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Ignacio Arsuaga Rato and Miguel Vidal Santos



First edition (100,000 copies): November 2010

© This book was published by C/ José Rodríguez Pinilla, 23 28043 Madrid – Spain Tel. 34 91 554 71 89

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To the members and volunteers of and Derecho a Vivir, the leading forces behind the creative resistance to the Zapatero Project

«The change we are calling for goes way beyond merely taking turns in office.»


Speech at the 37th PSOE Congress, 2008








Destroying Values and Principles through Political Action




The State: The Maker of Rights


The Law: Absolute Truth


The End of Dissidence


Domesticating the Opposition


Restricting Individual Freedom


An All-Encompassing Transformation Project




Birth: The Right to Choose


Growing Up: The Right to an Absence of Compromise


Procreation: The Right to Decide




Propaganda Versus Reason




«Sexual Rights»


Instilling Destruction







The Awakening of Civil Activism


The Zapatero Project Chooses Its Bull’s-Eye



Single Truth, A Single Will





An Exercise in Political Manipulation


Instruments of Propaganda



Healthy Institution to Be Dismantled





The Enemy to Be Defeated





Changing History






Project in a Hurry












The Authors

Ignacio Arsuaga Rato founded in 2001. He currently serves as its President. As part of his efforts to promote citizen par- ticipation and defend human rights (in their entirety, starting with conception and ending with our death by natural causes), he is con- vinced that a small group of thoughtful and committed citizens can – with the help of God – change the world. Arsuaga Rato is a lawyer, having graduated in law from the Uni- versity Pontificia de Comillas (ICADE). He is married and is the father of three children. He lives in Madrid.

The professional career pursued by Miguel Vidal Santos encom- passes his work as a columnist in newspaper opinion pages, his ac- tivities for television and his work within the field of History. He has written various books, including the following: Diccionario de la Historia (“A Dictionary of History”); Salvapatrias y cruzados (“Saviours of the Nation and Crusades”); and Historias de los golpes de Estado en España (“The History of Coup d’États in Spain”). He has also edited various literature and travel magazines and has headed the programme and contents departments at different tele- vision channels. Like any journalist worth his salt (and of a certain age), Vidal Santos has “closed down” various media bodies, has been fired from many others and has walked out of even more. For some years



now he has, thanks to God, been able to finally reconcile his profes- sional activities with his own principles. He currently works as part of the editorial team at


Ten years ago, when started out, José María Aznar was the Head of the Spanish Government. At that time, in 2001, we could hardly imagine