefinite pronouns, etc.) are allowed to intervene between preverb and verb, unless the preverb is fronted in the
clause: andaan parna nwi paizzi , [GAM-an arm]<n>mu llit pten, arma[wa kui] kui
LUGAL-u iparzazi. Analyzing by means of these word-order criteria, Zuntz (1936) and Goetze (1963) were able
to begin the difficult task of distinguishing between a words use as a preverb and its use as postposition or
adverb in the wider sense. There are many cases, however, in which even the diligent application of Zuntzs and
Goetzes rules does not allow us to ascertain whether a particular word is being employed as preverb, postposition
or adverb. In such cases it is permitted to identify the word as an adverb in the wider sense. See also Boley 1985.
22.4. 17.5.3 The most common preverbs are: anda(n) into, appa(n) back, again, ara away, katta(n)
down, par forth, forward, peran before, ar up, er over, above. The force of each can be best detected
through a study of the various verbs with which it combines and the resulting meanings of each combination.
Especially helpful in this respect are verbs of perambulation or motion: iya- to go, pai- to go, uwa- to come,
unna- and penna- to drive here/there, ar- to come, arrive, tiya- to arrive, enter, piddai - to run, uwai- to
run, flee, nai- to turn, go, etc. It can be seen from the above list that, even without recourse to preverbs, the
Hittite language possessed a stock of verbs of motion which distinguished direction of movement. The preverbs
added still more precision.
22.5. 17.5.4 Two preverbs can occur on a single verb: appan anda pai-, er ara da-, appa ar da-, peran
katta, itarna ara . In some cases the first of two adverb/preverbs indicates the starting point of the motion (e.g.,
er katta down from above), while in others merely specifies the direction indicated by the second (peran katta
down in front of). Limited to the first position in such a chain of two preverbs is awan, which occurs in awan
ara, awan katta and awan ar . Since awan does not occur without another preverb following it, some believe
that awan has no special meaning of its own, but merely intensifies the following preverb (HW
2
, HED). Melchert
22. Preverbs 218
218
1996 135 proposed that awan ara pi- meant to go past (the side of). For a wide range of these constructions
with tentative translations fo each see CHD P 18-19 (table of contents of pai- article).
23. Postpositions 219
219
CHAPTER 23
POSTPOSITIONS
23.1 29.1 Instead of prepositions Hittite has postpositions. Some scholars call these place words. They serve
the same function as the prepositions of the other IE languages: they lend greater precision to the local or temporal
distinctions provided by the case forms of the noun. At times the distinction in Hittite between adverb and
postposition is barely detectable: ara, par, katta, peran, and others can be used as either.
23.2 29.1.1 Often the bare case form expresses without postposition the spatial relationship which we would
indicate in English with a prepositional phrase: -ri (*peri) or -ni (parni ) in the house, parnaz out of (or
from) the house. See Chapters 17 (genitive, dative, locative, allative, and 18 (ablative, instrumental).
23.3 29.2 In answer to the questions in what place? (kuwapi or kuedani pedi) and when? or at what time?
(kuwapi) the Hittites used the dat.-loc. case of a place or time word, often in combination with a postposition.
23.4 The following postpositions govern the dat.-loc., at least in Middle and New Hittite (CREF 17.44
(*24.7.6). Some governed the genitive in Old Hittite (3.38 (*8.5), 17.24).
23.5 anda or andan in, into: -ri anda (n) in the house, KUR-e anda uit he came into the land, auwa
anda among (his) possessions/goods, aawa antua anda among good people,
UR.SAG
apadduini anda in
Mt. H., KUR kurur anda into an enemy land, ulin anda into the clay, kiari anda in the hand, KASKAL-
i anda on the road, kuedanikki anda itama- to hear from/via someone, tuekkii anda on his body,
aanduli anda in garrison.
23.6 ppa or ppan (spatially) behind, (temporally) after:
tarnui ppan behind the tarnu-building, URU-

ri EGIR-an behind the city, ANAMUNUS-TI unuwanti EGIR-an behind the dressed-up woman, taranzipi
EGIR-an behind the platform(?), antezzi ubrui EGIR-an behind/after the first .-vessel; in Old Hittite
governing the genitive: [nu
Pi]tana attama ppan after (the death of) Pitana, my father KBo 3.22:10, 30
(Anitta text, OS); kui ammel ppan LUGAL-u kiar[i ..] whoever becomes king after me KBo 3.22:22, 49
(OS);
23.7 anda in accord with: nakkiyanni anda in accord with the dignity (of my brother);
23.8 itarna in the midst of: iuna (DINGIR.ME-a) itarna among the gods, in the midst of the gods,
ANA KUR
URU
atti itarna in the midst of attua;
23.9 katta or kattan with, alongside of, to (a position with): tukka katta with you (where you are),
numu k ANE.KUR.RA.ME kuiki kattan / nanda uppai I will dispatch to you what chariotry is here
with me; ka[ttimi] SIG-in tugga katta SIG-i[n] / [t]u It is well with me; may it also be well with you ABoT
65 obv. 3-4; ammuk kattan with me KUB 23.77a (+) 13.27 + 23.77 + 26.40 rev. 67. Although in NH katta(n)
220
governs the dat.-loc., in OH it governs the genitive: annama katta with my mother, where my mother is;
takku L-i GUD-a katta watai If a man has sexual relations (lit. sins) with a cow (Laws 291, OH); UDU-
a katta with a sheep Laws 291, apelpat anna a katta with her mother, DUMU.MUNUS-a katta
with the daughter DUMU.NITA-a katta with a son Laws 189; GME-a nama
MUNUS
KAR.KID-a katta
with either a slave girl or a prostitute Laws 291;
557
[(UGULA
L.ME
MUALDIM)] aa katta ket arta the
overseer of the cooks stands here, next to the brazier; ammel katta with (or: to) me KUB 36.44 iv 4; nu
Telepinu[ UTU-un] / arunaa DUMU.MUNUS-SU arunaz EGIR-[pa uwatet ] / nu IM-a kattan pe [utet]
Telepinu brought the Sungod and the daughter of the Sea(god) back from the sea and conducted them to the
Stormgod (IM-a kattan ) KUB 12.60 i 13-15 (myth, OH/NS).
23.10 katta or kattan under, below, mostly with the locative:
GI
BANUR-i katta(n) under the table, D-i
katta(n) down to the river; andamakan UDU-un kuwapi kuewen nu linkiya / kattan kian daiwenmeanwhile
when we had killed a sheep (as part of the treaty-making ceremony), we place (the following obligations) under
oath KBo 16.47:15-16 (treaty);
GI
atalkini kattan tuli [ya pedi] under the hawthorn tree, in the place of
assembly; with the genitive : nepia kattan ulilikiddumat under heaven you (pl., addressing trees) were
growing (cf. also Neu 1968b sub uliliya-).
23.11 peran
558
before, in NH with the locative: kartimi peran before their hearts (i.e., to themselves),
UTU-i peran before the Sungod, iunimi peran before my god,
GI
BANUR-i peran in front of the table, in
Old Hittite with the genitive: LUGAL-wa pran before the king; also in New Hittite in the sense of because
of: kati peran akki He died from (i.e., because of) hunger, inani peran on account of illness, pittuliyai peran
because of fear.
23.12 ar up onto (answering the question to what place?), mostly with the locative: ui ar up onto
the roof;
GI
DAG-ti ar up onto the dais,
NA
uwaiya ar up to the stela,
URU
Taurpi ar up to the city of
Tahurpa,
ilamni ar up to the portico (or: gate structure); sometimes with allative : DINGIR-LUMkan
K.GAL-a ar ari the (statue of the) god comes up to the main gate, ua ar paizzi he goes up onto the
roof.
23.13 er upon, over, above, on behalf of, concerning, usually with the locative: ui er on top of the roof,
UR.SAG-i er on top of the mountain, NUMUN-ni er NUMUN-an seed upon seed, R-i er on the slaves

557
NH copies of the laws substituted loc. (ANE.KUR.RA-i) or acc. (arnuwalan ) for these genitives (cf. Laws 200 in KBo
6.26).
558
This word is written either p-e-ra-an or p/p-ra-an. Many Hittitologists, considering the transliteration p as
unmarked, represent the word even in broad transcription as piran. But only once (in an Old Script tablet) is there
a writing p-i-ra-an, and this passage is suspect.
221
behalf, ANAL.ME
KUR
Amurra er because of the people of Amurru, kuedani er for the sake of what?
LUGAL-wa ZI-ni er for the sake of the kings life/soul, memiyani erconcerning the matter.
23.14 29.2.1 Many of these same words which we are calling postpositions occur like substantives with neuter
sg. enclitic possessive suffixes (cf. Houwink ten Cate and Josephson 1967 123ff., Otten and Soucek 1969 70-73,
Otten 1973 44f., Neu 1983 96): EGIR-anamet after/behind them, ret on his behalf, perantet before
you. When this kind of peran takes enclitic pronouns beginning with m or , the final n assimilates: peraet
before him/her, perammet before me. In the preceding examples the place words look like nom.-acc. neuter
substantives. In other examples a different group of postpositions look like dat.-loc. forms: itarniummi in our
midst (= anza itarna) , kattitti together with you (= tuk katta), kattiummi with us (= anza katta). Cf.
18.9.3.
23.15 29.3 In answer to the question from what place? the Hittites used the ablative often in combination with
one of the above-mentioned postpositions: URU-az katta down from the city (ancient Anatolian cities were built
on hills or mounds), A.AB.BA-az ar up from the sea,
URU
Gaipuraz ar up from Gaipura, antenaz ar
up from the hole (in the ground). Another use of the ablative without postposition is in indicating directions
(CREF 18.5 (*25.2.3): kunnaz on the right, GB-laz on the left, antezziyaz in front, appezziyaz in the
rear. But see tuzziyaz appa behind the army (not from behind the army!).
23.16 29.3.1 Also governing the dat.-loc. is tapuza (tapua) alongside of: a (or GUNNI-i) tapuza
alongside the brazier, patteni tapuza beside the hole, tabarwaui tapuza beside the t.-bread,
GI
DAG-ti
tapuza beside the dais, luttiya tapuza by the window, uwaiya tapuza beside the stela. It is possible that
tapuza is an ablative of direction (cf. 18.5 (*25.2.3) from the -stem noun tapu- side. A.AB.BA tapua to
the (other?) side of the sea; overseas.
23.17 29.3.2 Normally governing the ablative is par forth from, out of:
GI
ZA.LAM.GAR-az par out of the
tent; yet one also finds K-a par out of the gate, in which the noun in -a is not an ablative.
23.18 29.4 parranda and pariya(n) both mean over, across, beyond; out in, yet parranda governs the dat.-
loc., while pariya(n) governs the accusative: aruni parranda or arunan pariyan across the sea or out in(to) the
sea.
23.19 29.5 The postposition iwar in the manner of; as governs the genitive. Usually it follows its noun:
IN.NU.DA-a iwar like straw. Rarely, in later NH, it precedes it like a preposition.
23.20 29.6 An older view claimed that the postpositives mn and maan like, as governed the genitive case
(Goetze and Pedersen 1934), but it has since been shown that these govern whatever case the noun or pronoun to
which they make a comparison is in (Gterbock 1943 154). Postpositional comparative mn (cf. CHD L-N mn 1
w. lit.) is attested from Old Hittite onwards (Neu 1974 103f. with n. 227; contra Kammenhuber 1969a 280f.). Cf.
21.8 (*28.1.3).
24. Verbal Voice 222
222
CHAPTER 24
VERBAL VOICE
24.1 31.0 Hittite possesses two sets of finite verb form endings (active and middle) and one non-finite
(participle) for the distinction of voice. On the basis of translational equivalents we may speak of three voices in
the Hittite verb: the active, the passive, and the middle.
24.2 31.1 The active and passive are easily defined. The active voice is the form of the verb which represents the
subject as the initiator of the action. The passive voice is the form of the verb which represents the grammatical
subject as the direct recipient of the action. A definition given for the Greek middle is: in the middle voice the
subject is represented as acting upon himself, or in some manner which concerns himself (Goodwin 1965 267).
This definition may help in the interpretation of many Hittite medio-passive forms, but it will by no means explain
them all.
24.3 31.2 Active verbs differentiate further into transitive and intransitive . The former take an accusative
object, while the latter do not. Sample transitive verbs are epp- to seize, da- to take, dai- to put, pai- to
give, wal- to strike, hit, and kuer- to cut. These and a few others are always transitive, i.e., they are never
without an expressed object. Sample intransitive active verbs are: e- to be, a- to be left over, remain, e- to
sleep, up- to rise (of the sun), ipart- to escape, survive, and ark- to perish. These and a few others are
always intransitive, i.e., they never take a direct object (except for inner objects, au atan e- ). A number of
active verbs can either take a direct object or not: akuwai(a)- to look or to see (someone), tar- to prevail or
to defeat (someone), na- to be afraid or to fear (someone), penna- to drive. The difference in usage is
sometimes marked by the addition of -za (cf. 32.24-32.28). Garrett 1996 has introduced the term detransitives
for those normally transitive verbs which suppress their direct objects (CREF 31.9).
24.4 31.3 What we translate in English as passive constructions correspond in Hittite to: (1) participles of
transitive verbs used as predicate nominatives in to be sentences (i.e., with the verb e- expressed or implied)
(CREF 24.12 (*31.5); (2) the medio-passive voice of some verbs which are transitive in the active voice (CREF
24.6 (*31.4.1).
24.5 31.4 First we must consider the uses of the medio-passive forms themselves (cf. Neu 1968b; 1968a).
24.6 31.4.1 Some medio-passive verbs can be considered as passives : armizziya- (act.) to bridge something,
(medio-passive) to be bridged (of a river); alzai- (act.) to call for, name, (mid.) to be called; amenk- (act.)
to bind, (mid.) to be bound; other verbs of this category with their middle translations are: anna- to be
judged, a(a)nu- to be brought into order, arai- to be stopped, ariya- to be investigated by oracle, itama-
to be heard, au()- to be seen; immiya- to be mixed, kariya- to be covered, l- to be loosed, lauwa- to
223
be poured (liquids), and lag- to be knocked down, knocked crooked. It is not claimed that every medio-passive
form of the above listed verbs must be interpreted as passive, only that at least one example of each verbis such.
24.7 31.4.2 Other medio-passive forms are reflexives: nai- (act.) to turn something, (mid.) to turn oneself,
unuwai- (act.) to decorate, (mid.) to decorate oneself, cf. aeke- (mid.) to seat oneself, arra- (mid.) to
wash oneself, karp(iya)- (mid.) to lift oneself, munnai- (mid.) to hide oneself, R-na- to subject oneself
(with -za).
24.8 31.4.3 Still others, when plural, can be understood as reciprocals : zaiya- (mid.) to fight each other,
ep-/ap- (mid.) to take each other by the hand, arra- (mid.) to part from each other, anna- (mid., and -za) to
contend with each other (in court).
24.9 31.4.4 One group of medio-passives shows a difference in meaning from the corresponding actives, but not
in any predictable or uniform way: irai- (act.) to bound or limit, (mid.) to come to an end; andai- (act.) to
fit something together, match, correlate, mate; prepare, (mid.) to be determined (by oracle); zinna- (act.) to put
an end to, (mid.) to come to an end, etc.
24.10 31.4.5 Several verbs with intransitive sense are inflected only as middles: e- to take ones seat, sit
down, ar- to be standing, ki- to occur, happen, become, ki- to be situated, lie, aiya- to be dear, loved,
aliya- to prostrate oneself, igai- to become cold, iduwa- to become known, dukk- to be seen, be observed,
regarded, important, pangariya- to be widespread, general, etc. Some of these are semantically transformative
or change of state (e-, ki-, aliya-, igai-, iduwa-) and others stative (ar-, ki-, aiya-, dukk-, pangariya- ).
24.11 31.4.6 Hittite also has verbs inflected as middles that have transitive meaning (so-called deponents):
pa- to guard, arra- (with -kan) to transgress, par-, parai-, pariya- to break (bread). Most of these are
also attested with active forms in the same meaning. The latter tend to spread at the expense of the former from OH
to NH. Often the middle forms of such verbs are preferred in OH and MH, and the active forms in NH. A few
intransitive verbs also are attested with both active and middle forms with no apparent difference in meaning:
uwa-/uya- to flee, run. This last type is not strictly speaking deponent.
24.12 31.5 The medio-passive is only rarely used to express the passive of verbs which exist also in the active.
Usually constructions employing the (passive) participle in -ant- are employed (24.4). On participles see Houwink
ten Cate 1973a; Laroche 1975; Wagner 1985; Boley 1984 and Chapter 28.
24.13 31.5.1 The following are examples of passive participles of transitive verbs used as predicates and the verb
to be expressed: nu utn maniyaekir / nu URU.DIDLI.I.A GAL.GAL-TIM tittiyante eer They governed
the land, and the large cities were assigned (to them) KBo 3.1+ i 10-11 (Telipinu proclamation, OH/NS); napa
E.ME-U / DUMU.ME-U
L.ME
gaenai L.ME aannaa U RIN.ME / taruppante aandu
Let (the future kings) brothers, sons, in-laws, the men of his clan and (his) troops be united KBo 3.1+ ii 40-42
(Tel. pr., OH/NS); nuza PANI L.KR / mekki paaanuanza / Be very much on your guard (lit. be
224
protected) before the enemy! HBM 1:11-13 (Maat letter, MH/MS); URU.DIDLI.I.Ama kuie A KUR
URU
Hatti itappante eer What cities of the Land of Hatti were blockaded Hatt. ii 41-42; (The birds which you
sent to me,) nat ara arrante eer they were spoiled, (so I didnt eat them) AT 125:12 (Hittite letter from
Alalakh, NH); (Let those who prepare the daily bread be clean;) war[p]antiat kartante aandu
ieniumakan ankuwaya dn ta let them be washed and clean, and let the body hair and fingernails be
removed from them KUB 13.4 i 15-15 (instructions for priests and temple personnel, NS).
24.14 31.5.2 With the verb to be unexpressed: l R.ME-U [ITU 1 AM]A aante her servants (are)
born [of one mo]ther KUB 1.16 ii 47 (OH/NS); memiya itantanzathe matter (is) delayed KUB 21.5 i 6
(Alak. treaty); [
GI
BANUR]-kan GAD-it kariyan the table (was) covered with the linen cloth KUB 24.8 i 22
(Appu story); tuk menaanda irimpi kar duwarnan TU.I.Ayata menaanda kar zanuwan before you
the cedar (is) already broken, before you meals (are) already cooked KUB 33.102 ii 10-12 (Ullik. myth); KUR
URU
atti ITU NUMUN LUGAL-UTTI uwan the land of Hatti (is) filled with the seed of kingship KUB 26.1 i
10-11 (edict of Tud. IV); dau iia tukpat piyan a weighty lordship(?) (is) given to you KUB 31.127+ i
19 (hymn to ama). The verb to be is unexpressed, when the tense is present or the statement a general, timeless
one.
24.15 31.6 Surrogates for passives. Some transitive verbs form no passive at all, but employ suppletive forms of
a verb of related meaning. Thus active forms of ak- to die are used to express the passive of kuen- to kill.
Similarly forms of ki- to be situated, lie, be placed are used instead of passive forms of dai- to put, place. er
tiya- appears as a passive for er dai- to place upon; and -za ki- to become as a passive for iya- to make.
24.16 31.7 In passive constructions it is customary to leave the agent unspecified. When, however, an agent is
specified, the noun or pronoun denoting the agent can appear in either ablative (CREF 18.12), instrumental
(CREF 18.19) or dative-locative case (CREF 17.39).
25. Verbal Tense 225
225
CHAPTER 25
VERBAL TENSE
25.1 32.0 Not only does the Hittite language lack the subjunctive and optative modes of other old IE languages, but
like the Germanic languages it has only two uncompounded tenses: (1) the present-future, and (2) the preterite (past
tense).
Present-Future
25.2 32.1 As its name indicates, the present-future tense sometimes translates best as an English present tense .
antutarmawanna arantallinzi the people are murmuring against us KUB 6.41 i 24 (Kup. 4); nuza
LUGAL-ua utnemet -ermitta paami (the gods have entrusted to me the land and my house,) and I, the
king, am (now) protecting my land and my house KUB 29.1 i 18-19 (rit., OH/NS); EGIR-pa!ma tezzi nu kuit
ianzi api EGIR-pa tezzi
GI
ulali arzi
GI
u uwa<n>du arkanzi then he says (to the eagle): What
are they doing? (The eagle) replies: She is holding a distaff, (and) they are holding full spindles KUB 29.1 ii 5-
7; kuedaniwaza menaanda iamikii To whom (lit. facing whom) are you singing? Ullik. II B ii 9.
25.3 32.1.2 Statements of general validity are called gnomic and are expressed in Hittite by the present tense:
mnwa UR.SAG.ME maan arayan aanzi mnwa D.ME maan arayan aranzi DINGIR.MEya
maan arayan aanzi as the mountains are separate, as the rivers flow separately, as the gods also are separate
KUB 24.8+ iv 9-12; MUEN-izakan
GI
taptappan EGIR-pa pzi nan
GI
taptappa u [inuzi] A bird takes
refuge in the nest, and the nest saves it CTH 378.A rev. 22; ANADUMU.NAM.L.U.LUpatkan anda
memian kian memikanzi arnawawa MUNUS-ni DINGIR-LUM kari tiya[zi] Among mortals they have a
saying: A god yields to the wish of a arnawa woman KUB 21.27 + 676/v ii 15-16 (CTH 384); and other
proverbs (for a collection of which see Beckman 1986).
25.4 32.2 According to the demands of the context, it is sometimes necessary to translate a Hittite present-future
form as an English past tense , especially in narrative. This is what is usually called a historical present . Since
all identified examples are found in New Hittite texts, it is possible that this construction was not used in Old
Hittite.
559
In the following examples present tense forms translatable as past are underlined. maanmaa
URU
Tuwanuwa ari nu APAL
URU
Tuwanuwa dai / nuza
URU
Tuwanuwan zaiyawanzi epzi When he reached
Tuwanuwa, he positioned (himself) below Tuwanuwa and began to fight against Tuwanuwa KBo 14.3 iv 21-22
(Deeds of Suppiluliuma, fragm. 15:); [luk]kattimakan ABUY A
URU
Tiwanzanaza katta / KUR-ekan anda
pennai EGIR-anan
L.ME
QARTAPPIU / 6 IMDUM ANE.KUR.RA.ME arzi nu ABUY A maan /

559
The pattern of use of the present tense in past narratives in Old Hittite seems to be regulated differently. For a
preliminary description see Melchert 1998 416f. (but the examples he cites for the historical present in Old Hittite are
all dubious).
226
nannai nukan edani pangawi L.KR 1-ankipat / anda andaizzi nanzaan ABUY A zaiyawanzipat /
pzi The following day my father drove down from Tiwanzana into the land, (while) in the rear his charioteers and
sex teams of horses were supporting him. And as my father was driving , he encountered that whole enemy at once,
and my father engaged him in battle KBo14.3 iv 26-31 (Deeds, frag. 15); ANA
[Piu]niyama GIM-an nakkieta

[na tamedani ] / namma [UL] kuedanikki paizzi na [mu kattan uit ] / n[amu ui ]t GR.ME-a GAM-an
aliyat[tat ] When it became difficult for [Piu]niya, he did[nt] go (lit. doesnt go) to anyone [else], but [he came
to me,] and he [proceed]ed to prostrate himself at [my] feet KUB 19.30 i 16-18; nu

Aitakkama kui LUGAL
URU
Kinza ta nui

NQ-MA-
U-a [kui] / [ant]ezzi DUMU-la ta nu maan auta / [anda]kan kuit

atkenuwante zi numa alkiu namma / [ tepaw ] ezi nuza

NQ-MA-
U-a

Aitakkaman ABUU kuenta
When Niqmadda, the eldest son of Aitakkama, King of Kadesh, saw that they were blockaded, and that furthermore
the crops (i.e., food supplies in siege) were in short supply , Niqmadda killed Aitakkama, his father. KBo 4.4 ii 3-
6 (AM 122f.). Note that in the last example the historical presents are in a kuit that clause subordinate to auta,
i.e., they concern what the young man saw (auta), and therefore were matters present to him at the time he
saw.
25.5 32.2.1 Historical presents are by far most common when the subject is grammatically 3rd person. In
historical narratives which are expressed in first person (e.g., Murilis annals or attuili IIIs Apology), the first
person forms are all preterites, and the only historical presents are in 3rd person, referring to people other than the
narrator. Of course, first person present-future forms which actually express future actions occur frequently in direct
discourse recorded in these narratives, but that is an entirely different matter: nu
Kantuzilin / kian watarnaun

L.ME
URU
Nuaiwa kuit kururiyair / nuwara ara arnik nuwama mn RIN.ME
URU
Mizri /
warreanzi nuwamu atrai nuwa ammuk / paimi nuwaran zaiyami And I instructed Kantuzzili as
follows: Because the men of Nuhai have made war, destroy them. If Egyptian troops come to their aid, write to
me, and I will go and fight them. KUB 14.17 ii 22-26 (AM 86).
25.6 32.2.2 The present-future form can also express an English future (shall, will). URRAM ERAM kui
ammuk EGIR-anda LUGAL-u kiari whoever in the future shall become king after me KBo 3.1 ii 40 (Tel.
procl., OH/NS); ANA
L
MUTI-KAwa ammuk peran uiyami nuwazakan
URU
K.BABBAR-a manza
ITU A
L
MUTI-KA neyariI will march before your husband, and all Hatti land will turn to the side of your
husband Hatt. iv 9-11. A present-future form can be indicated as future by adverbs such as URRAM ERAM,
zilatiya or appaiwatti .
25.7 32.2.3 Commonly the ambiguity of the present-future form is resolved by the use of the phrasal/serial
construction with uwa- or pai-. In these clauses a form of uwa- to come or pai- to go which agrees in person,
number, and tense with another finite verb form which follows it in the same clause, is used almost like our
English auxillary verb going to in I am going to write to him, only in Hittite it would be literally I am going I
am writing to him (nui paimi atrmi ) with the dative pronoun to him which properly belongs to atrami
227
(and any sentence particles required by the main verb atrami ) preceding paimi. On these constructions see
Disterheft 1984 and van den Hout (in Fs Hoffner, forthcoming).
25.8 32.2.3.1 Note: The phrasal/serial uwa-/pai- construction is never negated, nor does the phrasal verb ever
inflect in the iterative, even when the main verb that follows is an iterative. And of course the phrasal verb never
takes a preverb.
25.9 32.3 In if clauses (introduced by either takku or mn) the present-future form is always future in sense
(cf. 43.4.2): takkuwaan k azzizi tawa DINGIR-LUM / takkuwaan nattama a [zzizi] / tawa
antuwae If he achieves this, he is a deity; but if he doesnt achieve it, he is a mortal KBo 3.60 ii 14-17; takku
DUMU.LUGAL / antezzi NU.GL nu kui tn peda DUMU-RU nu LUGAL-u ap / kiaru If there shall not
be a first-rank prince, then let a prince of second rank become king KBo 3.1 ii 36-38;. takku DUMU.LUGALma
watai nu SAG.DU-azpat arnikdu If a prince sins (i.e., attempts homicide), let him pay only with his own
person (not with those of his extended family) KBo 3.1 ii 55-56. For if clauses with the preterite see 32.5.4
below.
25.10 32.3.1 First person present-future forms are used to express willingness to comply with a request or simple
expression of intention to act. UMMA ABI ABIYAMA / [kuiwa p ]aizzi UMMA ABUYAMA ammukwa
paimi / [nukan A]BI ABIY A ABUY A par naitaMy grandfather said, [Who] will go? and my father replied:
I will go. [Whereupon] my grandfather sent my father out KBo 14.3 iii 9-11 (DS frag. 14 ); A
ITAR par
andandatar memai / nat DUMU.NAM.L.U
18
.LU-a itamadu I shall declare (lit. speak) the divine
providence of (the goddess) Shaushka, and let (all) humanity hear it! Hatt. i 5-6; kuitmanmaza DUMU-a eun
nuza KUR.KUR. L KR kue tarikinun / nat TUPPU anti D-mi nat PANI DINGIR-LIM tei I shall
make a separate tablet (in which to enumerate) those enemy lands which I conquered while I was (only) a prince,
and I shall deposit it before the goddess Hatt. i 73-74;
ITARmamu GAAN-YA-a[(t)] / numu -it ki

memita DINGIR-LIM-niwata / ammuk tarnai nuwa l nati Shaushka, my lady, appeared to me in a
dream and in the dream said to me: I will turn you over to a (friendly protective) deity, so dont be afraid! (or
perhaps rhetorical question: Would I turn you over to a (hostile) deity? Dont be afraid!) Hatt. i 36-38.
25.11 32.3.2 Prohibitions (i.e., negative commands) are by their very nature future, and usually take the form of
l + the present-future form (CHD L-N l section a; CREF 29.12 (*36.4): nukan NAM.RA.ME katta uer
natmu GR.ME-a / kattan aliyandat BELINIwanna l arnikti The civilian captives came and fell
down at my feet, (saying,) Our lord, do not destroy us! KUB14.15 iii 46-47 (AM 56); BELI<NI>wana
karu / [ku]it arnikta nwa BELINI le namma uwai Our lord, because you destroyed us once before, do not
come again! AMD 140 iv 45-46. Rarer and so far only in NH copies of OH texts is the use of the imperative with
l (CHD l c; cf. 29.13).
228
25.12 32.3.3 Friedrich 1960 136 258, 2 calls attention to an imperatival future (German Heischefutur) in
positive commands: NINDA-an azzateni wtarra ekutteni You shall (i.e., must) eat (only) bread and drink
(only) water KUB 1.16 iii 48 (OH/NS).
Uses of the Preterite
25.13 32.4 The preterite form is normally used for an English simple past (he went, they struck).
25.14 32.4.1 According to the requirements of the context, an English present perfect or past perfect is sometimes
a more appropriate translation (he has/had gone, they have/had struck). DINGIR-LIM-i kiat (the king) has
become a god (i.e., has died).
25.15 32.4.2 Speakers could constrain a present perfect meaning of the simple preterite with the introductory
words ka or kma (Hoffner 1968b , followed by Melchert 1998 ). This has a constraining function similar
to the use of the phrasal/serial construction with uwa-/pai- to mark the future (32.2.3).
25.16 32.4.3 (old 32.4.2) The preterite is also used with and without the modal man to express various shades of
potential and unreal events (cf. below sub 32.8.3 through 32.9.1).
The Analytic Perfect Construction
25.17 32.5 In order to render a present or past perfect more precisely, speakers used a combination of the (neuter
sg.) participle and the verb ar(k)- to have or e- to be.
560
In general, transitives select the former, and
intransitives the latter (see Sommer and Ehelolf 1924 30 and Boley 1984). More specifically, only unaccusative
intransitives select e-, while unergatives ar- (see Garrett 1996102-106). Garrett has shown that unaccusative
intransitives in Hittite also select subject clitics (his section 2.2), while unergative intransitives do not (his section
2.3). Cf. 31.5-31.10.
25.18 32.5.1 The participle plus the present tense of ar(k)- is translated by English has/have ed (the
present perfect ), while the participle plus the preterite of ar(k)- is had ed (the past perfect ): antuan kuinki
par uittiyan armi I have preferred some person KBo 5.3+ iii 10 (uqq.); parnan arkanzi they have
crouched KBo 4.9 vi 7 (CTH 612.1 ANDAUMfest.); numu
ITAR kanian arta and auka had

recognized/honored me Hatt. I 28-29; numu itamaan arkir they had heard about me KBo 5.8 i 23-24 (D),
nukan KUR
URU
Arzawa man INA
URU
Puranda ar pn ta the entire land of Arzawa had gone up to
Puranda KBo 3.4 ii 54 (AM 58f.); RIN.ME NARARE_ anda warriante eerthe auxiliary troops had come
to help KBo 5.8 i 19 (AM 148f.).

560
Occasional exceptions to this rule can be observed, such as: par(a)nan arkanzi they have crouched KUB 10.21 ii
24, which is intransitive.
229
25.19 32.5.2 The (neuter singular) participle + ar- construction can also have the meaning to hold (someone/-
thing) -ed): nu L.KR-an utn kuttanit tar(a)an arta (the king) held the land(s) of the enemy subjected
by (his) strong arm KBo 3.67 i 6 (Tel. pr., OH/NS); nu KUR-e paanuwan arkir They held the land
protected (not the pluperfect: They had protected the land) KUB 14.16 i 24, ed. AM 28. This construction is
more common with the auxiliary verb ar(k)- in the imperative . When the particle -za occurs in this construction, it
construes not with the auxiliary verb ar(k)-, but with the verb in the frozen neut. participle. The construction
participle + imperative of ar(k)- does not express a tense, but should be translated keep (something) ed:
nutta DINGIR.ME TI-an arkandu / nutta auli paandaru May the gods keep you alive and protect you
in wellbeing HKM 10:45-46 (letter, MH/MS); numu itamanan lagn ar (a)k keep your ear inclined to me
KUB 24.1 i 16-17; nu A L.KR kue KASKAL.I.A naza BEL MADGALTI kappuwan ardu naza
gulan ardu let the district commander keep track of the routes of the enemy (incursions) and keep a written
record of them KUB 13.2 i 9-10 (ed. von Schuler 1957). Note that itamanan, kue KASKAL.I.A, and -a are
common gender forms, but the participles are neuter. nuwarakan L.ME
URU
HURRI anda wanuwan
arkanzi the Hurrians are keeping them surrounded KBo 5.6 ii 25 (Deeds of Supp., fragm. 28) note: not
wanuwandu to agree with -a them, but wanuwan (neut. sg.); URU.DIDLI.I.A BDkan kuie
maniyaiya anda nuza / urupan EGIR-an kappuwan arkandu Let them keep urup-ed and keep track of the
fortified cities in the administrative district KUB 13.2 i 22-23; nuwa karuiyan ar (a)k so keep quiet! KUB
14.4 iv 11 (Murs. II); nuwazakan ikia ppa INA GN tiyan ar (a)k So keep yourself placed with your back
towards the land of X KUB 14.1 obv. 16-17 (Madd., MH/MS); parkuwaya TG.I.A waan arkandu Let
them keep wearing clean clothes KUB 13.4 i 16 (instructions for priests).
25.20
32.5.3 The construction with the verb e- and a neuter or common gender participle in the nominative case
(CREF also KBo 5.8 i 19 in 25.18 (*32.5.1) is used to express the perfect and past perfect of intransitives
and the perfect passive of transitive verbs : kuezata kuez u[tneaz t]uzzi / [ar]a uwanza ta from whatever
land the army had come out KUB 23.11 ii 27-28 (annals, MH/NS); ANA
URU
[Kata]riy[ay ]a kui / RIN.ME
URU
Gaga manza warri pnza ta The entire Kaskaean army which had gone to the aid of the city Katariya
KUB 19.11 iv 36-39 (DS frag. 13); nu ITU KARA / ANE.KUR.RA.ME [paun] nu
URU
Nerikka / kuit ITU
UD-UM
Hantili ara arganza ta / nan EGIR-pa we[da]un I went with infantry and chariotry and, because
Nerik had been destroyed ever since the days of Hantili, I rebuilt it Hatt. iii 45-48; numu
L.ME
MUIRTUTI kuie
[maniyaanni] / piyante eir namukan a [ra da ] He took away from me the subjects who had been given
me to govern KUB 21.15 i 15-16 (att. III); numu MUEN.I.A kue uppeta / nat ara arrante eir /
na eduna UL / uuna UL The birds you sent me were spoiled, so I neither ate them nor even looked at
them Alalakh Tablets 125:11-14 (letter, NH); DUMU.MUNUS

KUR
URU
Karduniyawa kui

KUR
URU
Mizri /
piyanza ta What daughter of Babylonia has been given to the land of Egypt KUB 21.38 rev. 7-8 (letter of
Puduhepa, CTH 176).

230
25.21 32.5.4 Ordinary use of the preterite in mn conditional clauses is to refer to events which may have
occurred in the past (cf. CHD mn 7 b; cf. 43.4.1 and 43.4.2): mn ammuk enian AQBIIf I spoke thus KUB
14.4 iv 13 (prayer of Murs. II); nu mn DINGIR-LIM kuitki kappitIf you, O god, have counted something
(against her) KBo 4.6 rev. 14 (Murs. II); nu mn zila apz kiat If the oracular sign happened for that reason
KUB 22.70 obv. 32, 43, etc.; mnmaatikan karma ara tatta nati EGIR-pa p[i] But if you have
already taken them (scil. house and vineyard) away from him, return them to him Meskene 127 + 107:20-21
(letter of king).
25.22 32.5.5 Temporal mn (when) with the preterite can render English when I shall have ed (cf. Sommer
1932 163, cited by Friedrich 1960 258 a 1 as similar to futurum exactum of Latin. Sommers example is
mnmaiatkan uaia when I shall have defended it (i.e., the land) from him Taw. II 60.
25.23 32.5.6 English translation of the Hittite tenses must take special account of the adverbs kar already and
nawi not yet, which require the use of the English present perfect and past perfect to correctly render the simple
present and preterite: na kar paizzi he has already gone, na kar pait he had already gone, na nawi
paizzi he has not yet gone, and na nawi pait he had not yet gone.
26. Verbal Mode 231
231
CHAPTER 26
VERBAL MODE
26.1. 32.6 The Hittite language possessed no separate sets of verbal forms with the force of the subjunctive or
optative. On the other hand, there were imperative forms. In order to express the potential or unreal, one had
recourse to the optative and potential particle man (usually written (-)ma-an in contrast to ma-a-an for the temporal
or conditional conjunction.
26.2. The Imperative .
26.3. 32.6 The endings of the imperative are listed in Chapter 6 (6.12 and following).
26.4. 32.7 The first sing. forms are equivalent to our English I want to , I will surely , or let me :
aggallu let me die, pikellu let me keep giving, uwallu / ugallu I want to see . nu SISKUR A
D
[Mala]
iyallu natkan anullu I will surely perform the ritual of the [Euphrates] River and complete it Second Plague
Prayer of Murs. II 8 line 5. Other attested forms are aallu , aiggallu, karallu, kuwayatallu, memallu,
eggallu, udallu, and wemiyallu. Rarer forms of this ending show a final dental stop: -lut attested in elut let me
be and -lit in elit let me be and possibly ugakan talit but let me leave KBo 3.38 rev. 16. Cf. 6.21.
26.5. 32.7.1 The first plural imperative (properly a cohortative or exhortative) is formally identical with the
present-future. The presence of the imperative can only be determined by context. The presence of eu in the
exhortative sense come on! is sometimes a clue. The first plural forms express a wish of the speaker that the
addressee join him in the performance of an action (let us ): eu ANA
X DI-eni tiyaweni Come, let us go

before the god X for judgment KBo 6.29 ii 2ff.; kinunawa eu nuwa zaiyawatati Come now, let us do
battle with each other KBo 3.4 ii 13-14. On the possible role of eu in the history of the phrasal/serial construction
see Dunkel 1985.
26.6. 32.7.2 The second person forms are direct commands or requests: nuwamu
UTU
URU
Arinna GAAN-
Y A kattan tiya nuwamukan uni arazena KUR.KUR L.KR peran kuenni O Sungoddess of Arinna, take
my side and slay before me that enemy of the surrounding lands KBo 3.4 i 25-26 (ten-year annals of Murs. II);
Pazzannawakan
[Nunnutaa uma anda uer ] nuwara pten nuwaramu par peten Pazzanna
[and Nunnuta have sought asylum with you.] Arrest them and extradite them to me KUB 14.15 i 13-14 (detailed
annals of Murs. II); nammamu DINGIR-LUM GAAN-YA -at [QADU] -TIwamu R-aut then the
goddess, my lady, appeared to me in a dream, (saying,) Serve me with your house! Hatt. iii 4-5.
26.7. 32.7.3 The third person forms are employed, when the speaker expresses to a second party the wish that a
third party may perform some action. Occasionally, there is the implied seeking of the consent of the second party
for the third party to do this: nuwa zaiyawatati nuwanna
U BELIY A annear annau Let us do

battle, and may the Stormgod, my lord, decide our case KBo 3.4 ii 13-14, ed. AM 46; ANA
UTU-Ima EN-YA
26. Verbal Mode 232
232
A
aduili kuit atrami
UTU
URU
Arinna GAAN-YA ukiduLet the Sungoddess of Arinna, my lady, examine
what I shall write to His Majesty regarding aduili KUB 40.1 obv. 37-38; iuneda auli paantaru May
the gods protect you AT 125:3 (from salutation in a letter); utnewa mau edu May the land prosper and have
rest KBo 3.7 i 5 (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS); ANA DINGIR.ME EN.MEYA ZI-anza namma wardu To the
gods, my lords, may the mind again be gentle KUB 14.14 rev. 14 (PP 1 8).
26.8. The imperative forms are sometimes used in prohibitions with l (cf. above 32.3.2 and 36.4.1).
26.9. For the isolated use of present tense forms in positive commands cf. 32.3.3.
26.10. Potential and Irrealis
26.11. For the expression of the potential, the unreal, the ideal, the preferable, and other notions associated with
the subjunctive and optative modes of Greek and Latin, Hittite scribes employed a particle ma-an, which they
usually (but not always) distinguished from the conjunction mn (written ma-a-an) by the shorter spellings ma-an
or ma-na-/-nu-. Examples of the plene writing of potential man are ma-a-nu-u-kn KBo 3.1 ii 11 (OH/NS), ma-a-
na-an BoTU 48 iii 11 in AM 66. Further examples may be found in CHD L-N sub man. Unlike the conjunction
mn when, if, man is not found in clauses beginning with nu.
26.12. 32.8.1 man with the present tense can be translated in three ways: (1) would, (2) might and (3)
ought. In the latter two cases it closely resembles the usage of the Greek optative mode.
26.13. 32.8.2 As would we find man with the present in: mnwamu 1-an DUMU-KA paiti
manwaramu
L
MUTI-KA kiariIf you would give me one of your sons, he would become my husband
KBo 5.6 iii 12-13 (Deeds of uppiluliuma I).
26.14. 32.8.3 As might we find man with the preterite in: ma-a-am[-ma-an-a-ma-a ?] (i.e.,
*mnmanma )
561
tayazzil pikir man mantepat marer nama
L.ME
N.ZU kiantati kman kn pzi
kman kn pzi If they [were] to charge [them] with theft, all of them might dissemble or become thieves; this
one might seize that one, and that one might seize this one KBo 6.2 ii 53-55 (Laws 49, OS).
26.15. As ought (expressing the ideal, the preferable, the wished for) we find man with the present in: [nu kuit
(.ME DUMU.L)]UGAL danna ilaliyanzi nu kian [da]ranzi [(aimanwa URU-a a)]mmel kiari
[Because] they covet the princes houses, they say: That city ought to be mine KBo 3.1 ii 63-64 (Tel. Procl.,
OH/NS); kamu k tet Labbaya KAxU-az memita manwana ianittaratar iyaweni Labbaya has said
this to me he conveyed it orally We ought to make for ourselves a blood relationship VBoT 2:1-3 (letter).

561
Cf. Hoffner 1997a 59f., 191f.
26. Verbal Mode 233
233
These examples and a few others are what has been called the speaker optative use of man.
562
[Queen of Egypt:
mn=wa=mu 1-an DUMU=KA paiti man=war=a=mu
L
MUTI=YA kiari]
26.16. The subject optative, which expresses a wish not of the speaker but of the grammatic subject of the
clause, can be seen in: mnukan uzziya kuenta nu uttar iduwati uzziya wanted to kill them, but the
matter became known KBo 3.1 ii 11; and in the following example the grammatical subject is also the speaker:
man INA
URU
ayaa paunpat nuza MU.KAM-za er tepaweanza ta I wanted to go also to ayaa, but the
year was too short for that KBo 4.4 iii 22-23 (Mursili II annals).
26.17. man with the preterite tense (CREF 26.14 (*32.8.3) is found both in main clauses and in subordinate
ones (principally in conditional clauses).
26.18. In the sense of past potential (could have): [m]antakan ABI-KA KUR-KAya UL ara dir
manat [(da)]medani kuedanikki pierCould they not have taken from you your fathers house and your land and
given them to someone else? KBo 5.13 i 20-21 (Kup. 7 C).
26.19. The equivalent of English potential almost ed was expressed with the help of the verb waggar- to
lack governing the infinitive: nukan epadu uaz katta mauwanzi waggare Hebat almost fell down (lit.,
lacked to fall down) from the roof KUB 33.106 ii 8 (Ullik. myth).

562
Hoffner 1982a.
27. Verbal Aspect 234
234
CHAPTER 27
VERBAL ASPECT
27.1 17.1 Any verbal stem can be expanded by the addition of the formative -ke-, which together with its
following heteroclitic theme vowel e/a is usually referred to as the iterative (and was so designated in Friedrich
1960), though Kammenhuber 1969b 217f. calls it the durative-distributive, and Dressler 1968 a verb of plurality.
Its usages conform only partially to any of these categories. Two books have been devoted to the Hittite -ke- forms:
Bechtel 1936; Dressler 1968. A third book deals with the Hittite iterative as one of many discrete linguistic topics
(Wagner 1985). Cf. further above in 12.5.5 and following.
27.2 17.2 In some cases the addition of -ke- to a verbal stem resulted in sound shifts which partially obscured
the identity of the formative: ar- >ar(a)ke-, ipand- >ipanzakke-, ed- >azzikke-, dai- >zikke-, kuen- >
kuwake-, ann(a)- >aikke-, tarn(a)- >tarikke-, au()- >uke-, malt- >malzikke- . In many of these cases it
was a stem-final dental in direct contact with the following -ke- which produced -zikke-or -zakke-.
27.3 17.2.1 When a -ke- form began to lose its special force in the common mind, a second -ke- could be
added, creating in effect a double -ke-: au()- to see, uke- (regular -ke- form), ukike- (double-ke-). Other exx.
are MH/MS dammikikanziHKM 52:12 (from damme- to press), [ap]pikikimi HKM 89:18 (from epp-/app-
to seize),
L
ukigatalla watchman, sentinel, and ekekinun and ekikanzi (from e- to sleep) in Mursili
II documents. d/tukike- (OH/NS and later) is an iter. from duk- to rejoice, which may not itself be an iterative.
27.4 17.22 Less common are cases of the formative -ea-. Its function is similar to -ke-. iya- to do, make
(ia-, ea-), alzai - to call (alzea-) (Friedrich 1960 75 141d, Kammenhuber 1969b 217f., 320f.).
27.5 17.3 The formative -annai - expresses the durative idea. Examples are: uittiya- to draw (uittiyannai-),
ulla- to strike (ullannai- ), iuwa- to scatter, pour (iuwannai -), par- to chase, pursue (parannai -),
pariya- to break (pariyannai- ), peiya- to drop, throw (peiyanneke-), piyai- to send (piyannai-), tu-
to part (tuannai -), wal- to strike, smite (walannai -). Luraghi 1997 28 calls these intensive forms.
27.6 17.3.1 But the durative idea is also represented in cases where the extent of the durative action is indicated
by kuitman until (CREF 38.21 (*43.1.1) + a non-durative verb form: nammaan walannikittenpat kuitman
A UTU-I tuzz[i uizzi] Keep attacking (durative) him until the army of My Majesty comes (non-durative)
KUB 23.72+ rev. 28; tanza tuannai [kuitm(an ape)]l
GI
GETIN SIG-atta And he will keep harvesting it
(i.e., the good vine) until his own vine recovers Laws 113 (KUB 29.24 i 5-6 w. dupl. KBo 6.10 i 29, NS). Note
also the ordinary -ke- w. kuitman: nu -rii annikizzi kuitmna lzziatta and he will work on his estate
until (the injured man) recovers Laws 10 (KBo 6.2 i 17-18, OS).
27.7 17.3.2 The forms with -annai - tend to also add the iterative -ke- (cf. 33.7): uittiyannike-,
laiyannike-, peiyanneke-, piyannike-, takannike-, walanneke-, weriannike-.
235
27.8 17.4 Reduplicated verbal roots are encountered in Hittite (van Brock 1964; Hoffner 1966; Oshiro 1995;
Oettinger 1998). This verbal reduplication is of several types: (1) reduplication of the entire root: wariwarant -
(war-) burning, partipartike - (*parti -), inin- (*in- KUB 7.1 i 24), ananiya- to be attentive, aa-
/ae- (a-/e- to sit), kikki- (ki- to be placed), cf. HED K s.v.), zaza- (za- to strike), (2) reduplication
with the vowel e: wewakk- (wek-) to ask, (3) reduplication with i: lilakk- (lak-) to bend, knock over, tittanu-
to make to stand, (4) reduplication with a:lalukka-, (5) repetition of the initial syllable of the root: aar- to
laugh (probably also onomatopoetic), kikki- (ki-) to become, kukkur- (kuer-) to cut, kun(ni)kunk-(kunk- to
sway(?)), lillipa- (lip-) to lick, pappar - to sprinkle, iiya- to press (as a creditor), and (6) like (5) but
with a zero grade in the second syllable: edu- (*e-ed-) to sit safely(?), prosper, alila- (<aliya-?),
mummiye-(mid.) (< mau- to fall). Luraghi 1997 29 suspects their original meaning was intensive or iterative.
27.9 33.1 The suffix -ke/a- (designated by some Hittitologists as -k-) denotes action seen in progress
(sometimes repeated, sometimes continuous, sometimes gnomic). The suffix -anna(i)-has a similar force.
563
The
former takes the endings of the mi-conjugation, the latter those of the i-conjugation. Watkins refers to the -ke/a-
forms as imperfective, and translates them as is/was ing.
27.10 33.1.1 Bechtel (1936) observed that static verbs such as iya- (middle) to be on ones way do not form
-ki/a- derivatives.
27.11 With the exceptions of the two verbs e- to be and iya- (mid.) to go cited above in 33.1.1, all verbs
accompanying distributive expressions (e.g., nouns repeated in the same case: UD-at UD-at day by day, ITU-mi
ITU-mi month by month, GE-ti GE-ti night after night, MU-ti MU-ti year by year, lammar lammar
moment by moment, etc., CREF 21.9) are -ke/a- formations: ANADINGIR-LIM anda UD-at UD-at memikizzi
nu DINGIR-LAM wallikizzi(the scribe who reads the royal prayer to the cult statue of the deity) says it to the
deity daily and repeatedly praises the deity KUB 24.2 i 1-2 (cf. KBo 3.5 i 4); nu INA 6 M INA
L
I aranda
nu .GAL azzikkanzi GE-tima GE-ti turikizzipat For six nights (the horses) stand in the stable, and eat
fodder, but he hitches (the horses to the chariots) night by night KBo 3.5 iii 65-67; LUGAL-wa ZI-ni er ITU-mi
ITU-mi / linkikiten KUB 13.3 ii 25-26; nakan MU.KAM-ti MU.K[(AM-ti)] / [(ar )]anikandu KUB
31.86 + 40.78 + 1203/u ii 31-32 (dupl: KUB 31.89:14); wtarmai KASKAL-i KASKAL-ipat ITU 1
UPNI pekanzi they give water to them time after time with one UPNU-measure KBo 3.5 ii 45-46; ANA
E.DG.GAY A al KASKAL-i KASKAL-i atrekimi HKM 58:29; namma RIN.ME-an MU-ti MU-ti
pikanzi then they keep giving troops year by year KUB 23.72+ rev. 18 (Mita text, MH/MS); note also the use
with the Luwian equivalent suffix -a/i-: uddrmetta peun nu k / [tupp]i ITU-mi ITU-mi perantit
alzeandu KUB 1.16 iii 56-57 (OH/NS). In accord with 33.1.2 note that iya- (mid.) accompanies the

563
Bechtel 1936; Dressler 1968; Friedrich 1960 141 and 269, and Meriggi 1980 171-172.
236
distributive expression without the derivational suffix: nata L.KR QTAMMA / kuit KUR-e anda / lammar
lammar iattar[i] HKM 8:12-14.
27.12 Other actions, not accompanied by distributive adverbs, seem to be described as repeated (i.e., continual,
not continuous): nu
Mta mekki kuit watakit [] idlu antuwaa NI DINGIR-LIMkan apa arrakit

Because Mita continually sinned much (N.B.), [and he was(?)] an evil man, he too repeatedly transgressed the
oath of the god 1684/u + KUB 23.72 obv. 36-36 (MH/MS); INIM.ME A KUR Mizriya kuit [] itamakii
natmu DUMUYA atreki My son, keep writing to me the matters concerning Egypt which you are hearing
(from time to time) KUB 26.90 iv 1-3 (letter fragment).
27.13 Sometimes expresses customary, common, or characteristic behaviour: One of the clearest examples of a -
ke- verb form expressing customary action is in Murilis Speech Loss (KBo 4.2 iv 28-32 and duplicates): ITU
GI
BANURmazakan kuezza azzikkinun ITU GALyakan kuezza akkukinun atiyazakan kuedani
ekekinun ITU
URUDU
DUAyazakan kuiezza arrekinun the table from which I customarily ate, the cup
from which I customarily drank, the bed in which I customarily slept, the wash bowl from which I customarily
washed myself (cf. Goetze and Pedersen 1934 10f., lines 16ff.). Note the contrast with KBo 4.2 iv 37-39 (a few
lines later), where the king speaks of what happened on a single occasion (non-k- forms); tukmawa
DUMU.ME-KA mekkau memikanzithey ( always ) say you have many sons KBo 5.6 iii 11-12, alkiwa
maan NAM.L.U.LU GUD UDU uitarra man uinukizzi just as grain keeps all humans, cattle, sheep
and wild game alive KBo 4.2 i 58-59.
27.14 The preterite of the -ke- form is combined with the adverb kar to express our used to do something:
LAW 7 takku L.U.LU-an ELLAM kuiki dauwai namaZUU laki / kar 1 MA.NA K.BABBAR piker
kinuna 20 GN K.BABBAR p[(ai)] But the kar is optional, as is shown by the exmple: KUB 5.10 + 16.33
+ 83 i 7-13 EZEN araitainwa kuwapi iyanzi (8) nuwa ANA D-LIM I$TU .GAL-LIM 1 GN
K.BABBAR SG SA SG ZA.GN 1-NUTUM
KU
NG.BR.I.Aya (9) pekir kinunawa EZEN
araitain ier K.BABBARmawa SG SA SG ZA.GN
KU
NG.BR.I.Aya (10) UL pier
27.15 memikanzithey (always) say is used frequently to introduce proverbs or popular sayings expressing
customary behaviour or statements of general validity (Beckman 1986). But the verb expressing the customary
behaviour is not in the -k-form: ANADUMU.NAM.L.U.LUpatkan anda memian kian mem[i]kanzi /
arnawawa MUNUS-ni DINGIR-LUM kari tiya[zi] Among mortals they ( always ) say: A deity yields to the
wish of a woman of the bearing stool KUB 21.27+ ii 15;
27.16 Interestingly enough, when the numerical adverb for so-many times (x-anki or xU with x sanding
for a numeral) is used, its accompanying verb is virtually never an explicitly marked imperfective (e.g., an -ke-
form). CREF 14.27
237
27.17 Activity stretching out over an indefinite period of time: takku
GI
TUKUL-lima mimmai L
GI
TUKUL-
u A..I.A arkanta taranzi (variant: nu A..I.A A L
GI
TUKUL arkantan taranzi ) nanza
L.ME URU-LIM annikanzi But if he refuses (to perform) the craft, they declare the fields of the craftsman
vacated, and the men of the city work them KBo 6.2 + 19.1 ii 20-21 (Laws 40, OS) with dupl. KBo 6.3 ii 40-41
(OH/NS); 1 LM MUL.I.A ukkikanzithe thousand stars are pronouncing spells KUB 7.1 ii 21-22;
DINGIR.DIDLI-a DUMU.ME-u A.AB.BA-az ar dair u allanukir the gods took (non-iter.) the baby
boys up out of the sea and began to raise them (iter.) KBo 22.2 obv. 4-5, cf. also line 7; (if someone finds a
horse, mule or ass, ) nanza trikizzi (var. trizzi) he may hitch it up (for work) KBo 6.3 iii 65 (Laws
71) w. dupl. KBo 6.2 iii 60 (OS) | the NH scribe substituted an -ke- form for the OH trizzi, because he saw
the action as extending over the period until the lost animal was reclaimed;
URU
aanmazakan UR.MA
maan / ara tarkuwallikinun I kept glowering(?) at aa like a lion KBo 10.2 iii 1-2 (OH/NS).
27.18 Accompanying ka in the present tense to express an action that is currently in progress but also seen as
recurring or regular: (the palace servants say:) [k]awaz MUNUS.ME U.GI-u punukizzi she is always
consulting the Old Women KUB 1.16 iii 67 (OH/NS)
27.19 If an action unfolds in several stages or consists of several repeated movements (Friedrich 1960 269d):
DUG
upuwaya a anda laukizzi
DUG
upuwayama tuwarnikizzi (the priestess) pours out little by little from
the .-vessel onto the hearth, and she breaks the .-vessel piece by piece 2Mast. iii 32-34; NINDA.I.A-ya kueu
pariyannekit and the loaves which he has broken one after the other KBo 5.1 i 38; (if a slave burglarizes a
house,) R-a KAKAKU ita[(manu)u kukkur]kizzi nan appa iii pianzi he will cut off the
slaves nose and ears KBo 6.2 iv 45 (Laws 95, OS); Sometimes the idea of doing something to multiple objects
one-by-one is in view: nu atai / ITU lappa K.BABBAR dakanzi natkan ANA.DG.GA upar
K.BABBAR anda / zikkanzi (The women) take up the bones (one-by-one) with the silver tongs(?) and place
them (one-by-one) in the fine oil (in) the silver pitcher KUB 30.15 + 39.19 (HTR 66f) i 3-5
27.20 If an action, although not necessarily continuous, extends over an expressed period of time (Friedrich 1960
269e): GE-an mantan uzurin D.DU.A azzikkanzi(the horses) eat hay from throughout the entire night
KUB 1.13 i 35-36; nu -rii / annikizzi kuitmna lzziatta he will work on his estate until he recovers
KBo 6.2 i 17-18 (Laws 10, OS); (if someone sets fire to anothers grain-storage shed,) [GU]D.I.AU etrikizzi
nuan par ameanda / arnuzi he must feed (-ke-) his cattle, and bring them through to the following
spring KBo 6.3 iv 60-61 (Laws 100, OH/NS); (the following year I went to fight against anauitta,) nu
URU
[anauit]tan INA ITU.5.KAM zaekinun and I fought against anauitta for five months KBo 10.2 i 47
(OH/NS); [kuitm]ankan ABUYA INA KUR.KUR.ME URRI ta
Piuniyama [KUR UGU-T]I GUL-

annek[it] while my father was in the Hurrian lands, Pihhuniya kept attacking [the Upper Lan]d KUB 14.17 ii 32-
33 (AM 88).
238
27.21 33.6.1 Expressing an action in progress during which another event will occur: takku L-a GUD-U D-
an znukizziif a man is fording a river with his ox, (and another person pushes him off, seizes the oxs tail and
fords the river [all non-ke-]) KBo 6.2 ii 30 (Laws 43, OS); takku arnuwalan [(kuiki)] / katta ekizzi
anna(n)an n[e]k[a(n)anna (wenzi)] If someone is sleeping with an arnuwala- woman, and knocks up her
mother or her sister KBo 6.26 iv 23-27 (Laws 200, OH/NS) | of course, one could also say that repeatedly, i.e.,
night after night, he sleeps with the arnuwala- woman, but that explanation is unnecessary to explain the form;
27.22 33.6.2 Expressing an extended activity (-ke-) leading up to a result (non-ke-) (cf. also 33.8 below):
nutta artaggan mn / [-]ikimi nu tuiyattit kti I will keep ing you like a bear (acc.) until you die of
suffocation KBo 7.14 obv. 5-6 (OS);
27.23 33.6.3 With -ke- imperatives the force seems to be keep on ing: nu[z]a pankun EGIR-pa punuki
keep consulting the panku KUB 1.16 iii 6 (OH/NS);
URU
Hattui alwanzanna nata uddr parkunukatten
KBo 3.1+ iv 20/22 (OH/NS); nu zik azzikki akkuki nu taknaUTU-i peran LUGAL-un u / memiki nata
UMMILUGAL takna UTU-i peran u tar(a)ki KBo 7.28 + 8.92:17-19 (OH/MS), cf. ibid. 27-29; nu
L.ME
URU
Gaga / kui takuli iyandari / nakan MAAR UTU-I par naiki HKM 10:20-22 (MH/MS)
(N.B.: Here one sees that iya- mid. to go, march does not take the -ke- form); numu atreki HKM 27:10
(MH/MS); BELUmu aul atreki / nammaan ANA YA / IGI.I.A-wa ar(a)k HKM 27:23-25 (MH/MS)
(N.B. Here one sees that ar(k)- to have, hold does not take the -ke- form); ta BD-ear / [(wal)]ikiddu and
let it (scil. the battering ram) keep on hitting the city wall KBo 22.6 iv 21-22 (OH/NS); nuan par
kalankanza nutta kuit memikimi numu DINGIR-LUM itamanan / lagan ar(a)k nat itamaki be
appeased, and with respect to what I am saying to you, O god, keep your ear inclined to me, and keep listening
KUB 24.1 i 15-17 (N.B.: here the force of the imv. of the -ke- must be very close to the neut. sg. participle plus
ar(a)k, on which CREF 25.19 (*32.5.2) keep (something) ed).
27.24 33.6.4 Certain verbs specialize the -ke/a- form for a certain lexical meaning, e.g. maniya- to entrust >
maniyaeke- to govern (cf. CHD s.v.).
27.25 33.7 The -annai- suffix (CREF 27.5 (*17.3) usually combines with the -ki/a- suffix (cf. 17.3.2),
especially in post-OH. Forms of the -annai- verb without -ki/a- are often indicators of an archaic (OH or MH) text:
iyanniwan [dai]r piddanniwan dair KUB 14.1 obv. 74 (Madduwatta, MH/MS); tanza tuannai [kuitm(an
ape)]l
GI
GETIN SIG-atta and he will keep harvesting grapes from it until his own vine has recovered Hittite
Laws 113 (KUB 29.24 i 5, OH/NS); nu 1 NINDA.KUR.RA pariya nu u[kmain ukzi] / NINDA.KUR.RAya
7-an
ebat pariyannai / memikizziya QATAMMA he breaks one thick loaf and [recites] a spell, he breaks seven
thick loaves to Hebat and repeats the same words as before KBo 11.14 ii 29-31 (rit.).
27.26 33.8 Hittite possessed several methods of expressing actions in progress (sometimes continuous or
repeated), only one of which was the -ke/a-. One could use the -annai- forms, the (Luwian) -a- verb forms, or a
reduplicated stem. On the reduplicated verbal stems CREF 2.8-2.11, 27.8. For imperfective stems with the
239
supine cf. 28.42. The choice of which method was often influenced by the availability of reduplicated forms and
stylistic criteria. The verbs wal- and pariya- seem to have preferred the -annai- to the -ki/e-formation. The verbs
iya- to do, make and alzai- to call preferred the Luwian -ea- form: ia-, alzea-. Combinations of
different imperfective forms can be seen in the following passages: pekizzi pariyannai zikkizzihe gives
breaks (bread) puts KUB 10.21 v 24-26; alzeai pariyannai ikizzi KUB 10.72 ii 20-22; walannai
tarnekizzi KUB 7.13 obv. 16. When one or more of such verb forms leads up to a non-iterative verb, it
sometimes indicates a repititious process leading to a result (cf. 33.6.2): nu L.KR-an utn kuttanit tar (a)an
arta nu utne arninkikit nu utne ara tarranut he kept the enemy lands subjected by (his) strong arm, and he
kept ravaging the (enemy) lands (until) he wore the lands out KBo 3.1+ i 6-7 (Telepinu Proclamation, OH/NS),
cf. ibid. 16-17, 26-27; arlikizzi lilakki walannai[t]u arnikzi he will continually vindicate (the
innocent), he will repeatedly knock down (the wicked), and repeatedly hit (them) until he destroys them KUB
24.8 i 3-5 (Appu).
27.27 33.9 An overlooked facet of verbal aspect in Hittite is the use of ka or kma with the two primary tense
forms (present-future and preterite) of the verb. This was first noticed in Hoffner 1968b 532. The function of
ka/kma is to relate the past or present-future tense of the verb to the present, i.e., it renders the immediacy of
the action. With present-future it must often be translated to be ready to , be prepared to , be about to , and
with the preterite to have just finished (i.e., like the present perfect).
28. Verbal Nouns 240
240
CHAPTER 28
VERBAL NOUNS:
GERUND AND INFINITIVE
28.1 The Hittite language possessed four verbal nouns: the gerund (or verbal substantive), the infinitive, the
supine, and the participle.
28.2 34.1 The forms of the verb in -war, -mar (gen. sg. -wa, -ma) and -atar (gen. sg. -anna) discussed
briefly in 9.1.5 mark what is called the verbal substantive . The verbs which form their verbal substantive with -
war/-mar form the infinitive with -wanzi/ -manzi; those with verbal substantives in -atar form the infinitive in -
anna (cf. 3.23, 6.9). The choice of ending is wholly a matter of the class of the verb and in no way reflects a
difference in meaning or usage.
28.3 34.1.1 The e-grade of ablauting stems is shown in euwar, euwanzi (from e-), eppuwanzi (from epp-
to seize), but amankuwa (gen. sg.), not *aminkuwa.
28.4 34.1.2 The terminology of the various verbal nouns in Hittite is summarized by the following table.
Name Verbal Substantive Infinitive Supine Participle
Ending -war, -mar, -atar -wanzi, -manzi, -anna -wan -ant-
28.5 34.2 The usage of the verbal substantive (or gerund) can best be illustrated by considering separately its
use as nominative, accusative and genitive.
28.6 34.2.1 When it occurs in the nominative case, it merely names an action: k kuit daliyawar SIS-at
(now with regard to) this omission which has been determined KBo 14.21 i 28; wekuwar (this composition is)
a wekuwar [an asking/requesting] in colophon after KUB 15.5+ iv 39. The verbal substantive is the citation form
used to translate Akkadian infinitives in Sumerian-Akkadian-Hittite lexical texts: (A.) alu = (H.)
punuuwar, (A.) itaalu = (H.) punukiwar, (A.) uzzuzu = (H.) kattaan arnumar KBo 1.44 i 11-13, ed.
MSL 17: 101.
28.7 34.2.2 In the accusative case it represents the object of a transitive verb: [nuza m]aan ABUY A wa-al-
a-u-wa-ar auzi when my father saw the attacking, (he drove up to Tuwanuwa) KBo 14.3 iv 39, ed. Gterbock
1956; (with regard to the shipments which I have been sending to you, if I send you an aul -gift,) zikmaatza
par dammenkuwar alzeatti you call it forming an attachment KBo 18.24 i 5-7 (Otten, AfO 22:112f.); nuza
ANAKARA uwatar iyanun I made for the army an inspection (lit. a seeing) KBo 4.4 iii 28; IGI.I.A-
amu uwatar pai give me the seeing of (my) eyes! KUB 27.67 ii 65.
28.8 34.2.3 In the genitive case it also merely names an action: taknaza dawa SISKUR.SISKUR the ritual of
taking (something) from the earth KUB 17.18 iii 20, cf. Taracha 1990; maanma
d.KU
kura irawa pedi
241
ari but when the (deified) hunting bag reaches the place of the irawar rite KUB 20.25+ i 4-5 (JNES 20:92f.);
ANE.KUR.RA triyawa a draft horse (lit. horse of hitching up) KBo 6.2 + 19.1 iii 43 (Laws 64, OS);
28.9 34.2.4 As discussed in 17.27, there is a genitive without an expressed head noun (genitive absolute)
which stands alone: na mn
L
UBRUMma kuedani uizzi na INA DINGIR-LIM ar pawa but if he
comes to someone a privileged outsider and is one of going up (i.e., one allowed access) to the temple KUB
13.5 ii 11-12 (with restorations from manuscript J); mna arkanna if he is one of perishing (i.e., one
deserving the death penalty) KBo 4.10 i 10; nauwa he of fearing (i.e., a reverent man) Hatt. IV 55; kui ara
tarnumma he who is to be released (from military duty) KUB 13.20 i 11; nu [(annanu)mm]a 6 GN
K.BABBAR pai he shall give six shekels of silver as the (price) of training KBo 6.26 iv 29-30 (Laws 200b)
w. dupl. KUB 13.14 + 13.16 rev. 6-7, ed. Hoffner 1997a 158f.; note the following negated examples: kuitma DI-
ar umel UL tar-a-u-u-wa-a whatever litigation (proves) impossible for you (plural) (to resolve/settle) KUB
13.20 i 36; UL uwawa (literally, not one of coming) one not permitted to come KUB 1.16 ii 5;
D
Aranzait
UL mazzuwa(I have impregnated you) with the Tigris River, not to be resisted KUB 33.120+ i 32 (Song of
Kumarbi); nuwa memiya nakki ULmawara ara peiyawa the matter is important; it is something not
to be cast aside Ullik. I A iv 45-46. A negated gen. of the verbal substantive can usually be translated not -
able or not to be -ed.
28.10 34.3 The verbal substantive, having both a nominal and a verbal aspect, can take its logical object in either
the genitive or accusative case. When its nominal aspect is prominent, it takes its object in the genitive :
DINGIR.ME-amamu ar[nummar] / UL ZI-anza ta The relocating of the gods was not my wish KUB14.7 i
9-10; EYAmamu kuit ki()an TAPUR ADUMU.MUNUSwa zaluganumar [UL ra] Concerning what
you, my brother (Ramesses II), wrote to me, saying: Detaining the (promised) daughter [is not permitted] KUB
21.38 obv. 34 (letter of Puduepa); L.ME KUR
URU
Mizrama maan A KUR
URU
AmqaGUL-auwar
itamaanzi but when the people of Egypt heard (lit. hear) the attacking of the land of Amqa KBo 5.6 iii 5-6;
[A MUNUS.LUGAL tepn]umar [mn Z]I-anza ta / [mnmata UL ZI-anz]a eta / [apa ma A
Tawannann]a tepnumar / [iyat] Whether or not it was your will to demote the queen, he carried out the demoting
of Tawananna KUB21.19 i 25-28; alluwanuerm [aatza ] / nu namma [E-a? m]alluwar U[L kiari] They
quarrelled, so that no further milling [of the grain occurs] KUB 24.7 i 32-33, ed. Gterbock, Fs Kramer 155-164.
When its verbal aspect is prominent, it takes its object in the accusative : nu Ipudainara maniyaekizzi /
GI-an
GI
UMBIN aauwar
GI
TUKUL appatar Ipuda-inara taught (hist. pres. shows or teaches) them
(how) to smooth/sharpen an arrow (or) a wheel (and) to hold a weapon KBo 3.34 ii 28-29 (Palace Chronicle,
OH/NS). Perhaps even the dative: nuza ANA KARA uwatar iyanun I made for the army an inspection (i.e.,
I inspected the army) KBo 4.4 iii 28. The logical subject of the verb contained in the gerund can also occur in the
genitive case: IGI.I.A-amu uwatar pai give me the seeing of (my) eyes! KUB 27.67 ii 65.
242
INFINITIVE
28.11 34.4 The infinitive is most often used to express the purpose of the action in the main finite verb of the
clause: nuwakan Pipitain a [p]iyawanzi [par] neun I sent Pipitahi out to do reconnaissance HKM
17 obv. 16-17 (letter, MH/MS); takku ppatriwanzi kuiki [p]aizzi If anyone goes to requisition KBo 6.26 i 28
(Laws 164, OH/NS); sometimes the verb governing the infinitive is itself non-finite (e.g., a participle): allall
pwanziwaza UGU linkanuwanza I have been made to swear with the regard to defection KBo 4.14 ii 46-47
(treaty).
28.12 34.4.1 Even when no finite verb is expressed, the infinitive can express purpose: 1
DUG
ania GETIN
ipanduwanzi one jug of wine for libating KUB 7.53 i 23 (rit. of Tunn.).
28.13 34.4.2 Occasionally the infinitive describes the manner in which the action of the main verb is executed:
liliwauwanzi nai Send quickly! ABoT 60 rev. 3-4, VBoT 2:10-12, liliwauwanzi arnutten Move quickly!
HKM 15:10-13, liliwauwanzi nni Drive here quickly! HKM 14:6-7, nu INA 8 MUI penniyawanzi 6 DANNA
arnuanzi And for eight nights they move them six DANNAs at a trot KBo 3.5 i 57-58 (Kikkuli horse training
manual); nu akuruwawanzi aiknuanzi And they satisfy them (i.e., the horses) by watering KUB 29.40 ii 5
(Hipp.heth 178);
28.14 34.4.3 The infinitive can define a (predicate) adjective: eki BD-ni LUGAL-a KASKAL-a takuwanzi
GI
SAR.GETIN-a tuuuanzi (var. KBo 6.3 iii 24 tuuwanzi) A [(
L
URUDU.NAG)]AR / natta kuiki
arawa No one of the metalworkers shall be exempt with respect to making ice, a fortification wall, and a kings
road, or harvesting vineyards KBo 22.62 + 6.2 iii 21-22 (Laws 56, OS);
URU
Akitumamaa SISKUR-ear /
anda ukiyawanzi / kuit anezzi she (i.e., my mother) is an offering of the Akiti festival which is pleasant to look
at CTH 315:54-56.
28.15 34.5 The infinitive can be construed so that the logical direct object of the verb stands in the accusative
case (note also the variety of auxiliary verbs and their force): anzelzaka[n] / RIN.ME-an RIN.ME
<L.>KR waluwanzi / zikkizziThe enemys troops will begin to attack our troops KBo 10.7+ iii 15-16; takku
DUMU-an an [(nanumanzi)] kuiki pai nau
L
NAGAR n[(ama
L
)S(IMUG.A)
L
U.B]AR nama
L
AGAB
nama L TG If anyone pays for training a son (in a craft), either a carpenter, a smith, a weaver, a leatherworker
or a fuller Laws 200 (OH/NS); A .GAL-LIMmaz NUMUN.I.A / aniyawanzi UL mimatti but you will
not refuse to sow the seeds supplied by the palace (lit. of the palace) HKM 55:27-28 (MH/MS);
GI
armiz[ziwa]
/ ITU NA wedumanzi / kar zinnanda They have already finished building the bridge with stones HKM 72:4-6
(letter, MH/MS); nuza
URU
Tuwanuwan zaiyawanzi pzi he began to fight Tuwanuwa KBo 14.3 iv 22
(Deeds of upp., fragm. 15); [ppa]makan Attariiya L
URU
iy ara uit nu EGIR-an tukpat
Madduwattan kunanna an[iki]t Attariiya, the man of Aiy, came, and was seeking to kill you,
Madduwatta KUB 14.1 obv. 60 (MH/MS); nuza
URU
Tuwanuwan zaiyawanzi pzi He began to fight
Tuwanuwa KBo 14.3 iv 22 (D frag. 15F), cf. ibid. 29-31; nuza pait
URU
Alminan wetummanzi IBAThe
243
began to fortify Almina KBo 5.6 i 9 (D frag. 28A); nuwaza DUMU-a kui[ zik] / [nuw]arankan
taparuna kuwapi paii And because you are but a child, where will you go to rule him? KUB 19.29 iv 20-21, ed.
AM 20f.; LAMMA-aa kue KARA.I.A INA KUR
URU
Nuai / alkiu arninkuwanzi peudan arta The
troops that Kurunta had led to Nuae in order to destroy (their) crops KBo 4.4 ii 63-64, ed. AM 120f.; nu uwai
/ A
UR.SAG
Taa
NA
perunu ITU SAG.DUKA GUL-auanzi / zinnikii You will end up striking the rocks of
Mt. Taa with your head KUB 33.120 i 34-36 (Song of Kumarbi); mnapa
NINDA
taparpau arrumanzi
taruptari when the distribution of taparpau -breads is completed KUB 41.42 iii 5-7, with restorations from
dupl. KUB 10.89 i; probably acc., but possibly nom.-acc. neut. is au UZU. uwappanna UZU. / uwanna to
see the favorable inner organ and the unfavorable one KBo 3.21 ii 9-10 (MH/NS).
28.16 34.5.1 The following additional examples are ambiguous, either nom. or acc.: [nata maninkuwai ] /
[ka]ttawatar aneki [wanzi maninkuwai] [She will draw near. She will draw near] in order to seek vengeance
KUB 1.16 ii 21-22 (OH/NS); kuela GUD-u UDU-u u[watewanzi maninkuwai] ibid. ii 27; [nu kuit] .ME
DUMU.LUGAL danna ilaliyanzi [And because] they want to take the estates of the prince(s) KBo 3.1 ii 63
(OH/NS); A .GAL-LIMmaz NUMUN.I.A / aniyawanzi UL mimatti but you shall not refuse to sow the
seeds of the palace HKM 55:27-28 (letter, MH/MS); liiyalattama nepia daganzipa a / uddar kattan ara
petummanzi It is for you to take along the oracular words of heaven and earth KBo 3.21 ii 6-7 (hymn to Adad,
MH/NS); mnzakan
L.ME
KISAL.LU .ME GIBIL aneuwanzi appanzi When the courtyard washers
begin plastering the new building(s) KUB 29.1 iii 29 (without ANAthe logogram .ME GIBIL is probable
accusative, not dative); maanmaza alkuear andawanzi zinnai nuza EZEN namma iyawanzi pzi when
he finishes preparing the materials (for the festival), he will then begin performing the festival itself KUB 27.59 i
23-25. The uses of MH liliwauwanzi in the Maat letters (HKM 13:10-12, 15:10-13, 20:6-12, etc.) are adverbial
(hastily), with the acc. objects depending upon the main verb in the clause.
28.17 34.5.1.1 But more often, when the verb which occurs in the infinitival form has a logical object in the
sentence, that object stands in the dative : mn ANA
GI
GETIN tuanna / IGI.I.A-wa / UL ari If you do not
keep your eyes on harvesting the grapes HKM 34:15-17 (letter, MH/MS); nat ANA UTU-I / uwanna ander
and (the lords) arranged to see His Majesty HKM 63:20-21 (letter, MH/MS); Anumata EN.LL-aa /
ANAL.ME KR-UNU wemiyawanzi tuk watarnairAnu and Enlil commissioned you to find their
enemies KBo 3.21 ii 12-13 (hymn to Adad, MH); kuedamakan ANA EZEN.I.A GAL.I.A A
EZEN.ME ITU anumanzi andandat ABoT 14+ v 9-11 (CTH 568, oracles); EME.I.A EME.I.A
kuwapiwa paitteni
NA
peruni :paluna paiweni ANA
NA
KA :duwarnumanzi paiweni UR.MA tarwawanzi
(text reads with haplography: tarwanzi ) paiweni UR.BAR.RA :patalauna paiweni :zammanti DUMU.NITA
lalauna paiweni Tongues, tongues, where are you going? We go to the rock for pala- ing, we go to the KA-
stone for breaking, we go to the lion for tarwai -ing, we go to the wolf for patala- ing, we go to the zammant-boy
for releasing (him from a spell) KUB 44.4 + KBo 13.241, rev. 22-25 (ritual incantation); MUNUS.LUGAL
f
Puduepakan kuwapi
m
UR.MA-L-in GAL DUB.SAR.ME
URU
Hattui ANA UPPA
HI.A

URU
Kizzuwatna
244
anuwanzi weriyat nata k UPPA
HI.A
A EZEN iuwa apiya UD-at ara aniyat When Queen Puduhepa
commanded Walwaziti, (who is) chief of the scribes, to seek in Hatti for tablets of Kizzuwatna, on that day he
copied out these tablets of the Festival of iuwa KBo 15.60 = KUB 7.45 vi 5ff. (colophon); mn INA
UD.2.KAM lukkatta nu MUNUS.ME uktu[riy]a atia leuwanzi / pnzi At dawn on the second day women
go to the pyre to collect the bones (dative) KUB 30.15 + 39.19 (HTR 66f) i 1-2 (funerary rit.).
28.18 34.5.1.2 In the following examples with -mu we cannot be sure if the object is in the dative or accusative:
apmamu arkanna anta but he sought to kill me (lit. he sought me for perishing) Hatt. III 63-65;
mnmu idalawanniya kui waggariya [w]anzi anazi if someone in wickedness seeks to rebel against me
KUB 21.47+:23 (CTH 268); nu kui
L
NAGAR IIUR.SAG
GI
innaa / karuwanzi paizzi He who is a
carpenter goes to the mountain to cut beams KUB 29.1 iii 14-15 (rit., OH/NS) (innaa in NH copy could be
acc. pl., but is probably dat. here); CREF also KBo 22.62 + 6.2 iii 21-22 above sub 40.4.2. The following could
be an example of the logical object in either the dative or the accusative, depending on whether ANAor the ending -
an is to be taken more seriously: nama ANA
d
Duppiteupan INA KUR
URU
Amurri ANA LUGAL-UTTIM ara
tittanummanzi takkezi of (if) he plots to remove Duppiteup (logical obj., but dat.) from kingship in Amurru
KBo 5.9 ii 34-36 (Dupp. 12).
28.19 34.5.2 When this construction involves the verb to be, what to us is the logical object of the verb in the
infinitive may actually appear in the nominative case: [k]zmakan
URU
Tiyailta QADU A. A.GR-U /
[IN]A
URU
Timmuala ipanduwanzi anda appanza in this direction (the city) Tiyailta with its fields and
meadows (is) combined with (the city) Timmuala for the purpose of being made sacrosanct (to a deity) KUB
19.37 ii 21-22 (annals of Mur. II); NINDA.KUR.RA pariyawanzi NU GL There are no loaves for breaking
KUB 12.12 v 32; IT[U KUR]
URU
K.BABBAR-TI
L
MUNNABTUMEGIR-pa piyanna UL a-a-ra a fugitive
(nomin.) is not right for giving back from the land of Hatti (i.e., it is not permitted to give back a fugitive from
the land of Hatti) KBo 5.4 obv. 38 (Targ. 7);
L
MUNNABTUMEGIR SUM-wanzi UL a-a-ra It is not
permitted to give back fugitives KUB 19.55 rev. 4 (Milawata letter, Hatt. III); nui GUD piyawanzi SIxS-at
An ox was determined for him for giving (if from pai-; or for sending there, if from piyai-): KUB 43.50 + KUB
15.36 + KUB 12.27, i 11-13 (Murs. speech loss); mn URU-LUM kuiki ANA
m
Ulmiteup piyanna UL ZI-
anza (Literally:) If some village/city is not the wish to give to Ulmi-Teup KBo 4.10 ii 18.
28.20 34.5.3 When there is an impersonal verb such as it doesnt succeed that or it doesnt happen that, the
logical subject of the infinitives verb can stand in the dative: mn tukma [warr]iuwanzi UL kiari But if you
are unable to [as]sist KBo 5.9 ii 19 (Dupp. treaty); nunnakan epurawanzi UL apdat We couldnt epura-
KBo 18.54 rev. 14-15 (letter); according to one possible interpretation, the passages Bronze Tablet i 96-97 and ii 1-
2 would also serve as examples.
28.21 34.6 Often the infinitive combines with a finite verb idiomatically, as if the latter were an auxiliary verb.
245
28.22 34.6.1 The infinitive combines with the auxiliary verb epp- with the meaning to begin to do something
(Goetze 1925 89, Friedrich 1930 154, and HW
2
2:64f.). This construction is attested once in a New Hittite copy of
an Old Hittite ritual: mnza
L.ME
KISAL.LU .ME GIBIL aneuwanzi appanzi When the courtyard-
washers begin plastering new buildings KUB 29.1 iii 29 (ritual, OH/NS). But since there is no other example in
either OH or MH, we should probably attribute this construction to the NH scribe rather than his OH archetype. A
few securely datable New Hittite examples: nuza pait
URU
Alminan wetummanzi IBATHe went and began to
fortify Almina KBo 5.6 i 9 (D, Mur. II), ed. JCS 10:90; not found in Murili IIs own military annals;
numuza alwanzauwanzi namma QADU DAM-U DUMU-U epper They (he) together with his wife and
son began again to bewitch me Apol. of Hatt. ii 77ff. In addition the construction is found routinely in NH
ritual and cult texts: nuza DINGIR.ME uittiyawanzi appanzi And they begin to draw the gods KUB 15.31 i
33, iii 48; nuza EZEN namma / iyawanzi pzi And he begins to celebrate the festival again KUB 27.59 + 209/t
i 24-25; etc.
28.23 34.6.1.1 The infinitive with dai- and -za also means to begin to (do something) (lit., to place oneself
to (do something)): andamazkan mn L.KR-a kuwpi uwaluwanzi di Then when the enemy begins
(lit. sets himself) to attack KBo 16.50 (oath of Aapala); anzelzakan RIN.ME-an RIN.ME <L.>KR
waluwanzi zikkizziEnemy troops will begin to attack our troops KBo 10.7 + HSM 3645 iii 15-16, cf. ibid. 19-
20. Cf. the same verbal construction without the infinitive: L.KRzakan / maan
URU
Kaaan /
URU
Taazzimunana / <waluwanzi> zikkizziHow the enemy is begins <to attack> the (towns of) Kasasa and
Tahazzimuna HKM 27:3-6 (letter).
28.24 34.6.2 The infinitive with tiya- also means to begin to (do something): nu DINGIR.ME mante
ANA Ullukummi GUD.I.A maan / uwayawanzi ter And all the gods like cows began to low towards
Ullukummi KUB 33.106 + KBo 26.65 iv 19-20 (Ullik. myth). See also: [... L]-LUM kuwapi wawanzi
tianzi KUB 31.69 obv. 8 (NH), 1 NINDA.KU BA.BA.ZA A 2 UPN[I] / 1
DUG
alwatalla LL / 1
DUG
AB.AB G.GD.DA ANAA[RI
I.A
] / irawanzi tiya[nzi] / nu ARI
I.A
iranz[i] KUB 25.19 vi 13-17 +
IBoT 4.80:4-8 (NS), LUGAL-u irwanzi / tiyazi 3=U! iraizzi / U
URU
Zippalanda /
UR.SAG
Da amyu
KUB 11.30 + IBoT 4.197 iii 22-25. This construction is strikingly similar to the more common use of tiya- with
the supine (CREF 28.45 (*35.5).
28.25 34.6.2 The infinitive with the verb zinna- is translated to finish (doing something): maanma
L
NAR
AWA[TE
ME
] memiyawanzi zinna[i] but when the singer finishes speaking the words KUB 39.84 obv. 1-2; nuza
GIM-an [] SISKUR.I.A iyawanzi zinnai And when I finish performing the rituals AT 125:22-24 (letter);
maanmaza alkuear andawanzi zinnai nuza EZEN namma iyawanzi pzi when he finishes preparing
the materials (for the festival), he will then begin performing the festival itself KUB 27.59 i 23-25.
28.26 34.6.2.1 Similar in meaning is the infinitive with ar tittanu- : nu tuel A UTU
URU
Arinna immu
SISKUR.SISKUR.I.A EZEN.I.A iyawanzi ar tittanukanzi They finish celebrating your immu, rituals
246
(and) festivals, O Sungoddess of Arinna KUB 24.3 i 23-25 (prayer of Mur. II), and the infinitive with aanu- :
maankan MUNUS U.GI mugawanzi anuzi nu aruwaizzi When the Old Woman finishes invoking (the
deity), she bows down KUB 17.23 i 1-2 (mugawar for Anzili and Zukki); nata GIM-an tuppa
I.A
-aa
memiyanu anda memiyawanzi aanuwanzi When they finish speaking the words of the tablets KUB 17.18 ii
15-16 (ritual).
28.27 34.6.3 The infinitive with andalliya- means to dare to (do something) KBo 4.4 iii 62-63 (AM 130ff.);
28.28 34.6.4 The infinitive with mazz- also means to dare to (do something): [m]n apma memiyawanzi
UL mazzazziBut if he doesnt dare to tell (his superior) KUB 13.4 iii 76 (instructions for priests. Cf. CHD
mazz- a 1 d.
28.29 34.6.5 The infinitive with tar- means to be able to (do something): nuwaratza namma iyatnuwan
uwi
SAR
[pu]uwanzi l kuiki tarzi And let no one be able to [cr]ush the iyatnuwan auwai plant again
KUB 29.7 + KBo 21.41 rev. 28 (amua rit.), but also to defeat someone (acc.) in doing something: UI
L.ME 70
L
GURU[z]a iiyawanzi tarta he defeated sixty men (and) seventy young men in shooting
KUB 36.67 ii 23 (Gurparanzahu myth).
28.30 34.6.6 The infinitive with wakkar- means to almost do something, not quite do something (lit. to lack
to do something): (When ebat saw Tamiu,) nukan Hebadu uaz katta mauuwanzi waqqare she
almost fell down from the roof (where she was standing) KUB 33.106 ii 7-8 (Ullik. III A).
28.31 34.6.7 The infinitive with kar- means to fail to (do something), neglect to (do something): nu 1-a 1-
a INA DINGIR-LIM ar uwanzi lpat kartari And individually dont neglect to spend the night(s) up in
the temple KUB 13.4 iii 5-6 (instructions for priests).
28.32 34.6.7.1 The infinitive with mimma-means to refuse to (do something): Madduwattaaz KUR
UR.SAG
ariyati anna mimma Madduwatta refused to settle in the Mt. Hariyati district KUB 14.1 obv. 18;
UR.SAG-aza arawanzi memmai ariyaza appnna memmai KASKAL-aza karipuwanzi memmai The
mountain will refuse restraining. The valley will refuse seizing. The road will refuse devouring. KUB 12.62 rev. 3-
6 (ritual); A .GAL-LIMmaz NUMUN.I.A / aniyawanzi UL mimatti but you shall not refuse to sow the
seeds of the palace HKM 55:27-28 (letter, MH/MS);
28.33 34.6.8 The infinitive with tarna- means to allow (something to be done): nu namma UTU-I /
URU
Dukkaman URU-an []ruwawanzi UL tarnaun And then I did not permit (the city) Dukkama to be
plundered KBo 4.4 iv 23-24 (annals of Murs. II); ammukmazakan pariyan pwa [nzi] UL tarna But he did
not allow me to go beyond KUB 23.87:10-11 (letter).
247
28.34 34.6.9 The infinitive with nuntarnu- means to (do something) hastily or precipitately: The disposition
of the gods is patient: [(nu eppuwan)]zi UL nuntarnuzi they in no hurry to seize (an offender) KUB 13.5 ii 31
(instructions for priests) with restorations from copy C.
28.35 34.6.9.1 The infinitive with irai- means to perform (an action) in a circular way: 1
DUG
KUKUB
KAya ipanduwanzi iraizzi he libates one pitcher of beer in a circle or makes the rounds libating a pitcher of
beer KBo 24.45 obv. 12.
28.36 34.7 The infinitive with natta a-a-ra means It is not permitted to (do something):
L
MUNNABTUM
EGIR SUM-wanzi UL a-a-ra It is not permitted to give back fugitives KUB 19.55 rev. 4 (Milawata letter, Hatt.
III); nu ULma a-a-ra UGU euwanzi Or is it not permitted to spend the night up there? KUB 5.1 i 38 (oracle
question, NH).
28.37 34.8 The infinitive with the negated impersonal (sing. 3) verb form UL addat/addari and the dative of
the actor means couldnt/cant (do something (lit., it was/is impossible for [the person] to [do something]):
nunnakan epurawanzi UL addat We couldnt epura- KBo 18.54 rev. 14-15 (letter), epurawanzimakan
UL addari it will be impossible to epura- ibid. 19.
28.38 34.8.1 Similar in meaning is the infinitive with the negated impersonal (sing. 3) verb UL kiari/kiat:
nui UL par iyanniyawanzi kiari ULmai EGIR-pa tiyawanzi kiari He (uwawa) couldnt go forward,
and he couldnt step backward KUB 8.53:18-20 (Gilgamesh).
28.39 34.9 Although usually the main verb which governs the infinitive is a simple present or preterite, other
forms such as the analytic perfect (pudan arta KBo 4.4 ii 64) or the iterative (atrekii Hatt. iii 76, tarikit
Dupp. B 16 SV 1:8) also occur.
SUPINE
28.40 35.1 The form of the verb in -(u)wan is called the supine (Latin and German: Supinum). In Hittite it is
employed only in constructions with an auxiliary verb, either dai- to put or tiya- to step, arrive, enter (see
Friedrich 1960 184c, 273 and 259c). The supine is not found in the other two reasonably well-known Indo-
European languages of ancient Anatolia: Luwian (Laroche 1959) and Palaic (Kammenhuber 1959; Carruba 1970,
1972). Principal studies of the supine in Hittite are Ose 1944 and Kammenhuber 1955a.
28.41 35.2 The supine construction is never negated, and no word breaks the nexus between the supine and its
auxiliary verb (dai- or tiya-). This is in contrast to the infinitive (cf. A .GAL-LIMmaz NUMUN.I.A /
aniyawanzi UL mimatti but you shall not refuse to sow the seeds of the palace HKM 55:27-28 above in 34.5).
28.42 35.3 In the supine the verb almost always takes the -ke- stem: urzakiwan, karpikiwan, uppekiwan,
memikiwan, uikiwan, anikiwan, mikiwan, dakiwan, walannikiwan, aruwekiwan, tarikiwan,
punukiwan, dukikiwan, ukikiwan, wekiwan, ippanzakiwan, ukkikiwan, atrekiwan, walukiwan,
248
kururiyaikiwan, damekiwan, teanikiwan, wanukiwan, arninkikiwan, paigawan (KUB 19.36 ii 5),
kappuekiwan. In all cases but paigawan the theme vowel after -k- is i/e.
28.43 35.3.1 Occasionally instead of the -ke- stem, the verb in the supine takes the -annai- or -ea- stems:
iuwan, euwan, piyanniwan (OH KBo 8.42 rev. 2-3), iyanniwan (MS), piddanniwan (MS). At least twice it
attaches to a reduplicated verbal root: liluwan di KBo 32.14 iii 19 (Song of Release, MH/MS); na DINGIR-
LIM-i kikiuwan dai KUB 3.1+ i 63-64. Cf. 33.8 .
28.44 35.4 Quite rarely the verb shows no imperfective stem extension: karipuwan dair they began to devour
KBo 3.1 i 21-22 (OH/NS), arriyawan dair KUB 24.8 + KUB 36.60 iv 21-22 (OH?/NS), taruwan di KBo
3.7 iii 25 (OH/NS), iparruwan da [i(?)] KBo 14.45:4, annuwan dai KUB 29.39 iv 8; piyawa[n tiyai] KUB
14.29 + KUB 19.3 i 7 (AM 105). With the exception of the last-cited passage (Mursili II), these passages were
copied OH or MH archetypes. Cf. too in MH/MS: apaiyawa[n dir] HKM 7 obv. 6. It is possible that in some
of these cases the verbs themselves were felt to be inherently imperfective and needed no external marking (cf.
Hoffner and Melchert 2001). Such might be the case with karip- to devour, apaiya- to scout, and ipar- to
spread out, trample. But since others in the above list are actually attested with the overt imperfective marking
(arrke-, tareke-, annike-), one cannot make this claim for them.
28.45 35.5 The older texts show a preference for dai- to put as the auxiliary verb; later texts can employ either
dai- or tiya- to step, enter, although tiya- is most commonly confined to the plural: tiyaweni, tier. The form ti(-
ya)-an-zi is ambiguous, as it could be parsed as 3 pl. pres. of either verb. Rarer (mostly OH or MH) plural forms of
dai- as auxiliary verb are: daiten, dair and daier; otherwise it is employed in the singular: tei, daitti, dai, dai .
28.46 35.5.1 The origins of the use of dai- to put, place in this construction are obscure. The analogous tiya-
constructions with allative or locative of action nouns: zaiya tiya- enter upon battle, anneni tiya- enter a
legal dispute, kuani tiya- enter a wage-earning situation, ardiya tiya- enter upon a military-assistance action
afford us an idea of how tiya- could have been felt an apt choice as an auxiliary verb in the construction with the
supine. The action nouns just cited are all inherently processes, which fits them as near equivalents of imperfective
verb forms. For da- with the infintive cf. 34.6.1.1 . For tiya- with the infinitive cf. 34.6.2 .
28.47 35.5.2 One usually translates the supine construction to begin to do something, to be ready to do
something, to be willing to do something. It is found occasionally in almost all types of text, but it is used
quite extensively in only two types: the NH mythological narratives (see DeVries 1967) and the NH military annals
(see Goetze 1933a and Gterbock 1956), but especially in the former. There is a noticable complimentary
distribution of the two semantically similar constructions (both meaning to begin to ), supine with dai- or
tiya- and infinitive with epp-: where the supine construction is found, the infinitival one is not, and vice versa.
Thus the infinitval construction is not found in the myths or in the annals of Murili II, but the supine construction
occurs, and in the Deeds of uppiluliuma, authored by Murili II, the infinitival construction occurs, but the supine
construction is not found. In the Apology of Hattuili III the supine construction is quite common, while the
249
infinitive + epp- occurs once. The infinitive + epp- construction occurs rarely prior to New Hittite, while the supine
construction was in normal use from Old Hittite times.
PARTICIPLE
28.48 35.6 The declined form of the verb in -ant- is called the p a r t i c i p l e . It is built on the same stem as
the present third plural active in those cases where there is stem variation (e.g. appant- seized from p-, kurant-
cut from kuer-, andnt- prepared, arranged from andi- ). This form corresponds not only to the participle
forms in -nt- to be found in Greek and Latin, but within the Old Anatolian language group to the participle of
intransitive verbs in Luwian (Laroche 1959): iyant- going, current, arant- arriving, ulant- having died.
Luwian possessed another form in -mmi-to denote the passive participle of transitive verbs: aiyammi- made,
piyami- given, kiammi-combed, dupaimmi- beaten. In Hittite (= Nesite) the one participial form in -ant-
serves both functions: (1) usually to express the person or thing acted upon (i.e., passive participle of a transitive
verb, = the Luwian -mmi-forms), and (2) less commonly the actor (i.e., active participle of an intransitive akk-
to die or detransitive verb): akkant- having died, itamaant- hearing (ear), uwant- seeing (eye), adant-
having eaten, akuwant- having drunk,
d
Wiuriyanza the strangleress (Carruba 1966 49f.).
28.49 35.6.1 The participle can serve as either noun or adjective. It is therefore employed in sentences in the same
way as ordinary adjectives.
28.50 35.6.2 Like other adjectives, the participle may be used attributively to modify a noun. But when it does
so, it does not precede the noun, as do most adjectives (e.g., alli pedan great place), but follows it, as do a
small number of adjectives including mant- all and dapiyant- all: gaggapan zanuwandan tianzi they set out
a cooked gaggapa-animal KUB 20.11 ii 22; UDU uiwandu appanzi they seize living sheep KUB 32.82:6; 2
NINDA.KUR.RA KU pariyandu two broken up sweet loaves KUB 10.52 vi 13;
L
SAGI-a waanza a fully
clothed cupbearer KUB 10.21 ii 11; pailu a-a-an-du-u warm pebbles KUB 7.53 + KUB 9.58 ii 22, KUB
17.23 i 13; GUD.I.A-u UDU.I.A warkandu SIG-andu fat (and) healthy cattle and sheep KUB 31.124 +
KUB 48.28 ii 15 (prayer of Arn., MH); URU.DIDLI.I.A aandu settled cities KBo 11.1 obv. 33. This
similarity in word order between participles and mant-, dapiyant- coincides with their similar stems (-ant-).
28.51 35.6.2.1 Exceptions are: ITU ABIYA kaneanza UN-a a person recognized/honored by my father KBo
4.12 obv. 9, witantu URU.I.A-u fortified cities KUB 36.108 obv. 6, 8; anda uppandu NA.I.A stones
gathered together VBoT 24 ii 20 (Anniwiyani rit.), ed. Sturtevant and Bechtel 1935 100-126; pariyandu
NINDA.KUR.RA.I.A broken breads KUB 9.27 + 7.5 + 7.8 ii 9 (Pakuwatti rit.), ed. Hoffner 1987; and a-a-
an-du-u
NA
pailu KBo 16.54 + KUB 32.131 + KBo 20.73 iv 18, if (as is usual) nt- is to be viewed as the
participle of a verb - (Neu 1968b 1; Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1975-1984 44-45).
28.52 35.6.3 Since the verbal origin of the participle was not forgotten, it continued to be used with
complements qualifying its verbal element, such as nouns in the instrumental case: ITU ABIYA kaneanza UN-a
250
a person recognized/honored by my father KBo 4.12 obv. 9,
ilima zeriyalli GAD-it kariyanda karu artari

potstands covered with linen cloths are already standing in the courtyard KUB 10.21 ii 7-8. kariyanda (neut. pl.)
shows that zeriyalli is a plural. The verbal aspect of kariyanda is complemented by GAD-it with linen. nuan
Telepinu .DG.GA-it papparanta / KASKAL-a iyanni O Telipinu, set out on the road sprinkled with fine
oil KUB 17.10 ii 29-30 (Tel. myth, OH/MS); ai EME-a gaga qa makan / parkuin miriwantan arkin
GI
GIDRU UL walantan / UDU-un ipantaun O mouth, tongue, tooth! Behold I have sacrificed to you (plural)
a pure, gleaming white sheep never (lit. not) struck with a rod KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42 ii 8-10 (rit., MH). This
recalls similar construction involving pure adjectives whose meanings resemble passive participles: marnuwantet
n full (i.e., filled) with marnuwant-beer KBo 21.72 i 13). This use is more common as a predicate than as an
attribute.
28.53 35.7 Like other adjectives, the participle can fill the role of a predicate (the land is large, the situation
is grave), where it can be regarded as the second component of an equation, X = Y: k UPPU ara arran ta
(the prototype of) this tablet had deteriorated (and was recopied) KUB 33.120++ iv 32-33 (colophon of Song of
Kumarbi myth); arkia
NINDA
ari karu pariyanza and the white .-bread (was) already broken up KUB
10.52 vi 8-9. negated: kuduwata l andanpat edu Let a false accusation not be established KUB 1.16 ii 51-
52 (OH/NS).
28.54 35.8 Like the supine and infinitive, the participle was often employed with auxiliary verbs. On this CREF
25.17 (*32.5) to 25.20 (*32.5.3).
28.55 35.8.1 The participle can be substantivized: uninkanza 3 GN K.BABBAR dai the injured party takes
three shekels of silver Hittite Laws 9; akkant- dead person,
L
pitteyant- fugitive,
L
maniyaant- (CHD s.v.);
cf. the divine name
d
Wiuriyanza the strangleress (cf. Carruba 1966 49ff. and review of the same by Hoffner
1968b.
29. Negation 251
251
CHAPTER 29
NEGATION
29.1 (*36.1) Hittite possessed during the Empire Period five negative words : (1) the negative of assertions
natta (usually written as an Akkadogram UL or -UL, rarely as Sumerogram NU), (2) the negative of prohibition
le-e, (3) the negative of not yet, nwi (older spelling na(-a)--i continuing into latest periods, later na(-a)-wi
unattested before New Hittite), (4) the negative of wish or potential nu-u-ma-(a-)an (or nu-u-wa-(a-)an), and (5)
nekku not somehow? (Friedrich 1960 279-283). All five of these words have been comprehensively treated
in the CHD, vol. L-N (1990).
29.2 36.1.2 In Hieroglyphic Luwian the negation of assertions is na, and that of prohibition is ni(s); see
Hawkins 1975; Meriggi 1980; Marazzi 1990. In Cuneiform Luwian the negation of assertions is nauwa, and that of
prohibition is ni.
29.3 36.2 In Hittite the primary negative of assertions na-at-ta (Akkadian UL) may accompany any part of
speech except the imperative: (1) present or preterite tense finite verbs, (2) infinitives, verbal substantives, or
supines, (3) participles or adjectives, and (4) adverbs (imma, etc.). Luwian na and Hittite nwi suggest that the
suffix -tta in natta is secondary in Hittite.
29.4 36.2.1 The usual word order is natta (UL) immediately before the verbal form: takku ume natta aktni
If you do not know KBo 22.1:5 (OS), luzzi natta karpiezzi he shall not perform corv work KBo 6.2 ii 40
(OS). But with preverbial constructions the preverb can intervene between natta and the verb: nu namma ara UL
tarnai he doesnt let go again KUB 13.4 ii 23-24 (pre-NH/NS), nuwaramu par UL peteni and (if) you
dont hand them over to me KUB 14.15 i 15 (NH). For additional examples, exceptions and discussion see
Hoffner 1986 86-89.
29.5 36.2.2 In some short sentences (often when the finite verb is fronted), the negation can come at the end,
after the finite verb (Goetze 1928 114): nammamakan KUR
URU
Hapalla kuentaya UL eptayaat UL But
then you neither attacked the land of Hapalla nor seized it KUB 14.1 ii 23 (Madd., MH/MS); nuwaran
annattiya l munniyawaran l you must neither hide him nor conceal him KUB 14.1 i 35; DINAM
arazzi katterai l katterra / arazziyai l kuit andn apt a Dont declare a superior case to be inferior,
dont declare an inferior case to be superior, do what is right KUB 13.2 ii 27-28; paimi nwi ui nwi I havent
yet gone, nor have I yet seen KBo 3.34 i 23 (Palace Chron., OH/NS), warpzimaza nwi but he hasnt yet
bathed KUB 13.4 iii 79 (instruction for priests, MH/NS). Cf. also the threefold example below in 36.4.3
(categorical negative). When two or more clauses with inverted order are juxtaposed, note that they are asyndetically
related.
29. Negation 252
252
29.6 36.2.3 When the negative is delayed until after the verb, it takes with it any indefinite pronoun or adverb
(kuiki, kuinki, kuitki, kuwatqa) associated with it: arrua / pawar anzi l kuiki Let no one seek to defect
KUB 21.42 + 26.12+ ii 16-17;
29.7 36.3 A second negative of assertion is nwi, which is usually translated as not yet . When the
accompanying verb is present tense, it is translated with an English present perfect (has/have not yet ed), while
when accompanied by the preterite, it is translated with a past perfect (had not yet ed). Cf. 25.23 (*32.5.6).
29.8 36.3.1 A common use of nwi is in the construction with kuitman while: kuitman nwi uizziwhile
he has not yet come = before he comes (CHD nwi a 2); kuitman nwi uit while he had not yet come =
before he came (CHD nwi b 2 and 38.20 (*43.1).
29.9 36.3.2 When nwi occurs in a sentence with unexpressed verb to be (e-) (CHD nwi c), the implied
tense of e- is present, and the construction is translated have/has not yet ed.
29.10 36.3.3 As in the case of the other negatives, certain classes of words may intervene between it and the
finite verb (CHD nwi d): indefinite (kuiki) and relative pronouns (kui-), conjunctions such as kuitman, and
adverbs such as anku, and kuwapikki.
29.11 36.3.4 As with the other negatives, nawi breaks the nexus between preverb and verb (Hoffner 1986 86-89):
andaaan parna nawi paizzi (but) he hasnt yet gone into the house KBo 6.3 iv 36 (Laws 93, OH/NS);
kuitmanwa annear ara nawi ariyaweni KBo 16.47:16-17; nata kuitman aliaz katta nawi uwanzi
before they come down from the district KUB 13.1+ i 6-7.
29.12 36.4 The prohibitive le-e usually associates with the present-future tense (CHD l a), occurring with all
three persons: l aggai I dont want to know CHD l a 1; l umni Let us not see ibid. a 4; nuwa BELI-
NI INA
URU
ayaa le-e paii Our lord, dont go to the city of ayaa! KBo 4.4 iii 24-25 (AM 124f.); nu
L
ippari appar l [ku]iki iezzi Let no one do business with a ippara -man KBo 6.2 ii 49-50 (Laws 48,
OS).
29.13 36.4.1 le-e occasionally associates with the imperative (cf. Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 91f. and CHD l
c; all examples are from Old Hittite documents, although most are in later, NH, copies): l andanpat du KUB
1.16 ii 51 (HAB 91f.); nutta L.ME U.GI l memikanduLet the elders not speak to you ibid. ii 60.
Another alleged (CHD l c) example, lwatta ni Dont be afraid KUB 33.24 (+?) 33.28 i 43; KUB 30.36 ii
8; KUB 30.33 i 15, is better understood as an impersonal third sg. pres. with acc. -tta let it not make you afraid
(cf. 16.30).
29.14 36.4.2 lman, which Sommer understood to have the force of Latin utinam ne would that not
(cf. Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 198 and CHD l b) consists of l and the speaker optative (-man). It is
slightly more polite than simple l and is appropriate when the person addressed is a superior: lmane
29. Negation 253
253
LUGAL-u kian tezzi I wish the king would not speak thus to her KUB 1.16 iii 65-66 (OH/NS), and ABU-
YAmanwakan MUNUS.LUGALya l annetalwane ammukkamanwa l kuitki UL-wezi
lmanwamu kuitki HUL-wezi I wish that my father and the queen would not be opponents-at-law. I wish it
would not do me any harm. I wish it would not do me any harm KUB 31.66 iii 5-8, 19 (NH). In 1938
Sommer did not know the true significance of nman, as it has now been clarified (Hoffner 1982a), indicating a
negative wish of the subject of the sentence. The NH KUB 31.66 passage with its separation of l and man (in
ammukkamanwa l kuitki UL-wezi) shows that the combination had not been frozen into a single word as
*lman, which seems to have been the case with nman. l + man is the negation of the speaker optative man a
1, as nman is the negation of the subject optative man a 2. But whereas the special sense of l + man as the
negation of the speaker optative was so close to simple l as to be almost indistinguishable, perhaps accounting for
its sparse use, the peculiar force of nman as the negation of the subject optative could not be expressed by any of
the other negatives. It is possible that in the broken NS mythological passage KBo 19.121:3 le-e-ma-an-ta
DINGIR.ME p[-...] we actually have lmanta rather than lmaanta .
29.15 36.4.3 A rare, but clearly attested usage of l in a passage where the prohibitive translation is obviously
impossible, is the categorical negative (cf. Hoffner 1977b 151f. and CHD l): In a meadow there stands a
iiyamma- tree. Beneath it sit a blind man and a deaf man. tawanza auzi l duddumiyanzama itamazi l
ikniyanza piddai l U.I.A-aa uddanante EN.SISKUR QATAMMA l uwanzi The blind man certainly does
not see. The deaf man certainly does not hear. The lame man certainly does not run. In the same way the words of
sorcery will certainly not see the man for whom this ritual is performed KUB 12.62 + 1696/u (ZA 63:87f.) rev. 7-
10. Because one would not be likely to say Let the blind man not see! Let the deaf man not hear! this is
presumably an emphatic negative assertion. Although this usage is rare, it is not without parallel. The first person
singular imperative verb occasionally has to be translated as a strong assertation of intention: nu andan / uk (B
am[muk]) kian memallu Truly I shall speak as follows KUB 6.45+ iii 73-74 (prayer of Muw. II), tr. ANET 398
(Truly I wish to speak thus); nu SISKUR A
D
[Mala] iyallu natkan anullu And I will most certainly
perform the ritual of the Mala River and complete it KUB 14.8 rev. 6-7 (PP 2), nuwa u[g]a A-a iwar
wiyami / [namma=w]a akkallu I will squeal like a pig, and then I will die KUB 14.1 rev. 93-94 (Madduwatta,
MH/MS).
29.16 36.4.4 When l precedes the finite verb, it usually allows only certain types of words to separate it from
the verb, notably words like kuiki, kuitki. Its occurrence in final position in nominal sentences (CHD l d) R-mi
l Let him not be my subject! is possible only through the suppression of the implied verb to be: Rmi l
zi.
29.17 36.4.5 As with the other negatives, l usually breaks the nexus between preverb and verb (Hoffner 1986
86-89): anda l tarnikanzi KUB 31.86 ii 25; tat ppa ar l uzzi StBoT 8 iii 12-13 (OS); ara l autti KUB
17.6 i 20 (OH/NS); par l uwanzi they shall not come out KUB 13.8:8 (MH/NS).
29. Negation 254
254
29.18 36.5 nman (nwan) differs from l and lman in its ability to express the wish of the subject of the
sentence (Hoffner 1982a). While LUGAL-u l uizzi can only mean may the king not come (i.e., I do not wish
the king to come), LUGAL-u nman uizzi means the king does not wish to come. For nman and l + man as
negative equivalents of the two uses of optative man CREF above sub 29.14 (*36.4.2).
29.19 36.6 Less certain is nekku, a negative adverb used in rhetorical questions since OH (cf. CHD nekku). nekku
kuit (for kuitki) not something? and nekku kuwapikkinot somewhere? CREF below in 29.23
(*36.7.3).
29.20 36.7 A rhetorical question is an utterance which has the outward form of a question, but which does not
seek information but seeks to make an emphatic assertion, either positive or negative. For discussion of negative
rhetorical questions cf. Hoffner 1986 89ff. with the earlier lit. cited there and also Melchert 1985, and Chapter 37.
29.21 36.7.1 Some negative rhetorical questions (Has he not done so-and-so?) are the functional equivalents of
emphatic positive assertions (He has certainly done so-and-so!). In Hittite they usually show the negative in
initial position: nattaama
L.ME
DUGUD tuppi azzian arzi Has (my father) not inscribed a tablet for you
dignitaries? KBo 22.1 obv. 23 (inst., OH/OS); ULwarankan tuetaza memiyanaz kuennir Was it not at your
word that they killed it (the Bull of Heaven)? KUB 8.48 i 12 (Gilgamesh, NH).
29.22 36.7.2 But the negative does not need to be clause initial: (If a mortal were to live forever, the unpleasant
illness of such a man would also continue;) manati natta kattawatar Wouldnt it (then) be a grievance for
him? KUB 30.10 obv. 23 (prayer, OH/MS); man zik UL araniee Wouldnt you be upset? ABoT 65 rev. 6
(letter, MH/MS); often with UL imma: nuwata UL imma pei peita Will I indeed not give it to you? I
will (certainly) give (it) to you! VBoT 2:8-9 (letter to Ramses II).
29.23 36.7.3 A second type of negative question does not necessarily assume either a positive or negative answer,
but strongly suggests a positive one. This type of question in Hittite is expressed with nekku. KUR-ewa nikku
kuwapikki arkan manwa URU.DIDLI.I.A / nikku kuwapikki dannateante / mnwa
L
RIN.ME nikku
kuwapikki ullante The land is not destroyed somewhere, is it? The cities wouldnt be devastated somewhere,
would they? The troops wouldnt be defeated somewhere, would they? (If they arent, then why has this deity
come to me?) KUB 24.8 + KUB 36.60 ii 16-18 (Appu), ed. Siegelov 1971. 8f. We take both the plene ma-a-an
and the non-plene ma-an in this sequence to be the irrealis man.
29.24 36.8 In Hittite a double negative does not equal a positive, but rather an intensified negative: nuwaran
uwappi DINGIR-LIM-ni UL par UL kuwapikki tarnaun I never turned him over to a hostile deity, never!
Hatt. iv 12-13; apatta kuduwatar l l andnpat du And let that false accusation never never be
established! KUB 1.16 ii 65, cf. ibid. ii 30. But a negated subject and a negated main verb do cancel each other
out: ektamaduan iraz UL naariyawanza / ara UL uizzi even he who is not afraid will not escape (lit.
come out of) the circle of your net KBo 3.21 ii 17-18.
29. Negation 255
255
29.25 36.8.1 The force of a negative in one clause can continue into the following one (Sommer 1922 8 n. 3,
Goetze 1925 93, as in the English translations: (As malt has no ability to germinate,) ULan A.-ni pedanzi
nan NUMUN-an / ienzi they dont carry it into the field and use it as seed KBo 6.34 ii 33-33 (Soldiers Oath);
cf. [BLUG] / man tepu ULan gimra ped [anzi] / nan NUMUN-an iyanzi ULmaan NINDA-an iya[nzi]
/
NA
KIIB tianzi As [malt] is sterile, they dont carry it into the field and use it as seed, nor do they make it
into bread and deposit it in a storehouse KUB 17.10 iii 16-19 (Tel. myth, OH/MS); aanna DUMU-an idalu
le kuiki iyazi nuian GR-an takkezi Let no one mistreat a son of the (royal) family and drive a dagger into
him KBo 3.1 ii 35 (Tel. procl., OH/NS).
29.26 36.9 To summarize , the following are the negatives of Hittite together with translations:
natta ( UL) makes a negative assertion he has not (does not, will not) come
nwi denies action prior to the time of the action in
the main clause
(until now) he has not yet come or (until
then) he had not yet come
l expresses negative wish or command of the
speaker; or (rarely) states a categorical
negative
may he not come or (rare) he never
comes
nman states a negative wish of the subject of the
sentence
he does not (did not) want to come
nekku in negative rhetorical questions this suggests
a positive answer, but without the
unavoidable positive aspect of natta imma
he isnt coming, is he?
30. Questions 256
256
CHAPTER 30
QUESTIONS
Friedrich, J. 1960 . Hethitisches Elementarbuch, 1. Teil: Kurzgefasste Grammatik. Indogermanische Bibliothek. 1.
Reihe: Lehr- und Handbcher. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universittsverlag. 284-286 (pp. 146f.); Mascheroni, L.
M. 1980. Il modulo interrogativo in eteo I: note sintattiche. SMEA22:53-62. Hoffner, Harry A., Jr. 1986
Studies in Hittite Grammar. In Kaniuwar. A Tribute to Hans G. Gterbock on his seventy-fifth birthday, May
27, 1983, edited by H. A. Hoffner Jr. and G. M. Beckman, pp. 83-94. Chicago: Oriental Institute. Mascheroni, L.
M. 1980. Il modulo interrogativo in eteo I: note sintattiche. SMEA22:53-62; Hoffner, Harry A., Jr. 1995. About
Questions. In Studio Historiae Ardens. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate
on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by T. P. J. v. d. Hout and J. de Roos, 87-104. Istanbul: Institut
historique et archologique nerlandais de Stamboul.
30.1 37.1 In the spoken language, questions were probably marked in two ways: (1) by voice intonation (cf.
37.1.1), and (2) with interrogative words. Sentence questions, i.e. those not marked by an interrogative word,
were marked as questions only by voice intonation (Friedrich 1960 284, Mascheroni 1980 53f.). As such they are
usually formally unmarked in the writing. Marking sentence questions by inverted word order, as in English Are
you going? versus You are going, is not a feature of Hittite.
30.2 37.1.1 Scribes in Assyria and Babylonia who wrote Akkadian in cuneiform script sometimes indicated the
interrogative intonation by a plene spelling of the vowel in the final syllable of the central word in the interrogative
clause (von Soden 1952 153d, Ungnad 1992 24d). Since the Hittite cuneiform writing system was initially
derived from scribes who used it to write Akkadian, it is no surprise that in one of the oldest Hittite tablets, KBo
22.1, an instructions text written in the Old Hittite ductus, one finds the same phenomenon in writing Hittite
questions. nu ki-i-a-an A-WA-A-AT A-BI-IA ar-a-a-an ar-te- ni-i Is this the way you hold my fathers word (as)
a limitation? (lines 30-31). One further example may be present in a NH letter: [ITU?/PANI?] ABUKAya
GIM-an eer nu me-ma-a-i-i And shall I tell (you), how they were [with(?)] your father? KBo 18.22 obv. 6.
This is the only known example of the form memai with a plene writing of the final vowel. But since this
phenomenon is found to date only rarely, it apparently did not become a regular scribal method of indicative
interrogative stress. Cf. Hoffner 1995a 88.
30.3 37.1.1.1 Sample sentence questions: EY Aza mali Are you agreed, my brother? KUB 14.3 iii 62
(Tawaglawa letter, NH); DINGIR-LUMza kda wakuwa r TUKU.TUKU-wanza O deity, are you angry on
account of this offence? KUB 5.10 i 12 (oracle question, NH); kian AWAT ABIY A / paanuttenIs this the
way you (pl.) have kept my fathers word (i.e., command)? KBo 22.1:4-5; peiwa<r>ati mnwai UL
pe[i] Shall I give it to him? (What) if I do not give it to him? KUB 12.60 i 21 (myth, OH/NS); and cf. KBo
22.1:30-31 in the preceding paragraph. In Hittite one probably answered such a question not with a yes or no
30. Questions 257
257
word, but with a confirming or denying sentence: EY Aza mali Are you agreed, my brother? was answered
with malmiza I agree or ULza malmi I dont agree (so assumed by Hoffner 1995a 89). But since our only
examples of sentence questions are either rhetorical ones which seek no answer (^37.1.1.2, 37.1.2), or questions in
letters for which we possess no specific reply (KUB 14.3 iii 62), or questions in oracles, where the answer only
comes in the standard manner of favorable or unfavorable, we cannot verify this supposition.
30.4 37.1.1.2 Some sentence questions are also rhetorical questions, which expect an answer opposite to the
situation stated in the query: nu ammel / dammea A DAM-YA inkanSIG-yattat My punishment is the death
of my wife. Has (this) gotten any better? KBo 4.8 ii 20-21 (prayer of Mur. II), ed. Hoffner 1983 188;
zikzakan ammukka / 1-edani AMA-ni aante Were you and I born of one mother? KUB 23.102 i 14-15
(letter to Adad-nirri of Assyria); nankan ANA
GI
GIGIR waggariyanun namaankan -TI /
waggariyanun Did I rebel against him in the chariot, or did I rebel against him in the house? Hatt. iii 67-68;
(man doesnt live forever; his days are numbered; If a mortal were to live forever, (and) the painful ills of man were
to remain,) manati natta kattawatar wouldnt that (lit. it) be a punishment (lit. grievance) for him? KUB
30.10 obv. 23; nu zika kuwatqa / A Maturi iwar iyai Will you perhaps also act like Maturi? KUB 23.1+
ii 29-30, ed. Khne and Otten 1971 10f.. Further examples in Hoffner 1995a 90.
30.5 37.1.1.2.1 Some rhetorical sentence questions serve as the apodosis of a contrary to fact conditional clause:
[DUMU.LUGAL]ma[nwa]na kuwapi ta anzamanwa / [da]medani KUR-e uwawen mnwana /
[an]zel BELI wekikiwenIf we had [a prince] anywhere, would we have come into a foreign land and kept
requesting a lord for ourselves? KBo 14.12 iv 15-17 (Deeds of uppiluliuma, frag. 28), ed. JCS 10:97f.;
mnwaramukan ulliyat kuwapi UL / mn andan LUGAL.GAL ANALUGAL TUR katterrair If he
(Uriteub) had not picked a quarrel with me, would (the gods) have truly subjected a Great King to a minor
king? Hatt. iii 76-77. Others introduce a clause giving the grounds: kinuna apel TI-tar idalaweta TI-anza kuit /
nu nepia UTU-un IGI.I.A-it ukizzi Has her (i.e., Tawannannas) life become bad, just because she is (still)
living and sees with her eyes the Sungod of Heaven? KBo 4.8 ii 18-19 (prayer of Mur. II), ed. Hoffner 1983 188;
cf. also Ullik. Tabl. I A iv 55-58.
30.6 37.1.2 Negated sentence questions are usually rhetorical questions , which expect a positive answer. See
above 36.6-36.7.3. Although these are often marked by fronted negation, this is not always the case (contra
Friedrich 1960 282c, see Hoffner 1986). For fronted examples: see 36.7.1 . For non-fronted examples: 36.7.2 .
Because of their emotional content, rhetorical questions often (but not always) employ imma actually, really,
indeed (see Otten apud Rost 1956 332f., Melchert 1985, and above sub 36.7.2). For negative questions that do
not necessarily assume a positive answer see 36.7.3 .
30.7 37.2 The following are some examples of Hittite questions employing interrogative pronouns, adjectives
and adverbs. Mascheroni 1980 60f. calls them domande complende (German Ergnzungsfragen), because the
30. Questions 258
258
reply cannot be merely yes or no, but must supply the information requested (where, how, why, when). Cf.
Hoffner 1995a 92ff. In the vast majority of cases the interrogative pronoun is clause initial.
30.8 37.2.1 With maan how? Clause initial: maan iyaweni / kitantit arkweni What shall we do (lit.
how shall we act)? We will die of starvation! KUB 17.10 i 29-30 (Tel. myth); not clause initial: nuwa wattaru
man iyan How is the fountain made? KBo 21.22:41-42 (OH/MS).
30.9 37.2.2 With interrogative adjective kui- who? or what?: UMMA IMA / [k]wa kuit walkuwan
aun What mob is this that I have borne? KBo 22.2 obv. 1-2 (Zalpa text, OS); uku punukimi [kwa k]uit
walkuwan I ask them, What is this mob? KBo 3.40:15; apa pait
d
IM-ni tet k kuit kiat He proceeded to
say to the Stormgod, What is this that has occurred? VBoT 58 i 16 (myth of disappearance and return of the
Sungod, OH/NS); [mn
d
UTU]-un pmi nan munnami nu kuit iezzi
d
IM-a If I seize the Sungod and hide him,
then what will the Stormgod do? KUB 36.44 i 5-6; kuedani waza menaanda iamikii Before whom are
you singing? KUB 36.12 ii 9-10 (Ullik.); nuza kuel walliyatar ULza A
d
U piaai / ENY A walliyatar
Then whose glory am I? Am I not the glory of the Stormgod piaai ? KUB 6.45+ iii 48-49 (pr. of Muw. II),
note that -za excludes the translation Then whose is the glory? Is it not the glory of the Stormgod p. found in
ANET 397f.; kuel wakan ZI-anza uri dandukewakan / ZI-anza uri Whose soul is great? The mortal soul
is great. KUB 43.60 i 27-28. Not clause initial: [tue]lla DUMU.ME-KA kuin again iyanzi And what miracle
do (i.e., can) your sons perform? VBoT 58 i 7; [(KUR.KUR.I.A)m]a man kui arzi Who holds all the
lands? KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:12.
30.10 37.2.3 With kuit anda why? []IM-a tezzi nuwaran kuit anda UL wemiya[tten] The Stormgod
says: So why didnt you (pl.) find him? VBoT 58 i 23; [uku] punukimi karawaret kuit anda lipan I
ask [them]: Why is its (i.e. the bulls) horn bent/cracked? KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:16 (OH/NS).
30.11 37.2.4 With kuedani er on what account? why? not clause initial with a fronted adversative element:
DUMU.ME LUGALma kuedani / [e]r arkikantari But as for the princes, why are they dying (i.e., being
put to death)? KBo 3.1+ ii 56-58.
30.12 37.2.5 With kuwat, kuit why? Clause initial: kuit wa uw[(a)] Why have you come? KUB
33.24(+)28 i 38; [UMMA IMA ku]watmu k tepu paitta She said: Why have you given me this little bit?
(KUB 40.65 +) KUB 1.16 iii 10; LUGAL-ua memaun / [kuwa ]tware akkanzi And I, the king, said:
[Wh]y should they die? KBo 3.1 ii 28-29 (OH/NS); L.ME TEMI-Y Amu kuwat UL uiekittaniWhy are you
not sending my envoys (back) to me? HKM 53:29-30 (letter, MH/MS); zikwakan apn anda kuwat auta
Why did you look at that (woman)? KBo 5.3+ iii 71 (Hukk.); (The Egyptian queen wrote back to Suppiluliuma
I:) kuwat wa apenian TAQBI appalekanziwamu Why do you speak thus: They are deceiving me? DS
fragm. 28 A iii 52-53; (Pharaoh Ramses II writes to Puduhepa:) kuwatwaranmu kinun UL peta Why have
you not given her (sc. the bride) to me now? KUB 21.38 i 8; not clause initial : nu kn memiyan kuwat iyatten
Why did you do this thing? KBo 3.3+ iii 3-4;
30. Questions 259
259
30.13 annianwaran / [LUGA]L-eznanni kuwat tittanut kinunmawai kururiyauwanzi [k]uwat
atrikii Why did you previously put him on the throne, and why now are you writing to him to declare war?
KUB 1.4 + KBo 3.6 + iii 40-42 (Hatt. iii 75-76). Many other examples in Hoffner 1995a 97-100.
30.14 With kuwapi Where? Clause initial : nu kuwapi UTU-u mumiezzi/ []-iku appenikku GI-ikku
aalikku mumiezzi So where will the Sungod fall? Will he fall into the [], or the flame(?), or the tree(s), or
the brush? KUB 36.44 iv 8-9 (myth); kuwapiwarat andan piddaikanzi /
L.ME
ATUTIMWhere are they
running to, (these) brothers? Ullik. Tablet II B i 19. Interrogative kuwapi preceded by direct address: EME-a EN-
a kuwapi pi Where are you going, O lord of the tongue? KUB 12.62 obv. 10, cf. rev. 3; EME.I.A
EME.I.A kuwapiwa paitte[ni] Tongues, tongues, where are you going? KUB 44.4 + KBo 13.241 rev. 22
(rit.). In rhetorical question interrogative kuwapi preceded by the fronted topic: A L.GAL.GAL-TIM -UNU
kuwapi ULat arker Where are the houses/estates of the grandees? Have they not perished? KUB 1.16 iii 45
(Political Testament of Hatt. I).
30.15 37.2.6 With kuwapit Where? To what place? kuwapit arumen nu ANE-i arkatta What have we come
to, that a donkey will climb? (Expressing incredulity.) KBo 22.2 obv. 10 (Zalpa text, OS); mnwa ANA
d
IM
URU
Nerik / paiwani nuwaan kuwapit (variant: kuwapi) / ewatati When we go to the Stormgod of Nerik,
where shall we sit down? KBo 3.7 iv 6-7 (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS).
30.16 37.2.7 Passages with a mixture of interrogative words: nu maie MU.I.A pair / [maie]akan
uwair A L GAL.GAL-TIM -SUNU kuwapi ULat arker How many years have passed? [How many] have
run (by)? And where (are) the houses of the great men? Have they not perished? KUB 1.16 iii 44-45 (Political
Testament of Hatt. I, OH/NS).
30.17 37.2.8 From these examples it is clear that Hittite unlike English does not usually place the
interrogative word first in the clause. On the contrary, with the possible exception of kuwat why? the interrogative
word usually precedes the finite verb as closely as possible. And since the normal position of the finite verb is
clause final, the interrogative word also gravitates to the end of the clause. Of course, in very short clauses it will be
initial: kuitwa uwa Why have you come? KBo 26.124 (+) KUB 33.24 (+) KUB 33.28 i 38 (myth, OH) and
[kuw]atware akkanzi why should they die? KBo 3.1 ii 29 (Tel. procl., OH/NS), ed. TH 11:30f.; and [UMMA
IMA kuw]atmu k tepu paitta [Thus she said: Wh]y have you given me this little bit? (KUB 40.65 +) KUB
1.16 iii 10-11 (Political Test. of Hatt. I, OH/NS), CREF 30.12 (*37.2.5). CREF below 30.25 (*37.4) and
above 13.10 and 13.13.
30.18 37.3 Questions which pose alternatives take a special form (Sommer 1932 77f., Hoffner 1995a 101). The
second question of the pair frequently has the form nu ma (but see CHD sub -ma a 1 b 4, where it was
shown that the initial nu is only optional): BAL andurza kuiki D-zi nu BAL arazama kuiki D-zi Will
someone revolt from inside (the kingdom), or will someone revolt from outside? KUB 5.4 i 33-35; nuwarat
EY A IDI nuwarat ULma IDI Does my brother know it or not? KUB 14.3 i 5 (Tawagalawa, NH);.
30. Questions 260
260
kuitat E-UTTA nat kuitma / A
UR.SAG
Ammana uwawar What is it, (this) brotherhood? Or what is it,
(this) seeing (or coming to) the Amanus mountains? KUB 23.102 i 7-8 (letter to Adad-nirri of Assyria), cf.
Sommer 1932 78;
30.19 37.3.1 A special kind of alternative question is that which is also rhetorical in nature, implying a denial of
both stated alternatives: DAM-YA MUNUS.LUGAL idalawata kuitki / nan tepnuttama kuitki nukan
Tawannanna DAMYA kuenduDid my wife harm the queen in some way, or did she demote her, so that
Tawannanna should kill my wife? KUB 14.4 iii 21-22 (prayer of Mur. II).
37.3.1 Indirect questions
30.20 Indirect Questions (Mascheroni 1980 58ff.) are often formed in conjunction with clauses containing the
verb ak- to know, au- to see, or atrai- to write:
30.21 37.3.1.1 Using a form of kui- who? what?: nu DINGIR.ME UL / [ekteni k]uela dammea O
gods, dont [you know] whose is the injury? KBo 4.8 iii 3-4, ed. Hoffner 1983 188.; UL a-[a]q-qa-a[-]i
kuia ai DINGIR-LIM-i I dont know who that god is KUB 33.106 iii 44 (Ullik.); ed. Ullik. 46f.;
umewa [D]INGIR.ME UL ukatteni kianwamu kui iyan arzi dont you gods see who has done this
(lit. thus) to me? KUB 54.1 i 20-21 (NH). Not clause initial: KUR
URU
Wiluama ANA KUR
URU
atti kuedani
LUGAL-i awan ara tiyat nu memiya kuit itanza nan UL agga[i] Since the incident occurred long ago, I
dont know from what Hittite king Wilua defected KUB 21.2 + 48.95 i 6-9 (Alak. treaty).
30.22 37.3.1.2 Using kuwapi where?: kianmu kuit atre / kawa L.KR uit / nuwazakan
URU
aparan inian / tamata
URU
Kaipuranmawakan / kez tamata apwakan / itarna ara uit /
nammamawa<r>a kuwapi pait / nuwara UL IDI / nu ap L.KR / alwanzaanza imma / eta
nan UL / a-a-ak-ta<<-a>> (Concerning) what you wrote me as follows: The enemy has come and has
besieged the city apara on that side, and has besieged the city Kaipura on this side; and he has passed through
(and gotten away). But I do not know know (text: he does/did not know) where he was going. Was that enemy
perhaps bewitched, that you did not know him? HKM 6:3-14 (MH/MS), ed. HBM 126-29.
30.23 37.3.1.3 Using maan how? CREF maan mng. 3: zik
d
ITAR
URU
Nenuwa GAAN-NI UL a-ak-ti
KUR
URU
atti GIM-an dammean Dont you know ITARof Nineveh, our Lady, how the country of Hatti has
been oppressed? KBo 2.9 i 38-39 (prayer in a rit., NH); antezziumaat LUGAL.ME maan ara pittalair
nat
d
UTU
URU
TL-na GAAN-YA a-ak-ti How the earlier kings neglected it (i. e., Nerik), you, Sun Goddess of
Arinna, my Lady, know it KUB 21.27 + 676/v + 546/u i 16-18 (prayer, NH), ed. Srenhagen, AoF 8:108ff., cf.
ibid. i 43.
30.24 37.3.2 Indirect questions which pose alternatives take the form mn mn (Friedrich 1960 333
Mascheroni 1980 58 and CHD sub mn): (Since Uri-Teup is there,) nan punu mn kian mn UL kian just
ask him if (it is) so or not KUB 21.38 i 11-12 (letter of Puduhepa to Ramesses II), nu UL agga[un] mnza
30. Questions 261
261
LUGAL KUR
URU
Mizri ANA [ABI]-Y A eda ANA KUR.KUR.ME er ar [kamma]n iyat mnza UL kuitki [iyat] I
dont know if the King of Egypt has rendered tribute to my father for those lands or if he has rendered nothing
KUB 31.121a ii 9-12; cf also KUB 31.121 iii 12-15.
30.25 37.4 The following are examples of short, abrupt questions (Sommer 1932 122, 174): nu namma kuit So
now what? KUB 14.3 iv 20 (Taw.); nu kuit ianzi And what are they doing? KUB 29.1 ii 5; kuit apt What is
that? ibid. ii 37. CREF 30.17 (*37.2.8).
30.26 37.5 As negated statements which continue through more than one clause omit the negation after the first
clause (Sommer 1922 8 n. 3, Goetze 1925 93: CREF 29.25 (*36.8.1), so interrogative words which continue
their force in succeeding clauses may be discontinued: nata DINGIR-LIM-ni [zuwan kuw]at KAxU-it para
uittiyatteni / nanza [ara] datteni Why are you drawing out [food] from the mouth of the god and taking it
[away] for yourselves? KUB 13.4 ii 16-17 (instructions for priests, pre-NH/NS); kuwatwa wekii
nuwattakkan uppayaza [a]kuwaza iaru para ar[zi] Why are you weeping, and tears flow out of your
holy eyes? KUB 17.9 i 20-22 (Gurparanzau story); kuwat armu kian iyatten numuan k yugan
iait[en] Why did you (pl.) do thus over me and bind this yoke upon me? KUB 31.4 obv. + KBo 3.41:7
(OH/NS).
31. Sentence Particles 262
262
CHAPTER 31
SENTENCE PARTICLES
31.1 18.8 (old 18.9) Hittite possesses three classes of enclitics: (1) those which attach only to the first word in
the clause (and there only in a fixed sequence), and (2) those which attach only to a noun, but anywhere in the
clause, (3) -ma, which attaches to any word in the clause, but usually to one of the first three.
31.2 18.8.1 (18.9.1) Some of the Hittite enclitics are pronouns or adjectives: (1) the enclitic dative and
accusative pronoun for all three persons (-mu me, -ta you, -i him/her, -na us, -ma you, them), (2) the
enclitic pronominal stem -a- he, she, it (3rd pers. only), and (3) the enclitic possessive adjectives (4.97).
31.3 (old 18.9.1.1) By far the most common base on which the enclitic pronouns and adjectives of the first two
types (-mu, -ta, -i, etc., and -a-) are suffixed are the clause conjunctions (nu, u or ta) (on these see Chapters 41
and 42). Whenever these are immediately followed by an enclitic beginning with a vowel, they lose their final
vowel (na, e, tu ). And since more than one enclitic particle may be suffixed to the sentence conjunction, it
is common to find entire chains of enclitics of the type namuzakan . For such chains there is a specific
sequence in which the various particles must appear (see Laroche 1958 161, Friedrich 1960 288. This sequence is
illustrated below, first by means of a chart showing the slots in the chain and the particles capable of filling each,
and secondly by a few examples of attested chains together with their translation.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
n(u) -wa(r-) -na -a c. sg. nom. -mu -za -kan
(u) -ma -an c. sg. acc. -ta (rare -da) -an
t(a) -at neut. sg. (pl. in NH) -e/i -(a)ta
-( y) a -e
564
neut. pl. (OH) -du (rare -tu) -(a)pa
-a/-ma -u c. pl. acc. -an
31.4 18.8.3 (old 18.9.1.2) In NH third sg. pronominal nom. and acc. forms (slot 4 ) can recur between 6 and 7
, e.g., nanzaankan (1 + 4 + 6 + 4 + 7), natiat (1 + 4 + 5 + 4). This phenomenon occurs for the first
time in the Deeds of Suppiluliuma I, written by Mursili II,
565
although it may have been introduced by the later

564
The assumption, based upon [kuw]at-wa-ri in Tel.pr. ii 29, that there is an -i vocalism of this pronoun is false, since the
-ri sign can just as well be read -re.
565
nanzaan in DS frag. 15 F iv 30 and DS frag. 26 KUB 34.23 ii 8, and DS frag. 28 A KBo 5.6 iv 6-7 DUMUYAwamu
NU.GL RYAmawa nman dai / nuwaranzaan
L
MUTIY A iyami. Cf. in AM 42 KUB 14.16 ii 15-16
maanmaanzaankan EGIR-pa uun, which has the same author as DS. It also occurs in NH copies of OH and MH
compositions: nanzaan in the NH manuscript KBo 6.3 (B) of Laws 23, where the OS copy A reads nanza , in
nanzaan in KUB 1.16 ii 44 (OH/NS), and namaanzaan KUB 31.115 11 (OH/NS), and nammaanzaan in KUB
23.11 iii 14 (MH/NS). But none of these is in OS or even MS; they are NH copies, subject to thes ame modernizing that we
see in KBo 6.3 of Laws 23, where the OH copy is extant.
263
scribe who recopied the text. Particles which occupy the same slot never occur together in the same chain (e.g.,
*nutamu and you (acc.) to me (dat.) is impossible, as -ta and -mu occupy the same slot). *nuaan and he
.. him is also impossible, as -a and -an occupy the same slot. Watkins (apud Garrett 1990a) has determined the
reason why the nominative and accusative enclitic pronouns occupy the same slot in Hittite: Hittite does not permit
the use of the nominative enclitic pronoun to be expressed in a sentence containing a transitive verb. Instead of a
sentence like na LUGAL-un walta and he (-a) struck the king one should always find nu LUGAL-un
walta.
31.5 18.9.1.3 Certain rules determine the presence or absence of the subject pronoun -a- (-a, -e, -at ) when the
verb is intransitive (see Garrett 1996). Garrett maintained that subject clitic distribution in intransitive sentences is
lexically determined, at least at a superficial level. That is, subject clitics regularly occur with some verbs, but with
other verbs they never occur (p. 90). This is clearly the case.
31.6 18.9.1.3.1 But there is another factor that needs to be added to the discussion. One has to distinguish
between cases in which the pronominal subject (at least as expressed in English translation) is referential or not.
The it in English sentences such as when it rains
566
, it will go badly
567
, or it is murder
568
is non-referential
and would require no clitic subject in Hittite.
569
Cf. 19.9.1.4 below.
31.7 18.9.1.3.2 There appear to be two classes of intransitive verbs in Hittite: unaccusatives (which take a
clitic subject pronoun) and unergatives (which do not) (Garrett 1996).Among the unaccusatives are (1)
intransitive verbs of motion such as iya- (mid.) to go, march, pai- to go, uwa- to come (but neither pai- nor
uwa- take the clitic subject when used as serial verbs), arra- (mid.) to make a crossing, cross a distance, uya-
to run, piddai- to run, flee, par- to flee, take flight, and ar- to arrive (The inner accusative construction
KASKAL-an iya- to make ones way sometimes called the accusative of the way, behaves like an intransitive
verb of motion in taking the clitic subject pronoun), (2) change-of-state verbs [Garrett, p. 94f., list 16) such as ak-
to die, ark- to perish, die, get lost, irmaliya- (mid.) to get sick, mer- to disappear, arp(iya)- (mid.) to
reassociate, change ones association, mai- to grow,
570
mayante- to grow up, putkiya- to swell up, ki-

566
GIM-an ameanza D-ri tetai When it is spring (and) it thunders KBo 2.7 rev. 16-18 is another example., as is
urkil (It is) urkil (e.g., Laws 189) instead of *urkilat.
567
THeth 11 iv 33-34 [kui]an ULma uwatezzi nu uizzi apedanipat UN-i -riipat idlawzi . See also: KUB 4.1 iv
29 apedani UN-i kallarezi.
568
Compare the one-word clauses urkel It is urkel and nakku It is nakku in the Hittite laws, which show no
subject clitic marker. Note also that takku R-i KBo 6.4 i 18-19 (cf. ibid. i 26) must be translated But if it (not he) is a
slave (Hoffner 1997a 22), since without -a the subject is non-referential .
569
A borderline case, which may show the use of a subject clitic for a non-referential it subject is: [l kui]ki tezzi
LUGAL-a duddumili kardiyaa [iezzi n]at parkunumi takkuat zi takkuat NU.GL KUB 1.16 ii 53-54. The clause
[pa-a]-a-a-nu-wa-an ta HKM 89:25 (MH/MS) is problematic on several grounds.
570
KUB 39.41 rev. 8-10, cited CHD L-N 114b.
264
(mid.) to become, happen, we- (mid.) to turn, change, neya- (mid.) to turn, zeya- (mid.) to become
cooked, war- (mid.) to burn, igai- (mid.) to freeze, alliya- to melt, e- (mid.) to sit down,
571
e- to lie
down, sleep, upp- to fall asleep, arai- to get up, stand up, tiya- to take up a position, iyanni- to set out,
aandulai- to encamp, go into garrison, lazziya- (mid.) to get better, recover, kitanziya- to get hungry, ipai-
/ipiya- to become satisfied with food, aik- to become satisfied with drink, karuiya- to fall silent, and
the -e- and -e- inchoatives such as parkue()- to become pure, mie- to become sweet, miyaunte- to
grow old, alle- to grow up, warree- to become helpful, come to the aid of, etc., (3) middles which
function as true passives of transitive actives such as dattari it will be accepted,(Garrett 1996 90f. called these
middle decausatives). In Garretts list (p. 91) his decision not to translate several examples passively (fall
instead of be toppled, disappear instead of be hidden) effectively masks the possibility that we have a passive
of the corresponding active transitive verb. But not all examples in Garretts list (11) fit his description of the
category. If there are transitive counterparts for some of these verbs, they must be either from other stems or
entirely different verb roots. To my knowledge there is no transitive counterpart to irmaliya- get sick, or lzziya-
do well, flourish, and I would prefer to place them with the above-mentioned change-of-state verbs; (4) middle
reflexives , i.e., formally middle with (usually active) transitive counterparts, but occurring with the reflexive clitic
-z(a);(5) some verbs of bowing such as ink- (mid.), aliya- and UKEN (but not aruwai- !). The verbs ki- (mid.)
to be plced, lie, te- to speak, say, ak- to know and the verb to be e-
572
also take the clitic subject
pronoun. Note that verbs expressing emotional states (fear, joy, anger, etc.) either are conceived as change-of-state
verbs or merely belong to this syntactic category on other grounds.
31.8 18.9.1.3.4 What Garrett (pp. 95f.) called intransitive psychological verbs (i.e., verbs expressing
emotions) generally fall into this class. But as he points out, some of these can have a transitive use: (i)-to get
angry (usually w. -za) but also be angry at, araniya- to be upset, but also to be upset with someone, envy
someone, kartimmiya- (mid.) to get angry, u(wa)pp-to become hostile, duke- to become happy, rejoice
but also to amuse, entertain, aar- to laugh or to laugh at, wike-to weep, wail, takupike- to wail,
lament, na- to become afraid and to fear (something), ulliya- to become contentious. In their transitive
uses these verbs take no clitic subject.

571
So noted in Garrett 1996 95. But non-occurrence of the clitic in: ta eanda KBo 17.74 + 21.25 + ABoT 8 i 18 (OS,
StBoT 12, 19), nu k a[danna PANI] DUMU.LUGAL / eanda IBoT 1.29 obv. 24-25; maanmakan ABA ABIY A
S[uppiluliuma LUGAL.G]AL UR.SAG ara iparzata / [nu]zakan ANA
GI
.A LUGAL-UTTIea[t ] KBo 6.28 obv. 16-
17 (Hatt. III); possibly [Kuma]rbiakan iyawaniyawanza
URU
Nipp[uri ] / [ ] pait iaarwantiyazaan i[] /
[ ] eat KUB 33.120 i 42-44 (MH/NS), nu gimr[i ] / paikanta eanda KUB 53.15 ii 9-10.
572
An apparent exception is: arku L.ME (var. L-e) ta he was an outstanding man KBo 3.34 ii 11-12 (OH/NS),
which lacks the subject clitic -a. Not at exception is: ka GUD.MA[] (18) [dau]? ta Lo, there (once) was a
[powerf]ul bull KUB 31.4 + KBo 3.41:17-18.
265
31.9 18.9.1.4 Intransitive verbs not taking the third person clitic subject pronoun fall into several categories: (1)
Transitive verbs with omitted objects (thus appearing to be intransitives; Garretts detransitives [p. 99, list 28])
such as mema- to speak, alzai- to call, palwai- to cry (or clap), arkuwai- to reply, te- to say, mald- to
recite, ed- to eat, eku- to drink, ipant- to offer, allapa- to spit, ariya- to inquire by oracle, unna-,
penna- and nanna- to drive, and aanduleke- to garrison. Note: au()-to see and itama- to hear used
intransitively usually follow this rule, but when they mean have the faculty of sight/hearing, they take the clitic
subject. (2) Impersonals such as mai it prospers (note that the same verb with an overt subject takes the subject
clitic), ezi it thrives, ppai it is finished, and arpaatta , and clauses with non-referential subjects such as
urkil (It is) urkil. Cf. 18.9.1.3 (1).
31.10 18.9.1.4.1 A final category is Garretts list (27), of which several verbs are what he calls active
decausatives. Some in his list I have assigned to 18.9.1.4, in particular the verba dicendi: arkuwai- to plead,
and palwai- to cry out. Cf. Garretts own assignment of memai- to list (28). The verbs nuntarnu- to hasten and
wanu- to turn, change might also be considered active decausatives. The verbs uwaye- to look, gimmantariya-
to spend the winter, and wata- to omit, be remiss, sin pose a special problem. In view of the attested transitive
active use of watanzi (if) they omit (so much as a thread) in KBo 16.47:8 it is likely that wata- also belongs
with the active detransitives.
31.11 18.9.1.5 A special problem is also posed by the verb ar- (mid.) to stand. Like e- (mid.) to sit it
belongs with the stative verbs that take the subject clitic, but it fails to take the subject clitic in the Kikkuli
hippological treatise (e.g., KUB 1.13+ iii 11, 21), a text which in many other respects of its grammar shows that it
was not composed by a native speaker of Hittite.
31.12 18.8.3 (old 18.9.1.6) Occupants of the same slot perform approximately the same function: in slot 1 nu,
u, ta, -(y)a and -ma are all clause connectives; in slot 7 -kan, -an, -(a)ta, -apa, and -an are all local particles,
573
the last two occurring only in OH.
31.13 18.8.3.1 (old 18.9.1.7) Slot 2 contains -wa (when final, or followed by a consonant), -war- (when
followed by a vowel), the particle which indicates quoted speech. This particle was sometimes omitted, especially
when a verb of speech (mema- or te-) introduces the quote. See Pecora 1984. For more on -wa see Chapter 44.
31.14 18.8.3.2 (old 18.9.2) Forms in slots 3 and 5 contain respectively the plural and singular forms of the
dative and accusative pronouns, and are mutually exclusive in the chain. The first and second person pronoun forms
(-mu, -ta, -ma) can be either dative or accusative, while the third person forms -e and -i can only be dative: -mu
me (acc.), to/from me (dat.), -ta you (acc.), to/from you (dat.) (with the -du allomorph occurring before -za),

573
We prefer the traditional term local particles for those in slot 7. The alternative term, sentence particles, confuses
them with those in slots 2-6, which also modify the entire sentence.
266
-na us (acc.), to/from us (dat.), -(a)ma you (pl. acc.), to/from you (dat.); whereas: -e/i to/from him, her,
it, -(a)ma to/from them. On slot 3 see Hoffner 1986.
31.15 18.8.4 (old 18.9.3) Starkes observation (1977) that with nouns of the person class the dative case is not
only the to but from case (which in the object class noun is expressed by the ablative), applies also to the
dative clitic pronoun (-mu, -ta, -i, etc.). And since in combination with postpositions such as
peranmaatmu before me however it Hatt. I 27, eraian and over it/him KBo 4.2 i 8, erwai
arnikmi I will make compensation for (lit. above er) him Laws 95 the so-called dative may indicate spatial
location, we must also consider it a locative.
31.16 18.8.5 (old 18.9.3.1) -e/i + -ata yields -e-e-ta, but -mu + -ata and -apa yield -ma-a-ta and -ma-pa
respectively (cf. CHD sub -mu).
31.17 18.8.6 (old 18.9.4) Slot 4 contains the 3rd person nominative and accusative pronouns.
nom.com. -a -e (old), -at (NH)
acc.com. -an -u (old), -a (NH)
n.-a.neut. -at -e (old), -at (NH)
31.18 18.8.7 (old 18.9.5) Slot 6 contains the reflexive particle -z(a), which forms the subject of Chapter 30. In
OH and MH in certain morphophonemic environments (when preceded by a vowel) this particle takes the form -z
(zi-ik-wa-az, lu-uk-kat-ti-ma-az, ta-az, nu-uz, ne-ez, ma-a-n-ez, (and not final) ta-az-kn, an-da-ma-az-kn, a-ap-
pa-ma-wa-az-kn) (cf. 30.2 ). Elsewhere it has the form -za. Under no circumstances (contra Sturtevant and Hahn
1933 105 and Kammenhuber in HW
2
) does it take the form -az (cf. Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 114 note 4). The
a which precedes it always belongs to the preceding morpheme (-ma-az = -maz). NH speakers avoided the
sequence nu + -at they (com. or neut. nom.)/them (neut. acc.) + -ta to/from you (sg.) because it produced na-at-
ta, a homograph with the word na-at-ta not. Instead they wrote n-et-ta (nu + -e + -ta).
31.19 18.8.8 (old 18.9.6) Slot 7 contains the so-called local particles (German Ortsbezugspartikeln). They
were first given this name by A. Gtze (1933b), and J. Friedrich adopted the term in his grammar (Friedrich 1960
294-300). O. Carruba (1964 405-36) followed Gtzes ideas and extended the analysis to include the Old Hittite
evidence for the particles -ata and -apa. Folke Josephson(1972), took a different tack, arguing that their principal
function was aspectual. There is some truth to both Goetzes and Josephsons positions (cf. Hoffner 1992). With
certain verbs such as kuen- the particle -kan adds a perfective or telic aspect: without -kan to strike, with -kan to
kill. Yet it strains the evidence to attribute such an aspect to each -kan. Goetze correctly observed that the particles
of slot 7 most often occur in clauses where there is either a preverb or a local expression (noun in the locative or
ablative, local adverb). More will be said about these in Chapters 45 and 46. In spite, therefore, of exceptional cases
it is probably best to continue to use the term local particles, as in Luraghi 1997 52-53.
32. Reflexive Particle 267
267
CHAPTER 32
PARTICLES -za
32.1 30.1 A reflexive pronoun is one which refers back to the subject of the sentence, clause, or phrase in which
it stands. English reflexive pronouns contain the element -self: myself, himself, herself, yourself, ourselves. In
English the -self forms serve two purposes: (1) intensifying, and (2) reflexivity. An example of (1) would be the
clause: He said it himself, where himself simply intensifies or reinforces the pronominal subject he. In Hittite
one would use ukila I myself, zikila you yourself, apila he himself.
574
An example of (2) would be: He
hit himself, where himself is the direct object of the verb hit, or I bought myself a sandwich, where myself
is like a Hittite dative (for myself). In Hittite, if a particle is to mark the reflexive sense, either -z(a) or the
enclitic dative pronoun (only in the plural) of the same person as the grammatical subject of the clause is used.
Reflexivity is indicated without a particle by the middle forms of certain verbs (cf. 31.4.2 ).
32.2 30.1.1 In Hittite (as in Latin) the dative forms of the personal pronouns can serve as reflexives. In Hittite
this procedure is applicable to the plural (cf. 23.3.6.2) of all three persons: (first person:) nunna
DUMU.NITA.ME DUMU.MUNUS.ME iyawen and we begat for ourselves sons (and) daughters (Hatt. III 4);
(second person:) numa DINGIR.ME-a ZI-ni mekki naante ten be ye very careful (lit. afraid) with
respect to the mood of the gods KUB 13.4 iii 56f.; (third person:) warpanzimawama UL but they do not
wash themselves KUB 16.16 i 28. The choice of the dative for this usage is particularly useful in the case of the
third person, since warpanzimawaru UL with acc. -u in place of the dative -ma would mean they do not
wash them (i.e., a second group).
32.3 30.2 The usual means of expressing the reflexive idea in Hittite is the enclitic particle -za (alternate form -
z), whose position in the chain of enclitics is outlined in 18.8.2 , and which serves without inflection for all
persons, numbers and genders. The form -z is confined to older Hittite (OH and MH), and occurs in positions
preceded by a vowel: (word final) zi-ik-wa-az, lu-uk-kat-ti-ma-az, ta-az, nu-uz, ne-ez, ma-a-n-ez(and not final) ta-
az-kn, an-da-ma-az-kn, a-ap-pa-ma-wa-az-kn (cf. Khne 1988 and 18.8.7 ).
32.4 30.2.1 The precise nature of the reflexive function must be analyzed separately with each type of clause:
verb to be both expressed and implied (cf. 30.2.2 and 30.2.3), intransitive (30.6-30.6.2.1), and transitive
(30.2.1.1 and 30.2.1.2) verbs.
32.5 30.2.1.1 When the verb is transitive , and the clause has no other accusative form, -za may indicate that the
direct object of the verb is the same person as its subject: warpanzimawaz UL but they do not wash

574
See 18.6 for more on the -il( a) suffix. In theory the suffix -il( a) could be added to the nominative of any personal
pronoun. In fact *weila, and *umeila are unattested.
268
themselves (-z) KUB 16.34 i 8-9; kinunamaza LUGAL-u labarna ulanun Now (kinuna) I, the labarna ,
have united (ulanun) myself (-za) to you (-ma) KUB 29.1 i 33-34 (rit., OH/NS).
32.6 30.2.1.2 When the verb is transitive , and the clause contains a direct object (an accusative), -za may
indicate that the indirect object of the verb is the same person as its subject (to/for himself) (cf. van den Hout
1992): nuza DUMU.NITA.ME DUMU.MUNUS.ME iyanun and I made (iyanun) for myself (-za) sons and
daughters KUB 21.38 i 58; nuza PN DAM-anni arta and he had PN for himself in wifeship (Tel. Procl. i
31-32); NINDA-anza wemiyanun wtarmaz wemiyanun I found for myself bread I found for myself
water KUB 30.10 obv. 16-17 (OH/MS); natzakan pedipat R-ata he made them (-at refers back to a
neuter collective noun for people) subject to himself on the same spot KUB 19.9 i 15; nuza NAM.RA INA
.LUGAL uwatenun I brought civilian captives into the kings house for myself (KBo 3.4 ii 41, Decenniel
annals of Murs. II); nuzakan
URU
attua utne
UTU
URU
Arinna laman daita but in the land of Hattusa you
have placed upon yourself the name Sungoddess of Arinna KUB 21.27 i 4; (old 30.3:) nuza k ALAMYA A
K.GI iyanun I made (for myself) this statue of myself KBo 10.2 iii 21-22 (annals of Hatt. I, OH/NS);
nanza ANA DAM-U dai nuza -er U DUMU.ME ienzi and he takes her to himself as his wife, and they
make for themselves a house and children Hittite Laws 31 (OH); kuiza
L
ippari appar iezzi he who makes
a business transaction for himself with a ippara -man Hittite Laws 48; GAL-iza
UTU-u EZEN-an iet The

great Sungod made a party (lit. festival) for himself KUB 17.10 i 19 (Telepinu myth, OH/MS); nammaz uit
ABI
UTU-I tuk
Madduwattan linkiyaa iet then my father (lit. the father of My Majesty) made you,
Madduwatta, a sworn ally (lit. one of his oath) for himself KUB 14.1 obv. 13-14 (Madd., MH/MS); nata
DINGIR.ME-apat ZI-ni / iyatten nu NINDA-an ezzatteni watarma ekutteni -eraza iyatteni Act in the
will of the gods, and you will eat bread, drink water, and make a house for yourselves KUB 13.4 ii 69-71
(instructions for priests, pre-NH/NS).
32.7 30.2.1.3 Lexical use of -z(a). Some verbs exhibit significant differences in meaning, depending upon
whether or not they are construed with -za (Hoffner 1973b:521):
Verb without -za with -za Bibliography
au()- to see (physically) to see with insight, experience,
understand, see in a dream
Friedrich 1952 38 sub au- ,
Hoffner 1973b:523, Boley
1993 106ff.; cf. below 30.3.
ep- to seize, grasp to betake oneself to (w. -za + -
kan)
575
e- (act.) to remain seated (mid.) to take a seat, sit down Goetze 1933b 4-5, Neu 1968b
27f., Boley 1993 73ff.
a- to open (something) to bear, beget (a child)

575
Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1988 51f., 63ff.
269
iya- to do, make to celebrate (festivals),
worship (gods)
Boley 1993 77ff.
ki- to occur, happen to become (something) But cf. Neu, StBoT 5:97f., and
Hoffner 1973b:522 n. 14,
Boley 1993 49ff.
mald- to recite, speak to take a vow; E. Laroche, La prire ittite
[1964] 8-12; CHD mald-
ninink- to move, stir up (something) to muster (troops) CHD sub ninink-
576
peda- to dispose of to carry off with/for oneself
ak- to be aware of, know to know, master (a skill), to
recognize (authority)
akuwai- to look (toward something, w.
dat.-loc.)
to see (something, w. acc.) Hoffner 1973b; cf. below
30.2.5.
da- to take something for a
particular purpose, to employ;
to take to/for oneself,
tar- to have the upper hand,
prevail, be able
to conquer (someone)
tepnu- to demote, curtail to belittle (verbally) Hoffner 1977b
32.8 In some of these cases the seemingly different meaning in English may be more of a problem of converting
the ideas from one language to another than true cases of lexical variation conditioned by the particle. For example,
tar- with and without -za, while requiring different English translations, is probably simply another case of what I
have called a transitivity toggle (30.4.2 and 30.4.4).
32.9 30.2.2 The particle -za in clauses with the verb to be expressed or understood. Friedrich (HE
2
[1960]
243) called these Nominalstzen (nominal sentences), under which name he also subsumed sentences which
express the copula e- (act.) to be. Friedrichs analysis of the situation here was that the use of -za in such clauses
is irregular, and that the precise conditions havent yet been found. An early attempt to discover the conditions
was made in 1967 by Josephson (RHA fasc. 81:134-35), who concluded that it indicated an inherent quality or for
identification and also with indication of rank or status. This very unsatisfactory interpretation was replaced by
Hoffners (1969; cf. also 1973b:520f.) simple rule with a diachronic feature: (1) In Old Hittite no -za or enclitic
reflexive dative was employed in equational sentences (sentences in which the verb e- to be is expressed or
implied). (2) In New Hittite either -za or a dative enclitic reflexive pronoun is required when the subject of the
sentence is I, we or you (sg. or pl.) i.e., a first or second person subject. (3) Middle Hittite is a
transitional period for this rule: earlier texts follow the OH pattern, later ones the NH pattern. Note that this rule

576
In mng. 1 (mobilizing or mustering troops) the verb can occur with or without -za. But in the other mngs. (2-8) -za
doesnt occur.
270
applies only to sentences whose verb is to be. Other rules govern clauses using other verbs and -za. Boley 1993
underestimated the validity of this rule, and many of her alleged counter examples were explained by Hoffner 1996.
32.10 30.2.2.1 Since the period when -za is used as the distinguishing mark for first and second person subjects
of the verb to be is New Hittite, we shall consider the New Hittite evidence first. And since most of our texts date
from that period, it has the most examples.
32.11 First person singular subject : ammukmaza par andanza kuit UN-a eun but because I was a
divinely-guided person Hatt. i 46-47; ammukmaza nwa TUR-a eun but I was still (only) a child KUB
19.29 i 10; nuza
UTU-I apez linkiyaz parkui elitthen let me, the emperor, be pure from that oath KUB
13.4 iv 53; ammukmaza
Puduepa annalli GMEKA I, Puduepa, am your long-standing maidservant

KUB 21.27 i 7; ammukza
Puduepa arnawa MUNUS-za KUB 21.27 i 17;

32.12 First person plural: anzamawana R.ME
UTU-Ipat but we are subjects of His Majesty too

KBo 4.3 iv 15 (Kup. treaty, ed. SV ); anzamana DUMU.L.U.LU kuit because we are human beings
KBo 11.1 rev. 15 (prayer of Muw. II), ed. RHA fasc. 81, 109, 119 with comments on pages 34-35.
32.13 30.2.2.2 Second person subject: uiwanzawaza Be alive! (a greeting) (KUB 33.106 iii 7);
nuza aliya uddani mekki paaanuwante ten so be ye very vigilant concerning the matter of the night
watch! KUB 13.4 ii 80-81; MUNUS-anzawaza MUNUS-niliya<wa>z zik you are a woman and of a
womanly nature (KUB 24.8 i 36);
577
zikza kui who are you? KBo 5.11 iv 23, cited by Josephson in RHA
81:134-35;
32.14 plural: andamaza uma kuie
L.ME
karimnale but you who are temple servants (KUB 13.4 ii 59),
ummama kuie L.ME SAG you who are eunuchs KUB 26.1 i 2; also ibid. iii 45; nuza mn parkuwae
if you are pure KUB 13.4 iv 53; takkuza paprantema but if you are defiled KUB 13.4 iv 54; mnwaza
nte if you are angry KUB 15.32 i 46.
32.15 30.2.2.3 The following NH compound sentence contains one first-person subject and one second-person:
appanwamuzakan nuwaduza tuk appa mi be behind me, and I will be behind you! KUB 36.35+
i 12-13 (Elkunira myth)), cf. i 1.
32.16 30.2.2.4 Contrast the following examples of NH to be sentences with third-person subjects , in which
neither -za nor a dative enclitic pronoun is required: nakan DINGIR.ME ANA
ITAR
URU
amua
naanza edu so let him be reverent to ITARof amua among the gods (Hatt. iv 88-89); kuitwa watultit
what is your sin? KUB 14.8 i 45; kuiwara ai DUMU-a who is he, this child? Ullik. I A iv 14; kwa
kuit what is this? KBo 6.34 i 30.

577
Note that there are two clauses in this cited material: MUNUS-niliyaz contains a new set of sentence particles.
271
32.17 30.2.3 In Old Hittite this use of the reflexive to distinguish first and second person subjects from third
person ones in to be clauses was not yet operational . Observe the non-occurrence of the reflexive in OH to be
sentences with first and second person subjects: First person: [(appi)] ANA L.ME
URU
Zalpa tarikkizzi
kwa a[(ttimi ) natt ]a u appi says to the men of Zalpa: I am not dear to my father KBo 22.2 rev 4-5
(OS), ugga
MUNUS
annanna mi I am an a. -woman VBoT 58 iv 3; k BEL
GI
TUKUL eun I was a Lord-of-the-
Weapon (Pal. Chron. B i 9).
32.18 The particles absence under these conditions in NH is extremely rare and perhaps intentionally archaizing:
DUMU L.U.LU-a eun I was a mortal KUB 6.45 iii 26 (Muw. II).
32.19 30.2.3.1 OH with unexpressed e-: Second person singular: maranzawa zik you are treacherous
(KBo 3.34 ii 20); zigawa
GI
TUKUL you are a TUKUL(-man) KBo 22.1:21 (OS); plural: L.ME
ILKIwa ume you (pl.) are men bound to render ILKU-tax (Laws 55). Notice how in OH the independent
pronoun (zik, ume) often occurs in final position (ex. 36, 38), when the verb e- is left unexpressed.
32.20 30.2.3.2 OH with e-: umea [DINGIR.ME-a u]ddani naante ten Be respectful toward the word
[of the gods] KUB 1.16 iii 49 (OH/NS).
32.21 30.2.3.3 A similar use of dative pronouns referring back to the subject is used in nominal sentences in
Hieroglyphic Luwian , where one finds in sentences with first person singular subjects (Latinogram EGO I) the
regular use of the enclitic pronoun -mi: EGO-mi U-r-hi-li-na I am Urhilina (Restan and Apamea = Meriggi
Manuele II nos. 5 and 6), cf. also Manuele II nos. 8.1, 10, 11, 13, 16, etc. On this subject see F. Josephson in
Houwink ten Cate and Josephson 1967 135f. with anterior literature cited there.
32.22 30.2.4 When the verb iya- (Va1) to make is construed with a double object (to make something into
something else),
578
it sometimes takes -za and sometimes does not. In these cases the-za refers back to the subject
as a dative of interest (cf.30.2.1.2).
32.23 30.3 The verb au()-(cf. 30.2.1.3). Originally au- to look, see associated with -za only when the
object of the verb (the thing seen) was something which belonged to or was intimately related to the seer. Cf.
Carruba 1969 49f. and Hoffner 1973b. zikawarata
GI
luttanza ara le autti m(n)warata arama autti
nuwaza DAM-KA DUMU.ME-KA autti you must not look (intrans.!) out of the window. If you look
(intrans.) out, you will see (trans.) your own (-za) wife and your own children KUB 17.6 (Illuyanka C) i 19ff.
Carruba suggests that it means to see something which belongs to the subject, even if not physically. He then cites
KUB 12.2 iv 25, KBo 6.34 i 35ff., and Ullik. tablet 1, passim: mn DN
1
ANA DN memikiwan dai versus
nuza PANI ZI-U memikiwan dai (to his own mind) as further illustrations of the principle. Note also:
P.TUR-amazakan watul kuit ukizzi Because Mauiluwa saw (lit. sees) his own sin Kup. 5 d, 40

578
On the double accusative constructions see van den Hout 1992.
272
and nuzata
L
UGULA LIM
L
DUGUD-a [] NINDA.RIN.ME-U ZD.DA[.DURU] menaanda audu
let the Commander-of-1,000 and the Dignitary wait for (lit. look toward) their own bread rations and moistened
flour KBo 16.25 i 31-32. The particle -za with au()- sometimes serves as the reflexive object for a postposition
or adverb in the clause: nata kma (7) ANE.KUR.RA.I.A kar (8) par neun (9) nanzakan
menaanda au I have already dispatched horses. Expect (lit. look for) them ( as they come) toward you HKM
2:6-9 (letter, MH/MS);
32.24 30.4 The particle -za often serves to distinguish a transitive from an intransitive use of a verb (transitivity
toggle):
32.25 30.4.1 With akuwai(a)- to look, see (Hoffner 1973b). The verb akuwai(a)- to look, see like its
synonym au()- also occurs sometimes with -za and sometimes without. But the factor determining the need for -za
is not the same as with au()-, where it has to do with seeing something closely associated with the seer. Rather it
is the same factor which operates with the verb tar- : when the verb takes a direct object, the particle -za will
regularly accompany it: [(nukan
UTU-u nepiaz ) katta ]akuwait nuza
Ullukummin akuikizzi
[(
Ulluk)ummiaza (nepi)]an
UTU-un akuikizzi Istanu looked (without -za) down from the sky and saw
(with -za) Ullukummi, and Ullukummi saw (with -za) heavenly Itanu KUB 33.95 + 33.93 iv 33-34 (Ullik.,
Tablet I A).
32.26 30.4.2 With tar- : (1) trans. with -za to overcome, subject, (2) intrans. without -za to have the upper
hand, be superior.
32.27 30.4.3 With na-: (1) trans. without -za to fear something/someone, (2) intrans. with or without -za or
equivalent dative:. to be afraid nuwaza er nun I was afraid on (that) account KUB 13.35 ii 33;
lwata nai dont be afraid KUB 30.33 i 15, KUB 30.36 ii 8, (but sometimes without:) LUGAL-uwa l
nati O king, dont be afraid KBo 15.52 v 14, cf. 21, namiwa I am afraid KUB 14.3 ii 26 (Taw., Hatt. III),
nu nun and I became afraid KUB 12.27 i 3 (Mur. II).
32.28 30.4.4 Note that in this transitive/intransitive opposition the particle -za doesnt always mark the transitive
use; it is merely a transitivity toggle. Each pair must be learned independently as a lexical item.
32.29 30.5 Beginning in Old Hittite, the particle -za can serve in a possessive construction to identify the
possessor with the grammatical subject of the clause (his own, her own, our own, Hoffner 1973b 523f.): nuza
DUMU.MUNUS.MEA ANA DUMU.NITA.MEA pai (The queen) gave her own daughters to her own
sons (in marriage) StBoT 17 obv. 17 (OS); nuzakan DUMU.ME-U para uwiezzi (if a mother removes
her garment from her son,) she thus disinherits her own son (pl. sons is a scribal error) Hittite Laws 171
(OH/NS); New Hittite examples: nammaanzaan ANA SAG.DU-U er anzaa [ANADUMU].ME-U er
linganut he made him swear loyalty to himself (lit. to his own head), but us (he made swear loyalty) to his sons
KBo 4.4 iv 59-60; ammukwaza DINGIR-LIM-YA paaiI am guarding my own temple KUB 13.4 iii 25-
273
26 (pre-NH/NS), (when someone has paid compensation for homicide,) nuza()ta SAG.DU-ZU wata he has
purchased his own life (lit. head) KUB 13.9 ii 3-4, nuzakan 2 EN SISKUR watar INA
SAG.DU.MEUNU ar lauwanzi and the two offerers pour the water on their own heads KBo 2.3 iv 4-5.
The construction can even omit the possessive: nuza E-a <E>-an kattan pekit [
L
a]ramaza
L
aran
kattan pekit brother betrayed his own brother, friend betrayed his own friend KBo 2.5 iv 16-17 (annals of Murs.
II); nuzakan IGI.I.A-wa kuwattan ANAKUR L.KR andan nikinun numukan IGI.I.A-wa L.KR
EGIR-pa UL kuiki ni toward whatever enemy land I directed my eyes, no enemy was able to turn my(!) eyes
back
579
. Apology of att. i 67-69;
580
nuza
ITARGAANY A par andandatar tikkuanut Ishtar, my

lady, revealed her own sovereign power Apology of att. iii 15-16; taz kieru rri and he washes his own
hands KUB 20.96 iii 6. In all these cases the -za has primary reference to the subjects being the possessor of
something mentioned in the clause; it does not construe primarily with the finite verb. Cf. German Sie waschen
sich die Hnde.
32.30 30.6 Aside from the linking verb e- to be, the following intransitive verbs occur in Boleys list (1993
5) of verbs that construe with -z(a): ki- to become, and e- to sit.
32.31 30.6.1 The occurrence of -za with ki- in post-OH correllates rather consistently with its use as a linking
verb (i.e., with a second, predicate nominative).
32.32 30.6.1.1 When no second nominative occurs (and in these cases the subject is always third person), the
meaning is to happen, take place, occur and there is usually no -za: nat uizzi umma ANAL.ME KR
URU
Imirika watul kiari And a sin will occur for you men of Imirika (i.e., you men will become guilty of an
infraction of the treaty) KUB 26.41 (+) 23.68 + ABoT 58 rev. 6 (MH/NS), gaza kiat A famine occurred HKM
113:10 (MH/MS), EGIR-anakan / INA KARA inkan kiat Afterwards a plague occurred (i.e., broke out)
in the army KBo 5.6 i 9-10 (D frag. 28); i[(niwamu uttar karui)]liyaz peran / UL [(kuwapikki kia)]t Such
a thing never occurred before to me KBo 5.6 iii 18-19 (DS frag. 28); nu maan ameanza kiat But when
spring came (lit. when spring occurred) KBo 2.5 ii 1 (annals of Mur. II);
32.33 30.6.1.2 When a second nominative occurs (and in these cases the subject can be any of the three persons),
the meaning is to become, turn out to be, and there is usually a -za or equivalent dative clitic pronoun agreeing in
person with the subject: nu MU-ti menia armala maan nu[za uk]a ap / kiat Like one sick throughout
the cycle of the year, I became that one KUB 30.11 rev. 12-13 (OH/MS); nuza k ap[ k]iaa[t] I became
that one KUB 36.79a + 31.127 + 31.132+} iii 19 (prayer, OH/NS); nuza ABUY A kuwapiDINGIR-LIM-i

579
For the thought, compare
d
Kumarbiya IGI.I.A-wa UL namma manzazzi he was no longer able to resist Kumarbis
eyes KUB 33.120+ i 20-21.
580
If the IGI.I.A-wa in the second clause had belonged to the enemy, who is the grammatical subject of nai , the particle -
za would have appeared again in the second clause.
274
D-at And when my father died (lit. became a god) KBo 3.4 i 4 (annals of Mur. II); ammukmaza ANA
PANI EYA EN KARA kiaat But during the reign of my brother I became an army commander Apology
of att. i 24; manwaramu
L
MUTIYA kiari he would become my husband KBo 5.6 iii 12-13 (DS frag.
28).
32.34 30.6.1.2.1 Exceptionally, in predicate nominative clauses with ki- no reflexive particle occurs: (15)
nukan ABUYA kuinL.KR
URU
Gagan INA KUR-TI (16) IKUD na 12 UTI kiat The hostile Kaka
which my father encountered in the land turned out to be twelve tribal groups KBo 14.3 iii 15-16 (Deeds of upp.,
Frag. 14). It makes no sense to attempt to render this It (i.e., the enemy), namely twelve tribal groups, occurred.
32.35 30.6.2 -z(a) does not occur with e- to sit in Old Hittite (i.e., OS). One distinguishes a transformative
sit down, seat oneself and a non-transformative sit, remain seated meaning of the verb e-. In OH (OS) often
the active is be sitting, and the middle seat oneself. Beginning in MH, -za attaches to the transformative seat
oneself, whether the form is active or middle. Cf. Boley 1993 73-76.
32.36 30.6.2.1 Beginning in MH, e- also developed a transitive use to occupy, settle in (a land, area). In this
usage it shows -z(a): [k]awatta KUR
UR.AG
Zippal AD[DIN] nuwaza apnpat ei I have herewith
given you the land of Mt. Zippala; so occupy (or: settle in) it KUB 14.1 obv. 19 (Madd., MH/MS); cf. Boley
1993 73.
33. Particles: -wa and -pat 275
275
CHAPTER 33
PARTICLES -wa(r), -pat
Friedrich, J. 1967. Hethitisches Elementarbuch. Zweiter Teil. Lesestcke in Transkription mit Erluterungen und
Wrterverzeichnissen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universittsverlag. 289-292.
33.1 38.1 In formal documents direct quotes are marked by a particle -wa(r-) suffixed to the first word of the
quoted utterance (Hrozn 1917 98 n. 1, 144; Pecora 1984).
33.2 The longer form -war- is used when another enclitic particle beginning with a vowel is added.
akuwara KBo 3.1+ iv 20 (Tel.pr., OH/NS); ITU DINGIR-LIMwara BA. Laws 75;
nuwaranzaan peutet KUB 12.60 i 18 (OH/NS); kimu kuit A
m
Marruwa / L
URU
immuwa aliyatar
atrae / parawarankan neun HBM 13:3-5 (MH/MS); nuwaratapa KBo 3.1+ ii 49 (Tel.pr.,
OH/NS)); ugawaru ibid. ii 15; [kuw]atware akkanzi ibid. ii 29.
33.3 When followed by a consonant or in word final position, the form is wa: nuwa passim; attatawa
KUB 1.16 ii 65 (OH/NS); []R-iwaan ibid. ii 71; [k]awaz ibid. iii 67; kinunwaz ibid. iii 68;
apwakan HKM 6:7 (MH/MS).
33.4 Rarely wa is erroneously written for war : peiwa<r>ati mnwai UL pe [i] KUB
12.60 i 21 (myth, OH/NS); apwakan / itarna ara uit / nammamawa<r>a kuwapi pait / nuwara
UL IDI HKM 6:7-10; SUM-irwa<r>-ati kuwapi nuwa k / ka arantat KUB 13.4 ii 37-38 (inst. for
priests, pre-NH/NS); nuwamu 1-EN / DUMU-KA pai nuwara ammuk
L
MUTI-YA / INAKUR
URU
Mi<z>rimawa<r>a LUGAL-u DS frag. 28.A iv 10-12 (note, however, the evidence of other mistakes in
this context); [t]etanumawa<r>at KUB 33.41 ii 5; namawa<r>atzakan KUB 14.8 obv. 2 PP 2); cf.
also mnwata KUB 34.53 obv. 2, which is otherwise always warata . Note that this omission always
occurs before an enclitic beginning with a.
33.5 This loss of r is correlated with a general phonological rule (see 1.163).
33.6 Quoted speech is frequently introduced by a verbum dicendi, such as mema-, te- or tar- , alzai-, tataiya-
(to whisper), or punu- to ask: [nui kuwapi me]mian peran memai UTU-Iwa uizzi [When] he says [to
him]: His Majesty is coming AMD 84 ii 5; te-: takku BEL GUD tezzi ammelpatwaza GUD-un dai /
GUDU dai If the owner of the ox says: I will take my own ox, he shall take his ox KBo 6.3 iii 71 (Laws
74); UMMADUMU. UD.20.KAM / ANAUzzu / E.DG.GA-YA QIBIMA / PANIPullikan / ammel
aul / alzai GUDyawamu / kuin tet / nuwaranmu uppi Thus says Mar-er: Speak to Uzzu, my dear
brother: Give my greeting to Pulli: Send me the ox you promised me! HKM 22:9-16; nutta uizzi pi[(ran
kui)]ki t[(ataiyaizzi )] / UTU-Iwaduzakan HUL-lawanni [kia]n kian[(a)] / zikkizzi Someone will
whisper in your presence: His Majesty is planning this and that for evil against you KUB 21.1 + KUB 19.6 +
276
KBo 19.73 + KBo 19.73a iii 17-19 (Alak.), ed. SV 2 (1930) 50-102; Otten, MIO 5 (1957) 26-30; punu-
nutta mn DINGIR.ME kian pu-nu-u-a-an-zi kwa kuit iir If the gods ask you as follows: Why were
they doing this? KBo 17.105 ii 17-18 (incant., MH/MS); nan pu-nu-u-ki-wa-an da[i k]uitwa watultit
(The Sungod) began to ask him (i.e., Appu): What is your trouble? KUB 24.8 i 44-45 (Appu, NH), ed.
StBoT 14:6f.; mimma- to refuse: [(m)]n DUMU.ME
URU
Hatti L.ME ILKI uer nu ABILUGAL aruwa[nzi]
/ nu tarikanzi kuannaza natta kuiki iez [(zi)] / nuwanaza mimmanzi L.ME ILKIwa ume When
the sons of Hatti came, they bow to the father of the king and say: No one pays us a wage; they refuse us,
(saying:) You are men owing ILKU KBo 22.62 + KBo 6.2 iii 16-20 (Laws 55).
33.7 Occasionally quoted speech is introduced abruptly, without any verb of speech: nukan NAM.RA.ME
katta uer natmu GR.ME-a kattan aliyandat BELI-NIwanna l arnikti The civilian captives came
down and prostrated themselves at my feet, (saying:) Our lord, do not destroy us! KUB 14.15 iii 46ff.; other
examples of verbs which do not denote speech acts followed by direct discourse: after arnu- KUB 36.90 obv. 7,
au- KBo 24.124 rev. 1, KBo 24.128 rev. 2, KUB 5.24+ ii 12, KUB 44.4+ rev. 9, iya- KBo 11.10 iii 16f., ep-
KBo 5.3+ rev. 70-71, KUB 33.106+ ii 5, IBoT 1.36 i 56, ea- KBo 14.21 ii 58, kappuwai- KUB 36.51 rev. 3,
KUB 17.10 i 21, ki- KUB 8.54:10, pai- KUB 16.16 rev. 8, piya- KUB 12.60 i 16, KBo 13.228 i 5-6, RHA
77:83f. B i 21, peda- KUB 13.4 iv 70, akuwaya- KUB 24.8 iv 31, uai - KUB 12.26 ii 22, tarna- KUB 2.70
rev. 44, dai- KBo 3.60 ii 13ff., KUB 13.4 iv 27, teaniya- KUB 1.1+ iii 4-5, iv 9, uiya- KBo 3.40:10, KBo 4.14
iii 73, KUB 1.1 14-15, KUB 17.10 i 24, KUB 24.2 i 5, KUB 26.89:5, KUB 33.52 ii 4, wanu- KBo 9.106 ii 1,
KUB 44.4+ rev. 25, :zuwai- KUB 44.4+ 10-11 (CHD sub palwai- ).
33.8 Once a saying is quoted which justifies a legal decision: takku MUNUS-nan kuiki pittinuzzi E[(GIR-
anda=m )a=m(a ardiya paizzi )] / takku 3 L.ME nama 2 L.ME ak[(kanzi arnikzil NU GL)] / zik=wa
UR.BAR.RA-a [(kiat)] There will be no compensation, (because:) You have become a wolfKBo 6.2 ii 10-
12 (Laws 37,) dupl. KBo 6.3 ii 29-30.
33.9 In at least one case, this indicates that the words constitute a popular saying (on which see Beckman
1986): lalawa (var. EME-awa) armizzi The tongue is a bridge KBo 11.72 iii 5 w. dupl. KBo 11.10 iii 17;
incorrectly read as la-la-na-a in HW 3. Erg. 22; on HW
2
sub armizzi bridge see correction in Hoffner, BiOr 40
(1983) 412.
33.10 Occasionally also, especially when there is an introducing verb of speech, the particle wa can be omitted.
Friedrich 1960 292, quoting himself and Sommer, claims that this is particularly true in the mythological texts,
and cites a passage from OH/NS Illuyanka: nu ar nepii attii alzi ammugga EGIR-pa anda p lmu
genzuwii He called up to heaven to his father: Take me together with (them)! Have no mercy on me! KBo 3.7
iii 27ff., cf. edition by Beckman 1982. But the particle is also omitted in Old Hittite (OS) rituals such as: ta
kian memae tuwattu DINGIR.ME-e KBo 17.1 ii 9 (StBoT 8); and in letters, where quotes are sometimes
imbedded within quotes: kianmamu kuit atrae / RIN.ME
GI
zaltayawa kui /
URU
Kaepura pair
277
nammaian / kati peran kian memikanzi / maan L.ME
URU
Gaga uwanzi / nuwakan para EGIR-
anda paiwani / nuwarat ara arnumeni Concerning what you wrote to me as follows: The troops of the
(wooden) zaltaya who went to Kaepura, they are speaking thus because of a famine: When the men of the Kaka
come, we will go forth after (them), and we will bring them. HBM 24:4-10; [URU-r]imakan anda kian
memiyawen / [nu uizz]i
d
UTU-I
URU
Taggatan walzi alkiakan / ara warzi HKM 47:17-19; in a formal
prayer, where the first lines consist of a long series of divine names and epithets: nu kia[n m]emai
d
UTU AME U
d
UTU
URU
TL-na GAANYA MUNUS.LUGAL / GAAN-YA MUNUS.LUGAL A KUR
URU
atti KUB 6.45 +
KUB 30.14 + 1111/z (ZA 64:242) i 10-11; in the instructions text: nu L.ME
GI
TUKUL L.ME U.GI anda
alza[i] / [nu]ma kian memi Summon the TUKUL-men and the elders and speak as follows to them ABoT
53 + KBo 16.54:9-10 is followed by a lengthy quote without any use of wa; similarly [nu .. kia]n memai
KUB 57.105+ ii 24 and nan DUMU.MUNUS uppiari pai / nu wiyekizzi andamakan / kian memikizzi
VBoT 24 iii 34-36 and nata
NA
pailu ITU KA kitanumi / nu kian memai ibid. iv 1-2and eraan
ZD.DA ZZ MUNya uai nu kian memai KBo 11.14 i 20 and nu kian memai KBo 15.19 i 20 in rituals.
Examples are also given by Mascheroni 1980 57f., who claims that in texts from later periods wa is much less
likely to be omitted, and cites KBo XVI 61 obv.? 4, where the scribe has inserted the particle as an afterthought
above the line.
33.11 The particle can be omitted, when the quoted speech consists of a single word: nu
URU
Niili kian [alza]i
/ tapua (The guard) calls out in Hittite: To the side! IBoT 1.36 iii 64-65 (MEEDI instr., MH/MS), ed.
Gterbock and van den Hout 1991; duddu alziai numu DINGIR-LIM-YA itamaI call Help! Hear me, O
my god! KUB 31.135 + KUB 30.11 (+) KUB 31.130 + 726/c (ZA71:122f) rev. 21 (OH/MS).
33.12 It is not uncommon in quoted speeches which stretch over several clauses to find -wa omitted in one or
more of the consecutive clauses.
33.13 38.2 Quoted speech very rarely begins with a conjunction: [
d
]IM-a tezzi nuwaran kuit anda UL
wemiya[tten] And the Stormgod said: And/So (nu) why didnt you find him? VBoT 58 i 23, translit. Myth 21-
28; tr. Pecchioli Daddi and Polvani 1990 57-70; Hoffner 1990 26-28.
33.14 38.2.1 The above discussion, which is based on the current generally-held view, assumes that consistent
use of the particle at the beginning of each clause is the norm, and omission is to be explained as an irregularity.
This view has been questioned by Fortson 1994, who suggests that the opposite may have been the case: that no
such particle was necessary in ordinary speech and writing, but that the particle was introduced in formal or official
documents, where it was desired to avoid the naturally occurring ambiguities of direct quoting.
The Particle -pat
33.15 38.3 -pat is an enclitic particle of specification, limitation and identity. It is attested since Old Hittite. The
particle -pt has been characterized as eine identifizierende Partikel (Sommer-Ehelolf, Pap. 88), hervorhebende
278
Partikel (Goetze 1928 169), identifizierende und hervorhebende Partikel (att 128; Goetze 1930 85; Goetze
1933a 307; Friedrich, HW 165), and the particle of identity (Tunn. 48f.).
33.16 38.3.1 Normally it was written with the BE sign (HZL sign no. 13, p. 96f.), which in Boazky texts has
several syllabic values (on these see Gterbock 1934 225-232, Hart 1971 96-102, Hoffner 1973a 100-104 and
Puhvel 1979 216-217, but cf. comments CHD sub padda- to dig). The problem of correct transcription of HZL
sign no. 13 is particularly important for this particle, since the particle is almost always written with the same sign.
A possible exception was once noted by Ehelolf (apud Friedrich, SV 2:170) in KBo 5.3 iii 31 (SV 2:124): na
URU
attui UL uiuizzi a-ki-pa-a[t?-]a-an In Hatti he will not go on living; he will die there. Ehelolfs
proposal to read a-ki-pa-a[t(-)] was contested by Goetze 1938 48 n. 152 and Carruba (1964 425, who preferred -
(a)pa), but defended by Hart (1971 98-102), who concluded cautiously that of the two particles [-pt and -(a)pa]
the case for -pt is much stronger (1971 102). The Goetze and Carruba theory cannot satisfactorily account for
what by the evidence of the traces and the space must be -a[t-]a-an immediately following. We consider the Ehelolf
interpretation conclusive and the question of the -pt reading of the sign for this particle closed.
33.17 38.3.2 Over the years Hittitologists have preferred various readings for this cuneiform sign, as it was used
to express the particle: -be/-p Hrozn 1917 37 n. 2, Sommer, OLZ 24 (1921):197-201, Sturtevant and Hahn 1933
77, 131; -pt Sommer/Ehelolf, Pap. (1924) 88 (sub -bat), Gtze, Hatt (1925) 56, Ehelolf apud Friedrich, SV 2
(1930) 170, Hrozn 1932 257-258, Goetze and Pedersen 1934 64 (man wrde allerdings bei dieser Etymologie
eine Aussprache -pat erwarten), Pedersen 1935 80-88, Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 221, Friedrich 1960 (1940,
2nd. ed. 1960) 296, Friedrich, HW
1
(1952ff.) 165 (following Pedersen); Hart 197196-102, and Hoffner 1973a
100-104; -pt Friedrich, SV 2 (1930) 170 and passim in SV 1 (1926) and 2 (1930), Goetze 1928 56f., 1930 85,
1933a 307, Gterbock, ZA 42 (1934) 225-232, Sturtevant, Gl
2
(1936) 121 (may be interpreted as -pit or as -
pat), Goetze, Tunn. (1938) 48 w. n. 152, Laroche, Myth. passim.
33.18 38.3.4.1 Distribution 1' textual, by genres: The order of frequency of occurrence according to genres is
the following (from most frequent to least): (1) prayers, (2) divination, (3) instructions and treaties, (4) historical
narrative, (5) rituals and festivals, (6) myths. This frequency statistic is not skewed by the much larger amount of
text material in some of these categories, since the count is determined by the ratio of number of occurrences to the
amount of text in each category. Especially common in prayers are zikpat, tukpat, tuelpat, etc.
33.19 38.3.4.2 2' grammatical, by morphology and syntax a' since it is not a sentence particle, -pt does not
occur within the chain of such sentence particles as -wa(r), -a, -mu, -za and -kan (cf. Friedrich, HE 1 288; Hart
1971102; Hoffner 1973a 104). If a chain of sentence particles attaches itself to any word which also carries -pt, -
pt will precede the entire chain 1'' in OH: ammelpat waza (Laws 74); andapat kan KUB 33.8 iii 10
(Tel. myth, OH/NS), dupl. IBoT 3.141 iv 13 (OH/NS) substitutes andaatan; 2'' in MH and NH:
parpat za KUB 13.4 ii 39; 2-upat at ibid. ii 50, kuipat kan ibid. iii 4, kpat wa KBo 14.12 (DS frag.
28.E) iv 24; kappuwantepat mukan KUB 19.37 iii 25, ed. Goetze 1933a 174; ITU .GAL-LIMpatkan
279
KBo 4.8 ii 14; mandazapat mukan att. I 58; zikpat maza (Targ. 8, line r l); annianpat an Bronze
Tablet i 12; 3'' in lit. texts: A
d
Kumarpipat wara[t] Ullik. I A iv 17; DAMKApatwatakan aiyattat
KUB 33.121 ii 9 (Kei).
33.20 b' When -pt is construed with a word and its modifiers (noun attributive adjective, noun genitive
modifier, verb preverb, verb adverb, verb negative), it will usually attach itself to that modifier, which serves to
particularize or define the construction to the highest degree (Hoffner 1973a 105). Hart 1971102 describes the
distribution differently: pt is regularly attached to the first word in nominal groups. Hart points out (Hart
1971103) that a consequence of this fixed position is that position cannot be used to decide whether pt
belongs functionally with the adjective etc. or to the noun.
33.21 c' in verbal groups: 1'' When -pt is construed with a verb preverb, it attaches itself to the preverb rather
than to the verb proper (Sommer 1921); -pt

is suffixed to the preverb in the following instances: KBo 4.14 iii 41,
KBo 16.98 ii 16, KBo 5.1 obv. i 14, KBo 3.63 i 7-8, KUB 17.21 iv 6, KUB 13.4 i 56, KUB 29.7 rev. 12, 18,
KBo 6.4 iv 2, KBo 3.4 ii 28, KUB 20.1 iii 17, KUB 23.11 iii 14, KUB 14.7 iv 11, KBo 12.3 iii 12, 2694/c right
col. 8, KUB 43.49, 14, KUB 44.61 i 8, KBo 16.98 ii 16, 1456/u right col. 12.
33.22 a' andapat : andapat kan arkzi KUB 33.8 iii 10; andapat ezi KBo 4.2 i 37, andapat []anzi
KBo 13.119 iii 9-10.
33.23 b' EGIR-papat : EGIR-papat parkunuzi Laws 44b, EGIR-papat wanut KUB 6.44 (Kup. D) iii 51;
EGIR-papat pal [-] KUB 57.9:2.
33.24 c' appan: EGIR-anpat ABAT KBo 3.4 ii 28, ed. Goetze 1933a 50f.; EGIR-anpat arkanzi KUB 29.7
KBo 21.41 rev. 12, 18; EGIR-anpat arwata KUB 17.21 iv 6; [namma]atakan EGIR-anpat kittat nu tta
[pa]rikit KUB 14.1 obv. 2 (MH/MS).
33.25 d' appandapat : EGIR-andapat IBAT (var. EGIR-anpat eppu [n]) KUB 23.11 iii 14 w. dupl. .
33.26 e' arapat : EGIR-an arapat nai KUB 14.1 obv. 73, arapat uiyanun att. i 72, arapat pait
att. ii 49, arapat peiyanun KBo 6.29 iii 30, arapat peiya KUB 14.7 iv 11, arapat pakuwanun
KUB 43.50 obv. 5 (Goetze and Pedersen 1934), arapat kan kuermi KUB 5.1 iii 87.
33.27 f' katta(n)pat : GAM-anpat iya [ttat ] KUB 19.10 i 12 (DS fragm. 13 E); ABU-YA[yai ka]ttanpat
e[ta] KUB 19.11 iv 41 (D frag. 13D).
33.28 g' parapat : nati parapat UL arnutteni KUB 13.4 i 56, parpat za uaniyaddu KUB 13.4 ii
39, nu parpat dai KUB 5.1 iii 52, nu parapat nanniten KUB 31.101.21-22.
33.29 h' peranpat : [(GI)]

zuppariyama peranpat arkanzi KBo 10.23 vi 28-29, GAL
MUNUS.ME
[KAR.KID MUNUS.ME KAR.KIDya] peranpat uyante KUB 7.19 obv. 7-8.
280
33.30 i' arpat : a[mmukmankan] / [INA]
UR.SAG
Teina arpat pau [n] KUB 19.37 (AM178) iii 52-53 ,
33.31 j' erpat : [LUGAL-u MUNUS.LUGAL-aa ara ] tienzi erpat aruwanzi ABoT 9 KBo 17.74 iii 19.
33.32 On the second of a pair of preverb-adverbs: EGIR-an andapat nai KUB 14.1 obv. 73, cf. KBo 12.3 iii
12; appa parpat KBo 3.7 iv 22, (even when separated from verb by nominals:) nu ppa parpat INA
URU
Tanipiya A. kuera LUGAL-waz piyanza KBo 3.7 iv 22-23.
33.33 On adverbs (or separated preverbs [Hart 1971103f.]): na ppa yapat apn KASKAL-an uizzi IBoT
1.36 iii 25 (MEEDI, MH/MS), ed. Gterbock and van den Hout 1991 24f.
33.34 We know of seven possible exceptions to this rule, four of which Gtze (Goetze 1933a 207 with note 1)
noted, but did not explain. Of the exceptions, three may only be apparent exceptions. In KUB 6.45 i 30-31 a-ra-a
is not a preverb, but rather as a postposition governing the ablative KAxU-az (contra Goetze 1933a 209). The
EGIR-pa e-u-u-wa-ar of KBo 1.42 i 7-8 is not a finite verb form, but a verbal substantive and the predicate of an
implied nominal sentence: (The Akkadian word [tukultu or takaltu]) is (equivalent to Hittite) appa euwar . Thus
in line 8 the second appa euwar as a unitary predicate noun carries the pt (likewise) at the end of the unit.
The situation is very similar in ABoT 7 v 2, where the neuter plural participle anda ulaliyanda modifiying
GI
GIDRU.I.A DINGIR-LIM bears -pt at the very end of the unitary participle. This leaves four more
unexplained: ara apirpat, KUB 14.1 obv. 46 (MH/MS); nat [] / ara panzipat KUB 20.76 i 18-19
(fest.); nata parranda alzianzipat KUB 13.4 i 32 (instr., MH/NS); and UL paimipatwa KUB 14.4 iii 26.
33.35 2'' When the verb negation construction is to be modified by -pt, the particle attaches itself to the
negative word (Goetze 1933a 207; CREF natta f): KUB 1.1 ii 49-50, KUB 21.38 rev. 12-13, KBo 4.12 obv. 25-
26, KUB 23.103 ii 23, KUB 13.4 ii 5, 30, KBo 15.33 ii 20, KUB 13.35 ii 8, 2. Pestgebet, 10, line 8, KUB
14.8 rev. 33-34, KUB 18.2 iii 5, KUB 16.41 iii 12.
33.36 In fact, the position after the negative seems to be preferred by the particle, even when there is also a
preverb present. UTU-Ima tuk / [Al]akandun ara ULpat peiyami KUB 21.5 ii 6-7 (Alak. treaty, Muw.
II), see also KBo 19.73 i 81-82, KUB 21.5 ii 6-7; 1. Pestgebet, 8, line 37, KUB 14.10 i 14-15, KUB 21.5 ii 6-
7, KUB 22.40 ii 35, KBo 15.33 ii 20.
33.37 Exceptional sequences (Hart 1971103f.): parpat UL arnutteni KUB 13.4 i 56; ULpat par udanzi
KUB 22.40 ii 35 Exceptions to the rule regarding the negations like the exceptions to Sommers rule regarding
the preverbs are only apparent and can be explained by the same principle applied above. In KUB 1.16 ii 51 and 55
(Sommer and Falkenstein 1938) the form a-an-da-a-an is the predicate of a nominal sentence. The -pt here
governs that predicate rather than the negated verb le-e (le-e) e-e-du.
33.38 3'' on the infinitive w. finite auxiliary verb: zaiyawanzipat pzi KBo 14.3 (DS frag. 15F) iv 31.
281
33.39 d' with (pro)nominal groups 1'' w. enclitics that are not a part of the initial chain of sentence particles,
-pt (1) does not break the nexus between noun and possessive suffixes: -eretpat KBo 6.2 i 28; INA
ipat etu KBo 3.28:12, 14; -riipat KBo 3.1 iv 26; tuekkanzaipat Laws 49; (2) is preceded by
potential-optative particle man: iyamimanpatwa kuitki KUB 23.92 rev. 12, KUB 23.103 rev. 13; (3) follows
both -ya and and -ma but:
L.ME
NU.GI.SAR umanti=ya=pat luzz [(i kar)]pianzi KBo 22.62 + 6.2 iii 21-22
(Laws 56, OS); n=a appa=ya=pat apun KASKAL-an uizzi IBoT 1.36 iii 25 (MEEDI protocol);
kezzi=ya=pat 2 NKR tianzi IBoT 1.29 rev. 52 (EZEN auma); in one case -ma follows -pt: zikpat maza
ia [e] but you [be] lord KBo 5.4 rev. 1 (Targ.).
33.40 2'' With a noun and its attributive adjective pt is attached to the adjective: nu allapat aanna
ear KBo 3.1 ii 31-32 (Tel.pr., OH/NS); LUGAL-uan antezziyapat DUMU.LUGAL DUMU-RU kikkittaru
ibid. ii 36; [ante]zziupat appariu Laws 146; kappu[wantep]t antue KUB 14.1 obv. 52 (MH/MS),
[an]tezzinpat auriya URU-an KUB 14.1 obv. 47; KUB 40.2 obv. 25; KUB 19.37 iii 25; KBo 6.29 i 7; KBo
3.1 ii 31, 36; cf. also below on apa-, ka-. Exception: alli uilipat KUB 31.100 rev. 10 is conceived as a single
speech unit.
33.41 3'' With a noun and its genitive modifier -pt i attached to the genitive: nu kuit eanapat ia tezzi
whatever the aforementioned avenger of blood decides (lit. says) KBo 3.1 iv 19-20, ammelpat waza GUD-un
dai (Laws 74); ammelpat RIN.ME.I.A KUB 14.1 rev. 41, apelpat anna a katta with his own
mother Laws 189, umenzanpat UZU.I` your own flesh (139 ii 20), umenzanpat keremet your own
heart(ibid. 21), tuelpat NUMUN-anza Bronze Tablet ii 98, A
m.d
LAMMApat NUMUN-anza Only the seed
of Kurunta Bronze Tablet iii 10;
URU
attuapat KUR-ya Only in the land of . KUB 17.21 i 3, KBo 4.10
obv. 13; KBo 10.16 iv 6; KBo 11.10 iii 23; KBo 15.22 KUB 41.3 i 17, 21; KUB 11.1 iv 19-20; KUB 16.16 rev.
14; KUB 23.77a rev. 16; Hatt. I 11; and in unpublished A .ME-U-NU-pt (VAT 7687 ii 16).
33.42 4'' When the demonstratives apa- (= Lat. is) and ka- (= Lat. hic) are construed as attributives with a
noun, the particle -pt is attached to the demonstrative a'' with apa-: apedanipat UD-ti (KBo 10.20 i 39;
ABoT 7 iii 1; KUB 29.7 obv. 58, rev. 1; KUB 30.31 iv 20, 27-28; 240/f vi 25); apedanipat UN-i (KBo 3.1 iv
26), apedanipat meuni (311.1 obv. 9), apedapat UD.KAM. I.A. -a (KBo 3.l ii 5); namma
GI
AL
GI
MAR
appat (KUB 39.35 i 31); apenipat URU-ri (KUB 12.48 obv. 7); apupat GAL.I.A (Bo 2701 iii? 23);
ape[dan]ipat upru [i] (KBo 17.95 ii 1); apelpat [. . . ]upruiya (ibidem 3-4); apunpat GUD (KUB
43.77 i 7); apupat DINGIR.ME (KUB 27.16 iv 24); apezpat
GI
zupparit (KBo 15.48 ii 24 ); apepat uddar
(ibid. 25-26).
33.43 b'' with ka-: kpat DINGIR.ME (IBoT 1.29 rev. 32, 37); DINGIR.ME-mu-u kpat (KUB 10.5
vi 5); knpat nan (Bo 3286 ii 17); kedanipat INIM-ni, (KUB 15.21:9); kpat waku (KUB 18.20, 11);
kipat S R.I.A (400/d iv 18-19 ); kpat maratarra waku (KUB 5.9 obv. 29).
282
33.44 c'' The above constructions are to be kept distinct from those in which apa- and ka- -pt are not construed
with a noun (Friedrich 1960 293a): appat eben der, idem); appat: KBo 6.2 i 19, 53, 59, ii 32; KBo
6.4 i 13; KBo 11.1 obv. 6; KBo 17.29 i 3; KUB 7.5 ii 23; KUB 14.1 i 19; KUB 24.4 rev. 13; KUB 27.22 i 14;
KUB 21.19 ii 22; KUB 36.127 rev. 11; KUB 37 1 rev. 14; KUB 40.92 obv. 7; Bo 2898 obv. ii? 9; Bo 3626:8, 9.
33.45 kapat, kipat, etc.: KBo 6.2 iii 43; KUB 5.7 obv. 8, 9, 11; KUB 6.37, 9,13; KUB 7.53 iv 7; KUB
18.2 ii 16; KUB 18.32,10; KUB 23.103 rev. 20; Al.T. 454 i 27.
33.46 For [a]pailapat see KBo 11.14 iv 21.
33.47 i' When a noun is governed by a postposition, -pt is attached to the postposition. [This seems to be
exception to Harts sequence rule about to the first]
33.48 With kattanpat /GAM-anpat (KUB 19.10 i 12; KUB 19.11 iv 41).
33.49 With pairs of nouns in distributive expressions it occurs on the second (i.e. last) noun: KASKAL-i
KASKAL-ipat
33.50 j' -pt is attached to the following adverbs 1'' QATAMMApat (= Hitt. apenianpat ) in the very
same manner (German ebenso): KBo 5.2 iv 48; KBo 6.3 iv 17; KBo 10.37 iii 37; KBo 11.19 i 8; KUB 7.41 i
8; KUB 7.53 iii 57; KUB 15.42 ii 19; KUB 23.103 obv. 9, rev. 7; KUB 29.7 rev. 15, 16; KUB 30.31 i 22; IBoT
I 29 obv. 31, rev. 16, 45.
33.51 2'' annazpat once before too(?): KBo 6.25 iii 5-6 (here there is the possibility also that annaz -az
is a case of partitive apposition, on which cf. Friedrich 1960 213a, in which case annaz would be the ablative of
anna- mother); Bo 2934 i 2 in broken context but with no mention of a woman in the context.
33.52 3'' appayapat afterwards too(?): IBoT 1.36 iii 25, ed. Jakob-Rost 1966 193 (auch zurck),
Gterbock and van den Hout 1991 24f. (also on his return). In view of the immediately preceding EGIR-pa-ma-a
ku-wa-p -iz-zi, perhaps a-ap-pa-ia-pt -iz-zi is describing the same action, in which case (despite the odd
position of the preverb in the second clause) appayapat is not really an adverb at all, but a preverb.
33.53 4'' a-pd-da-pt : KUB 22.70 obv. 11.
33.54 5'' a-pd-da-an-pt : KUB 13.35 iv 41.
33.55 6'' apiyapat in that same place: KBo 5.1 i 5; KBo 13.135, 6; KBo 15.2 i 5; KBo 15.34 ii 20; KUB
15.31 iii 57; KUB 23.72 rev. 50; KBo 2.2 i 13; KUB 36.2b ii 24; KUB 31.101, 14; KUB 12.48 obv. 7;
Babyloniaca 4, 1911, 227, no. 5, obv. 13.
33.56 7'' annianpat already before (German schon frher): att. IV 7, Bronze Tablet ii 32, 33.
33.57 8'' arazapat : Bo 3192:5.
283
33.58 9'' udakpat very quickly, promptly: KUB 21.19 iii 11-12; Bo 4007:8.
33.59 10'' kpat right here, precisely here (German eben hier): KBo 3.3 i 31; KUB 34.24 iv 24.
33.60 11' kinunpat : KUB 23.115:11; KUB 23.103 rev. 22; KUB 22.70 rev. 46; and as predicate in implied
nominal sentence KBo 1.44 obv. 15 (vocab.); kinunpat wa Bo 4991:5; kinunapat KUB 1.16 iii 38.
33.61 12'' kianpat: KBo 8.42 i 4; KBo 13.227 i 16; KBo 16.59 obv. 6; KBo 20.67 ii 45; KUB 39.9, 13;
KUB 12.4 iv l0; Bo 2892 i l0-ll; Bo 6018 i l, 4; 611/b left col. 8.
33.62 13'' kuwapipat : precisely when KBo 21.20 i 8; where else ? KUB 33.106 ii 16, ed. JCS 6:23.
33.63 14'' mekkipat marri : KUB 13.4 iii 54, cf. i 38, iii l7.
33.64 15'' nammapat (CREF namma 2 b): KBo 10.37 iii 34; KBo 11.19 i 7, 10; KBo 21.14 obv. 7; KUB
7.8 iii 14; KUB 7.30 right col. 5, 12; KUB 11.32 iv 12; KUB 12.11 iv 25, 26; KUB 14.3 i 14, ii 56; KUB 14.20
i 14; KUB 15.42 iii 20; KUB 17.18 ii 9; KUB 25.1 i 22, v 48; KUB 25.48 iv 22; KUB 27.55 iii 6; KUB 32.87
iv 18; KUB 39.12, 11; IBoT I 29 rev.15; Bo 2447 ivll; Bo 2598 iii 39, iv 24, 27; Bo 2846 v? 8, 9, 10, 18; Bo
3079 iii ll; Bo 3162 obv. 3; Bo 4809 iii 1; Bo 4869 ii 3; Bo 5591 obv. 16; 56/a iii 24; KBo 19.144 iv 19.
33.65 16'' nuwapat still (kept saying) as before (CREF nuwa b 2'): ap ma nuwapat mem[ikit]
naekimiwa KUB 14.3 ii 28 (Sommer, AU, 8), CREF na- a 1' a'.
33.66 17'' erpat : KBo 16.5:5; KUB 14.16 ii 10, ed. Goetze 1933a 42f.; ABoT 8 iii 19.
33.67 18'' uwarupat : KUB 23.85 rev. 8; KUB 33.112 ii 22; Bo 975 right col. 16.
33.68 19'' aruuwarupat : KUB 33.106 iii 33, ed. HW 201, Gterbock, Oriens 10, 357f., Vieyra, RA 51:98,
HWb 3. Erg.-Heft 30, Stefanini, Athen. 40:3ff., Carruba, StBoT 2:14.
33.69 20'' ukturipat always, constantly, ever: KBo 13.114 iv 14; KBo 17.105 ii 23; KUB 4.47 obv. 2; KUB
43.22 rev. 11; Bo 2393 Bo 5138 left edge 6; 509/d iii 9.
33.70 d. Translations The following translations have been offered: (l) on nouns, with reference to someone
or something just mentioned, German eben, ebenfalls, English the aforementioned, with restrictive function,
German nur, English only.
33.71 (2) on verbs: indicating repetition or duplication, German ebenfalls, English likewise, indicating
action which represents progression, German auch noch, weiter, English also, even, action contrary to
expectation, German trotzdem, English nevertheless.
33.72 (3) on possessive pronouns, identifying the possessor with the subject of the clause, German eigen,
English own.
284
33.73 (4) on the anaphoric pronoun apa- German eben, der, Latin idem, English that very one.
33.74
(5) on attributive adjectives, in the restrictive use, German nur, English only (HE I, 293).
33.75 1' the same, the aforementioned (anaphoric, with reference to someone or something just mentioned,
German eben, ebenfalls): a' Quite frequently the particle -pt calls attention to a previous mention of the object or
the action (already Sommer, OLZ 24, 1921, 197-). When the particle is attached to a noun or attributive
adjective, it is best translated in English as the same, the aforementioned. When it is attached either to a verb or
to the predicate noun or adjective, one may wish rather to translate it likewise. The fundamental significance of
the particle, however, remains in these cases the same.
33.76 b' with nouns we may cite the following: 1 MUNUS-TUM
f
Kattittai-
m
Tatileni [UM-U] 1
DUMU.MUNUS E-U
f
Kattittaipat [UM-U] one woman, her name Kattittai of Tatileni. One daughter of
her brother, her name Kattittai likewise Otten, StBoT 1:20; When a slave has stolen, and his lord/owner says: I
will make the compensation in his behalf, he shall make the compensation. takku mimmaima nu R-anpat
wizzi But if he (the owner) refuses, he forfeits the aforementioned slave (Hittite Laws 95); nukan
m
Ua-
L-i aruni anda BA.UG DUMU.ME-UNUmaza ara arrandat nu kan 1-a A.AB.BApat (=
arunipat anda, or aruni andapat? ) eta 1-amakan arunaz ara uit Uaziti died in the midst of the sea
(i.e. on an island). His sons parted from one another. One remained on the aforementioned island, while the other
left the sea KBo 3.4 ii 52-54, ed. Goetze 1933a 60f., HE I 293a, Stefanini, Pud. 54f.
33.77 In these sample cases the function of the particle of taking note of a previous mention is especially clear,
because the very same Hittite word(s) is/are repeated: R and aruni anda.
33.78 Further clear instances, where the wording is identical, are: KUB 40.2 obv. 13-14; KBo 17.74 iii 23-24;
KBo 10.20 i 4, 5, 10 with KUB 30.39 obv. 8; KBo 15.37 iii 27, 31, 36; KBo 15.69 i 9, 13, 20; KUB 27.1 i 20,
22; KBo 17.105 iii 33, 34; KBo 13.164 iv 10, 11; KUB 7.5 ii 7, 15, 16; KUB 31.84 iii 60, 64; KUB 23.77, 59,
60; KUB 23.1 ii 28a, 29; KUB 14.20:18, 22; KBo 4.4 iv 12, 16; KBo 3.4 iv 36, 37; Kup. 13 C 7-C 8; KBo
3.34 ii 17, 19; ibid. 10, 11; etc.
33.79 In other passages the very same wording is not repeated with pt, but the translation the aforementioned
seems required: kpat DINGIR.ME IBoT 1.29 rev. 37, cf. also rev. 32. Requiring a translation the same are:
pedipat KUB 19.9 i 15 and ptanpat IBoT 1.36 iii 14.
33.80 Often indistinguishable from the above-cited usages translated the aforementioned are passages from the
lexical texts, in which the repeated Hittite entry is marked with -pt. I have preferred to treat these as predicates of
nominal sentences and to translate them (is to be translated) also/likewise , see KBo 1.42 ii 16, 18, 42, KBo
1.52 i 16, Sommer, OLZ 24:197-; Gterbock, JCS 6:35.
285
33.81 b' also permitting or requiring the translation the aforementioned are the many passages, in which -pt is
attached to the adjective mant-: each (or all) of the aforementioned
d
UTU-az utne [ kuit k]uitpat arai n u
mandup[at ]u[llanu]n KBo 3.22 (Anitta, OS) 11-12; KBo 19.128 iii ll; KUB 39 9 obv. l2; Hittite Laws
56; KUB 26.1 iii l3; KUB 19.5 obv. 10, 11; KBo 6.29 ii l7; Hatt. i 11, iv 72.
33.82 c' when the particle is attached to a number, one often finds that the same number has appeared a few lines
prior. Thus the significance of the particle is still essentially the same as in the passages cited above, where we
chose to translate the aforementioned. With the numerical idiom, however, the translation aforementioned is
awkward in English. In many cases one can employ the words the same times: nu akuwanna 3-U pianzi nu
3-Upat apel ZI-U akuwanzi KUB 30.15 , KUB 39.19 obv. 19; numu L.ME
URU
Ulma M-ya
menaanda 2-U a--ir n a 2-Upat ulliyanun KBo 10.2 i 34-35; possibly in broken context of KBo 17.83
iii 5-7.
33.83 Other occurrences with numerical expressions must be differently translated: nu 2-ilapat akuwanzi
they will (punish in some manner) the both of them KUB 13.9 iii 17-18, ed. Goetze 1933a 203 (gefangen
setzen, absetzen), von Schuler, FsFriedrich 448, 451 (bestrafen(?)), Freydank, ArOr 38:264, 266
(einsperen(?)); takku tezzi 2pat akkndu if (the husband) says: Let both of them die! KBo 6.26 iv 13 (Laws
198), ed. HG 86f.; kuimaan pzi nan munnaizzi nan LUGAL-an aka UL uwatezzi nu<ma> at
581
2apat SAG.DU-a UG
6
-tar 2-upat at akkandu whoever seizes him, harbors him, and does not bring him to
the kings gate, it is a capital crime for the both of them, both of them shall die KUB 13.4 ii 48-50; The cliff
Kurustama (is) very s[teep, . . .] furthermore on this side and that side it (is) [very high and rugged], and the road
does not suffice on it 1-edazpat [ar pennumanzi ] [to drive?/proceed? up, not] even single file! KBo 14.20 ii
12-15; nuza ap antua nau L-a nama MUNUS-za papranna SISKUR.SISKUR kian ipanti A
Datza SISKUR.SISKUR alzianzi nu k SISKUR.SISKUR 1-EN-pt Then such a person, whether man or
woman, performs the ritual of uncleanness as follows; some call it the ritual of the river, but this ritual is one and
the same KUB 7.53 i 8-10, ed. Tunn. 4f. (and this is just one ritual); Whatever kind of defilement occurs nat
1-ENpat aniur it is one and the same ritual (which they perform, and the men of Lalupiya per[form] this ritual)
KUB 7.29 i 2-4; fragmentary context in KUB 17.27 iii 10; nu NINDA. GUR
4
.RA.I.A 3-upat QATAMMA
parianzi they break apart the same three loaves of bread in the same manner KBo 21.85 i 47-48.
33.84 2' with distributives: Not all distributive expressions use pt. For example: witti witti KUB 58.63 obv.
9, ed.? StBoT 15:22, MU(.KAM)-ti MU(.KAM)-ti KUB 21.1 iii 74 (Alak.), KUB 23.72 rev. 18 (Mita,
MH/MS), KUB 31.86 1203/u KUB 40.78 ii 31 (BEL MADG.), KUB 33.60 rev. 10; no exx. of *witti wittipat
yet attested. ITU(.KAM)-mi ITU(.KAM)-mi often without -pt: KUB 26.57 i 8, KUB 1.16 iii 57, KUB 13.3 ii

581
The scribe of KUB13.4 omitted a -main nu-u<-ma>-a-at. The -at is the subject, and -ma for them (dative). It is
spelled correctly in copy B ii 40.
286
25, KUB 49.50:10; ITU-mi ITU-mi ITU-mi ITU-mipat KUB 22.7 obv.? 2-3, suggests that the pt was merely
the d 1' usage (just mentioned). Cf. also KASKAL-i KASKAL-ipat (CREF pala- 5 e). Kammenhuber,
Hipp.Heth. 269, 343 s.v. -pt, who notes this construction, offers no suggestion as to how the distributives
accompanied by -pt differ in meaning from those without it. However many times (maiyanki) they hitch them
(i.e., the horses) up nu KASKAL-i KASKAL-ipat INA 7 IKU.I.A anda pennekizzi he drives them 7 IKUs
on each of those aforementioned (-pt) occasions KBo 3.5 ii 13-15 (Kikk., NH), ed. Hipp.heth. 88f.; cited by
Gterbock, RHA XV/60:3-4; antezzi pali INA 2 KASKALma INA 3 KASKALma INA 4
KASKALma watar ma KASKAL-i KASKAL-ipat ITU 1 UPNI akkukanzi KBo 3.5 i 51-54; cf. ibid i
62, ii 3, 40-46; UD-at UD-at KBo 5.11 iv 12, UD-at UD-at ture [kanzi] KUB 2.12a:4, UD-at UD-atmaa tepu
pennekizziKUB 1.13 iv 7; UD-at UD-at memik[(izz)i] KUB 24.2 i 1 (pr., Murs. II) w. dupl. KUB 24.1 i 1-2;
UD-at UD-at zikkimiVBoT 24 iv 16; but with pt: UD-at UD-at UD-at UD-atpat KUB 1.13 iii 5-7; cf.
KUB 34.97:10 (w. preceding context broken away);
d
UTU-az utne [kuit k]uitpat arai n u mandup[at
]u[llanu]n KBo 3.22:11-12 (Anitta, OS).
33.85 3' likewise, also a' Occasionally one meets a usage of -pt, where the particle marks a substantive as
representing another of the same kind: nu ABU-U kuel watai kattama DUMU-U UL wadulapat
Someones father sins, but his son is not also likewise a party to the sin (Kup. 7, C 15). Cf. also KBo 3.4 ii
78; KUB 23.103 obv. 25.
33.86 b' When a verbal phrase is repeated, and the speaker/writer wishes to call attention to the repetition, he
may affix -pt to the second occurrence to the verb. And, although this is simply the verbal equivalent of the usage
noted above (d 1') with substantives, one cannot translate into English smoothly as the aforementioned, but must
use likewise, or continues to , or s as before. This is the usage discussed by Hart 135- and Hoffner
1973a 111f.
33.87 In the following examples the action has been mentioned in the immediately preceding context. ara
apir . . . ara apirpat KUB 14.1 i 47-48; par UL arnutteni . . . parpat UL arnutteni KUB 13.4 i 51,
56; tarnekizzi . . . tarnekiddupat KUB 13.4 iii 22-23; warapdu . . . waraptupat KUB 13.4 iii 72, 75-77;
appa parkunuzi appapat parkunuzi Hittite Laws, Parallel series 34; lai kattan [i]?yantat kattan lai
iyantatpat KBo 5.8 iv 7-8; eir eirpat KUB 19.37 iii 39-40; pzi pzipat KUB 27.59 i 25, 28; pun .
. . punpat KBo 16.8 i 7, 10; duwarnekimi duwarnaipat Bo 1966:15, 18; UM-U alzi[]
nammapat UM-U alzi[] KBo 21.14:6-7; walten walannikittenpat KUB 23.72 rev. 28; HA.LA-
UNU azzikkanzi HA.LA.ME-Uma azzikkanzipat KBo 3.5 i 60-62; EGIR-pamaa uizzi
appaiapat uizzi IBoT I 36 iii 24-26;
L
SANGA ani
L
SANGAma anikizzipat KBo 15.37 iv
47-49, v 8-9; aruwaizzi ta namma aruwaizzi nakan kuitman ilana ar ari arukizzipat He bows he
bows again; and all the while he is mounting the stairs he continues to bow repeatedly KUB 20.46 iii 11-16.
287
33.88 Instances in which the action has not been specifically mentioned in the preceding context, but where the
meaning continues to , goes on ing seems required are: nat eirpat They went on living there KUB
19.37 iii 40 (, / ), ed. Hart 1971136; nu
GI
ERIN BEL SISKUR arzipat The sacrificer keeps holding the
cedar KUB 33.49a iii 27 , cf. KUB 10.15 iv 14, aearma
L
UBARTIM arantaripat But the assembly (and)
foreigners remain standing KUB 25.1 vi 42.
33.89 c' But one can also use the English word also to translate Hittite predicates marked with -pt, where the
second action is no repetition of the first, but a new and additional action. While in the examples adduced above the
particle could be translated by German ebenfalls, in those which follow one would have to employ German auch
noch; numu uwappir numu arpaattapat they maligned me, and in addition [auch noch] bad luck befell me
Hatt. I 35; when I, Tudhaliya, the great king, arrived in the land of vHatti, the enemy troops f[led]
nammaanzan EGIR-andapat IBAT but I(!, text he) furthermore set out after him still again [auch noch]
KUB 23.11 ii 12-14; And, when my father had become a god, my brother, Arnuwanda, seated himself on the
throne of his father EGIR-anmaa irmaliyattatpat but afterwards he also [auch noch] became (deathly) ill
KBo 3.4 i 4-, ed. HE I 293c; If from the palace they give to (some)one silver, gold, garments, bronze utensils
as a gift for him, let it be named: The king gave it to him, and however much is its weight nat iyanpat edu
let that also [auch noch] be recorded [literally: made] KUB 13.4 ii 39-42; apedani mekki -er DINGIR-LIM-za
piyanpat to him by the god much courage (literally: heart) has been given in addition KUB 1.16 ii 38; If a
tenant farmer (Hitt. arnuwala ) leaves the land, for him who remains in his place nui NUMUN. HI.A
aniyapat Sow seeds in addition (i.e., give the one who remains an extra share of seed grain?) KUB 13.2 iii 38-
40; That my son (is) noble; he breaks of the soil, plows, irrigates, alkina [ara]pat
NA
peruluwari and even
(auch noch) [re]moves stones from the (harvested and threshed) grain VBoT 58 i 29-31 (myth, OH/NS); When
he is executed, he does not die alone, M-Umai tettiyanpat his family is also (auch noch) associated
with him (in the death penalty) KUB 13.4 i 33; When it became spring, I reviewed the troops at the Red River,
namma tuzziyami uittiyanunpat furthermore I also drew up my troops KBo 2.5 ii 1-3; man INA
URU
ayaa
paunpat I would have also proceeded into Hayaa, (but the year was too short) KBo 4.4 iii 22-23; namma
apedani MU-ti INA
KUR
Arzawa iyanniyanunpat furthermore in that year I traveled also into the land of Arzawa
KBo 3.4 ii 8-9; namma
URU
Kaka uitpat furthermore the Kaska city also came KBo 3.4 i 31.
33.90 4' himself, herself, itself (Latin ipse): When the particle is attached to proper names, it can occasionally
be translated himself, herself, itself, German selbst;
URU
attuipat in attusa itself KUB 1.16 ii 68-69;
KBo 6.2 i 39 (Laws l9b); 1015/u obv. 3;
m
Pittaggatallipat Pittaggatalli himself KBo 5.8 iii l, 5, ed. Goetze
1933a 156f., cf. also line 31); nuza unattallanpat arnuzzi He must bury the merchant himself Laws 5 l. 13
(Laws, / ), ed. Hart 1971116f. (differently).
33.91 Sometimes also with personal pronouns: numu kama umepat kuit atrtten concerning what you
yourselves have just written to me HKM 17:13-15 (MH/MS), ed. Alp, Fs Otten
2
2 and HBM 142f.; apilapat
288
KUB 14.1 rev. 44, 48 (MH), KUB 21.37 i 38 (Hatt. III), KBo 11.14 iv 21 (MH/NS), cf. Hart 1971113f. for
discussion.
33.92 5' own: With the possessive pronouns -pt corresponds to English (his, her, its) own, German eigen
(HE I, 293b, Hart 1971122f., Hoffner 1973a 115); ammelpat waza GUD-un dai I will take my own ox
KBo 6.3 iii 71 (Laws 74); ape[(lpa)]t anna a katta with his own mother KBo 6.26 iii 26 (Laws 189);
SAG.DU-KApat your own head KBo 5.3 ii 19 (uqq.); tuelpat
karimmi KUB 30.19 iv 5, ed. HTR 44-;

apelpat mya KUB 30.36 ii 10, 12; SAG.DU-Upat KUB 12.34 KUB 15.39 i 21; UM-anna tuelpat A
DINGIR-LAM KBo 4.6 i 19-20; tuelpat GUL-aa KBo 3.21 ii 3-4; -Upat KBo 6.3 iii 4 (Laws 51);
tuekkanzaipat KBo 6.2 ii 54 (Laws 49); umenzanpat KBo 16.25 i 44; KBo 8.35 ii 20, 21; ITU N.TE-
IApat KUB 19.9 ii 8; apelpat UZU.I` KBo 4.4 ii 2, 12 13, ed. Goetze 1933a 112-115.
33.93 6' only (restrictive use): Also exceedingly common are the passages, in which the particle imparts a
retrictive or excluive meaning. In most cases this thought is best translated into English by means of the word
only a' in a historical narrative: nata
URU
attuapat URU-ria 1-a ata The city Hattua alone was
left KBo 10.2 i 26 (OH/NS), ed. Hart 1971115.
33.94 b' the restrictive use of -pt i particularly frequent in legalistic texts (laws, instructions, treaties), in
which the precise limits of obligation and liability must be drawn. The loyalty of the vassal king must be to the
reigning Hittite emperor only and to the crown prince which he himself designates: KUB 26.1 i 16, 24; KUB 26.12
i 17-18; KUB 21.42 iv 19, 21; KBo 5.3 i 8, 15, 31, 32; KUB 21.106 iii 10-11; KUB 26.32 ii 6; etc.
33.95 Likewise in the treaties the Hittite emperor guarantees the throne and its succession to the vassal and his
designated heir: KBo 4.10 rev. 24, 25, obv. 11, 13.
33.96 In the treaty between Zidanza and Pilliya of Kizzuwatna the allotment of cities between the two powers is
made quite precise by means of -pt: ne A
d
UTU-I pt aantu let these (cities) belong exclusively to His
Majesty and ne
m
Pilliyapat a [antu] let these b[elong] exclusively to Pilliya! KUB 36.108 obv. 4-5 (H.
Otten, JCS 5 (1951), 129-; Gterbock, Journal of World History 2 (1954), 385 note 17; Goetze, JCS 11 (1957),
72-; Gurney, CAH, fasc. 44 (1966), 5, 14-15)
33.97 The precise limits of Madduwattas feudal holding are expressed with the words: I have given to you the
mountain land of Zippasla nuwaza apunpat ei occupy only it! KUB 14.1 obv. 19; Hattusili I instructs his
adopted son, Mursili I, that in all serious legal matters nu EME-[aa] EGIR-pa pangawipat [w]aanza edu
let the matter be turning back only to the panku! KUB 1.16 iii 61-62; takku
d
D-ya mimma<i> INA -ipat
etu if he refuses to take the river ordeal, he must remain in his house alone (or: in his own house?) KBo
3.28:12 ( CTH 9.6)
33.98 The limits of liability are often defined with it: nu SAG.DU-azpat arnikdu Let him pay with his
(own) person only, (but let no one harm his house or his children)! KBo 3.1 ii 55-56; Formerly they used to pay
289
six shekels of silver; the injured person would take three shekels, and they would take three shekels for the palace;
but now the king as waived the share of the palace, nuza uninkanzapat 3 GIN.K.BABBAR dai and only the
injured person takes three shekels of silver Laws 9; If the slave of a Luuian someone steals from the land of
Luuiya and transports him to the land of Hatti, and his own recognizes him, nuza R-Upat dai arnikzil
NU.GL he shall take only his slave, there will be no compensation Laws 21; If (a head of domestic livestock)
strays into another mans corral or fold, and its owner finds it, nanza akuwaaranpat d [ai]
L
N.ZUan UL
pzi he may take what is rightfully his, but he may not have him arrested as a thief Laws 66; other
akuwaar(an)pat passages, where an additional fine is levied are Hittite Laws 70, 94, 95.
33.99 In the Telipinu Proclamation the restrictions as to which persons qualify for succession to the throne make
good use of -pt: LUGAL-uan antezziyapat DUMU.LUGAL DUMU-RU kikkittarulet only a first-rank
prince, a son, become the king! KBo 3.1 ii 36.
33.100 In the protocol text KUB 31.100, which among other matters deals with the disposition of the impure
wastes created by washing out the braziers, -pt restricts the location of such wastes to the great uili-: [n]ata
[a]u katta alli uili pa[t arrikandu ] [Let them wash] the braziers only down in the great uili ! KUB
31.100 rev. 10; cf. Gterbock, Oriens 10:353 (differently), and N. van Brock, RHA 71:127; note that pat is
attached to uili rather than alli, indicating that the scribe thought of alli uili as a unit; CREF above sub
c 2' d' 2''.
33.101 In Hittite Laws 166-167 the particle specifies which of the two claimants for a disputed stretch of
cultivated land may reap it: U A.-LAM karupat kui uniet taz ap di/warazi and only he who sowed it
first may take/reap it for himself.
33.102 Similarly the particle specifies the proper heir of a deceased persons estate: mn A .NAma inkana
uatul kuiki watai na aki -Umai A .NApat. If someone belonging to the stone house commits a
capital crime, and he is executed, his estate shall belong exclusively to the stone house KUB 13.8:11-13.
33.103 c' Exceedingly common in the oracle inquiries is the use of -pt to eliminate all possible causes for divine
wrath other than the one under consideration (Friedrich 1960 293d): BE-an ki-ipat KI.MIN nu MUEN URRI
SIG-ru, if this and only this ditto (i.e., is the cause of the gods wrath against us), then let the MUSEN
URRI omen-taking be favorable! Al. T. 454 i 16, ii 12, 24; cf. i 27, where in addition one reads nammama
GUR-i UL kui[tki] And there is noth[ing] else in addition.
33.104 d' Very common on zik, tuk, tuel, ume, etc., addressing the deity or deities in prayer texts: KUB 31.127
i 3, 5, 6, 8, 14, etc.; KUB 30.10 obv. 7, 8; KUB 17.21 i 1, 6 (umepat ), etc.
33.105 e' Other passages not to be grouped together as representing a single type but containing sentences, in
which -pt exhibits its familiar restrictive use, are: KUB 32.115 iii 43 ( other vers. KBo 2.3 ii 53); KUB 7.5 iv
18; IBoT I 30, 2-3; KUB 24.1 i 16,18, 26, ii 2, 6, 9,12; KUB 17.21 i 1, 3, 4, 6; KBo 5.6 ii 9 (DS, frag. 28, A);
290
Kup. 10 (C 38); KBo 3.4 i 21, ed. Goetze 1933a 20f., and Gurney, The Hittites, 173-174); KUB 4.3 obv. 14;
KUB 24.7 ii 10; KUB 7.53 + KUB 12.58 i 10, iv 44; 2. Pestgebet 5, line 3; KBo 3.21 iii 8; Ullik., 1. tablet, A
iv 6f.; KUB 33.121 ii 6 (ZA 49 [1950], 234f.); KUB 19.37 iii 25; KUB 14.1 obv. 51, 52; KUB 40.1 obv. 21-22;
KUB 13.4 i 35, ii 69; KBo 10.2 i 26.
33.106 f' Occasionally -pt modifies an entire clause: ammel kpat 1-a dammea kyaan 1-an
dammeanunun ITU .GAL-LIMpatkan kuit katta uiyanun This was my only punishment (for her); in this
way only I punished her: just the fact that I expelled her from the palace KBo 4.8 ii 12-14 (Mur. II pr.), ed.
Hoffner, FsKramer
2
, Hart 1971104; [U]L mema
m
Tawagalawapat kan kuwapi LUGAL.GAL [ANA]
URU
Mellawanda tapua uit He said no, just when Tawagalawa came to the side to Mellawanda KUB 14.3 i 71-
72 (Taw., Hatt. III), cf. Gterbock, Or NS 59 (1990) 161f., also citing anterior literature.
33.107 g' only with imperatives, prohibitiions, and optative 1'' with imperatives: Particulary common, when
the particle is attached to volitional verb forms (imperatives and present-future forms in volitional context), is the
meaning conveyed by English only; [nukan ANA
URU
Ne]rik er aggallupat Just/only let me die for [the city
of Ne]rik KUB 21.19 1193/u iii 35; Khne-Otten, StBoT 16:41 n. 80; nu EY A punupat mn UL kian
My brother, just inquire if it is not so! KUB 14.3 i 27 (Taw., Hatt. III), ed. AU ; naiakan EGIR-
anpat [. . .] par ANA BURU alkin pai only he must give back to him the grain at the following harvest Bo
2628 i 30-31; Otten-Soucek, StBoT 1 [1965], 30f.; nat akkandupat KBo 16.25 i 14; cf. iii 9, 12; na akupat
KUB 13.7 i 20, 23; n-a tarniekiddupat KUB 13.4 iii 23; paiddupat KUB 13.4 iii 24, 29.
33.108 2'' with prohibitions: When the particle governs an assertion which is negated, whether the particle itself is
attached to the negatiive of prohibition (l) one might translate only let not , which has the force of
strengthening the negative wish; kuduwata l andanpat KUB 1.16 ii 51; cf. line 55; lpat kuiki memai KUB
1.16 ii 62; lepat zaluganumi KUB 21.38 i 37; ULpat iya [nun] KUB 21.38 ii 13; ULpat karuiyanun KBo
4.12 obv. 26; ULpat wanunun KUB 21.17 ii 10; lepat tamai arratta KUB 13.4 ii 5; lepat i1iatteni KUB
13.4 ii 70-71; lepat dalai KUB 26.17 ii 7; ULpat pei KUB 13.35 ii 8; nu parapat nanniten n at par le
kuwapikki iyatteni KUB 31.101: 21-23; lepat tezzi ibid. 25; lepat ezi ibid. 33.
33.109 3'' w. -man optative: The Assyrian king used to say iyamimanpat wa kuitki I surely would like to
do something! KUB 23.103 rev. 12f.; ed. Otten 1959-1960 42; suggested interpretation already by Gterbock 1943
154 on 276.
33.110 7' on a positive statement contrasted with a negative statement of identical import a' first the negative,
then the positive: INA KUR
URU
atti UL uiuizzi akipa-a[t]an (he who does such a deed) will not go on
living in the land of Hatti: he will die there (an) KBo 5.3++ iii 31 (uqq.), ed. SV 2:124f. with note Zu S.
151 on p. 170; itappullimit A.GA3R5-a kuitkan anda paizzi natkan namma ar UL uizzi
andapat kan arkzi KUB 33.8 iii 8-10 (Tel. myth, OH/NS); [uk]awakan ku[ru]ra memian kuez KUR-yaz
ara ita [ma]mi [nwatakan ANA ABIdUTU-I apn ant ]uan apt KUR-e [UL annai nu]warata
291
atrekimipat KUB 14.1 obv. 24-25 (Madd., MH/MS), ed. Madd. 6f.; ULmamu
GI
TUKUL
L
KR kuwapikki
er wanut
d
ITARmuzakan GAANY A mandazapat dakit At no time did she let the weapon of an
enemy be waved (threateningly) over me. In all this ITARmy lady took me to herself Hatt. i 41-43, ed. StBoT
24:6f.; mna aki ya kuwapi na UL 1-a aki M-Umai tettiyanpat And if ever he is put to death, he
does not die alone, but his family (is) included also with him KUB 13.4 i 33 (instr., pre-NH/NS), ed. Chrest.
148f., Sel, Direktif Metni 24f.
33.111 b' first the positive, then the negative: naanza akuwaaranpat d [ai]
L
N.ZUan UL pzi Hittite
(If the owner of an animal which has strayed to another mans pen finds it there,) he shall take it as his rightful
property, but he shall not seize him (i.e., the owner of the pen) as a thief Laws 66; [nuza
d
UTUI] tukpat
m
Alakandun aggai apumaza [UL agga]i I, My Majesty recognize you alone, Alakandu; I do not
recognize him CTH 76.B ii 9-10.
33.112 c' w. -pt in both clauses: numu EYA
m
NIR.GL EGIR-anda uit nu
URU
Anziliyan
URU
Tapikkana
wetet na arapat pait maninkuwan amu ULpat uit att. ii 48-50.
33.113 8' although , nevertheless (contrary to expectation; Tenner HAT 101, Pedersen 1935 107; Hoffner
1973a 112f.); on the semantic development from ebenfalls to trotzdem in Tenner and Pedersens thinking see
Hart 1971 107; [nu]za man irmalanza()a eta
d
UTU-Imata [(ANA)] AAR ABI-KA tittanununpat
although you were also ill, nevertheless I, My Majesty, installed you [in] the place of your father KBo 5.9 i 16-
17 w. dupl. KBo 16.19: 2-3 (Dupp. 7), ed. Friedrich 1926 10f.
33.114 9' even (contrary to expectation) a' Modifying a single word within a clause: Similar in that a result
contrary to expectation is portrayed are those sentences, which are of a different grammatical structure from the
above, where -pt may be translated even: nuzakan irmalapat A DINGIR-LIM andandatar er ukinun
Even as an ill person (although I was ill,) I kept seeing the divine power of the deity Hatt. I 44-45, ed. Otten
1981 6f.;
L.ME
appinantepat UL aiwantekantari do not even the rich become poor? KBo 4.14 ii 52-53;
numu kappinpat DUMU-an
d
ITAR
URU
am[u]a ANA ABU-IA wektaeven when I was but a small child,
d
ITARof Samua requested me from my father KBo 6.29 i 7-8; kuinmaza L-an
L
GURU-anpat arnikta
but another man, even in his prime, you have destroyed KUB 24.7 ii 4; cf. von Brandenstein 1939 74-75: und
gar einen starken Mann; cf. also ed. Gterbock 1983 158; nukan KASKAL-a 1-edazpat [ar pennumanzi ?]
UL kiat and the road does not suffice[to drive/proceed up] even single file! (i.e., although one goes single file, the
road still doesnt suffice) KBo 14.20 ii l2-15; cf. above; Houwink ten Cate 1966 182, prefers and merely on one
side there was a road [to the top ] was impossible; [an]tezzinpat auriya URU-an waluwani wea
EGIR-pa takulapat URU-an wal[uwani] We will attack even a first-rank border city we [will] also attack
even a city allied (with us?) KUB 23.77a rev. 15-16; von Schuler, Kasker 124 (sogar eine Stadt); nu<i>
kappuwawarpat UL [kiari] Even the counting of it [is] im[possible] KUB 8.67:12-13; nu allapat aanna
ear pangariyattati (Now) blood(shed) even of the Great Family has become common KBo 3.l ii 31, cf. Neu
292
1968b 135 (die Bluttat gerade der grossen Familie); nukan
URU
Zippanan GE-azpat ar pun Even at night
I went up to Zippana KBo 10.2 ii 48-50 (OH/NS).
33.115 A remarkable pair of instances, in which the translation even fits well, characterizes the introduction to
proverbs or sayings, when they occur imbedded in the royal prayers of the queen Puduepa: ANA
DUMU.NAM.L.U.LUpat kan anda memian kian memikanzi Even among mankind they are in the habit of
speaking a word as follows (i.e., this wise precept, if it is even found among mortals, must surely apply to gods
KUB 21.27 ii 15, contra Goetze, ANET 393; mn UN-apat atti anni DUMU-an allanuzi If even a man (i.e.,
merely on the human level) raises a child for (its) father (and) mother (and the father and mother do not pay him
the fee of the child-custodian, would he be happy?) KUB 14.7 iv 11-14; cf. Sommer and Falkenstein 1938 73,
Archi 1971 196 n. 37 in both of these instances the queen cites a human precedent and by means of the particle -
pt implies that, if this rule is valid on a merely human level, it should be much more so on the divine; nu INA
URU
Zippana paun nukan
URU
Zippanan GE
6
-azpat ara paun I went to Z. and went up to (i.e., against) Z.
even at night KBo 10.2 ii 48-50.
33.116 b' modifying an entire clause 1'' pt on first word of clause: EN-Y Apat kuwapi
URU
Ankuwa itarkit
even when my lord became ill in Ankuwa, (at that time they had already defected) KUB 19.23 rev. 12-13; A
L
MEEDI [may not go forth through] the gate whenever he wishes mnanzakan eunanzapat tamzi
even when urine presses him, ( he must say to the
L
MEEDI who stands before him ) IBoT 1.36 i 33-35,
ed.Gterbock and van den Hout 1991 8f., Jakob-Rost 1966 177 (wenn ihn gerade der Urin drckt).
33.117 2'' -pt on the finite verb: ukma
m
Tudaliya LUGAL.GAL kuitman LUGAL-izziaatpat nawi
Before I, Tudh., Great King, even became king Bronze Tablet ii 31 (Tud. IV); apnmaza MUNUS-an
m.d
LAMMA-a ANA PANI ABIIA dattapat nawiKurunta during the reign of my father hadnt yet even taken
that woman Bronze Tablet ii 87.
33.118 10' very [somewhat doubtful]: In two passages, in which -pt i attached to an adjective, a translation
very might fit: [ANA ABI-KA-ma-wa ?] RIN.ME ANE.KUR.RA.ME mekkipat eta [your father ha]d very
many troops and horses KUB 19.29 iv 19-20, ed. Goetze 1933a 18-21; [better: although your father had , or
had just as many]; if there is a certain matter, [na]maa kunitaiallipat kuiki [na]ma-a A MUNUS-TI
and even (if) it is confidential(?) or it concerns a woman KUB 26.1 iv 11-13.
33.119 In addition one could cite other passages, in which the translation very is possible, but perhaps not so
plausible as in the above: kappinpat DUMU-an even (as) a small child KBo 6.29 i 7; kappuwantepat
antue only a few men KUB 19.37 iii 25; URU.DIDLI.I.A-UNU-iakaruiliupat their very old cities
KUB 40.2 obv. 25; antezziyapat DUMU.LUGAL only the first (i.e., oldest) prince KBo 3.1 ii 36.
33.120 The passages cited in the preceding pages have been classified not merely according to English words used
to translate the particle, but also on the basis of inner Hittite criteria such as position in the clause. Every effort has
293
been made to avoid the trap of imposing an outside standard by one whose native language is not Hittite.
Nevertheless, doubtless to the native speakers of Hittite usages which we have kept apart would have appeared
indistinguishable. In many instances one simply cannot decide between competing interpretations. Hart 1971 116-
121 discusses many examples that are ambiguous.
33.121 It does not seem possible to unify all of the shades of meaning and trace them to a single origin. Some are
only variations of others. In many of its uses -pt seek to impart precision: it specifies exactly. It was noted above
that the distribution of the particle syntactically suggested such a function, in that it tends to be localized on that
member of a complex phrase which most narrowly defines the whole. Hart 1971 102-105 offered a different
explanation of the particles position, but his rules too admit of exceptions, and therefore cannot be considered
compelling. One can easily see how from the particularizing function a restrictive force might arise: It is this king
to whom you must give your allegiance and only to this one!
33.122 Meanings d 1'-5' clearly belong together. d 6' can be related also to 1'-5' in the specifying of only this
one, and not also that one. Usages d 7, 8 and 9 share the notion of opposition or contrast. How this is to related to
the particularizing (or even the intensifying) function of -pt i not clear. d 10' is problematic, but also of doubtful
existence.
34. Particles: -kan and -an 294
294
CHAPTER 34
PARTICLES -kan, -san
34.1 39.1. The particles -an, -apa, -ata, -an and -kan belong to a single class of sentence particles which
modify the action expressed by the main verb and its adverbal adjuncts. The nature of that modification is
disputed: some thinking that it is primarily local relationships (Goetze 1933b, Carruba 1964, Friedrich 1960
287-288), and another (Josephson 1972) that it is verbal aspect. (Wagner 1985 37) terms this class of clitics
Richtungsweiser.
34.2 39.1.1 The normal position of these particles is last in the chain of sentence enclitics, which chain is
suffixed to the first accented word of the clause. Less commonly, these particles can be suffixed to some word in the
interior of the clause (Neu 1993).
582
When this happens, there may be also the same particle or another local
particle in the normal position at the head of the clause. nata par / uian ar DINGIR.L.ME-a
pdai He carries (it) out (ata with par) up onto (an with ar) the roof for the male deities KBo 21.33+
iv 20f. (Neu 1993 138); nukan ma[an] NINDA.GUR.RA ANA
L.ME
MUALDIM andizzi nata /
aranan akan / anda luwi When he prepares thick bread(s) for the cooks, he pours out (ata
lauwai ) the arana -liquid into the brazier (kan anda ) KUB 27.69 ii 3ff. As Neu correctly notes, the two local
particles in the same clause refer to distinct local notions.
34.3 39.2. The first two of these particles (-an, -apa) are found chiefly in documents composed during the Old
Hittite period. With the disappearance of these two, and eventually of -ata , their functions were assumed by -an
and -kan. This fact makes it impractical to use the majority of Hittite texts, which either originate or were recopied
with modernizations during this late period, to determine reliably the original functions of even -an and -kan, since
many of their uses in the late period originally belonged to the now defunct -an, -apa, and -ata.
34.4 39.2.1. These five particles occur in complementary distribution, so that the presence of any one in a given
chain of sentence particles excludes the others (Hoffner 1973b; Kammenhuber 1979b).
34.5 39.2.2. Of the five, -kan is by far the most frequently occurring. It also has the least restrictive sphere of
meaning, including in its own semantic range the nuances of several of the other four. For this reason, especially in
NH coppies of OH or MH compositions, one can find almost identical sentences, one of which contains -kan and
the other -an, -ata, -apa or -an. The same cannot be said for any of the other four particles, which differ markedly
from each other.

582
For the same occasional irregularity in Hieroglyphic Luwian see -mi--ia-za-ta with local particle -tta in KARATEPE
XXX and comments by Meriggi 1966-1975 II/1, page 93.
295
34.6 39.2.3. The first clues to the meaning of these particles were found in sentences containing verbs of
movement (Goetze 1933b; Friedrich 1960 295). This does not, however, indicate that the conditioning factor for
the employment of the particles is always the main verb in its clause. One gains the impression from the
organization of the evidence in Josephson that the verb is his chief criterion. But good evidence exists that often the
more pertinent consideration is the presence or absence of a local expression (local adverb, postpositional phrase, or
preverb) (Goetze 1933b 16-30).
34.7 39.2.4. In the sentences containing verbs of movement the presence or absence of the particle -kan in
particular often indicates entirely different conceptions of that movement (Friedrich 1960 295). The following
table illustrates the differences in conception. Note that our chart includes only the primary preverbs, not andan,
appan, appanda, kattan, kattanta, pariyan, or parranda.
Preverb Without -kan (Secondary) With -kan (Primary)
anda back in(to) in(to)
appa back away
ara home (to) off, away, forth
katta back down (to) downward
par further on, forward forth from, out of
ar back up (to) upward
34.8 39.2.4.1. The distinction is that the preverb, when construed with -kan, denotes what Goetze called a
primary movement, while without -kan it denotes a secondary one. Contrary to the opinion of some, the
secondary movement is not exclusively a reflex of the primary. That is, the secondary movement does not
necessarily entail a reversal of direction (back). par, for example, when not construed with -kan indicates a
second stage movement, which by implication continues in the same line as the first (further on).
34.9 39.2.4.2 Friedrichs examples of the preceding cases follow: (1) anda: nekuz meurma DINGIR-LUM
anda udanzi at night they bring the god back inside KBo 5.1 ii 8; nuwara kan kma uma anda uit and
now he has come in (to) you Kup. 6, C 6;not among Friedrichs examples, but useful is: itappullimit
A.GAR-a kuitkan anda / paizzi natkan namma ara UL uizzi / andapatkan arkzi
d
Telepinu[waa ] /
idalu karpi kartimmiaz awar / watul idalu EME-a idalu patala / anda paiddu natkan namma ara le /
uizzi andaatkan arkdu Their lids are of lead. Whatever goes in (to them), doesnt come up again: it perishes
inside. So let Telepinus evil anger, wrath, fury and sin, evil tongue, evil conduct (lit. evil foot) go in (them) and
not come up (out) again: let it perish inside KUB 33.8 iii 8-14 (Tel.Myth, OH), translit. Myth [44]; (2) appa :
maanma
URU
Nerikkaza appa uizzi but as soon as he comes back from Nerik KUB 5.1 i 59; nankan appa
INA KUR-U peutezziand he leads him away to his land; (3) ara : takku uppalaet kuelqa ieuniata tat
parkunuzi nat ara pennai If someones cattle are stricken by a god, and (the owner) purifies them, and drives
them back home (Laws 163, OH/NS); anta / ara peuter an eikir (var. eikir) a BA.UG Then
296
they led him off and tortured (lit. worked) him till he died KBo 3.34 ii 6-7 (anecdotes, OH/NS); manukan
m
Huzziya kuenta nu uttar iduwati / nu
m
Telepinu ara parta (King) Huzziya would have killed them, but
the word leaked out, and Telepinu expelled them (lit. drove them away ) KBo 3.1 ii 11-12 (Tel.pr., OH/NS);
ektamaduan iraz UL naariyawanza / ara UL uizzi Even the fearless cannot escape (lit. come forth )
from the circle of your net KBo 3.21 ii 17-18 (hymn to Adad); (4) katta : nu nekuz meuni dak GAM pitten
and in the evening go right back down KUB 13.4 ii 75; versus: nukan RIN.ME URU-az katta uda and he
brought troops down out of the city KBo 2.5 iii 30; (5) par : lukkattama par pn on the next day I traveled
further KBo 4.4 iii 52; versus: L
GI
GIDRUmakan par aki pizzi the marshall however goes out the door
KBo 4.9 v 34; (6) ar: na INA DINGIR-LIM euwanzi dak ar uiddu and he must immediately come
up again into the temple in order to sleep KUB 13.4 iii 2; versus: nukan
URU
Atata URU-ri ar pun and I
went up to the city of Atata KBo 4.4 ii 61.
34.10 39.2.4.4. Some apparent exceptions: anda takku ARAD-a uwai na ANA KUR kururi an [da] paizzi
(B kururi KUR-e paizzi) If a slave runs away and goes into an enemy land KBo 6.2 i 52-53 (Laws 23, OS).
34.11 39.2.5. In sentences containing a verb of movement (pai- to go, uwa- to come, penna-, iya- mid.,
uwate-, etc.) -kan is generally absent, when (Goetze 1933b:19, 25): (1) any of the preverbs appan, kattan or awan
is present [note: there are a number of examples of -kan and andan pai- , contrary to expectation]; or (2) if the verb
of movement has no associated preverb whatever: nan BELUM kuiki uwateddu let any lord bring him here
(Targ. 3, line 12).
34.12 39.2.6. Similar to the function of -kan with verbs of movement, which are given a certain finality (no
second stage, whether reflex or continuation), is the verb kuen-. It is neither a verb of movement nor is it found in
combination with preverbs. But the same opposition: single and final action, complete in itself (with -kan) vs.
action which may be repreated (without -kan) is found in it. When kuen- occurs without -kan, it means to strike,
hit; with -kan it means to strike dead, kill. Analogous is the situation with (ara) arnink- to destroy, which
takes -kan only when the verbs subject is a deity, whose destroying can be seen as more final or utter
(Hoffner 1992).
34.13 39.2.6.1 Since many studies of the particles -kan, -ata, -apa , etc. focus on the lexical, in that they list all
verbs which take a particular particle, it is important to note that the semantic aspect conveyed by -kan (for
instance) is shared by all verbs in a lengthy sequence: (KBo 4.2 iv 28ff and duplicates): ITU
GI
BANURmazakan kuezza azzikkinun ITU GALyakan kuezza akkukinun atiyazakan kuedani
ekekinun ITU
URUDU
DUxAyazakan kuezza arrekinun the table from which I customarily ate, the cup
from which I customarily drank, the bed in which I customarily slept, the wash bowl from which I customarily
washed myself (cf. Goetze and Pedersen 1934 10f., lines 16ff.). This suggests that the aspect shared by all these
clauses is independent of each particular verbs meaning. Note that the same is not true of the particle -za in the
above-cited sequence: it is omitted in the akkukinunclause.
297
34.14 39.2.7 The particle is also found in certain other verbal constructions intended to convey local restrictions
(Goetze 1933b:30 note 2): pedi ninink- to muster on the spot, pedi daliya- to leave on the spot, -ta tarna-
to take to heart, kiari dai- to put in the hand, KASKAL-i dai- to put on the road.
34.15 39.1.8. An interesting contrast is between an- with and without local particle (cf. Hoffner 1991).
Without -kan or -ata an- denotes to search for (someone or something), while when the verb has one of the
local particles it means to search (an area or place). This usage certainly reinforces the other evidence for a local
dimension to the presence or absence of this class of particle.
34.16 39.1.9. Goetze (1933:30) noted another small class of verbs which regularly employs -kan or -(a)ta,
verbs of crossing over: arra- and zai-. In this case, in fact, there is an opposition between arra- without local
particle, which usually means to divide, separate, and with local particle, which means to cross over, transgress.
This distribution shows that the earlier assumption (compare the translation verletzen in Friedrich 1952 183) that
with oaths and commands it meant to break, violate (< to divide) was incorrect: the semantic development was
from to go across, traverse to to transgress. The command or oath is also a kind of boundary or limit in an
extended sense. In Friedrich 1952 it was not even noted that the usage with oaths, like that physical traversing, was
associated with -kan.
34.17 39.2.1. Another semantic class of verbs regularly employing -kan is that whose common element is
hostility: ullai- to argue, strive, idalawa(i)- to be evil, hostile, uwapp- to be ill-disposed toward,
zammurai- to afflict, oppress.
34.18 39.2.1.5. Josephson 1972 357 noted that gul- to write, inscribe, takes -kan when having the sense of to
determine. According to him, verbs which alternate in using -ata and -kan frequently stress the achievement of
the term of the action (Josephson 1972 358).
34.19 39.2.2.1. Not fully clarified is the circumstance that -kan fails to occur where expected, when the clause
begins with takku if (Friedrich 1960 298,2): takku
L
DAM.GR
URU
atti kuiki kuenzi if someone kills a
Hittite merchant Laws 5, takkuu L-i wemiyazi tu kuenzi if the man (i.e., husband) finds them (his wife
and her lover in the act of adultery) and he kills them, (he will not be accused of murder) Laws 197. In both
cases the verb kuen- in the meaning kill occurs, which normally requires -kan. Both examples which Friedrich
cites from the laws which use -kan kuen-, namely 90 and 199, are found in New Hittite copies. In the latter there
is even alternation: kuenziu LUGAL-u nankan kunanzi KBo 6.26 iv 17, 21 (OH/NS).
AN
34.20 39.3.1. The particle -an like -kan expressed a relationship largely spatial and so closely related to that
conveyed by -kan that it occasionally substituted for -kan in sentences of the type outlined above for -kan.
Particularly difficult is the distinction in a compound sentence like: nuan parya / [le] naitti EGIR-
payakan le mauta Dont send forward; dont fall back KUB 1.16 iii 51-52 (OH/NS). Yet these two particles
298
are by no means synonymous. Since -apa and -ata (particularly -apa) were used principally in Old and Middle
Hittite and -apa became rare in New Hittite, their functions tended to be assumed by -kan and/or -an. -apa in
particular, whose function was to convey the notion of movement to or into a point central rather than peripheral to
the field of perception, was replaced by -an. Some functions of -ata, on the other hand, seem to have been
assumed by -kan.
34.21 39.3.2. In Old Hittite texts the writing -za-an can be interpreted either as (1) -za and -an (local particle),
or (2) -za and -an. In New Hittite texts, since the local particle -an no longer existed, the same sequence either had
to be (2), or in the case of nanzaan , which one can compare with natiat the second an is a
meaningless repetition of the first (him), cf. HW
2
I 41b sub -a-
2
.
34.22 39.3.3. In Old Hittite texts, where the clitic possessive pronoun his on singular common gender nouns
has the vocalization -an, one must be careful not to confuse this with the local particle, especially in cases where
the possessive pronoun occurs on the first word of a clause.
34.23 39.3.4. -an is particularly common in clauses containing the adverb er above, over or verbs of
putting, placing or standing, which can occasionally also be construed with -kan. -an probably gives to these verbs
the particular nuance stand over, place upon, etc. kma
m
Murili DUMUY[A nu]za ap[n ekten] /
[nu]an apn aeten Murili is hereby my son. Recognize him (as such), and seat him (on the throne)! KUB
1.16 ii 37-38 (OH/NS); attatawa / [
GI
.Ai DUMU.NITA NU GL ]R-iwaan eari There is no
son for the throne of your father; a (mere) subject (lit. slave) will sit down upon it! KUB 1.16 ii 70-71. DUMU-
la<>maan [tuel] / kuit kardi nza apt i My son, do whatever is upon/in (-an) [your] heart! KUB
1.16 iii 62-63 (OH/NS). numuan k yugan iait [en] you have bound this yoke upon me KUB 31.4 obv. +
KBo 3.41, line 7 (OH/NS). Carruba has suggested an etymological connection between -an and er and ar .
34.24 39.3.5. Basic as this shade of meaning may have been to -an, it is by no means the entire range of
possible meanings. -an was already used in Old Hittite to express other relationships. First among these was
movement directed toward an object : (The Great Seagod quarreled with the other gods,) na(n)an nepia
d
UTU-un katta putet and he brought him, (namely) the Sungod of Heaven, down (to his home in the sea, and
hid him) KUB 12.60 i 3-4 (myth, OH/NS);
d
UTU-umaan ar nepii iyanni but the Sungod went up to
heaven KUB 24.8 ii 11-12 (Appu story, pre-NH/NS), cf. also KUB 33.120++ i 37 (Theogony); nuan
d
Wiuriyandan katta D-i pedai and I take (the goddess) W. down to the river KBo 15.25 obv. 5-6 (ritual);
nuan
m
Kei par ANA DAM-Upat IME now K. listened only (pat ) to his wife KUB 33.121 ii 6, cf.
line 8. mn AWATLUGALma UL paanutteni / [ziladuw]aan UL uiteni nu arkteni If you do not keep
the word of the king, you will not survive (lit. live) into (-an) the future (ziladuwa), you will perish KUB 1.16
iii 36-37 (OH/NS); ppamaan URU-ZU annapili nman paizzi kati kaninti he did (lit. does) not wish to
go back to his city empty-handed, in hunger and in thirst KUB 33.121 ii 15-16 (Kei story); nunnaan anda
mie nunnaan anda tallie be gentle toward us, be pleasant toward us VBoT 24 iii 38-39; numaan
299
ka DINAM kuit arnummeni nat itamaten Hear the case which we are bringing to/before (an ) you KUB
4.1 ii 5-6. With an, ANA followed by a place designation, and the medio-passive for of nai-, the meaning is to
turn toward. Whether one uses the translation toward or against depends upon the qualifying adverb of manner:
auli in a favorable manner or L.KR-li in a hostile manner: nuan ANA KUR
URU
atti auli anda
namma naiut turn again toward the land of Hatti in favor KUB 9.31 ii 59-60; cf. KUB 15.32 i 54-55; nuzan
ANAKUR
URU
atti L.KR-li IGI.I.A dai (whoever) sets his eyes against the land of Hatti in enmity KBo
6.34 i 17-18, 36-37, ii 12-13.
34.25 39.3.6. With ANAor anda and verbs of speech, -an focusses upon the person addressed:
d
UD.SIGyaan anda tezzi he speaks to the god Favorable Day 120/p iii 11-12 cited in Otten, HTR 114f.;
nammaan uddr par apenian memai Next he speaks words in the same way to her KBo 2.9 iv 15-16.
34.26 39.3.7. In some cases the implication of -an is more than direction (toward), and practically amounts to
movement which reaches the goal and enters into it (into). Old Hittite references: andaan parna nawi paizzi
(If they capture a free man at the beginning of his act of breaking into a house,) that is, he has not yet gone inside
Laws 93; nuzan (if this is zan !)
d
IM-a
UZU
akuwaeta appa da and so the Stormgod took back
into himself his heart and eyes KBo 3.7 iii 18-19 (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS). Post-OH references: nuan namma
ANAKUR.KUR.ME L.KR UL paun (but) into the enemy lands I did not go KBo 14.20 + KUB 34.33 +
KUB 34.34, i 2-3 (Murili II annals); nammaan BD.ME-ni anda le kuiki paddai let no one dig into the
city wall KUB 31.91 ii 22 (BEL MADGALTIinstr., MH/NS).
34.27 39.3.8. Related to the idea of into or inside is that of things which rightfully pertain to or belong to an
object or person. The passage concerning the Stormgods eyes and heart cited above (KBo 3.l7 iii 18-19) certainly
shares this notion. Others are: A AMARmuan 4 GR.ME-U knmawaza A 2 GR.ME-U kuwat
aun my calf should have four feet (lit. my calfs four feet should be in/on it); why then have a born this one
which has only two feet? KUB 24.7 iii 22-24 (tale of the Cow and the Fisherman).
34.28 39.3.9. A sexual idiom, related to Hebrew b el to go in unto (a woman), is: ANA
UDU.Umaan UDU.IR-a kuedani nawi paizzi a ewe to which a ram has not yet gone (sexually) KUB
9.32 ii 21-22.
34.29 39.3.10. It is a short step from toward to against. Old Hittite references: iamaan
tataekiwan dair they began to whisper/conspire against their lords KBo 3.1 i 22 (Tel. pr., OH/NS); ANA-
Umaian U ANA DUMU.ME-U idalu le takkianzi but let them not plan evil against his house or his
sons ibid. ii 55-56; ukwazan anun I became angry at (them) KUB 33.10 ii 6; mnan
d
Telipinua
kuedanikki nakkeziwhenever Telipinu becomes difficult against anyone VBoT 58 iv 8-9. Later references:
numuan INA
URU
Paluia appan L.KR
URU
Peuru zaiya tiyat in the neighborhood of Paluia, the
enemy from Peuru advanced against me for battle KBo 3.4 ii 2-3, AM 42f.; mna ulliet / nuan EGIR-
300
pa URU-ri idalu takkikiwan dai When he became discontented he began to plot evil against (his new) city
KBo 32.14 ii 19-20 (Song of Release, MH/MS).
34.30 39.3.11. -an also occurs in clauses containing verbs of contending, contesting, quarreling and striving.
Middle Hittite example: nuwaan annenanni annuwanzi natta tarratta in suits you do not tire of judging
KUB 13.9+ i 7-8 (instr. of Tudh. II, MH/NS).
34.31 39.3.12. (King attuili I said to a rebellious daughter:) lmamuan pakuitta Dont reject/ignore
me! KUB 1.16 iii 65-66.
34.32 39.3.13 Josephson 1972 360 observes that -an with transformative verbs can denote a process leading
up to an ultimate completion.
35. Particles: -ata and -apa 301
301
CHAPTER 35
PARTICLES -asta, -apa
35.1 40.0.1 It is important to observe the functions of these two particles in OH, since -apa ceases to be occur
in new compositions of the NH period, and occurs only rarely in MH, and -ata, while it continues sporadically in
the later periods, seems to have lost its distinctive meaning and has come to be a rather pale (stylistic) variant of -
kan.
583
35.2 40.0.2 Carruba 1969 19 has proposed that four of the five sentence particles derive from adverbs: kan
derives from kattan by way of *kattn, an from *aran (?) via *a(r)an, -ata from (i)tarna via *ta(rn), and -
(a)pa from ppa via *app(a).
35.3 40.0.3 In an earlier study in which a large number of text examples were studied and analyzed Carruba
1964 suggested that -apa is associated with centripetal movement, and -ata with centrifugal.
35.4 40.0.4 -apa shows the following writings: The rarest writing is -aba in
L
NAR-i-ya-a-ba (for
L
NAR-
iyaaba ) KBo 17.43 i 9 (OH/MS?). The writing -ap is found in u-a-ap (for *uap ) KBo 3.60 iii 3
(OH/NS), compare a-na-ap (*anap ) ibid. ii 3, 5, 18, iii 9. Following certain vowels the a elides, giving -pa
(CREF 35.36 (*40.2.0): e-pa KUB 36.27:2 (OH) and e-e-pa KUB 43.36 (OH) (for *epa ), na-a-i-pa
KUB 33.21 iii 19, cf. KUB 33.31:2; and as late as the Appu myth KUB 24.8 i 43 (OH?/NS); nu-u-i-pa KUB
24.8 i 15, 16 (Appu); na-at-i-pa KUB 24.9 + JCS 24 37 iii 8, na-an-i-pa KUB 35.148+ iii 14. The most usual
writing is -apa. na-pa (for *n(u)apa )
584
KBo 3.67 ii 5 and KBo 3.1 ii 20 (both Tel.pr., and passim in that
text), KUB 43.60 i 11, na-ta-pa (for *natapa ) KUB 43.36 (rev.) 5; an-da-ma-pa (for *andam (u)apa
[CREF 35.37 (*40.2.1] or *andamaapa ) KBo 3.7 i 13 (Illuyanka, OH/NS), ed. Beckman 1982, cf. also
Carruba 1964 420 and in CHD sub -mu b 4'; a-an-za-pa KBo 12.18 i 6; nu-za-pa KBo 19.92:7; nu-a-pa (for
*nuapa and them + -apa) KUB 1.16 ii 24 (Political Testament of Hatt. I, OH/NS), nu-wa-ra-ta-pa (for
*nuwaratapa ) KBo 3.1 ii 49; the alleged nu-un-na-p[a?] of KBo 12.63 ii 5 claimed by HW
2
sub -a-
2
is
worthless, among other reasons because the context is broken and the -p[a?] is highly uncertain; one expects
something like nu-un-na-[a-] (< nunna ).
35.5 40.0.5 So far as the terminus ad quem is concerned, apa continues to be written in New Hittite copies of
Old Hittite texts down to the end of the empire. But in fresh compositions it falls out of use after Old Hittite.
Kammenhuber (HW
2
sub -apa) claims that in junghethitisch, which for her includes our MH, it is relatively
rare. In the famous passage from uppiluliuma Is treaty with ukkana of ayaa one should read na
URU
attui

583
On its alternation with -kan see already Gterbock 1964.
584
The unique nu-pa KUB 35.148 iii 29 is probably to be emended to na!-pa.
302
UL uiwizzi a-ki-pa-a[t] in Hatti he will not continue to live: he will die KBo 5.3+ iii 31 (Hukk.), following
Ehelolf apud Friedrich 1930 and Hart 1971, and understand -pa-a[t] as a rare resolved spelling of the particle -pat,
not -(a)pa.
35.6 40.1.0 Examples of -(a)pa: (The numbers like 360A without KUB or KBo preceding them refer to CTH
numbers.)
35.7 with an- to wipe (something) onto, besmear, daub:
L
erala rt [a] / []eran arzi napa priu
ankizzi KBo 19.163 i 22-23.
35.8 with appai- to finish: napa aear pankua ppai the seated group and the entire congregation
finish (worshipping) KUB 53.14 ii 1; napa DUMU.LUGAL appai and the prince finishes ibid. 2; tapa
appai KBo 21.93 ii 8.
35.9 with arai- to arise: [ar]aiapa
m
App[u] naza parnaa / [iy]anni Appu arose and went to his
house KUB24.8 + KUB36.60 i 24-26 (pre-NH/NS), ed. StBoT 14; araiapa
m
Appu
GI
N-az / nuza arkin
SILA4-an d / na
d
UTU-i kattan iyanni[] Appu arose from his bed, took a white lamb, and went to the
Sungod ibid. 38-40; ezipat / nattaaa [pa a]rai (s)he keeps sitting; (s)he does not get up KBo 19.163 ii
33-34; napa / NIN.DINGIR ara[i ] KBo 21.90 obv. 11-12; [m]n lukkattama napa NIN.DINGIR-a arai
KBo 21.95 i 17.
35.10 with arnu- to bring: napa arnuwanzi nza NIN.DINGIR-a AAR[] KBo 21.95 i 15.
35.11 with anda epp- to include: ammukkazaapa anda p / lmu genzuwaii Include me (with your
enemies); dont spare me KBo 3.7 iii 29-33 (Illuyanka, OH/NS).
35.12 with ed- to eat (CREF m karap-): anap azzikanzi and they eat him KBo 3.60 ii 3 (cannibal
text, OH/NS), anap atanzi ibid. 5; anap ezta ibid. 18;
35.13 with -za andai- to fit (something) to (something else), mate, match, combine: nu kuin KASKAL-an
arzi / uran KASKAL-an arzi marnuwalan KASKAL-an arzi / anzaapa KASKAL-i L.KASKAL-la
andait And what road does (the human soul) travel (lit., hold)? It travels the great road; it travels the invisible(?)
road. The traveler has fitted it to his road KUB 43.60 i 28-30.
35.14 with (anda) ar (k)- to hold close: [nue] uddarmet [ak]ikimi SIG-an[zamu arri /
taggan]iyatamuzaapa and [a ark ] numu tagga[niyata] / :taknaz pai I am making my words known to
her: Wash [me] well, [hold] me tightly to (yourself), and keep me at your breast from the earth KUB 1.16 iii 71-
72 (Polit. Test., OH/NS).
35.15 with a- to open: [m]n lukkattama tap [(a aanzi
KU
NG.BR-a)]n / [(uia)nz]i When the
morrow comes, they open up and pull back the curtains (in the temple) ABoT 9 + KBo 17.74 + KBo 21.25 i 31-
303
32 (StBoT 12); napa [..] / EGIR-pa akii KBo 11.14 iii 25-27; mnapa
alentuwa / aanzi
KU
NG.BRata / uiyanzi KUB 25.16 i 1-3.
35.16 with iya- to make (w. double obj.) nuwarat<>ta karandu / nat!apa
GI
BANUR.ME
iyandu Let them cut (a tree) down and make it into tables CTH 310.5 iv 17-18 (Sargon story, OH/NS).
35.17 with anda iyannai- to set out for, go to (CREF pai-): nai<a>pa anda iyann [i] / nan
punukiwan da[i] he went to him and began to question him KUB 24.8 + 36.60 i 43-45 (Appu story).
35.18 with anda innara- : labarna LUGAL-u inarawanza nue (a)pa / utniyanza manza anda
inarai The Labarna, the king, is vigorous; and the entire land is vigorous(?) for/with him KUB 36.110:11-12
(benedictions for the Labarna).
35.19 with karap- to devour: ewe / [k]a BURU.I.A SIG-anta daganzipa / [u]idr pari napa
alkin karapanzi Rains will occur,
585
crops will thrive, wildlife of the earth will appear, and they
586
will devour
the grain KUB 8.1 iii 8-10.
35.20 with anda lag- : nuzapa utniyanza manza / ikimet anda
URU
Hattua lagan ard [u] The entire
land should hold its back bent down towards attua KUB 36.110:9-10 (benedictions for the Labarna).
35.21 with anda muganza e- : [nata anda ] / galaktar kitta nui [.. ] / galangaza e paruen [a kitta] /
naipa anda muganza [edu] KUB 33.21 iii 16-19 (CTH 326).
35.22 with pai- to go (CREF iyannai-): nu tuliyan alziten mnapa uttaret paizzi / n SAG.DU-naz
arnikdu Convene the assembly. If his plan (lit., word) goes to its conclusion, then let him pay with his head
KBo 3.1 ii 51-52 (Telipinu proclamation, OH/NS).
35.23 with an- to seek for, avenge (blood/death/murder) [Note: This construction also exists with -ata and
without sentence particle.]:
m
Zidantaa LUGAL-wet napa DINGIR.ME
m
Pieniya iar anir Zidanta
became king, and the gods sought (i.e., avenged) the blood/murder of Pieni KBo 3.1 i 66-68 (Telipinu procl.);
m
Ammunaa LUGAL-wet napa DINGIR.ME-i attaa
m
Zidanta / earet anir KBo 3.1 i 69-71.
35.24 with dai- to place: kwa e<a>na uttar / tuppiaz au karwa ar
URU
attui makketa /
nuwaratapa DINGIR.ME-i allai aannai dir Behold this tale of bloodshed from the tablet! Formerly
bloodshed in Hatti was rife, and the gods laid it on the royal family (lit. Great Family) KBo 3.1 ii 47-49
(Telipinu procl.);
d
UTU-u nwa arta uddanaapa EN-a HUL-lun ME-i KBo 11.14 iii 5 (rit. of antitau).

585
Although ewe is common gender plural, its verb k a( ri) is singular here.
586
Although uitr is formally neuter singular, semantically it is a collective, indicating many animals; hence, the shift to
the plural verb here.
304
35.25 with tarupp- to gather, bring together, unite: n[(apa ) DU(MU.MEU) E.M(U)] /
[(
L.ME
gaenaea
L.ME
a)]anna (var. +a) U [(RIN.MEU)] / [(taruppante ee )]r And his sons,
his brothers, his in-laws, his family and his troops were united KBo 3.1 i 1-3 (Telipinu procl.).
35.26 with anda tiya- to come together, convene:
d
IM-ataa DINGIR.ME-na uma[ndu] / mugait
andam<u>apa tiyatten The Stormgod convoked all the gods: Come (lit. step) together to me! KBo 3.7 i
12-14 (Illuyanka myth, OH/NS).
35.27 with anda turiya- to hitch together: kinunamaapa DINGIRYA innarawar / U
d
LAMMA anda
turiya KUB 30.10 rev. 19-20 (Kantuzili prayer).
35.28 with uda- to bring: NIM.LL teriya UD-a / miuwa<> UD-a KASKAL-an pandu napa iyatarmit
/ udandu Let the bee(s) go a journey of three days (or) four days, and let them bring (to me) my prosperity KUB
43.60 i 10-12.
35.29 with uwa- to come or EGIR-pa uwa- to return: mnaapa laazma EGIR-pa uizzi Whenever he
returns from an expedition KBo 3.1+ i 17-18; [nu ]A
f
Zi alwanzataret idlu uddret QATAMMA / [ar]kdu
natapa EGIR-pa l uizzi Let the sorcery (and) evil word of the woman Zi likewise get lost, and let it not
return KBo 15.10 + 20.42 ii 15-16; mnapa LUGAL-u
URU
Lawazzantiya uwanun KBo 3.1+ ii 20-21;
[kuwapi]te(a)pa uitta UR.SAG-imawaatan / [NI]M.LLat udau an pedii dau /
[tak]annimawaa<n> NIM.LLat dau / [n]at pedii dau KUB 43.60 i 5-8; mnapa LUGAL-u uizzi
/ takkan
alintuwa / anda paizzi / taz KIN.I.A-ta dai KUB 11.20 ii 10-13 (fest. fragm.).
35.30 with waqqar- to be lacking: nui<a>pa UL kuitki waqqari / nuipa 1-an uttar waqqari
DUMU.NITAi DUMU.MUNUS-i / NU.GL Nothing was lacking to him; only one thing was lacking to him:
he had neither son nor daughter KUB24.8 + KUB36.60 i 15-17 (StBoT 14).
35.31 with zinna- to destroy, wipe out: [kawa LUGAL-i er akkekanzi] / nuapa uizzi zin [nai n
ear
HI.A
] / iuwan dai [UL nazi] [Lo, they are dying for the sake of the king;] she will wipe them out; she
will begin to shed [blood , and not fear] KUB 1.16 ii 23-25.
35.32 Non-verbal clauses: LUGAL-imaapa le kuitki Let there be nothing (evil) to the king KBo 3.1+ iv 21,
ed. THeth 11:52f.; uiwatarm (u)apa anda ingani aminkan inganam (u)apa anda uiwannia
aminkan Life for me is bound up with death, and death for me is bound up with life KUB 30.10 obv. 20
(Kantuzili prayer).
35.33 Assembling such a corpus of examples is, of course, only a first step. Although many of the above
examples are not in Old Hittite copies (i.e., they are MS or NS copies), the use of -apa in new compositions after
Old Hittite is unattested. So we may assume in all of the above cases that the archetype of the text was created in
OH.
305
35.34 Finding a common semantic denominator among all the passages is not easy, nor do I feel that I can
propose one. It is certainly true, as Carruba has already noted, that convergence is a notion shared by many, e.g.,
anda epp-, andai-, tarupp-, anda tiya-, anda turiya-. The frequency of the particles association with anda is also
striking: anda iyannai-, anda innara-, anda lag-, anda mugai-, anda tiya-, anda turiya- . It occurs with both
verbs for eating: ed- and karap-. It is also very common with arai- to arise and a- to open.
35.35 -ATA
35.36 40.2.0 Like -apa (CREF 35.4 (*40.0.4) -pa), the particle -ata elides its a-vowel after an e- or i -vowel,
thus: ta-a-i-i-ta KUB 31.1 + KBo 3.16 ii 14 (transl. of Naram-sin, OH/NS), nu-u-i-i-ta KUB 17.10 iv 2
(Tel.myth, OH/NS); tuzziaz / EGIR-pa
GI
TIR IBAT peran aramaita D-a arzi KUB 23.11 iii 16-7;
nu ANA LUGAL KUR
URU
HATTI kururiyadu leta R-atari Bronze Tablet iii 30-31 (treaty of Tud. IV); nu-
u-e-e-ta KUB 33.5 iii 11-15 (OH/MS).
35.37 40.2.1 But (also as with -apa CREF KBo 3.7 i 13 in 35.4 (*40.0.4) an immediately preceding u-vowel
elides, leaving an a vocalization: nu-um-ma-a-ta KUB 31.130 rev. 7 (OH/MS) and nu-ma-a-ta KUB 36.75 iii 12
(OH/MS) and KBo 14.74:3 (for *num(u)ata ). Cf. Friedrich 1960 , Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1975-1984
sub -ata, and CHD -mu b 4.
35.38 40.2.2 If -apa has a notion of combination or convergence, -ata seems to have the opposite idea:
separation, divergence, often with ara or par.
35.39 nepizata
d
IM-unni au eta From heaven he (the king) was dear to the Stormgod KBo 3.22:2
(Anitta, OS); nata
URU
Hattuapat URU-ria 1-a ta Out of (all other cities) the city of Hattusa alone
remained KBo 10.2 i 26 (annals of Hattusili I); anta / ara peuter an eikir (var. eikir) a BA.
They led him off and worked him over, and he died KBo 3.34 ii 6-7; anta attimi / paknuir They
alienated(?) him from (dat. of person) my father KBo 3.34 ii 9-11 (Palace chronicle, OH/NS).
35.40 40.2.3 But at times it occurs in contexts like -apa: nata KUR.KUR.ME / anda
d
UTU-u tiyat In
the midst of the lands the Sungod stood KBo 10.2 ii 52-53 (either OH/NS or NH); [nu(ma) DUG ...]anda /
MUN-an uair anata eukta They poured salt into the [], and he drank it KBo 3.34 i 7-8 (Palace
chronicle, OH/NS); or like an : nu azzikkiddu akkukidd[u mna au ] / nata ar uikittaru Let him
continue to eat and drink. [So long as he is on good behavior,] let him continue to come up (to the palace) KUB
1.16 ii 33-34 (Political Testament of Hatt. I).
35.41 40.2.4 With verbs of movement it seems to be associated with the idea of transition or crossing: [lema]
arkaliyatumari le kuiki [k]urur nata uttar / [le k]uiki arratta Dont elevate yourselves (over your brothers)!
Let there be no hostility! And let no one transgress the word (of the king)! KUB 1.16 ii 49-50; nata nepia
K-u zikpat [aanuw]anza
d
UTU-u arrakitta KUB 36.75 + Bo 4696 i 7-8 (OH/MS); (The Kaskeans)
come and take the gifts, then they swear (oaths), but when they arrive back (home), nata lingau arranzi
306
They transgress the oaths KUB 17.21 iv 15-19 (prayer of Arn. and Asm., MH/MS); nata kui ku NI
DINGIR-LIM arriezzi Whoever transgresses these oaths KBo 6.34 ii 46-49 (Soldiers oath, MH/NS), ed.
StBoT 22:10f.; lingainnata UL kuanka arraat I never transgressed an oath KUB 30.10 obv. 12-14
(prayer of Kantuzzili, OH/MS); mnata ka lingau ar-ra-ad-du-ma If you transgress these oaths KBo
8.35 ii 16-18 (treaty w. Kaska, MH/MS); nata uttar [le k]uiki arratta Let no one transgress the words
KUB 1.16 ii 49-50 (edict, Hatt. I, NS), ed. HAB 8f.; laiyawaza / [uttar] UL imma ekteni erata kuitki
arran Do you actually not know [the matter] of campaigning: that something concerning (it) has been
transgressed? KBo 16.25 i 33-34 (instr., MH/MS), ed. Rizzi Mellini, FsMeriggi
2
522f.:45; nata / D-an
zaitten You crossed the river KUB 31.101:6-7, but cf. with -kan in ibid. 10-11.
36. Clause Connectives: -a and nu 307
307
CHAPTER 36
CONJUNCTIONS -A AND NU
36.1 41.0 Clause linkage is marked either by clause connectives or by simple juxtaposition (what is
traditionally called asyndeton). There are seven clause connectives in Hittite: -a, -(y)a, -ma, n(u), (u), t(a) and
clause initial namma. Two of these (-(y)aand -ma), however, can serve other purposes in the sentence: contrasting
single words in one clause to one in a corresponding position in an adjacent clause (-ma), and linking members of a
series of words (X, Y, and Z) in a single clause (-(y)a). These two are therefore not sentence connectives in all
their occurrences.
Clause Connectives in Old Hittite
36.2 41.1 In the oldest known Hittite texts all five of these connectives are employed, although two -a and
-ma which are in complementary distribution, the former following consonants and the latter following vowels,
seem to serve the same semantic function. For a general discussion of clause connectives in Old Hittite see Luraghi
1990, chapter 2.
36.3 41.1.1 In Old Hittite u (- before vowels) and ta (t- befoe vowels) also are in complementary
distribution, the former with preterites and the latter with present-futures.
36.4 41.1.2 After the Old Hittite period u (- before a vocalic enclitic) ceases to be used. ta (t- after a vocal
enclitic) continues in post-OH in a very limited distribution and decidedly archaizing. In non-traditional texts
(letters, administrative documents, etc.) of the New Hittite period only -(y)a, -maand nu are in active, non-
archaizing use.
-a/-ya as word connector
36.5 41.2 The particle -a/-ya takes the form -a after syllabically written Hittite words ending in a consonant,
which consonant is then geminated, but -ya after syllabically written words ending in a vowel: a-pa-a-a-a
(apa ) (s)he too, a-p-e-ya (apya) those too. In Old Hittite the disjunction constrastive particle would be
written a-pa-a-a *apa ) she however and a-p-e-ma those however In Old Hittite the gemination or lack of
such before -a, which distinguished the conjunctive-additive from the disjunctive-topicalizing particle, was often
obscured with logograms by the practice of writing only one syllabic Hittite sign after the logogram..If LUGAL and
MUNUS.LUGAL were nominative, the pair might be written LUGAL(-u) MUNUS.LUGAL-a (standing for
*au auaraa ) the king and queen.
587
But in post-Old Hittite the same combination would be written
LUGAL(-u) MUNUS.LUGALya.

587
On apparent exceptions such as me-ma-al-ya KBo 15.34 iii 8 see Melchert 1984b notes 49 and 94.
308
36.6 41.2.1 -a/-ya is the only connective which joins individual words. Some examples are: nutta
DINGIR.ME
d
.A-aa / attanna LUGAL-u / auli paantaru May the gods and Ea, the (divine) king of
wisdom, keep you in good health HKM 3:18-20; kianmamu kuit / atrae kawa /
L.ME
apaallie /
APUR nuwa
URU
Malazzian /
URU
Taggatanna / auiyar I have just sent scouts, and they have scouted the
cities Malazzia and Taggata HKM 6:17-22 (MH/MS).
Conjunctive-Additive -a/-ya as clause connector
36.7 41.2.2 When -a/-ya connects clauses, it is attached to the first accented word in its clause: uya 3U
arnikzi and he shall replace the goods threefold KBo 6.4 i 5 (laws parallel series III, NH), (he shall give six
shekels of silver to the injured man,)
L
A.ZUya kuan appat pi and he shall give the fee to the physician
KBo 6.2 i 19 (Laws 10, OS), (If a man defiles a vessel, previously they gave 6 shekels of silver, he who defiles
(used to) give three shekels of silver,) [LUGAL]-anna parna 3 GN KUBABBAR daker and they used to take
three shekels of silver for the house of [the king] KBo 6.2 i 58a (Laws 25, OS).
Disjunctive-Topicalizing -a as Clause Connector
36.8 41.3 Disjunctive-topicalizing -a only joins clauses and is limited to OH: kar 12 SAG.DU peker kinuna
6 SAG.DU pi Previously they gave twelve persons (lit. heads), but now he shall give six persons KBo 6.3 i
49 (Laws 19b, OH/NS), L-na kuan ITU.1.KAM 12 GN KUBABBAR pai MUNU-ama kuan (B i 65
[ku]an) ITU.1.KAM 6 GN K[UBABBAR] pai he shall give 12 shekels of silver as the wage of a man for one
month, but 6 shekels of silver as the wage of a woman for one month KBo 6.2 i 55 (Laws 24, OS) | in this
passage adversative -a and -ma appear redundant.
nu as Clause Connector
36.9 41.4 nu connects a subordinate clause to and independent clause: mn (A i 5 nama) INA KUR
URU
atti
(13) nuza (A i 6 nu-uz-za) unattallanpat arnuzzi If (var. or if) it is in the land of atti, he shall bring (the
dead body of) the merchant himself KBo 6.3 i 12-13 (Laws 5, OH/NS), dupl. KBo 6.2 i 6 (OS).
36.10 41.4.1 In OH and MH texts conditional clauses (if clauses) are often connected to following main
clauses without particle (i.e., asyndeton). [(tak)]ku
L
DAM.GR
URU
atti (dupl. KBo 6.2 i 3 om.
URU
atti ) kuiki
kuenzi 1 ME MA.N[(A)] K.BABBAR pi If someone kills a Hittite merchant, he shall give 100 minas of silver
KBo 6.3 i 10 (Laws 5, OH/NS); takku ume natta akteni / kni L U.GI-ea NU GL numa memai
AWT ABIYAIf you do not know (my fathers instructions), is there not here even an old man that he may tell
you my fathers word? KBo 22.1:5-6 (OH/OS); takku L.U.LU-an ELLAM kuiki dauwanama ZUU
lki kar 1 MA.NA K.BABBAR piker If someone blinds a free person or knocks out his teeth, they used to pay
40 shekels of silver KBo 6.2 i 9-10 (Laws 7, OH/OS). But there are cases where a conjunctive particle occurs:
takku L.U.LU-a ELLAM-a QSSU nama GRU kuiki tuwa[rnizzi] nue 20 GN K.BABBAR pi If
309
someone breaks a free persons arm or leg, he shall give to him 20 shekels of silver KBo 6.2 i 20-21 (Laws 11,
OH/OS).
36.11 41.4.2 In post-OH (including most OH/MS and OH/NS manuscripts) a connective particle is the norm:
takku ULma
A.
A.GR dammel pedan duwan 3 DANNA duwana 3 DANNA nukan kui kui URU-a anda
SIS-ri nu appat dai takku URU-a NU GL nakan amenzi But if it is not cultivated land, but
uncultivated (steppe), (they shall measure) 3 DANNAs in this direction and 3 DANNAs in that, and whatever town
is determined within (that measured area), he shall take them. If, however, there is no town (in that area), he will
forfeit (his claim) KBo 6.4 i 11-13 (Laws 6 parallel text IVb, NH); A ANE.KUR.RA.I.Amu (5) kuit
uttar atre (6) nata kma (7) ANE.KUR.RA.I.A kar (8) par neun Concerning what message you
sent me about chariotry: I have already dispatched chariotry HKM 2:4-8 (letter, MH/MS); A L.KRmu kuit
uttar (4) atre nat AME I have heard the message about the enemy which you sent to me HKM 3:3-4; nu
mn (7) mai ezi nu EZEN purulliya (8) iyanzi And when prosperity and abundance come, they celebrate the
festival of purulli KBo 3.7 i 6-8 (serpent story, OH/NS); UMMA Hupaiya ANA Inar / m(n)wa kattiti
em[i nu]wa uwami / kardiata iyami upaiya said to Inar: If I may sleep with you, I will proceed to do
what you wish KBo 3.7 i 24-26 (serpent story, OH/NS))
36.12 41.5 nu connects independent clauses. In the following exx. the actions are definitely sequential. [takku
L-a]n nama MUNUS-an ELLAM walzi kui[k]i na aki [If] someone strikes a free man or woman, so that
s/he dies KBo 6.3 i 6 (Laws 3, OH/NS) In English we would translate na aki as a result clause so that he
dies. But it is quite possible that mere temporal sequence is all that the syntax requires here. kinuna LUGAL-u
A .GAL-LIM peiet nuza uninkanzapat 3 GN KUBABBAR dai But now the king has waived the share of
the palace, and only the injured party shall take 3 shekels KBo 6.3 i 23-24 (Laws 9, OH/NS). Again, in English
we might well use a result clause (so that only ); zikmawaza DUMU-a nuwa UL kuitki akti You are
a mere child, and know nothing at all KUB 19.29 iv 16 (annals of Mur. II); 100 gipear A. kariezzi
nanza dai he shall cut off 100 gipear of field and take it for himself KBo 6.3 i 15 (Laws 6, OH/NS);
nukan kma (9) ANE.KUR.RA.I.A (10) par neun (11) nuza PANI L.KR (12) mekki
paaanuanza (13) I have just dispatched chariotry, so be much on the alert toward the enemy HKM 1:8-13
(letter, MH/MS); kawa / kiya kiya uttar iyami / nuwamuan ziqqa arput I am about to do such-
and-such, so you join me! KBo 3.7 i 21-23 (myth of the Great Serpent, OH/NS).
36.13 41.6 nu connects two subordinate clauses. Here too the actions are sequential: [mn] uma UL p arzi
nankan ullannaza (7) [ku]iki kuenzi But if he (scil. the merchant) does not have goods in his possession, and
(the offender) kills him in a quarrel KBo 6.4 i 6-7 (laws, NH); A Piinakkimu kui[t] uttar (4) atre
Piinakkiza maan (5)
URU
Liipran ki[tt]ari (6) nuwaza karu 30 -TUM aean []arzi Concerning
the message about Pihinakki: how Pihinakki is settling the city Liipra, and (how) he has already settled (there) 30
households HKM 10:3-6 (letter, MH/MS); UTU-Ima maan iyaat nu maan ANA
URU
allapa [aru]n
When I, My Majesty, marched, and when I [reac]hed allapa KUB 14.15 ii 7 (Mur. II annals).
37. Clause Connectives: ta, u and -ma 310
310
CHAPTER 37
CLAUSE CONNECTIVES TA, U AND -MA
37.1 Luraghi 1990 in her Chapter 2 notes that in Old Hittite ta is very common as is apparently used in free
variation with nu. By contrast, u is the most infrequent connective, and it never occurs alone, but is always
accompanied by (mostly pronominal) clitics.
37.2 ta Introducing second clause of the protasis in the laws: takku LULU-an kuiki unikzi tan itarnikzi nu
apun aktaizzi KBo 6.3 i 25-28 (Laws 10); takku L-a GUDU D-an zinukizzi (C zenukizzi) tamaiaan
[(uwaizzi)] / nu GUD-a KUN-an (BC KUN GUD) epzi ta D-an zai U BEL (C EN) G[(UD D-a pedai )] KBo
6.2 ii 30-32 (Laws 43) w. dupl. KBo 6.3 ii 52-53.
37.3 Introducing apodosis following a complex protasis: takku DUMU.MUNUS L-ni taranza tamaiaan
pittenuzzi kuan (var. kuian) / pittenuzzima nu antezziya L-a kuit kuit [piddaizzi] / tae arnikzi KBo
6.3 ii 5-7 (LAW 28a); takku LUGAL-a (Bii41 maan LUGAL-u) NAM.RA.I.A-an pai nue A..I.A-
an pianzi ta
GI
TUKUL-li kia KBo 6.2+19.1 ii 22; Bii41-42 (LAW40); takku URU-ri A..I.A-an (var. B
ii 59 A.[.I.A ]aana ; C 24 aana A..I.A) iwaru kuiki arzi takkue A.[.I.A-a mekki] /
piyanza luzzi karpiezzi takkue A..I.A-a te [pu piyanza] / luzzi natta karpiezzi (B [UL k]arpiezzi) ITU
ABIUma k[(ar)pianzi] / takku iwarua i A.kulei rki nam[ae ] / L.ME URU-LIM A..I.A-
an pianzi ta luzzi karpizzi LAW 46 (A ii 38-42);
37.4 Introducing the first or only clause in the apodosis after an if clause (so far only in post-OH copies):
takkuwaan ki azzizi tawa DINGIR-LUM / takkuwaan nattama a [zzizi] / tawa antuwae tawa
[] / zauweni CTH 17.1.KBo 3.60 ii 14-17
37.5 Introducing the second clause of a multi-clause apodosis: takku A..I.A NG.BA LUGAL kuiki arzi
aan luzzi nat[ta karpiezzi] / LUGAL-u GIBANUR-az NINDA-an dai tae pai If someone holds fields as
a gift from the king, he shall not [render] aan (or) luzzi: the king shall take food from his table and give it to
him KBo 6.2 ii 43-44 (LAW 47a, OS)
37.6 Connecting clauses in chronologically sequential series of actions: 16a.8-9 uwami kidanda (v kedanna )
pattanit ekan utikimi ta zaikimi / [(taza )] utne arnikmi kidanda natita tan kardama al [(ikti)]
37.7 Introducing a result clause: 9.6 KBo 3.28:20-1 kinuna LUGAL-u idalu mekki uun ta LUGAL-wa<>
uddaramet / le arrattuma ; In the following example, the NH scribe has substituted nu in the second result
clause: CTH 16a.13-14 UR.SAG-an tarmaemi tata edi natta neari [(arun)]an tarmami nu appa natta laui ;
u
324.1A(KUB17.10) i 34 nu=za=kan anda kariyet =a eati
311
336.1Bii6-7 ZABABA.[(as IME)] / s=an nahta
With an imperative : 457.6i5-8 [kuwapi]t=se=<a>pa uitta UR.SAG-i=ma=wa=at=san / [NI]M.LAL3=at udau s=an
pedi=si dau
370.KBo25.151+26.136ob8 UTU-us samenta s=an Tawinas ID2-as irhi dalis
With a present 591.3A(KUB1.17}iii32-9 GAL MEEDI peran / huwai t=as hassi / tapusza tiyazi / t=kan walhiyas /
'DG KAB.KA.DU3-an / anda udanzi / s =an ANA GI.d.INANNA.H.A / tapusza tianzi
627.KUB59.23iv1-7 [L]GL-us E2 halentu[waz] / uizzi 2 LU2.ME E2.GA[L] / 1 LU2 MEEDI LGL-i pir[a]n
hyantes / HUB.BI=kan 1-U na // LGL-us INA E2 UTU paizzi (6) [s]= as KA2-as APAL / [n]episi esa //
1(OS).44-5
URU
Hattusas=a[] / takkista s=an tlahhun
1(KBo3.22(OS):45-48 maan=as / appezziyan=a kistanziattat s=an Halmas[uiz] / sius=mis par pais s=an
ispandi / nakkit dhhun
1(KBo3.22(OS):52-4
URU
Salatiwara mni=mmet nh[hun] /
URU
Salatiwaras=a mnahhanda g t[ ut] / [URU-
ri]az RIN.ME=U huittiyati s=an
URU
Ns[(a phut)enun]
1(KBo3.22(OS):69-72 [(aps=a an)da wahnut] / URU-riy[an h(ulalessar=set 1400 RIN.ME)] / n= 40 Z[IMDI
(AKR.I.A K)BR GKN] / apas=a [(huittitti s=as iyannis)]
1(KBo3.22(OS):73-75 maan [c.Purushanda (lahha pun)] / n= LU2
URU
Purusha[(nda katti=mi henkua)s=sas
] / s=mu 1 g U2.A AN.BAR 1 PA.GAM AN.BAR [(hengur udas)]
3.1A(KBo22.2}(OS)o2-3 tuppus sakanda sunnas / n= DUMU.ME=U andan zikt s=us ID2-a tarnas
3.1A(KBo22.2}(OS)o4-5 DINGIR.DIDLI-s=a DUMU.ME-us A.AB.BA-az / sar dir s=us sallanuskir
3.1A(KBo22.2}(OS)o6-7 maan MU.I.A istarna pir nu MU[NUS.LG]L namma 30 MUNUS.DUMU hsta / s=us
apasila sallanuskat
Not generally used in OS to introduce an apodosis, but very common to show a continuation in subsequent clauses.
Common also in final clauses.
3.1A (KBo22.2}(OS)o14 kuin=wa sanhiskiweni UMMA=NI s=an wemiyawen
3.1B (KBo3.38, OH/NS) obv. 18-19 [L]U2.ME
URU
Zalpa IM=MA s=an=a[]pinaz katta tarnir / apss=a
URU
Hattusi taksu[l ]
3.1A (KBo22.2}(OS) rev 4-5 [(m.Happi)]s ANA LU2.ME
URU
Zalpa tarsikkizzi (var. tarsk[izz]i) k=wa
a[(tti=mi)] / [natt]a (var. UL) ssus s=wa
URU
Hattusa (var.
URU
Hattusi ) hengani pun
312
3.1A (KBo22.2}(OS) rev 7 LGL-s=a IME s=as yannis (var. iyannis)
URU
Harahsus rsa
38. Clauses 313
313
CHAPTER 38
CLAUSES
38.1 Clause Boundaries. Since Hittite scribes did not provide punctuation marks, one of the most difficult tasks
of those learning the Hittite language is determining the boundaries of clauses. It is important to observe the
boundaries which divide one clause from another, and not to inject words from a neighboring clause into the
translation. This rarely helps and often distorts. The following general rules should help.
38.2 The conjunctions nu (written n- when followed by certain enclitic particles beginning with vowels, cf.
1.73), ta (t-), and u (-), when they are present, always stand at the beginning of a clause.
38.3 Enclitic sentence particles such as -kan, -ata, -an, -mu (to me), -ta (to you), the quotative -wa(r-),
and the reflexive particle -z(a) are regularly
588
suffixed to the first Hittite word in a clause. If the clause begins with
a phrase based upon Akkadian or Sumerian words (ANALUGAL), these particles will be attached to the final word
in that short phrase (e.g., ANA LUGAL KUR URUATTIwakan).
38.4 The finite verb normally stands at the end of its clause. In some cases it stands instead at the very
beginning for emphasis, but it almost never occurs in the middle of a clause.
38.5 A combination of rules 1 and 3 would place the clause boundary in the sequence of words: LUGAL-u
ar pait (verb) * nuza DINGIR-LIM-in iyat (verb) after the finite verb pait and before the clause connector nu,
where we have placed the * mark.. The two clauses are translated: The king went up, and he worshipped the deity.
38.6 Nominal and To Be Sentences
38.7 4.8 Aspects of Hittite nominal and to be sentences are discussed in 8.3, and in chapters 23 and 30. The
following are a few rules that summarize their use:
38.8 4.8.1 Unless the tense is past it is not required that the verb to be (e-) appear in such sentences.
38.9 4.8.2 The adverb kama may be employed (always initial), if it is intended to convey the notion that the
equation of subject and predicate has just taken effect.
38.10 4.8.3 If the subject is either first or second person (I, we, you), the particle -za must be employed in
Middle and New Hittite. It is not required in Old Hittite. -za is attached as an enclitic to the end of the first word of
the clause.
38.11 4.8.4 It is normal for the subject to precede the predicate, whether that predicate be a noun, adjective or
adverb(-phrase).

588
For exceptions see Neu 1993, and 39.1.1.
38. Clauses 314
314
38.12 4.8.5 The subject may follow the predicate under the following conditions: the subject is an independent
pronoun and the clause contains a negative (natta DUMUYA ap , but nattaa DUMUYA is also permitted),
the following noun subject resumes an enclitic pronoun appended to the first word of the clause (dauwara
alluwai strong was it, (namely) the strife).
38.13 4.8.6 In a nominal sentence which is causal (because his mother is a snake), the adverb kuit because
occurs as the second word of the clause (e.g., annai kuit elluyanka ). If the subject in such a case is a third
person pronoun, it is customary to use the enclitic pronoun (-a) rather than the independent one (ap ):
elluyankaa kuit becasue she is a snake, not *ap kuit elluyanka. The clause which follows as the apodosis to
the causal clause must begin with the conjunction n(u), and if the subject of that apodosis is a third person pronoun
he, she, it), it must be the enclitic form na and (s)he, nat and it.
38.14 DEPENDENT CLAUSES
38.15 43.0 Hittite dependent clauses are not formally marked, either not by a special verbal mood, such as the
subjunctive (cf. 9.1.4 ), or by inverted word order. The only overt characteristic of a dependent clause is its
inability to stand alone. Sentences were composed either or one or more coordinate independent clauses, or by the
combination of a dependent clause and an independent one.
38.16 43.0.1 In the terminology of traditional grammar one can identify the following types of dependent clauses
in Hittite: (1) temporal (when, while or until), (2) causal (because), (3) concessive (although), (4)
conditional (if), (5) relative (who or which), (6) indirect statements or questions (that, how or
whether).
38.17 43.0.2 The manner of constructing such sequences varies over time in the Hittite textual record. The details
have not yet been worked out for many of these syntactic structures. Preliminary study indicates that in the case of
conditional sentences the manner of connecting dependent if clause (protasis) with result clause (apodosis) was
significantly altered between Old and New Hittite. But even in OH the method seems to have varied. In studying
the Hittite laws, Friedrich 1959 noted that the protasis was introduced by takku if, and the apodosis followed
without introductory conjunctive particle. That is, the main clause was joined asyndetically to the preceding
dependent clause. In the Old Hittite rituals, however, a slightly different pattern is found: the conditional clause
introduced by mn or takku, and the apodosis by nu (so Otten and Soucek 1969 91-92). In NH compositions (not
copies of OH or MH texts made by NH scribes), on the other hand, mn if invariably introduced the protasis, and
the apodosis was always introduced by nu then.
38.18 43.0.3 Each of the six types of dependent clause mentioned above in 38.14 (*43.0.1) contained a
characteristic categorizing word. In traditional grammatical terms we would call them subordinating conjunctions,
although in Hittite they function quite differently from the clause connectives nu, ta, u, -ma and -ya. The
following table shows which categorizing word is appropriate to each of the dependent clause types.
38. Clauses 315
315
Clause Type OLD HITTITE New Hittite
1. temporal when, until mn, kuitman maan, kuwapi, kuitman
2. causal because kuit kuit
3. concessive although mn mn
4. conditional if takku, (rarely mn) mn
5. relative who, which kui- kui-
6. indirect statement that kuit, maan, mn
38.19 A seventh type frequently found in other languages, namely final or result clause, is not a dependent
clause in Hittite, but rather a coordinate independent one. Compare the following example adduced by Friedrich:
na UL tarnaun nankan UL kuennir I did not allow them; and they did not kill him > I did not allow
that they should kill him. Or this example from the laws: [takku L-a]n nama MUNUS-an ELLAM walzi
kui[k]i na aki [If] someone strikes a free [man] or woman, so that he dies KBo 6.3 i 6 (Laws 3).
38.20 43.1 Temporal clauses in Old Hittite (OH) are frequently marked by mn when, which in OH was only
beginning to gain the secondary meaning if that it acquired in NH (cf. 13.2 (*20.1.1) and 21.5 and kuitman
while, until. Post clause initial kuwapi when first appears post-OH. But since in OH mn had uses other than
when for example, postpositional like, just as, interrogative how?, and indirect question whether
(CHD mn mngs. 1-4), the temporal use when was marked by a consistent fronted position in the clause. Many
examples can be found in the CHD mn article sub mng. 5. Here only a few as examples: mn DUMU.ME
URU
atti L.ME ILKI ur when Hittites who were subject to ILKU-tax came (to petition the king) KBo 6.2 iii
16 (Laws 55, OS); mn
URU
Tama[rmara] arir when they arrived at Tamarmara KBo 22.2 obv. 8 (Zalpa text,
OS); mna alletama but when he grew up KBo 3.7 iii 6. Notice in the last example how adversative -ma is
regularly delayed to the second word of the clause (see CHD -ma f).
38.21 43.1.1 Other temporal clauses meaning while or until are marked by kuitman (cf. 17.3.1 , 21.5).
Until clauses follow the main clause asyndetically: nu -rii annikizzi kuitmana lazziatta and he shall
work on his estate until (the injured man) recovers Hittite Laws 10; tanza tuannai kuitman apl
GI
GETIN
SIG-atta he shall harvest it (i.e., a good vine) until his own (damaged) vine recovers Laws 113. While
clauses usually precede the main clause and are not asyndetic: nu kuitman ABUY A INAKUR
URU
Mittanni ta
and while my father was in the land of Mittanni KBo 3.4 ii 47 (annals of Mur. II); kuitmanwamu UTU-I /
k A L.ME
URU
Kaka takula / uttar atri ammuggawa / memian INA KUR
URU
Iupita / ukimi While
you, Your Majesty, send me this word about making peace with the Kaka people, I am awaiting word in the
country of Iupitta HKM 10:24-28 (Masat letter, MH). Several kuitman until clauses in a row are asyndetic,
38. Clauses 316
316
when they are synonymous, merely expressing the same idea in different terms: This official will remain where he
is kuitmana uizzi kuitmana apiya EGIR-pa uizzi until (the person whose safety is guaranteed) comes (to
me) and returns there Taw. ii 71ff. Before is expressed by kuitman nawi (cf. 36.3.1 ).
38.22 43.1.2 The regular when word in NH is clause-initial maan (also written GIM-an). maanma /
URU.DIDLI.I.A wetummanzi zinnit na
URU
Almina / andan pait But when he finished fortifying (lit.
building) the cities, he went to Almina KBo 5.6 i 5-7 (Deeds of Suppiluliuma I), maanma ameanza kiat
But when it became spring KUB 14.15 i 23; with several when clauses in a row: UTU-Ima maan
iyaat nu maan ANA
URU
allapa [aru]n When I had marched, and when I reached allapa KUB 14.15 ii 7
(annals of Murili II).
38.23 43.1.3 Instead of a single temporal adverb a form of the relative kui- modifying a noun of time (hour, day,
year, night, time) may occur: kakan ki tuppi / kuedani UD-ti par / neun nata RI[N].ME KUR UGU /
apedani UD-ti / ara uittiyanun / numuan ziqqa / KARApat dk / arnut On what day I have
dispatched this tablet, on that day I have drawn forth troops of the Upper Land, and you must promptly bring
troops to me HKM 71:24-31; nata ANA L.ME
URU
Pauwa kuedani UD-ti kurura memian anda
itamateni nu apedani [UD-ti] / rten KUB 23.72 + rev. 27-28; nui kattan EGIR-pa kuedani meuni / run
BD-ear A GI-I 40 gipear / katta uit at what time I arrived back (there), a fortification (made) of wood
(measuring) 40 gipear came down KBo 6.29 ii 31-33; pzima kuedani meuni nu namma ara / UL tarnai at
what(ever) time (an angry deity) seizes, he doesnt ever let go KUB 13.4 ii 23-24; nu SN-a kueda[ni] / GE-ti
akiyazi nu apedani GE-ti / UL kuitki ienzi On what night the Moon gives a sign, on that night they do nothing
(i.e., all normal activities are suspended) KUB 17.28 iii 21-23.
38.24 43.2 Causal clauses regularly precede the main clause and contain the word kuit because in post-initial
(sometimes, but not usually, the Wackernagel) position (HE 323):
38.25 In second (Wackernagel) position: nuwa antezzi kuit / auri Because (
URU
Ziggata) is the first
border watch point HKM 74:6-7 (MH/MS); numu ITAR GAANY A kuit / kanian artaEYAyamu
NIR.GL / u arta Because ITAR, my lady, had honored me, and my brother Muwatalli held me in favor
KUB 1.1+ i 28-30 (Apology of Hatt. III); nuza
d
Upelluri kuit GE-ya KI-a / KI.BAD-a nuza ai
nu[t]tariyan DINGIR-LIM-in UL akti KBo 26.65 iii 38-39 (Song of Ullikummi, NS); Is it because you are
remote from the Dark Earth, O Upelluri, that you do not know that upstart deity?
38.26 Later than the second position: alkima<m>a apiya aniyanza / kuit nu EGIR-an tiyatten / nan
anda epten nankan SAG-i / anda iitten because grain has been sown for you there, get behind (the
matter): gather it in and store it in the storage pits! HKM 18 left edge 2-5 (MH/MS); [z]igaza
m
uilli (37)
[M]A[]AR
d
UTU-I kuit ta But because you, ulli, were with His Majesty HKM 55:36-37 (MH/MS); ammuk
UL kuitki kuit / dammin armi ULmakan / dn kuedaniki kuitki armi / QATAMMAmamu kuwat
dammiikanzi Because I have damaged nothing, and have taken nothing from anyone, why are they injuring me
38. Clauses 317
317
in the same way? HKM 68:4-7 (MH/MS); KUR
URU
Neriggamaz / L.ME
URU
Gaga kuit dn arkanzi But
because the Kaka-men have taken for themselves the land of Nerik KUB 17.21 iv 6-7 (MH/MS);
38.27 One notes that, even when causal kuit appears to stand in the Wackernagel position, it either immediately
precedes the predicate or divides a compoun predicate (antezzi kuit auri).
589
38.28 Either the causal clause or its result clause or both may be asyndetic , in NH usually both are introduced by
nu: numu ITARGAANY A kuit / kanian artaEYAyamu NIR.GL / au arta numukan
GIM-an UN.ME-anna<n>za / A ITARGAANY A kaniuwar A EY Aya / [a]ulan awer numu
araniyer Because ITAR, my lady, had recognized me, and my brother Muwatalli held me in favor, when (mean-
spirited) men saw the recognition of ITARand the favor of my brother, (nu) they envied me KUB 1.1 i 28-32
(Apology of att. III); na katta aanna kuit SIS-at / nan katta aaun And because she (i.e., the
Tawananna) was indicated by oracle to be removed (from her office) (lit. made to sit lower), I removed her KBo
4.8 ii 6-7 (prayer, Mur. II). When the causal clause follows the main clause, it is introduced asyndetically: ANA
PANI [KA]waz / dukikitta L-natarmitwa kuit pata Are your rejoicing because you have swallowed
my manhood? KUB 33.120 i 28-29 (myth, NH).
38.29 43.3 Concessive clauses (although, even if) can be introduced with mn -(y)aor man mn -(y)a
even if: Uri-U-upamamu mn UL-lua ta ammukma UL karuiyanun But although Uri-
Teup was hostile toward me, yet I was not silent KBo 4.12 i 24-26; [nu]za mn irmalanzaa ta UTU-
Imata / [ANA] AAR ABIKAtittanununpat Although you were sickly, nevertheless (-pat) I, My Majesty,
installed you in the place of your father KBo 5.9 i 16-18. But even without the -a, simple mn can introduce such
a clause: manza UL manga wadula / ta [m]antakan ABIKA KURKAya UL ara dair / manat
damedani kuedanikki pier Even though you were in no way a party to the crime, couldnt they have taken away
from you the house of your father and your land, and given it to someone else? KBo 5.13 i 19-21; cf. manmu
[mn KASKAL.ME pera]n arpuwantea eir Even [if the roads before] me had been impassable KUB 19.37
iii 51-53 (AM 178ff.).
38.30 43.4 Conditional clauses are clauses that express a hypothetical situation. In current English they usually
begin with the word if and contain present or future tense verbal constructions. In one type (the so-called contrary
to fact condition) a past tense verb is used, and an inverted word order (had I only known that ) can be
employed instead of the more common if I had only known that

589
Unless one is to translate nuwa antezzi kuit auri (with predicate adjective preceding the noun subject) as because
the fortress/watch-point is the first, it appears to violate the rule whereby a clitic subject is needed in to be sentences,
unless the subject is non-referential (see 18.9.1.3.1 and 19.9.1.4). Thus
URU
Zippala should have been referred to in this
clause by clitic -a.
38. Clauses 318
318
38.31 43.4.1 In Hittite two types of conditional clause are distinguished: (1) the simple condition, which
expresses either a possible eventuality in the future, (2) the same kind of future and possible event, but flavored
with a higher degree of unlikelihood by the use of Hittite man, (3) a possible event in the past unknown to the
speaker, and (4) the contrary to fact or unreal condition, which expresses an eventuality in the past once seen as
possible, but which the speaker now knows did not transpire.
38.32 43.4.2 Conditional clauses of types (1) and (2) contain present-future (cf. 32.3 ), those of type (3) and
(4) past tense verbs (cf. 32.5.4 ). Types (1) and (2) are introduced by either takku (in Old Hittite) or mn (in
post-Old Hittite), both meaning if (cf. 43.0.2 on the diachronics). Types (3) and (4) are currently unattested in
Old Hittite and always show mn as the if word. Type (4) contrary to fact conditional clauses contain past tense
(preterite) verbs, and are introduced by the potential particle man (usually written ma-an or ma-n
o
) and mn if.
Often these two words are blended as ma-am-ma-a-an (from *man+mn).
38.33 43.4.3 The following are examples of the simple future condition type (1) in Old Hittite: takku
L.U.LU-a L-a nama MUNUS-a takya URU-ri aki kuela ari aki 1 ME
GI
gipear A. kar(a)iyezzi
nanza di If a person, man or woman, is killed in another(?) city, (the victims heir) shall deduct three acres
from the land of the person on whose property the person was killed and shall take it for himself KBo 6.2 i 7-8
(Laws 6, OS); note that the apodoses clauses contain present-future tense verbs (kar(a)iyezziand di) and are
introduced asyndetically and by nu;
38.34 43.4.4 Other examples from OH texts copied by NH scribes (OH/NS) (cf. 32.3): takkuwaan k
azzizi tawa DINGIR-LUM / takkuwaan nattama a [zzizi] / tawa antuwae If he achieves this, he is a
deity; but if he doesnt achieve it, he is a mortal KBo 3.60 ii 14-17 (OH/NS); takku DUMU.LUGAL / antezzi
NU.GL nu kui tn peda DUMU-RU nu LUGAL-u ap / kiaru If there shall not be a first-rank prince, then
let a prince of second rank become king KBo 3.1 ii 36-38 (OH/NS);. takku DUMU.LUGALma watai nu
SAG.DU-azpat arnikdu If a prince sins (i.e., attempts homicide), let him pay only with his own person (not
with those of his extended family) KBo 3.1 ii 55-56 (OH/NS).
38.35 43.4.5 Hypothetical, but possible future conditions type (2) conditions are expressed the same way
as type (1), but with man to express greater uncertainty in both the protasis and apodosis: mankan UTU-I
BELIY A BELU / kuinki par naitti / man KUR-i L.KR UL dammiaizzi If you, Your Majesty, were to send
a lord (to lead an army), the enemy would not oppress the land HKM 46:15-17. By his use of the irrealis man
particle the speaker is not excluding the possibility of the kings sending an army: instead he appears to be making
a greater concession to the kings freedom to choose: If you were to send , this would be helpful, but you may
have good reasons for not doing so.
38.36 43.4.2 Unfulfilled or hypothetical conditions (contrary to fact) type (4) are marked with man in
both protasis and apodosis and sometimes mn also in the protasis. mmman (= mn man) dandukinaa
DUMU-a ukturi uiwanza eta / manata mn / antuwaa idaluwa inan arta manati natta kattawatar
38. Clauses 319
319
If a mortal were to live forever, evil ills would remain (lit. stand)! Wouldnt that be a punushment for him?
KUB30.10 obv. 21-23.
38.37 43.4.3 Sometimes the if word is unexpressed but understood: INA ITU.12.KAM DUMU-a miyari ap
DUMU-a
L
U.GI-ezi (if) a child is born in the twelfth month, that child will live to an advanced age KUB
8.35 i 9 (menology), wadul kulqa autti nuza pankun EGIR-pa punuki (if) you see a crime, always consult
the panku KUB 1.16 iii 59-60 (Political Testament of Hatt. I); NINDA-anza wemiyanun nanza ATIY A
natta kuwapikki edun wtarmaz / wemiyanun nat ATIY A UL kuwapikki ekun(if ever) I found bread, I did
not eat it secretly; (if ever) I found water, I did not drink it secretly KUB 30.10 obv. 16-17.
38.38 43.4.4 Often, in sequences of if clauses, instead of takku or mn, the word nama or (if) introduces the
conditional clause: nama L.KR GUL-azi nu pe arzi / zikma peran ar UL wa [(rri )]atti / nu L.KR
UL zaiyai or (if) the enemy attacks, and holds (the acquired position), but you dont come to assist in
advance, and you dont fight the enemy KUB 21.1 + KUB 19.6 + iii 50-52 (Alaks.). On occasions, however, the
more complete nama mn is employed: nama mn KUR-TUM kuitki zaiyazaLUGAL KUR
URU
atti anda
atkinuzzi of if the King of Hatti besieges some land in battle Dupp. 16 lines 23-24; nama mn ANA ARAD-
DI kuedanikki / watul watulmazakan ANA PANIENU tarnai or if a slave sins, he shall confess his sin
before his master CTH 378.PP2.A rev. 25-26; nama mn BELU kuinki kez/ KUR-az laiyawanzi uiyami KUB
21.1 + KUB 19.6 + iii 7-8; nama mn DINGIR-LIM-ni kuedani EZEN GA ezi or if for some deity there is a
Festival of Milk KUB 13.4 iv 41.
38.39 43.5 The most common type of dependent clause in Hittite is the relative clause (CREF Chapter 13).
38.40 20.5.2 The structure of the Hittite relative sentence differs from that of the English one (Friedrich 1960 pp.
167f.). In English the relative clause is inserted in the main clause immediately following the noun or pronoun
which it modifies, with the relative pronoun occupying the initial position in the inserted relative clause. (The
preceding sentence is a good example of the English pattern.) Thus in English it is of critical importance that the
relative pronoun immediately follow its governing word. This principle is important in languages which (like
English) have at best only vestiges of the case endings to nouns, pronouns and adjectives. But in Hittite, where the
case endings are operative, it is unnecessary for the relative clause to be inserted immediately after the head noun or
pronoun. The structure of the Hittite relative sentence is conveyed by the following literal translation into English:
38.41 What (acc.) woman the king loves, her (acc.) they sent to the land of X.
38.42 To what (loc. or all.) land the king traveled, in it (loc.) he remained and fought.
38.43 What (nom.) king loves the gods, he (nom.) will succeed.
38.44 For what (loc.) tablets I sent you, them (acc.) bring back to me.
38. Clauses 320
320
38.45 20.5.2.1 In all the preceding examples the bolded what represents some form of the relative
pronoun/adjective kui-, and there is a resumptive pronoun in the main clause (also bolded): her, in it, he. In
Hittite it is usual to represent the resumptive by either an independent demonstrative pronoun (some form of apa-
that one, he), by an enclitic third person clitic pronoun (some form of -a, -an, -at, -e, or -u, cf. 19.3), or by
nothing . In the English relative sentence The horse which he rode was large and strong, the main clause is the
horse was large and strong, and the inserted relative clause is which he rode. But in its Hittite equivalent What
horse he rode, it was large and strong the main clause it was large and strong contains a resumptive, and the
relative clause what horse he rode contains the head noun horse. In English the head noun horse belongs to the
main clause, but in Hittite to the relative clause.
38.46 20.5.2.2 In the Hittite relative sentence, what (a form of the relative pronoun kui-) and horse agree in
number (singular, plural), gender (common or neuter), but not in case. Example: kuedani ankunni watar piyan nu
apn alzeun to what priest (kuedani ankunni) water (was) given, him (apn) I summoned. Note that the
resumptive pronoun apa- always refers to the item designated by the inflected form of kui- in the relative clause. It
therefore agrees with the noun accompanying kui- or referred to by kui- in number and gender, but not in case.
38.47 20.5.3 According to Warren Held (1957) [see also the supplementary remarks in Kala 1965], when the
relative pronoun precedes its head noun (as in the example at the end of the preceding paragraph), the construction
is undetermined (indefinite), i.e., to what(ever) priest. In such cases the relative can be clause initial. When the
relative pronoun follows the head noun (ankunni kuedani ), the construction is definite/determined, and the
relative is in the Wackernagel position. CITE ALSO GARRETT, DIE SPRACHE 36 (1994) 29-69
38.48 20.5.3.1 When the head noun is modified by the attributive adj. mant- all, every and a relative
pronoun (kui-), the word order is sometimes HEAD + REL + mant-: nu NUMUN.I.A kue man anuta all
the seeds which were roasted KBo 4.2 i 62 (rit.). Similar is a case with kuit because: nu=kan KUR-e kuit man
ar p[n] / ta Because the whole land had gone up KBo 4.4 iv 7-8 (AM 134). But see above in 20.5.1.2.
38.49 20.5.4 Very rarely, forms of relative kui- stand for unexpressed clauses of the type who (is/are there):
UMMAUTU-I-MA ANA Kuikuianduwa kueda QIBI-MAthus says His Majesty: say to Kuikuiandu (and)
who(ever are also there)! (unpublished Ortaky letter cited in Sel 1992 491; the lines which follow contain 2nd
pl. imperative verb forms) Note: It is also possible that kueda stands for kuedaa to everyone here.
38.50 20.6 The constructions with kuiki are formed as follows. When kuiki is used substantivally, it tends to
take a position quite close to the finite verb (i.e., toward the end of the clause): nata uttar l kuiki arratta let
no one transgress the command KUB 1.16 ii 49-50; nau DINGIR-LIM-ni kuiki peran wati or if someone
(kuiki) sins before a deity (DINGIR-LIM-ni peran) KUB 1.16 iii 60 (OH/NS) (note how kuiki interrupts
DINGIR-LIM-ni peran); aanna(n)anzakan le kuinki kuenti of his clan do not kill anyone Tel.
proclamation ii 45 (OH/NS); nui L.KR-a zaiya menaanda namma UL kuiki mazzata no enemy
(L.KR-a UL kuiki) dared any longer (to go) against him in battle Deeds of upp., fragm. 28, A i 7-8
38. Clauses 321
321
(NH); nu mn kian kuiki memai And if someone speaks thus Hatt. iii 74 (NH); aania luzzi l kuiki
pzi Let no one (l kuiki) seize them for land tax (or) for corve Hatt. iv 85.
38.51 20.6.1 When kuiki is used as an attributive adjective, and the modified noun has no other modifying
adjective, kuiki immediately follows the noun: LUGAL-uan idlu kuitki iyanun Did I, the king, do him any
harm? KUB 1.16 ii 16 (OH/NS); kuduwata(r) kuitki arnamma kuitkiany slander any rebellion KUB
1.16 ii 35 (OH/NS); mn DUMU.LUGAL kuiki watai If any prince sins Tel. procl. ii 59 (OH/NS).
38.52 20.6.2 But when the modified noun is also modified by another adjective, kuiki goes to the end:
nammamaza damain EN-an kuia kui antua ANA UTU-I awan ara l kuinki akti You shall not
recognize any other lord (damain EN-an kuinki) behind the back of His Majesty, no matter what kind of man he
be KBo 5.3+ i 14-15 (uqq.); nuwa damedaniya utn UL kuedanikki atranun I have written/sent to no other
land Deeds of upp., fragm. 28, A iv? 8-9(?). In some cases the form of kuiki even follows the finite verb at the
end of the clause: [takku L-a]n nama MUNUS-an ELLAM walzi kui[k]i na aki If anyone strikes a free man
or woman, so that s/he dies Hittite Laws 3 (KBo 6.3 i 6-7); [n]amama EGIR-ziaz itamazi kuiki kuitki
INA .GAL-LIMmaat UL memai or if anyone of you subsequently hears anything, but doesnt tell it to the
palace KUB 21.42 + 26.12 + i 33-34; mna ANA NUMUN LAMMA nakkizi kuitkiBronze Tablet ii 75-77
(Tudh. IV); mn tukma Kupanta-]LAMMA-an waggariyazzi kuiki if anyone revolts against you, Kupanta-
LAMMA KUB 19.54 iv 8 (Murs. II treaty w. Kupanta-LAMMA).
38.53 43.6 Indirect statements or indirect questions generally follow the main clause. Indirect statements
usually contain kuit that: amml kpat 1-a dammea kan 1-an dammeanunun ITU .GAL-
LIMpatkan kuit katta uiyanun This was my only punishment (of the Tawannanna): I punished her with one
thing: only that (kuit) I sent her down from the palace KBo 4.8 ii 12ff.; often after verbs of perception (seeing,
hearing, knowing): maanma L.ME
URU
Aur awer URU.DIDLI.I.A BDkan kuit zaiyaz katta
dakiwan teun When the Assyrians saw that I had begun to capture fortified cities in battle KBo 4.4 iv 28-29;
nu Aitakkama kui LUGAL
URU
Kinza ta nui NG.BA.
d
U-a [kui / ant]ezzi DUMU-la ta nu maan
auta / [anda]kan kuit atkenuwante numa alkiu namma / [tepaw]ezi nuza Niqma-U-a Aitakkaman
ABUU kuentaWhen Niqmadda, the oldest son of Aitakkama, king of Kadesh, saw that they were besieged, and
that their grain supplies were low, Niqmaddu killed Aitakkama, his father AMD 112 ii 3-6.
38.54 With the verb to know that one can also use a construction like this: kinunwaz nwa
MUNUS.ME
U.GI[-u] / [punukiz]zi UL aggai I dont know if she is still consulting Old Women KUB 1.16 iii
68-69.
38.55 43.6.1 Also with a preceding maan how? clause instead of a following kuit clause: maana uk
Tudaliya LUGAL.GAL LUGAL-ezziaat / nu antuan wiyanun nukan AWAT
NA
ekur SAG.U / maan
A U kuntarra andan gulanza nan auta And when I, Tudaliya the Great King became king, I sent a man,
38. Clauses 322
322
and he saw how the matter of the ekur sanctuary was inscribed inside the kuntarra shrine of the Stormgod Bronze
Tablet i 99-101.
38.56 43.6.2 Instead of a kuit or maan clause verbs of perception or speaking can take an adjective, noun or
participle as a second direct object: ammukwaran akkantan IQBI he told me it was dead KUB 13.35 iii 17;
maanma KUR.KUR.ME L.KR Arnuandan E-Y A irman itamairBut when the enemy lands heard
that my brother Arnuanda was ill KBo 3.4 i 6-7 (annals of Mur. II).
38.57 43.6.3 Indirect questions usually contain mn if, whether: nu BELU L.ME KUR-TIpat punu mn
ammuk aan luzzi iaun O lord, just ask the men of the land if I ever had to perform aan and luzzi
obligations! HKM 52:34-39 (Masat letter) nu
m
[Urite]upa kuit apiya / nan punu mn ki()an mn UL
kian Since Uri-Teub is there, just ask him if it is so or not so KUB 21.38 obv. 11-12 (letter, NH).
38.58 43.6.3.1 For correlating mn mn whether or questions CREF 30.24 (*37.3.2).
38.59 Clause Connectives in New Hittite
38.60 In New Hittite the sentence connectives are nu, ma, (y)a and clause initial namma then, next. The
following are the accepted patterns for parataxis and subordination. The principal types of subordinate clauses are
temporal (introduced by maan or containing kuwapi), conditional or concessive (introduced by mn), causal
(containing kuit), and relative (containing a form of kui-).
38.61 Temporal clauses introduced by maan. The most common pattern is temporal clause followed by a nu-
introduced main clause. maanma ABI ABIYA apezEGIR-[pa u]it / na INA KUR
URU
ayaa pait DS frag.
13 D iv 40-42; [nukan] maan ABUYA KUR-TI ara / [nuka]n 'L KR
URU
Gaga kui INA KUR
URU
atti / uwanza eta nu KUR-e mekki idalawata DS frag. 14:F iii 12-16.
38.62 The preposed subordinate clause can itself be linked to its preceding context by the connective nu: nu
ABUY A maan / nannai nukan edani pangawi L.KR 1-ankipat / anda andaizzi DS frag. 15 F iv 28-31;
or by the more disjunctive ma: nammaa EGIR-pa gimmandariyawanzi /
URU
attui uit maanmazakan
EZEN MU.KAM-TI / karpta na INA KUR
URU
Itaara pait Then he came back home to Hattua to spend the
winter; but when he had finished the annual festival, we went to Itaara KBo 5.6 (DS frag. 28 A) i 40-42.
38.63 A temporal clause can be followed by a causal clause (here connected by ma) and then its main clause:
nuza maan URU-an tar [ta ABUYAm]akan DINGIR.ME-a kuit / naa[nza eta (nu)] arazzi gurti /
A [Kubaba (U A)] LAMMA / ma[...] UL kuinki tarna When (i.e., after) my father had conquered the city (of
Carchemish), because he feared the gods, he allowed no one [to spoil(?)] the upper citadel [or the temples(?)] of
[Kubaba] and the Patron Deity KBo 5.6 (DS 28.A) iii 31-35; The reason for the adversative ma here may perhaps
be made clear by a slightly different translation: (Although) my father had conquered the city, yet (ma) because
he feared the gods, he allowed no one
38. Clauses 323
323
38.64 The same pattern can be seen with kuwapi: nukan uni L.KR
URU
Gagan / RIN.ME UTI kuin
kuwapi damakit / nankan kuwakit DS frag. 14:F iii 17-19; nu ABUY A kuwapi attuazitin / INA KUR
URU
Mizri IPUR nan kian / kuit watarnata DS frag. 28.A iii 45-47; apeniuwantanma memian kuwapi
[(itamati )] / nuzakan memiyani (var. memiyanni) er le k[(aruiyai )] KUB 21.1 + KUB 19.6 + KBo 19.73
+ KBo 19.73a ii 82-83 (Alak. treaty); with several types of subordinate clause followed by main clause: nu
ammel kuwapi AWATE
M
DINGIR.ME itamaanzi / numukan kui idalu memia ZI-ni anda / nanmu
DINGIR.ME EGIR-pa SIG-aanzi arlanzi KUB 6.45 + KUB 30.14 + 1111/z (ZA 64:242) iii 45-47;
ammuka kuwapi GIG-az TI-nut nankan ammukka / anda kaneta KBo 4.12 obv. 10-12; ABU-YA kuwapi
attuili ANA Uriteupa / DUMU Muwattali menaanda kururiata / nan LUGAL-eznani ara tittanut
/ ANA LAMMAmakan watul UL kuitki ta Bronze Tablet i 6-9; nu TUPPU RIKILTI kuwapi ier /
apnmaza MUNUS-an LAMMA-a ANA PANI ABIY A dattapat nauiWhen they made the treaty tablet,
Kurunta had not yet taken (in marriage) that woman in the presence of my father Bronze Tablet ii 86-87.
38.65 Conditional clauses with mn: mnwa L
URU
Aur uizzi nuwaran za [i]yatten If the Assyrian
comes, fight him AMD 26 i 16.
38.66 When the potential-irrealis man is employed together with conditional clauses, there is a tendency to omit
the clause connective (nu or ma): numa
L
auriyalu kuit arantat mnkan man ANA Pittaggatallipat
warpa teun manmu
L
auriyalu (var.
L
auriyatallu ) kuit / A Pitaggatalli awer manmu UL duuiyait
And because sentries were in place, if I had tried to surround Pittaggatalli, because the sentries of Pittaggatalli
would have seen me, he would not have waited AMD 156 iii 14-18.
38.67 Causal clauses with kuit. numu ITARGAANYA kuit / kanian arta EYAyamu
NIR.GL / au arta numukan GIM-an UN.ME-anna<n>za / A ITARGAANY A kaniuwar A
EY Aya / [a]ulan awer numu :araniyer And because ITAR, my lady, had recognized me, and my
brother Muwatalli held me in favor, when people saw the recognition by ITARand the favor of my brother, they
envied me att. i 28-32.
38.68 Relative clauses with kui-.
GUD
puugarinma kuedani UD-ti unuer nuza UTU-I / apedani UD-ti
warpta On the day they decorated the substitute ox, on that day His Majesty bathed Murilis Speech Loss obv.
18-20.
38.69 kuitman clauses which follow their main clauses are not normally introduced by nu: nukan MU.20.KAM
anda peda kuitmanat EGIR-pa / pta Twenty years passed until he took it back KUB 19.9 + KUB 21.1 i 9-10.
39. Sumerian and Akkadian Forms 324
324
CHAPTER 39
SUMERIAN AND AKKADIAN
39.1 45.1 Much in Hittite language and literature is elucidated by Assyriology. It is impossible to fuly prepare
students without some Assyriological background using only a few handouts or an outside reading assignment.
Ancient Mesopotamian civilization (law, religion, economy, etc.) can be studied in any number of popular
handbooks. One of the best is Oppenheim 1964. Those aspects of Akkadian grammar and writing system which
affect the reading of Hittite texts can be found in Friedrich 1960, pages 170-182 (grammar) and Rster and Neu
1989 (writing system). The best preparation is a formal course in Akkadian. For self-study the English translation
of Ungnad 1992 is recommended.
39.2 45.2 Two grammars of Boazky Akkadian, that is, the Akkadian unilingual texts written by scribes in the
Hittite capital, exist. The older is Labat 1932. The more recent is Durham 1976. The latter was a Ph.D. dissertation
at Harvard University, and is not available commercially. It is not the purpose of this chapter to treat the material
examined by these authors. Rather what follows is a brief synopsis of Akkadian grammar as it appears in logograms
found in Hittite contexts. It may seem strange to treat the grammar of what are essentially logograms scattered in
sentences controlled by Hittite grammar. But it has been found useful over the decades of Hittitological study to
have an orientation in Akkadian grammar in order to improve our understanding of the Hittite scribes use of these
logograms.
ORTHOGRAPHY
39.3 45.3 Hittite scribes did not use separate cuneiform signs to indicate voiced and voiceless stops (CREF
above in chap. 1). Therefore, they tended to be indifferent to using the correct signs for voiced and voiceless stops
in Akkadian words. Akk. blti-ni our lady) was written BE-EL-DI-NI, using the DI sign for what in Akk. is a
voiceless stop. Akk. labka moist (masc. acc. sg.) was written LA-AB-GA,using the GA sign for voiceless KA,
which required more strokes to form. In transliteration it is possible to use the TI value to write BE-EL-TIand K
to write LA-AB-K. The transliterator in this way aids readers in identifying the intended Akkadian word, but such
writings may tend to mislead readers into thinking that the scribe has sought to represent the voiceless phoneme,
when in fact he has not. In bound transcription, on the other hand, we consider it proper to render Akkadograms in a
way that they can be correctly identified in an Akkadian word list or dictionary. We willingly sacrifice the accuracy
of reflecting what the Hittite scribe wrote for the sake of clarity of meaning. Thus Hittite TE-I spring comes from
the Akk. pl. d and will be written in bound transcription as D. In restricted contexts rare values of signs were
used: in writing Akk. bli-ni our lord, Hittite scribes did not write BE-LI-NI, but BE-L-NI, using the NI sign
with its unusual value L.
325
SUPERSCRIPTING
39.4 45.4 Superscripting in transcribing Hittite texts is employed mostly with determinatives. Sumerian words
such as GI wood, tree, URU city, KUR country, URUDU copper, NA stone, TG cloth, garment,
NINDA bread, L man, MUNUS woman, UR.SAG mountain, D river, DUG vessel, container, etc.,
are often prefixed to words in order to identify their semantic class, category or material. A few determinatives are
not prefixed, but rather suffixed to their nouns: MUEN bird and rarely KI place (cf. URU
KI
in MAKIM
URU
KI
and EN URU
KI
).
39.5 45.5 The most common post-positioned determinatives are the plural markers ME, I.A, etc. But these
are only determinatives, when they are suffixed to non-Sumerian words (i.e., Akkadograms or Hittite words). On
Sumerian words they are inegral parts of the word and should not be superscripted. The argument is sometimes
made that Hittite scribes saw no difference in this regard between Sumerograms and Akkadograms. But the point is,
that we transcribe the logograms in the manner in which it is proper for that language itself, not as it might be
deemed appropriate for a Hittite scribe. Hittite scribes did not transliterate, and they wrote nothing but after-thought
text inserts as superscripts! The above method of superscripting is that followed by the CHD, as originally proposed
by its co-editor, Harry Hoffner. Thus one should write URU.DIDLI.I.A, not URU
DIDLI.I.A
, but IPTUM
I.A
incantations, ERITUM
I.A
ditches, NAMMANTUM
I.A
measuring vessels. The Sumerian plural marker I.A
(superscripted) was occasionally employed on Hittite words (kururi
I.A
, lapanalli
I.A
-u, alki
I.A
-u), but ME
was not.
PHONETIC COMPLEMENTS
39.6 45.6 We follow the procedure of the CHD in not superscripting phonetic complements, either Hittite or
Akkadian. No Hittitologist superscripts a Hittite phonetic complement, but many superscript Akkadian
complements on Sumerograms. There is no reason to make this distinction. We therefore write DINGIR-LIM
god(dess), and DINGIR-LIM-i. Even such apparently awkward forms as .I.A-TIM houses (for Akkadian
bttim), K.GAL.I.A-TIM city gates (for Akk. abulltim), KASKAL.I.A-TIM roads (for Akk.
arrntim ), DUB.I.A-TIM clay tablets (for Akk. tupptim), TUR.I.A-TIM small (ones) (for Akk.
ertim), NG.BA.I.A-TIM gifts (for Akk. qtim), and KUR.KUR.I.A-TIM countries (for Akk. mttim)
are not essentially different from lapanalli
I.A
-u and alki
I.A
-u cited above. And there is no doubt that the final -
TIM in BE-LU
I.A
-TIM lords was intended to be read as part of the Akkadian word. Admittedly, there were a few
inept scribes who falsely regarded -TIM as a kind of universal plural for Akkadian words. When this happened, it
was affixed to words where a final -tim or -dim cannot reasonably be assumed:
GI
BANUR.I.A-TIM tables is
inappropriate for the Sumerian loanword in Akkadian paru, which inflects in the plural as a masculine noun:
par/. But this happened rarely and surely does not justify our treating -TIM like a postpositional
determinative.
326
NOUNS
39.7 45.7 Sumerian nouns used as logogram in Hittite take no case endings, but can be marked as plural by one
of several suffixes: ME, I.A, DIDLI, and the combinations ME.I.A and DIDLI.I.A. The original
distinctions of these suffixes in Sumerian texts need not concern a student of Hittite. The suffix DIDLI alone (i.e.,
without I.A added) is very rare, and occurs only in the oldest texts. In a small number of cases a Sumerian word
is doubled in the plural, such as KUR.KUR.ME or KUR.KUR.I.A countries, and in the case of DINGIR.ME
GAL.GAL the great gods, URU.DIDLI.I.A GAL.GAL-TIM the large cities, 4
GI
BAN TUR.TUR four small
bows, the attributive adjective alone is doubled. This usage is occasionally extended even to a syllabically written
Hittite noun: 5 gapinan TUR.TUR five small threads.
39.8 45.8 Sumerograms did not have to have plural markers, especially when the context or preceding numbers
made the plurality clear. Since the Hittite nouns behind NAM.RA deportees, GUD cattle, and UDU sheep,
when conceived in the plural, were u-stem nouns grammatically singular but with collective meaning, it was natural
for them to often dispense with overt plural markers. And since, even in Hittite, the syntax of numbering permitted
the counted item to be in the singular (21.2.5.3), it is not surprising to find 5 GUD instead of 5 GUD.I.A.
39.9 45.9 In Akkadian the noun inflects through three cases in the singular (nominative, genitive, accusative)
and two in the plural (nominative and genitive-accusative).
39.10 arr-
590
is the masculine noun stem meaning king. arrat- is the feminine noun stem meaning queen.
In the singular these nouns decline as follows:
nominative arrum arratum
genitive arrim arratim
accusative arram arratam
39.11 45.10 From this it is apparent that arr- is the basic root of the words, -at- is a feminine stem-forming
suffix, and the endings of the singular are -um, -im, and -am. The final m on these endings is omissible in the
Hittite time frame. In the plural the forms in classic Old Babylonian are:
nominative arr arrtum
gen.-acc. arr or arr arrtim
39.12 45.11 In the Hittite usage the gen.-acc. forms were often used in place of the nominative ones. What makes
the masculine noun stem plural is the long vowel in the endings, which is not indicated in the Hittite writings of

590
When we discuss Akkadian forms in their own right (for instance in the following paradigms), we will often write them
in lower case italics, as we would if we were discussing an Akkadian text. When Akkadian words or forms occurring as
logograms in a Hittite context are discussed, the Akkadian parts of the logogram will be written in upper case italics, while
the Sumerian parts will be written in upper case roman letters.
327
Akkadian nouns. What makes the feminine noun stem plural is the long vowel in the feminine root-forming
suffix, -t- (in some cases -t-). The final m in the feminine plural noun forms is also omissible. This omissible
final m is called mimation.
39.13 45.12 Akkadian adjectives decline like the noun, except that in the masculine plural the ending is not -,
-, but -tu(m)and -ti(m). Hittite scribes, like their contemporary Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian scribes,
often used this adjectival masculine plural ending on the nouns. Thus BLTI(written EN.ME-TIM) was the
plural of BLU lord. And since in Hittite masculine and feminine are not distinguished in any grammatical
category, it is rare especially in post-OH that any scribe uses a feminine form of the Akk. adjectives.
Common Akk. adjectives used in Hittite texts as logograms are: ellu free, emu sour, aartu green, labku
moist, rqu empty, and almu complete.
39.14 45.13 As (somewhat carelessly) used by the Hittite scribes, whose knowledge of Akkadian was
rudimentary, the properly nominative ending -u(m) is often used for the accusative, while the proper endings for
acc. and gen. are much less frequently used for the nominative. E.g., the Akkadian nominative DINGIR-LUM (=
Akk. ilum) god can be a direct object in Hittite context, while the Akkadian genitive DINGIR-LIM is often used
as a nominative, when there is also a clarifying Hittite nominative case ending added (DINGIR-LIM-ifor *iuni).
The Akkadian accusative form DINGIR-LAMis extremely rare as anything but a direct object.
39.15 45.14 The combination of two nouns in a possessor + possessed relationship (the kings son) is
differently constructed in Akkadian than Hittite. In Hittite one wrote auwa DUMU.NITA (i.e., of the king +
the son). In Akkadian the noun denoting the possessed comes first, assuming a form called the construct state.
This construct form is followed by the possessor: mr son (in construct) + arri(m) of the king. The construct
state of a noun is formed by removing the case ending: mru(m)son (nom. sg.), mr son (of) (construct),
arratu(m) queen, arrat queen (of) (construct), and thus mtt lands (of), amlt men (of). Phonetic
complements of Akkadograms in construct are never written. When the resulting stem would end in a doubled
consonant, sometimes the doubling is preserved by adding a short i (uppi tablet (of), libbi heart (of)) and at
other times, when the final doubled consonant is a liquid or resonant, it is simplified (arrum king, ar king
(of), abullum city gate, abul gate (of)). The most frequent construct forms encountered in Hittite contexts are
BL lord (of), UPPI tablet (of), PN face (of), before, QT hand (of), APALunderside (of), below,
AUM (contracted in Akk. itself from earlier ana m) for the sake of, and AARplace (of). The construct
form of mu name has become a frozen form in Hittite, never having a case ending, as if the scribes thought it to
be a Sumerogram: UM.
39.16 45.15 (CREF 39.36) The familiar Akkadian prepositions INA in(to), ANAto, for, ITU from,
with, QADUwith, ITTI together with, and MAAR before are followed by nouns in the Akkadian genitive
case or by a Sumerogram with an Akkadian complement to indicate case, e.g., ITU KUR-TI (= Akk. itu mti)
from the land.
328
39.17 45.16 Akkadian nouns take possessive suffixes:
39.18 With Singular Nouns
nom.-acc. gen.
mri-ya
591
my son mri-ya of my son
mr-ka your (masc. sg.) son mri-ka of your son
mr-ki
592
your (fem.sg.) son mri-ki2 of your son
mr-u his son mri-u of his son
mr-a2 her son mri-a of her son
mr-ni our son mri-ni of our son
mr-kunu your (masc.pl.) son mri-kunu of your son
mr-kina your (fem.pl.) son mri-kina of your son
mr-unu their (m.pl.) son mri-unu of their son
mr-ina their (fem.pl.) son mri-ina of their son
39.19 45.17 Most examples of possessive suffixes you will see in a Hittite text will be affixed to Sumerograms,
much less often to Akkadograms (BE-L-NIour lord, UM-MA-NIour mother), and not at all to Hittite words.
And since in Hittite there was no masculine-feminine distinction in inflectional forms, the suffixes -KI your and
-A her are quite rare, and -KINA your (pl.) and -INA their virtually nonexistent.
39.20 45.18 When a possessive suffix beginning with an immediately follows a noun stem ending in a dental
(e.g., feminines ending in -at-), the sequence *ts assimilates to ss. Thus KUR-SU (written KUR-ZU) stands for
Akkadian mssu < *mt + -u his land, and QA-AS-Shis hand derives from the combination of qt (construct
of qtu hand) and -u his. An amusing example of Hittite scribal misunderstanding of such suffixes is the word
husband, Akk. mtu. Since the form her husband with feminine possessive suffix -a, was mssa, Hittite
scribes mistook this for the noun stem itself and added the masculine(!) possessive suffix -u to it, making MU-ZA-
U her husband!
THE VERB
39.21 45.19 (old 9.3) Since, especially in NH, the scribes utilized Akkadian verbs as logograms for their
Hittite counterparts, a brief summary of the Akkadian verb is necessary here.
593
But since the Hittite scribes

591
In classical Old Babylonian this would be mr-, but Hittite scribes always wrote the suffix my as -Y A.
592
Often the distinctively feminine suffixes (-ki, -a, -kina, -ina) are replaced by the more common masculine ones: -ka, -
u, -kunu, -unu.
329
used only a few of the most common Akkadian verbs as logograms, and usually in the preterite tense, even when in
good Akkadian the present-future is called for, the student of Hittite does not require the detailed control of
Akkadian verbal paradigms which would be required for reading Akkadian texts.
39.22 45.20 (old 9.3.1) The Akkadian language belongs to the Semitic family. As such its verbal conjugation is
based upon a combination of prefixes, suffixes, and patterns of internal vowels. Each Akkadian verb has a
consonantal skeleton which we call a root. Most of these are triconsonantal (sometimes called strong roots), e.g.,
pr to send. The dictionaries list the verbs by their inifinitve form. For those attested in the G- or Basic Stem this
infinitive takes the form CaCCu(m), where C, C and C represent the first, second and third consonants of the
strong root. The verb to send would be listed as apru(m).
39.23 45.21 (old 9.3.2) The combination of prefixes and suffixes used for the preterite (past tense) paradigm
follows:
Translation Prefix Stem Suffix
I sent a- pur
594
You (masc. sg.) sent
595
tapur
He
596
sent i- pur
We sent ni- pur
You (pl.) sent tapur -
They (masc.) sent
597
i- pur -
39.24 45.22 The present-future tense forms in Akkadian paradigm forms aappar, taappar, iappar are
extremely rare as logograms in Hittite. In the land grant texts the form IRAGGUMfrom ragmu to (legally)
contest (a claim) is found, going back to OH or MH usage. But otherwise, such forms are not to be found.
39.25 45.23 You (pl.) forms of Akkadian verbs (tapur ) are rare, if indeed existent as logograms.

593
Students who can are advised to take an introductory course in Akkadian or to secure a beginning grammar of Akkadian
for self study. What follows in this chapter makes no claim to completeness. For reading the Boazky texts composed
completely in Akkadian one should consult Labat 1932.
594
pur is the preterite stem of apru . The corresponding present-future forms of the paradigm contain the present-future
stem -appar-.
595
The corresponding feminine form tapur is unused in Hittite logograms, since Hittite did not distinguish masc. from
fem. grammatically.
596
In Akkadian there is also a she sent form tapur , but in Hittite texts the he sent form is used for both genders.
597
The corresponding feminine form ipur is unused in Hittite logograms, since Hittite did not distinguish masc. from
fem. grammatically.
330
39.26 So-called strong roots, triconsonantal with no weak consonants, inflect largely as indicated in the above
simplified paradigm. Cf. AKRUBI vowed, IKRUBhe vowed, AMQUTI fell, ASKUTI became silent,
APURI sent, IPUR he sent, NIKUN we placed, laid.
39.27 45.24 The so-called weak verbs substitute a semi-vowel (y or w) or a long vowel for one or more of the
three consonants of the root.
598
Some weak verbs are actually biconsonantal. In traditional Akkadian grammars it
is customary to identify the position of the so-called weak radical in a hypothetical triconsonantal pattern. Hence,
the verb mtu(m)to die is traditionally identified as middle weak (as if the triradical skeleton were *mwt). qab
to say is final weak, and epu to do, make is initial weak. The presence of a weak consonant in one or
more positions of the root results in an inflectional paradigm that is quite different from that given above. For
students of Hittite who cannot take a formal introductory course in Akkadian it is more practical to simply learn the
individual inflected forms of weak verbs which are limited in number in Hittite texts as vocabulary items,
than to seek to explain the paradigms of all types of weak verb.
39.28 45.25 Middle weak verbs occurring in Hittite logograms are: UMIT(causative -stem pret. of mtu to
die), Final weak verbs include qab to speak (finite forms IQBI, AQBI,imp. QIB, etc.), leq to take (forms
IL-Q-E), em to hear (forms AME, IME), ban to build, fortify (forms ABNI, IBNI). Initial weak verbs
include amru to see (forms IMURhe saw), epu to make (form PI maker of). Initial and final weak
verbs include id to know (form IDI, IDE).
39.29 45.26 (old 9.3.3) The paradigm given above in 9.3.2 is of the Basic Stem (called G-Stem, for German
Grundstamm). There are also derived stems in Akkadian: the intensive-causative D-Stem (with doubled middle
radical),
599
the causitive -Stem,
600
the reflexive-passive N-Stem,
601
and variants of each of these with infixed
-ta-
602
and -tan-
603
syllables.
39.30 45.27 (old 9.3.4) Some verbs color the a vowels in the prefixes of the G- and N-Stems to e: tpu (from
root p). In the D- and -Stems the prefix always contains a u-vowel, e.g., umt he killed, tumt you killed,
ukn they bowed.

598
This statement represents an oversimplification of the complex nature of the Akkadian verbal system, but it will serve
the purpose of this brief survey.
599
One of whose basic roles is to form causative or factitive verbs.
600
Principal use to form causatives.
601
Principal use to form passives of the G-Stem.
602
Usually adding a reflexive idea.
603
Usually adding a iterative or durative idea.
331
39.31 45.28 (old 9.3.5) The most common Akkadian verbs used as logograms in Hittite are abtu (IBAT
604
he seized from Akk. abtu to seize, used for Hittite pta), nadnu to give (IDDIN he gave, ADDINI
gave, IDDINU_ they gave from Akk. nadnu, used for forms of pai-/piya- to give), qeb (Final Weak) to say
(IQBIhe said, TAQBIyou said), and em to hear (IMEhe heard, TAMEyou heard, NIMEwe
heard). These forms occur so frequently and in such predictable contexts that they should not pose any serious
problem in recognition.
39.32 45.29 Imperative forms of Akkadograms are limited to upur send!, qib speak! (sg.) normally at the
beginning of letters, and mis wash! (written MI-I-I) in Babylonian influenced rituals.
39.33 45.30 Participles are limited to construct
L
PI maker of,
L
SBbrewer,
L
N`I IDTIprovisions
bearer, and
L
IDU hunter.
39.34 45.31 A fairly complete list of all inflected Akkadian verb forms found in Hittite texts can be found in
HZL 362ff.
39.35 45.32 A commonly occurring Sumerogram verb which contain the verbal prefix BA is: BA. he died.
PREPOSITIONS
39.36 45.33 The following Akkadian prepositions are attested in Hittite contexts (CREF 39.16 (*45.15) for the
case they govern): ANAto, for, AUMfor, as, INA in, ITU from, with, ITTI with, MAARbefore, in
the presence of, PN(I)before, QADU together with, along with, APALunder, below. Some of these
originated as constructs of nouns: MARU, PN, APLU.They and other nouns often combine with a preceding
preposition to form compound prepositions: ANA PNIand INA PNI before, INA MAAR in(to) the presence
of. AUM for the sake of, on account of is such a formation, having derived from ana m in/for the name of.
The Sumerogram EGIR without Hittite complement often stands for the Akk. pseudo-preposition (w)arkibehind,
after.
39.37 45.34 In general ANAcovers the Hittite allative and dative cases. INA generally covers the locative, ITU
the ablative and instrumental, PN and INA PN(I)the postpositional peran with preceding noun in locative,
APALthe postposition katta with preceding noun in locative.

604
The upper case italic forms represent forms actually found in Hittite Akkadograms. They are also found in Akkadian
texts.
332
Bibliography
Alp, Sedat. 1991. Hethitische Briefe aus Maat-Hyk, Atatrk Kltr, Dil ve Tarih Y ksek Kurumu, Trk Tarih
Kurumu Y aynlar, VI. Dizi - Sa. 35. Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu Basmevi.
Archi, Alfonso. 1971. The Propaganda of Hattusilis III. SMEA14:185-216.
Balkan, Kemal. 1957. Letter of King Anum-hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish. Ankara: Trk Tarih
Kurumu Basimevi.
Barton, Charles R. 1993. Hittite zinni-, tuwarni-, zig and Related Matters. JAOS 113:551-61.
Bechtel, George. 1936. Hittite Verbs in - sk -. Ann Arbor: Edwards Brothers, Inc.
Beckman, Gary M. 1982. The Anatolian Myth of Illuyanka. Journal of the Ancient Near East Society 14:11-25.
. 1986. Proverbs and Proverbial Allusions in Hittite. JNES 45:19-30.
Beekes, Robert S. P. 1995. Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Amsterdam: John
Benjamins.
Berman, Howard. 1972. The Stem Formation of Hittite Nouns and Adjectives. Ph.D., The University of Chicago.
Bittel, Kurt, and Hans Gustav Gterbock. 1975. Das hethitische Felsheiligtum Y azilikaya. Edited by K. Bittel, J.
Boessneck, B. Damm, H. G. Gterbock, H. Hauptmann, R. Naumann and W. Schirmer. Vol. 9,
Boazky-Hattua 9. Berlin: Gebr. Mann.
Boley, Jacqueline. 1984. The Hittite hark-construction, IBS 44. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft der
Universitt Innsbruck.
. 1985. Notes on Hittite place word syntax. Hethitica 6:5-43.
. 1993. The Hittite Particle -z / -za. Edited by W. Meid, IBS 79. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft
der Universitt Innsbruck.
Brixhe, Claude. 1979. Le directif du vieux-hittite et ses ascendances indo-europennes. Pp. 65-77 in Florilegium
Anatolicum. Mlanges offerts Emmanuel Laroche, edited by E. Masson. Paris: ditions E. de Boccard.
Bush, Frederick W. 1964. A Grammar of the Hurrian Language. Ph.D., Mediterranean Studies, Brandeis
University, Waltham, Mass.
Carruba, Onofrio. 1964. Hethitisch -(a)ta, -(a)paund die anderen 'Ortsbezugspartikeln'. Or NS 33:405ff.
. 1966. Das Beschwrungsritual fr die Gttin Wiuriyanza. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 2. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
333
. 1969. Die satzeinleitenden Partikeln in den indogermanischen Sprachen Anatoliens , Incunabula Graeca
32. Roma: Edizioni dell'Ateneo.
. 1970. Das Palaische. Texte, Grammatik, Lexikon. Edited by H. Otten, Studien zu denBoazky-Texten,
Heft 10. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1971. Hattusili II. SMEA14:75-94.
. 1972. Beitrge zum Palischen, PIHANSt 31. Leiden: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Institut in
Het Nabije Oosten.
. 1978-1979. Sul genitivo in anatolico. ASGlM20:31-32.
. 1986. Die 3. Pers. Sing. des Possessivpronomens im Luwischen. Pp. 49-52 in Kaniuwar: A Tribute to
Hans G. Gterbock on his Seventy-fifth Birthday, May 27, 1983, edited by H. A. Hoffner, Jr. and G. M.
Beckman. Chicago: The Oriental Institute.
. 1989. Review of J. J. S. Weitenberg, Die hethitischen U-Stmme (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1984) in OLZ
84:422-27.
. 1991. Searching for Woman in Anatolian and Indo-European. Pp. 155-81 in Perspectives on Indo-
European Language, Culture and Religion. Studies in Honor of Edgar C. Polom , edited by R. Pearson.
McLean, Virginia: Institute for the Study of Man.
. 1993. Hethitisch kuinna- 'Frau'; kuwansa- 'weiblich' und anderes. KZ 106:262-61.
Carruba, Onofrio, Vladimir Soucek, and R. Sternemann. 1965. Kleine Bemerkungen zur jngsten Faung der
hethitischen Gesetze. ArOr 33:1-18.
Comrie, Bernard. 1998. The Indo-European Linguistic Family: Genetic and Typological Perspectives. Pp. 74-97 in
The Indo-European Languages, edited by A. G. Ramat and P. Ramat. London: Routledge.
Dardano, Paola. 1997. L'aneddoto e il racconto in eta antico-hittita: La cosidetta 'cronaca di palazzo' , Biblioteca
di Ricerche Linguistiche e Filologiche 43. Roma: Il Calamo.
del Monte, Giuseppe F., and Johann Tischler. 1978. Rpertoire Gographique des Textes Cuniformes. Band 6:
Die Orts- und Gewssernamen der hethitischen Texte. Edited by W. Rllig, Beihefte zum Tbinger Atlas
des Vorderen Orients. Reihe B. Nr. 7. Wiesbaden: Reichert.
DeVries, Bert. 1967. The Style of Hittite Epic and Mythology. Ph.D., Department of Mediterranean Studies,
Brandeis Univesity, Waltham, Mass.
Dinol, Belks. 1998. Beobachtungen ber die Bedeutung des hethitischen Musikinstruments
GI
huhupal.
Anatolica:1-5.
334
Disterheft, Dorothy. 1984. Non-final verbs in Hittite. ZvS 97:221-27.
Dressler, Wolfgang. 1968. Studien zur verbalen Pluralitt . Wien: Bhlau.
Dunkel, George. 1985. IE hortatory *ey, *eyte, Ved. eta stavama, Hitt. ehu + wa it, Hom. ei d'age. MSS 46:47-
79.
Durham, John W. 1976. Studies in Boazky Akkadian. Ph.D., Near Eastern Languages, Harvard University,
Cambridge, MA.
Edel, Elmar. 1948. Neue Keilschriftliche Umschreibungen Agyptischer Namen aus den Bogazky-texten. JNES
7:11-24.
. 1973. Hethitische Personnamen in Hieroglyphischer Umschrift. Pp. 59-70 in Festschrift Heinrich Otten ,
edited by E. Neu and C. Rster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Ehelolf, Hans. 1936. Hethitische-akkadische Wortgleichungen. ZA 44:170-95.
Eichner, Heiner. 1973. Die Etymologie von heth. mhur. MSS 31:53-107.
. 1974. Untersuchungen zur hethitischen Deklination (Diss. Teildruck). Ph.D., Erlangen.
. 1979. Hethitisch gnuu, ginui, ginuin. Pp. 41-61 in Hethitisch und Indogermanisch: Vergleichende
Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen Stellung der indogermanischen
Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens, edited by E. Neu and W. Meid. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft
. 1980. Phonetik und Lautgesetze des Hethitischen ein Weg zu ihrer Entschlsselung. Pp. 120-65 in
Lautgeschichte und Etymologie. Akten der VI. Fachtagung der indogermanischen Gesellschaft, edited by
M. Mayrhofer. Wiesbaden: Reichert.
. 1985. Das Problem des Ansatzes eines urindogermanischen Numerus 'Kollektiv' ('Komprehensiv'). Pp.
134ff. in Grammatische Kategorien. Funktion und Geschichte. Akten der VII. Fachtagung der
Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Berlin, 20.-25. Februar 1983 , edited by B. Schlerath and V. Rittner.
Berlin & Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag.
. 1991. Review of J. J. S. Weitenberg, Die hethitischen U-Stmme (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1984) in ZA
81:155-57.
. 1992. Anatolian. Pp. 29-96 in Indo-European Numerals, edited by J. Gvozdanovic. Berlin-New York:
Mouton de Gruyter.
Forrer, Emil. 1922. Die Inschriften und Sprachen des Hatti-Reiches. ZDMG 76 (Neue Folge 1):174-269.
335
. 1922, 1926. Die Boghazki-Texte in Umschrift. Zweiter Band. Geschichtliche Texte , Wissenschaftliche
Verffentlichungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft 42, Hefte 1-2. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche
Buchhandlung.
. 1928. Ein siebenter Kasus im Alt-Kanisischen. Pp. 30-35 in Altorientalische Studien Bruno Meissner zum
60. Geburtstag gewidmet von Freunden, Kollegen und Schlern. Leipzig: Harrassowitz.
Fortson, Ben. 1994. On the 'sporadic' usage of -wa(r) in Old Hittite. Paper read at AOS Meeting 1994, at
Madison, Wisconsin.
Francia, Rita. 1995. Costruzione e valore del pronome possessivo enclitico di prima plurale in Hittito. SMEA
35:93-100.
. 1996. Il pronome possessivo enclitico in antico ittita: alcune riflessioni. VO 10:209-59.
Friedrich, Johannes. 1926. Staatsvertrge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache. 1. Teil. Edited by F. Sommer,
Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft (E.V.) 31.1. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche
Buchhandlung.
. 1930. Staatsvertrge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache. 2. Teil. Edited by F. Sommer,
Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft (E.V.) 34.1. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche
Buchhandlung.
. 1952. Hethitisches Wrterbuch. Kurzgefate kritische Sammlung der Deutungen hethitischer Wrter. 1st
ed. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
. 1957. Hethitisches Wrterbuch. 1. Ergnzungsheft. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
. 1959. Die hethitischen Gesetze, Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui 7. Leiden: Brill.
. 1960. Hethitisches Elementarbuch, 1. Teil: Kurzgefate Grammatik. Edited by H. Krahe. 2nd ed,
Indogermanische Bibliothek. 1. Reihe: Lehr- und Handbcher. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
Friedrich, Johannes, and Annelies Kammenhuber. 1975-1984. Hethitisches Wrterbuch. Zweite, vllig
neubearbeitete Auflage. Band I: A. Vol. 1, Indogermanische Bibliothek. Zweite Reihe: Wrterbcher.
Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
. 1988. Hethitisches Wrterbuch. Zweite, vllig neubearbeitete Auflage. Band II: E. Vol. 2,
Indogermanische Bibliothek. Zweite Reihe: Wrterbcher. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
Gamkrelidze, Thomas V. 1961. The Akkado-Hittite Syllabary and the Problem of the Origins of the Hittite Script.
ArOr 29:406-18.
Gardiner, Alan. 1957. Egyptian Grammar (3rd Edition Revised). London: Oxford University Press.
336
Garrett, Andrew. 1990a. Hittite Enclitic Subjects and Transitive Verbs. JCS 42:227-42.
. 1990b. The Origin of NP Split Ergativity. Lg 66:261-96 (Anatolian discussed on 65-80, 87-91).
. 1996. Wackernagel's Law and Unaccusativity in Hittite. Pp. 85-133 in Approaching Second: Second
Position Clitics and Related Phenomena, edited by A. L. Halpern and A. M. Zwicky. Stanford, CA: CSLI
Publications.
. 1998. Remarks on the Old Hittite Split Genitive. Pp. 155-63 in Mr Curad. Studies in Honor of Calvert
Watkins, edited by J. Jasanoff, H. C. Melchert and L. Olivier. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft
Gertz, Janet E. 1982. The Nominative-Accusative Neuter Plural in Anatolian. Ph. D., Linguistics, Yale University,
New Haven, CT.
Gesenius, W., E. Kautsch, and Arthur Ernest Cowley. 1910. Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar. Translated by G. W. C.
a. A. E. Cowley. Second English edition ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Girbal, Christian. 1990. Zur Grammatik des Mittani-Hurritischen. ZA 80:93-100.
Goetze, Albrecht. 1925. attuili. Der Bericht ber seine Thronbesteigung nebst den Paralleltexten . Edited by F.
Sommer, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft 29. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche
Buchhandlung.
. 1928. Madduwatta, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft. 32. Jahrgang . Leipzig:
J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.
. 1930. Neue Bruchstcke zum grossen Text des Hattusilis und den Paralleltexten. Edited by F. Sommer,
Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft 34. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche
Buchhandlung.
. 1933a. Die Annalen des Murili. Edited by F. Sommer, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen
Gesellschaft 38. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.
. 1933b. ber die Partikeln -za, -kan und -an der hethitischen Satzverbindung. ArOr 5:1-38.
. 1938. The Hittite Ritual of Tunnawi, American Oriental Series 14. New Haven, Conn.: American Oriental
Society.
. 1951. On the Hittite Words for 'Year' and the Seasons and for 'Night' and 'Day'. Lg 27:467-76.
. 1963. Postposition and Preverb in Hittite. JCS 17:98-111.
337
. 1968. The Predcecessors of Suppiluliumas of Hatti and the Chronology of the Ancient Near East. JCS
22:46-50.
Goetze, Albrecht, and Holger Pedersen. 1934. Murilis Sprachlhmung. Vol. XXI/1, Det Danske Videnskabernes
Selskab. Hist.-filol. Meddelelser. Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard.
Goodwin, William W. 1965. A Greek Grammar. London-Melbourne-Toronto: MacMillan.
Groddek, Detlev. 1999. CTH 331: Mythos vom verschwundenen Wettergott oder Aitiologie der Zerstrung
Lizinas? ZA 89:36-49.
Gusmani, Roberto. 1979. Lykisch smmati. Pp. 129-36 in Florilegium Anatolicum. Mlanges offerts Emmanuel
Laroche, edited by E. Masson. Paris: ditions E. de Boccard.
Gterbock, Hans Gustav. 1934. Die heth. Verben pd-, pidd- usw und die Lautwerte des Zeichens [the sign BAD
is drawn here]. ZA 42 (NF 8):225-32.
. 1943. Review of J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Elementarbuch. 1. Teil. Kurzgefate Grammatik. (Heidelberg:
Carl Winter, 1940) in Or NS 12:153ff.?
. 1945. The Vocative in Hittite. JAOS 65:248-57.
. 1952. The Song of Ullikummi: Revised Text of the Hittite Version of a Hurrian Myth . New Haven:
American Schools of Oriental Research.
. 1955. Zu einigen hethitischen Komposita. Pp. 63-68 in Corolla linguistica: Festschrift Ferdinand
Sommer. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
. 1956. The Deeds of Suppiluliuma I as Told by His Son, Mursili II. JCS 10:41-68, 75-98, 107-30.
. 1957. Review of J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Wrterbuch. Kurzgefasste kritische Sammlung der Deutungen
hethitischer Wrter (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1952) in Oriens 10:350-62.
. 1964. Lexicographical Notes II. RHA XXII/74:95-113.
. 1967. The Hittite Conquest of Cyprus Reconsidered. JNES 26:73-81.
. 1983. A Hurro-Hittite Hymn to Ishtar. JAOS 103:155-64.
. 1992. Ist das hethitische Wort fr 'Frau' gefunden? KZ 105:1-3.
. 1995a. The Hittite Word for 'Woman' Again. KZ 108 (1):12-15.
. 1995b. Reflections on the Musical Instruments arkammi, galgalturi and huhupal in Hittite. Pp. 57-72 in
Studio Historiae Ardens. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the
338
Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by T. P. J. v. d. Hout and J. de Roos. Istanbul: Institut historique
et archologique nerlandais de Stamboul.
Gterbock, Hans Gustav, and Theo P. J. van den Hout. 1991. The Hittite Instruction for the Royal Bodyguard.
Edited by T. A. Holland, Assyriological Studies 24. Chicago: The Oriental Institute.
Hahn, E. Adelaide. 1950. More about the Vocative in Hittite. JAOS 70:236-38.
. 1969. Naming Constructions in Some Indo-European Languages, Philological Monographs of the
American Philological Association 27. Cleveland: American Philological Association.
Hardarson, Jn Axel. 1987. Zum urindogermanischen Kollektivum. MSS 48:71-113.
Hart, Gillian R. 1971. The Hittite Particle -PAT*. TPS:94-162.
Hawkins, J. David. 1975. The Negatives in Hieroglyphic Luwian. AnSt 25:119-56.
. 1979. The Origin and Dissemination of Writing in Western Asia. Pp. 128-66 in The Origins of
Civilization, edited by P. R. S. Moorey. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
. 1986. Writing in Anatolia: imported and indigenous systems. World Archaeology 17 (3):363-76.
Hecker, Karl. 1990. Zur Herkunft der hethitischen Keilschrift. Pp. 53-63 in Uluslararas 1. Hititoloji Kongresi
Bildirileri (19-21 Temmuz 1990). Corum: Trk Kltr Bakanl.
Helck, Wolfgang. 1963. Urhi-Teup in gypten. JCS 17:87-97.
Held, Warren H., Jr. 1957. The Hittite Relative Sentence, Language Dissertation No. 55. Baltimore.
Held, Warren H., Jr., William R. Schmalstieg, and Janet E. Gertz. 1987. Beginning Hittite. Columbus, Ohio:
Slavica Publishers.
Hoffmann, Inge. 1984. Der Erla Telipinus , THeth 11. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
Hoffner, Harry A., Jr. 1966. Composite Nouns, Verbs, and Adjectives in Hittite. Or NS 35:377ff.
. 1967. Second Millennium Antecedents to the Hebrew 'OB. JBL 86:385-401.
. 1968a. Birth and Namegiving in Hittite Texts. JNES 27:198-203.
. 1968b. Review of O. Carruba, Das Beschwrungsritual fr die Gttin Wiuriyanza (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 1966) in JAOS 88:531-34.
. 1969. On the Use of Hittite -za in Nominal Sentences. JNES 28:225-30.
. 1971. Hittite ega- and egan-. JCS 24:31-36.
339
. 1972. Review of P. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, Records of the Early Hittite Empire (C. 1450-1380 B.C.)
(Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut in het Nabije Oosten, 1970) in JNES 31:29-35.
. 1973a. The Hittite Particle -PAT. Pp. 99-118 in Festschrift Heinrich Otten , edited by E. Neu and C.
Rster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1973b. Studies of the Hittite Particles, I. Review of O. Carruba, Die satzeinleitenden Partikeln in den
indogermanischen Sprachen Anatoliens (Roma: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1969). JAOS 93 (4):520-26.
. 1977a. Hittite Lexicographic Studies, 1. Pp. 105-11 in Essays on the Ancient Near East in Memory of
Jacob Joel Finkelstein, edited by M. d. Ellis. Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books.
. 1977b. Studies in Hittite Vocabulary, Syntax and Style. Hommage M. Emmanuel Laroche. JCS 29
(3):151-56.
. 1982a. Hittite mn and nman. Pp. 38-45 in Investigationes Philologicae et Comparativae. Gedenkschrift
fr Heinz Kronasser, edited by E. Neu. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1982b. The Old Hittite Legal Idiom suwaye- with the Allative. JAOS 102:507-09.
. 1983. A Prayer of Murili II about his Stepmother. JAOS 103:187-92.
. 1986. Studies in Hittite Grammar. Pp. 83-94 in Kaniuwar: A Tribute to Hans G. Gterbock on his
Seventy-fifth Birthday, May 27, 1983, edited by H. A. Hoffner, Jr. and G. M. Beckman. Chicago: Oriental
Institute.
. 1987. Paskuwatti's ritual against sexual impotence (CTH 406). AuOr 5:271-87.
. 1988. A Scene in the Realm of the Dead. Pp. 191-99 in A Scientific Humanist. Studies in Memory of
Abraham Sachs, edited by E. Leichty, M. d. Ellis and P. Gerardi. Philadelphia: University Museum.
. 1990. Hittite Myths. Edited by B. Long, Writings from the Ancient World 2. Atlanta: Scholars Press.
. 1992. Studies in the Hittite Particles, II: On Some Uses of -kan. Pp. 137-52 in Per una grammatica ittita:
Towards a Hittite Grammar , edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: IUCULANO.
. 1993. Hittite iwar and Related Modes of Expressing Comparison. IM 43:39-51.
. 1995a. About Questions. Pp. 87-104 in Studio Historiae Ardens. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented
to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by T. P. J. v. d. Hout and
J. de Roos. Istanbul: Institut historique et archologique nerlandais de Stamboul.
. 1995b. The Stem of the Hittite Word for 'House'. KZ 108:192-94.
340
. 1996. Review of J. Boley, The Hittite Particle -za / -za ( Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft der
Universitt Innsbruck, 1993) in BiOr 53:750-61.
. 1997a. The Laws of the Hittites. A Critical Edition, Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui 23.
Leiden: Brill.
. 1997b. On Safari in Hittite Anatolia. Pp. 5-21 in Studies in Honor of Jaan Puhvel: Part One. Ancient
Languages and Philology , edited by D. Disterheft, M. Huld and J. A. C. Greppin. Washington, DC:
Institute for the Study of Man.
. 1997c. On the Hittite Use of Sumerian BAL in the Expression BAL-nu-. ArAn3:191-98.
. 1998a. From the Disciplines of a Dictionary Editor. JCS 50:35-44.
. 1998b. Name, Namengebung. C. Bei den Hethitern. Pp. 116-21 in RlA 9, edited by E. Ebeling, B.
Meissner, E. Weidner, W. von Soden and D. O. Edzard. Berlin, Leipzig and New York: Walter de Gruyter.
. 1998c. On the Denominative Verb arwe-. Pp. 275-84 in Mr Curad. Studies in Honor of Calvert
Watkins, edited by J. Jasanoff, H. C. Melchert and L. Olivier. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft
Hoffner, Harry A., Jr., and H. Craig Melchert. 2001. A Practical Approach to Verbal Aspect in Hittite. Pp. in
Memorial Volume for Fiorella Imparati , edited by S. de Martino and F. Pecchioli Daddi. Firenze.
Holland, Gary B. 1986. Nominal Sentences and the Origin of Absolute Constructions in Indo-European. ZvS
99:163-84.
Houwink ten Cate, Philo H. J. 1966. Mursilis' Northwest Campaigns - Additional Fragments of his
Comprehensive Annals. JNES 25:162-91.
. 1967. The Ending -d of the Hittite Possessive Pronoun. RHA XXIV/79:123-32.
. 1970. The Records of the Early Hittite Empire (c. 1450-1380 B.C.), Uitgaven van het Nederlands
Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul 26. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch
Instituut in het Nabije Oosten.
. 1973a. Impersonal and Reflexive Constructions of the Predicative Participle in Hittite. Pp. 199-395 in
Symbolae Biblicae et Mesopotamicae Francisco Mario Theodoro de Liagre Bhl Dedicatae , edited by M.
A. Beek, A. A. Kampman, C. Nijland and J. Ryckmans. Leiden: Brill.
. 1973b. The Particle -a and its Usage with Respect to the Personal Pronoun. Pp. 119-40 in Festschrift
Heinrich Otten, edited by E. Neu and C. Rster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
341
. 1984. The History of Warfare according to Hittite Sources: The Annals of Hattusilis I (Part II). Anatolica
11:47-83.
Houwink ten Cate, Philo H. J., and Folke Josephson. 1967. Muwatalli's Prayer to the Storm-God of Kummanni
(KBo XI 1). RHA XXV/81:101-40.
Hrozn, Friedrich. 1915. Die Lsung des hethitischen Problems. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft zu
Berlin 56:17-50.
. 1917. Die Sprache der Hethiter. Edited by O. Weber, Boghazki-Studien 1-2. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche
Buchhandlung.
. 1932. Review of J. Friedrich, Staatsvertrge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache. 1.-2. Teile
(Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1926) in OLZ 35:257-58.
Jakob-Rost, Liane. 1966. Beitrge zum hethitischen Hofszeremoniell (IBoT I 36). MIO 11:165-225.
Jie, Jin. 1994. A Complete Retrograde Glossary of the Hittite Language. Edited by M. J. Mellink, J. J.
Roodenberg, J. d. Roos and K. R. Veenhof, Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch
Instituut te Istanbul LXXI. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.
Josephson, Folke. 1972. The Function of the Sentence Particles in Old and Middle Hittite, Acta Universitatis
Upsaliensis. Studia Indoeuropaea Upsaliensia 2 . Uppsala: Akriv Service AB.
Kala, Mustafa. 1965. Anmerkungen zu der Arbeit 'The Hittite Relative Sentence' von Warren H. Held. JKF 2 (1-
2):275-82.
Kammenhuber, Annelies. 1955a. Studien zum hethitischen Infinitivsystem IV-V. MIO 3:31-57, 345-77.
. 1955b. Zur Genese der hethitischen -r/-n-Heteroklitica. Pp. 97-106 in Corolla linguistica: Festschrift
Ferdinand Sommer. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
. 1959. Esquisse de grammaire palaite. BSL 54:19-41.
. 1969a. Die Sprachstufen des Hethitischen. ZvS 83:256-89.
. 1969b. Hethitisch, Palaisch, Luwisch und Hieroglyphenluwisch. Pp. 119-357 in Altkleinasiatische
Sprachen, edited by B. Spuler. Leiden: Brill.
. 1969c. Hethitisch, Palaisch, Luwisch, Hieroglyphenluwisch und Hattisch. Altkleinasiatische Indices zum
Handbuch der Orientalistik , Mnchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft Beih. 4. Munich.
. 1979a. Direktiv, Terminativ und/oder Lokativ im Hethitischen. Pp. 115-42 in Hethitisch und
Indogermanisch: Vergleichende Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen
342
Stellung der indogermanischen Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft der
Universitt Innsbruck.
. 1979b. Zwischenbilanz zu den hethitischen Enklitikaketten. Pp. 185-96 in Florilegium Anatolicum.
Mlanges offerts Emmanuel Laroche. Paris: ditions E. de Boccard.
. 1993. Kleine Schriften zum Altanatolischen und Indogermanischen. 2 vols, THeth 19/1-19/2. Heidelberg:
Carl Winter.
Klinger, Jrg. 1998. "Wer lehrte die Hethiter das Schreiben?" Zur Palographie frher Texte in akkadischer Sprache
aus Boazky: Skizze einiger berlegungen und vorlufiger Ergebnisse. Pp. 365-76 in Acts of the IIIrd
International Congress of Hittitology. orum, September 16-22, 1996, edited by S. Alp and A. Sel.
Ankara: Grafik, Teknik Hazirlik Uyum Ajans.
Kronasser, Heinz. 1956. Vergleichende Laut- und Formenlehre de Hethitischen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
. 1966. Etymologie der hethitischen Sprache I. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Khne, Cord. 1988. ber die Darstellung der hethitischen Reflexivpartikel -z, besonders in postvokalischer
Position. Pp. 203-33 in Documentum Asiae Minoris Antiquae, edited by E. Neu and C. Rster.
Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Khne, Cord, and Heinrich Otten. 1971. Der augamuwa-Vertrag. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 16. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
Kmmel, Hans Martin. 1967. Ersatzrituale fr den hethitischen Knig. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 3. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
Labat, Ren. 1932. L'Akkadien de Boghaz-Ki. tude sur la Langue des Lettres, Traits et Vocabulaires Akkadiens
trouves Boghaz-Ki. Paris.
. 1988. Manuel d'pigraphie akkadienne. Sixime dition augmente d'addenda par Florence Malbran-Labat
ed. Paris: Geuthner.
Laroche, Emmanuel. 1947. Recherches sur les noms des dieux hittites (= RHA VII 1947). Paris: Maisonneuve.
. 1957a. tudes de vocabulaire VI. RHA XV/60:9-29.
. 1957b. Notes de toponymie anatolienne. Pp. 1-7 in Mnms Kharin. Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer.
. 1958. Comparaison du louvite et du lycien. BSL 53:159-97.
343
. 1959. Dictionnaire de la langue louvite , Bibliothque archoligique et historique de l'institut franais
d'archologie d'Istanbul 6 . Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve.
. 1962. Un 'ergativ' en indo-europen d'Asie Mineure. BSL 57:23-43.
. 1965. tudes de linguistique anatolienne. RHA XXIII/76:33-54.
. 1966. Les noms des Hittites. Paris: Klincksieck.
. 1967. Les noms anatoliens du 'dieu' et leurs drivs. JCS 21:174-77.
. 1969. Vocatif et cas absolu en Anatolien. Pp. 173-78 in Studi in onore di Piero Meriggi . Pavia:
Athenaeum.
. 1970. tudes de linguistique anatolienne, III. RHA XXVIII:22-71.
. 1975. Noms d'action en indo-europen d'Anatolie. Pp. 339-46 in Mlanges linguistiques offerts mile
Benveniste. Paris: Socit de linguistique de Paris.
. 1979. Anaphore et deixis en anatolien. Pp. 147-52 in Hethitisch und Indogermanisch: Vergleichende
Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen Stellung der indogermanischen
Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens, edited by E. Neu and W. Meid. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft
Luraghi, Silvia. 1987. Reconstructing Proto-Indo-European as an Ergative Language: A Test. JIES 15:359-80.
. 1990. Old Hittite Sentence Structure. Edited by J. Hawkins, Theoretical Linguistics. London: Routledge.
. 1997. Hittite, Languages of the World/Materials 114. Mnchen-Newcastle: LINCOM EUROPA.
Marazzi, Massimiliano. 1990. Il geroglifico anatolico: problemi di analisi e prospettive di ricerca . Edited by W.
Belardi, Biblioteca di Ricerche Linguistiche e Filologiche 24. Roma: Dipartimento de studi
glottoantropologici. Universit "La Sapienza".
Mascheroni, Lorenza M. 1980. Il modulo interrogativo in eteo I: note sintattiche. SMEA22:53-62.
Meier-Brgger, Michael. 2000. Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft. Berlin & New York: de Gruyter.
Meillet, Antoine. 1964. Introduction l'tude comparative des langues indo-europennes . Edited by G. C. Buck,
Alabama Linguistic and Philological Series, No. 3. University, Alabama: University of Alabama Press.
Melchert, H. Craig. 1977. Ablative and Instrumental in Hittite. Ph. D. Dissertation, Harvard University.
. 1983. The Second Singular Personal Pronoun in Anatolian. MSS 42:151-65.
344
. 1984a. Review of J. J. S. Weitenberg, Die hethitischen u-Stmme (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1984) in Kratylos
29:79-82.
. 1984b. Studies in Hittite Historical Phonology, ZvS. Gttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht.
. 1985. Hittite imma and Latin immo. ZvS 98:184-205.
. 1988a. Luvian Lexical Notes. KZ 101:211ff.
. 1988b. Word-final r in Hittite. Pp. 215-34 in A Linguistic Happening in Memory of Ben Schwarz: Studies
in Anatolian, Italic, and Other Indo-European Languages , edited by Y. L. Arbeitman. Louvain-La-Neuve:
Peeters.
. 1991. Review of C. Rster and E. Neu, Hethitisches Zeichenlexikon (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1989) in
Kratylos 36:122-26.
. 1992. Hittite Vocalism. Pp. 181-96 in Per una grammatica ittita: Towards a Hittite Grammar , edited by
O. Carruba. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore.
. 1994. Anatolian Historical Phonology . Edited by R. S. P. Beekes, A. Lubotsky and J. S. S. Weitenberg,
Leiden Studies in Indo-European 3. Amsterdam/Atlanta: Rodopi.
. 1995. Neo-Hittite Nominal Inflection. Pp. 269-74 in Atti del II Congresso Internazionale di Hittitologia,
edited by O. Carruba, M. Giorgieri and C. Mora. Pavia: Iuculano.
. 1996. Review of H. G. Gterbock and T. P. J. van den Hout, The Hittite Instruction for the Royal
Bodyguard (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1991) in JNES 55:135??
. 1997a. Review of H. G. Gterbock and H. A. Hoffner, Jr., The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute
of the University of Chicago, vol. P, fasc. 2 (Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1995) in JAOS 117:713-14.
. 1997b. Syncope and anaptyxis in Hittite. Pp. 177-80 in Sound Law and Analogy, edited by A. Lubotsky.
Amsterdam: Rodopi.
. 1998. Aspects of Verbal Aspect in Hittite. Pp. 413-18 in Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of
Hittitology. orum, September 16-22, 1996, edited by S. Alp and A. Sel. Ankara: Grafik, Teknik
Hazirlik Uyum Ajans.
Meriggi, Piero. 1966-1975. Manuale di Eteo Geroglifico (4 parts). Roma: Edizioni dell'Ateneo.
. 1980. Schizzo grammaticale dell'Anatolico. Vol. Serie VIII. Vol. 24. Fasc. 3, AANL. Roma: Accademia
Nazionale dei Lincei.
345
Morpurgo Davies, Anna. 1986. Forms of Writing in the Ancient Mediterranean World. Pp. 52ff. in The Written
Word, Literacy in Transition, edited by G. Baumann. Oxford.
Neu, Erich. 1968a. Das hethitische Mediopassiv und seine indogermanischen Grundlagen . Edited by H. Otten,
Studien zu den Bogazky-Texten, 6. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1968b. Interpretation der hethitischen mediopassiven Verbalformen. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 5.
. 1969. Review of W. Kastner, Die griechischen Adjektive zweier Endungen auf **-os (in IF 74:235-41.
. 1970. Ein althethitisches Gewitterritual . Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 12. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1974. Der Anitta-Text. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 18. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1979a. Einige berlegungen zu den hethitischen Kasus-Endungen. Pp. 177-96 in Hethitisch und
Indogermanisch: Vergleichende Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen
Stellung der indogermanischen Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens, edited by E. Neu and W. Meid. Innsbruck:
Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck.
. 1979b. Hethitisch kurur und taksul in syntaktischer Sicht. Pp. 407-28 in Studia Mediterranea Piero
Meriggi dicata, edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: Aurora Edizioni.
. 1979c. Zum sprachlichen Alter des Hukkana-Vertrages. ZvS 93:64-84.
. 1980. Studien zum endungslosen Lokativ des hethitischen, IBS 23. Innsbruck: Institut fr
Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck.
. 1981a. Noch einmal hethitisch heu- 'Regen'. Pp. 203-12 in Bono Homini Donum: Essays in Historical
Linguistics in Memory of J. Alexander Kerns, edited by Y. L. Arbeitman. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins Publishing Company.
. 1981b. Review of J. Tischler, Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar. Lieferung 2 (Innsbruck, 1978) in IF
86:347-51.
. 1982. Hethitisch /r/ im Wortauslaut. Pp. 205-26 in Serta Indogermanica: Festschrift fr Gnter Neumann
zum 60. Geburtstag, edited by J. Tischler. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt
Innsbruck.
. 1983. Glossar zu den althethitischen Ritualtexten, Studien zu den Bogazky-Texten. Heft 26. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
. 1985. Zur Stammabstufung bei i- und u-stmmigen Substantiven des Hethitischen. Pp. 259-64 in
Sprachwissenschaftliche Forschungen. Festschrift fr Johann Knobloch. Zum 65. Geburtstag am 5.
346
Januar 1984 dargebracht von Freunden und Kollegen , edited by H. M. lberg, G. Schmidt and H.
Bothien. Innsbruck: Verlag des Instituts fr Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck.
. 1986. Zur unechten Nominalkomposition im Hethitischen. Pp. 107-15 in o-o-pe-ro-si: Festschrift fr
Ernst Risch zum 75. Geburtstag, edited by A. Etter. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
. 1988a. Das Hurritische: Eine altorientalische Sprache in neuem Licht . Vol. Jahrgang 1988, Nr. 3,
Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen
Klasse. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GMBH.
. 1988b. Zur Grammatik des Hurritischen auf der Grundlage der hurritisch-hethitischen Bilingue aus der
Bogazky-Grabungskampagne 1983. Pp. 95-116 in Hurriter und Hurritisch. Konstanzer Altorientalische
Symposien. Band II., edited by V. Haas. Konstanz: Universittsverlag Konstanz.
. 1989a. Zu einer hethitischen Prteritalendung -ar. KZ 102:16-20.
. 1989b. Zum Alter der personfizierenden -ant-Bildung des Hethitischen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
indogermanischen Genuskategorie. KZ 102:1-15.
. 1990. Das hethitische Wort fr 'Frau'. KZ 103:208-17.
. 1992. Zum Kollektivum im Hethitischen. Pp. 197-212 in Per una grammatica ittita: Towards a Hittite
Grammar, edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore.
. 1993. Zu den hethitischen Ortspartikeln. Linguistica 33:137-52.
. 1997. Zu einigen Pronominalformen des Hethitischen. Pp. 139-69 in Studies in Honor of Jaan Puhvel:
Part One. Ancient Languages and Philology , edited by D. Disterheft, M. Huld and J. A. C. Greppin.
Washington, DC: Institute for the Study of Man.
Neumann, Gnter. 1982-83. Zur Genese der hethitischen Vokative auf -i und -e, II. KZ 96:241-44.
Oettinger, Norbert. 1976. Indogermanisch *s(h)neur/n'Sehne' und *(s)men-'gering sein' im Hethitischen. MSS
35:93-103.
. 1979. Die Stammbildung des hethitischen Verbums, Erlanger Beitrge zur Sprach- und Kunstwissenschaft
64. Nrnberg: Verlag Hans Carl.
. 1980. Die n-Stmme des Hethitischen und ihre indogermanischen Ausgangspunkte. KZ 94:44-63.
. 1982a. Die Dentalerweiterung von n-Stmmen und Heteroklitika im Griechischen, Anatolischen und
Altindischen. Pp. 233-46 in Serta Indogermanica: Festschrift fr Gnter Neumann zum 60. Geburtstag ,
edited by J. Tischler. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck.
347
. 1982b. Reste von e-Hochstufe im Formans hethitischer n-Stmme einschliesslich des 'umna'-Suffixes. Pp.
162-77 in Investigationes Philologicae et Comparativae. Gedenkschrift fr Heinz Kronasser , edited by E.
Neu. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1985. Thematische Verbklassen des Hethitischen: Umlaut und Ablaut beim Themavokal. Pp. 296-312 in
Grammatische Kategorien. Funktion und Geschichte. Akten der VII. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen
Gesellschaft, Berlin, 20.-25. Februar 1983 , edited by B. Schlerath and V. Rittner. Wiesbaden: Reichert.
. 1986. 'Indo-Hittite'-Hypothese und Wortbildung, IBS, Vortrge und Kleinere Schriften 37. Innsbruck:
Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck.
. 1987. Bemerkungen zur anatolischen i-Motion und Genusfrage. KZ 100:35-43.
. 1988. Hethitisch - want -. Pp. 273-86 in Documentum Asiae Minoris Antiquae, edited by E. Neu and C.
Rster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1992. Die hethitischen Verbalstmme. Pp. 213-52 in Per una grammatica ittita: Towards a Hittite
Grammar, edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore.
. 1994. Etymologisch unerwarteter Nasal im Hethitischen. Pp. 307-30 in In honorem Holger Pedersen.
Kolloquium der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 26. bis 28. Mrz 1993 in Kopenhagen, edited by J.
E. Rasmussen and B. Nielsen. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag.
. 1998. Skizze zur Funktion der Reduplikation im Hethitischen. Pp. 451-56 in Acts of the IIIrd
International Congress of Hittitology. orum, September 16-22, 1996, edited by S. Alp and A. Sel.
Ankara: Grafik, Teknik Hazirlik Uyum Ajans.
Oppenheim, A. Leo. 1964. Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization . Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Ose, Fritz. 1944. Supinum und Infinitiv im Hethitischen. Edited by F. Sommer, Hethitische Texte. Mitteilungen der
Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft. Heft 47/1. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs.
Oshiro, Terumasa. 1995. The Verbal Reduplication in Hieroglyphic Luwian. Orient 30-31:294-301.
Otten, Heinrich. 1951. Zu den Anfngen der hethitischen Geschichte. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft
zu Berlin 83:33-45.
. 1959. Zur Kontinuitt eines altanatolischen Kultes. ZA 53:174-84.
. 1959-1960. Ein Brief aus Hattusa an Babu-ahu-iddina. AfO19:39-46.
. 1969. Sprachliche Stellung und Datierung des Madduwatta-Textes, Studien zu den Bogazky-Texten 11.
348
. 1973. Eine althethitische Erzhlung um die Stadt Zalpa, StBoT 17. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1981. Die Apologie Hattusilis III.: Das Bild der berlieferung. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 24.
. 1989. Tiergefe im Kult der spten hethitischen Grossreichszeit. Pp. 365-68 in Anatolia and the Ancient
Near East: Studies in Honor of Tahsin zg, edited by K. Emre, B. Hrouda, M. Mellink and N. zg.
Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu.
. 1990. Bemerkungen zur berlieferung einiger hethitischer Texte. ZA 80:223-27.
Otten, Heinrich, and Vladimir Soucek. 1969. Ein althethitisches Ritual fr das Knigspaar , StBoT 8. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
Pecchioli Daddi, Franca, and Anna Maria Polvani. 1990. La mitologia ittita. Edited by P. Sacchi, Testi del Vicino
Oriente antico 4.1 . Brescia: Paideia Editrice.
Pecora, Laura. 1984. La particella -wa(r)- e il discorso diretto in antico-eteo. IF 89:104-24.
Pedersen, Holger. 1935. Zum Lautwert des Zeichens [the cuneiform sign BE/BAD is drawn] im Hettitischen. ArOr
7:80-88.
. 1938. Hittitisch und die anderen indoeuropischen Sprachen , Det Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. Hist.-
filol. Meddelelser, XXV,2.Copenhagen.
Polvani, Anna Maria. 1988. Appunti per una storia della musica cultuale ittita: lo strumento huhupal. Hethitica
9:171-79.
Prins, Anna Adriana Maria. 1997. Hittite Neuter Singular - Neuter Plural. Some Evidence for a Connection. Ph.D.,
Leiden, Leiden.
Puhvel, Jaan. 1979. Hittite words with initial pt/pt sign. Pp. 209-17 in Hethitisch und Indogermanisch:
Vergleichende Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen Stellung der
indogermanischen Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens, edited by E. Neu and W. Meid. Innsbruck: Institut fr
Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck.
Raggi Braglia, Maria S. 1989. IE *per- 'volare' nelle lingue anatoliche. OA 28:201-11.
Reichert, Pierre. 1963. Glossaire inverse de la langue hittite. RHA 21 (fasc. 73):59-145.
Rieken, Elisabeth. 1994. Der Wechsel -a-/-i- in der Stammbildung des hethitischen Nomens. ZvS 107:42-53.
. 1996. Beitrge zur anatolischen Sprachgeschichte. AoF 23:289-97.
349
. 1999a. Untersuchungen zur nominalen Stammbildung des Hethitischen, StBoT 44. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
. 1999b. Zur Verwendung der Konjunktion ta in den hethitischen Texten. 59:63-88.
Riemschneider, Kaspar K. 1970. Babylonische Geburtsomina in hethitischer bersetzung. Edited by H. Otten,
StBoT 9. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Rikov, G. 1988. Zur Entstehung der hethitischen hi-Konjugation. Pp. 319-28 in ulmu. Papers on the Ancient
Near East Presented at International Conference of Socialist Countries (Prague, Sept. 30-Oct. 3, 1986) ,
edited by P. Vavrouek and V. Souek. Prague: Universzita Karlova.
Rosenkranz, Bernhard. 1952. Beitrge zur Erforschung des Luvischen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1978. Vergleichende Untersuchungen der altanatolischen Sprachen . Edited by W. Winter, Trends in
Linguistics, State-of-the-Art Reports 8. The HagueParisNew York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Rost, Liane. 1956. Die ausserhalb von Boazky gefundenen hethitischen Briefe. MIO 4:328-50.
Rumsey, A. 1987. Was Proto-Indo-European an Ergative Language? JIES 15:19-38.
Rster, Christel. 1988. Materialien zu einer Fehlertypologie der hethitischen Texte. Pp. 295-306 in Documentum
Asiae Minoris Antiquae, edited by E. Neu and C. Rster. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Rster, Christel, and Erich Neu. 1989. Hethitisches Zeichenlexikon. Inventar und Interpretation der
Keilschriftzeichen aus den Boazky-Texten. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT Beiheft 2. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
Shields, Kenneth, Jr. 1987. On the Origin of Hitt. 2nd. sg. nom. ZIG. Hethitica 7:161-72.
Siegelov, Jana. 1971. Appu-Mrchen und Hedammu-Mythus. Edited by H. Otten, StBoT 14. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
Sihler, Andrew L. 1995. New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. New York: Oxford University Press.
Singer, Itamar. 1996. Muwatalli's Prayer to the Assembly of Gods Through the Storm-God of Lightning (CTH
381). Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press.
Sommer, Ferdinand. 1921. Hethitisch aruna- und die Partikel -p. OLZ 24:197-201.
. 1922. Hethitisches II, Boghazki-Studien 7. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.
. 1932. Die Ahhijava-Urkunden, Abh. d. Bayr. Akad. d. Wiss., Phil.-hist. Abt., NF 6. Mnchen: Verlag der
Bayerischen Akkadamie der Wissenschaften.
350
Sommer, Ferdinand, and Hans Ehelolf. 1924. Das hethitische Ritual des Papanikri von Komana. Edited by F.
Sommer. 1 vols. Vol. 10, Boghazki-Studien 10. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs.
Sommer, Ferdinand, and A. Falkenstein. 1938. Die hethitisch-akkadische Bilingue des Hattusili I. (Labarna II.),
Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Abteilung. Neue
Folge. Heft 16. Mnchen: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Speiser, Ephraim Avigdor. 1941. Introduction to Hurrian , AASOR 20. New Haven: American Schools of Oriental
Research.
Starke, Frank. 1977. Die Funktionen der dimensionalen Kasus und Adverbien im Althethitischen. Edited by H.
Otten, StBoT 23. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1980. Das luwische Wort fr 'Frau'. KZ 94:74-86.
. 1990. Untersuchung zur Stammbildung des keilschrift-luwischen Nomens, Studien zu den Bogazky-
Texten, Heft 31. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Stefanini, Ruggero. 1964. Una lettera della regina Puduhepa al re di Alasija (KUB XXI 38). AIPhHOS29:3-69.
. 1974. Ancora sul vocativo ittita. AGI59:37-42.
Steiner, Gerd. 1971. Gott. D. Nach hethitischen Texten. Pp. 547-75 in RlA 3, edited by E. Ebeling, B. Meissner,
E. Weidner, W. von Soden and D. O. Edzard. Berlin, Leipzig and New York: Walter de Gruyter.
Sturtevant, Edgar H., and George Bechtel. 1935. A Hittite Chrestomathy. Philadelphia: Linguistic Society of
America.
Sturtevant, Edgar H., and E. Adelaide Hahn. 1933. A Comparative Grammar of the Hittite Language. 2nd ed. New
Haven: Yale University Press.
. 1951. A Comparative Grammar of the Hittite Language (2nd ed.). 2nd ed. New Haven: Yale University
Press.
Sel, Aygl. 1992. Ortaky: Eine hethitische Stadt mit hethitischen und hurritischen Tontafelentdeckungen. Pp.
487-92 in Hittite and Other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp , edited by H.
Otten, E. Akurgal, H. Ertem and A. Sel. Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu Basmevi.
Szemernyi, Oswald J. L. 1996. Introduction to Indo-European Linguistics. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Taracha, Piotr. 1990. More about the Hittite taknaz da- Rituals. Hethitica 10:171-84.
Thomsen, Marie-Louise. 1984. The Sumerian Language: an Introduction to its History and Grammatical
Structure, Mesopotamia. Copenhagen Studies in Assyriology. Vol. 10. Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag.
351
nal, Ahmet. 1977. Naturkatastrophen in Anatolien im 2. Jahrtausende V. Chr. Bell 41 (163):447-72.
Ungnad, Arthur. 1992. Akkadian Grammar. Translated by H. A. Hoffner, Jr. Edited by M. A. Sweeney. 5th
Edition ed, Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Study, No. 30. Atlanta: Scholars Press.
van Brock, Nadia. 1964. Les thmes verbaux redoublement du hittite et le verbe indo-europen. RHA
XXII/75:119-65.
van den Hout, Theo P. J. 1984. Einige luwische Neutra auf -sa/-za in berwiegend junghethitischen Texten. ZvS
97:60-80.
. 1992. Remarks on Some Hittite double Accusative Constructions. Pp. 275-304 in Per una grammatica
ittita: Towards a Hittite Grammar , edited by O. Carruba. Pavia: IUCULANO.
Villar, F. 1988. On the 2nd Person Singular Pronoun in Hittite and in Indo-European. JIES 16:1-8.
von Brandenstein, Carl-Georg. 1939. Zu den hethitischen Jahreszeiten. Or NS 8:68-86.
von Schuler, Einar. 1957. Hethitische Dienstanweisungen fr hhere Hof- und Staatsbeamte. Edited by E.
Weidner, Archiv fr Orientforschung, Beiheft 10. Graz: Ernst Weidner.
von Soden, Wolfram. 1952. Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik , Analecta Orientalia 33 . Rome: Pontificium
Institutum Biblicum.
Wagner, Heinrich. 1985. Das Hethitische vom Standpunkte der typologischen Sprachgeographie. Edited by E.
Campanile, Testi linguistici 7. Pisa: Giardini Editori e Stampatori.
Watkins, Calvert. 1973. Hittite and Indo-European Studies: The Denominative Statives in --. TPS:51-93.
. 1982. Notes on the Plural Formations of the Hittite Neuters. Pp. 252-62 in Investigationes Philologicae et
Comparativae. Gedenkschrift fr Heinz Kronasser, edited by E. Neu. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
. 1998. Proto-Indo-European: Comparison and Reconstruction. Pp. 25-73 in The Indo-European Languages,
edited by A. G. Ramat and P. Ramat. London: Routledge.
Weitenberg, Joseph Johannes Sicco. 1984. Die hethitischen U-Stmme. Amsterdam: Rodopi.
. 1995. Sigmatization and Thematization in Hittite. Pp. 3330344 in Studio Historiae Ardens. Ancient Near
Eastern Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday , edited
by T. P. J. v. d. Hout and J. de Roos. Istanbul: Institut historique et archologique nerlandais de
Stamboul.
Wilhelm, Gernot. 1992. Hurritische Lexikographie und Grammatik: Die hurritisch-hethitische Bilingue aus
Boazky. Or NS 61:122-41.
352
, ed. 1997. Keilschrifttexte aus Gebude A, Kuakl Sarissa I/1. Rahden/Westf.: Verlag Marie Leidorf.
Yoshida, Daisuke. 1987. Die Syntax des althethitischen substantivischen Genitivs. Edited by A. Kammenhuber.
Vol. 13, THeth 13. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.
Yoshida, Kazuhiko. 1990. The Hittite mediopassive endings in -ri, Untersuchungen zur indogermanischen Sprach-
und Kulturwissenschaft, 5. Berlin.
. 1991. Reconstruction of Anatolian Verbal Endings: The Third Person Plural Preterites. JIES 19:357-74.
. 1998. Hittite Verbs in -vzi. Pp. 605-14 in Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology. orum,
September 16-22, 1996, edited by S. Alp and A. Sel. Ankara: Grafik, Teknik Hazirlik Uyum Ajans.
Zuntz, Leonie. 1936. Die hethitischen Ortsadverbien ara, par, piran als selbstndige Adverbien und in ihrer
Verbindung mit Nomina und Verba. Speyer: Pilger Druckerei.

Hitt Lang

Încărcat de

Informații document

Descriere originală:

Titlu original

Drepturi de autor

Formate disponibile

Partajați acest document

Partajați sau inserați document

Opțiuni de partajare

Vi se pare util acest document?

Este necorespunzător acest conținut?

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

Hitt Lang

Încărcat de

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

Abbreviations & Conventions i

Forms marked by a following

are i-conjugation intrusions in paradigms of mi-verbs.

arana, nazi and nai .

arzana-, zeriyalla- cup-stand

dat. -ai (rare), -i, -ya -a -i -a

makziyaKBo 22.186 ii 8 cannot yet be determined, since no

3 uwatet peutet, peute

kizzumii paitta The dog went to its uili, the

alentuwa alli aear Then in

UTU-I ANADI.I.A punumi and I, My Majesty, will question them

Anu DINGIR.ME-a antezziyami peranet arta mighty Anu,

Anu in this example.

tarnui ppan behind the tarnu-building, URU-

[Piu]niyama GIM-an nakkieta

U-a [kui] / [ant]ezzi DUMU-la ta nu maan auta / [anda]kan kuit

Kantuzilin / kian watarnaun

ITARmamu GAAN-YA-a[(t)] / numu -it ki

ITAR kanian arta and auka had

X DI-eni tiyaweni Come, let us go

U BELIY A annear annau Let us do

aduili kuit atrami

Mta mekki kuit watakit [] idlu antuwaa NI DINGIR-LIMkan apa arrakit

Piuniyama [KUR UGU-T]I GUL-

ilima zeriyalli GAD-it kariyanda karu artari

UTU-u EZEN-an iet The

Puduepa annalli GMEKA I, Puduepa, am your long-standing maidservant

Puduepa arnawa MUNUS-za KUB 21.27 i 17;

UTU-Ipat but we are subjects of His Majesty too

UTU-u nepiaz ) katta ]akuwait nuza

ITARGAANY A par andandatar tikkuanut Ishtar, my

karimmi KUB 30.19 iv 5, ed. HTR 44-;

S-ar putea să vă placă și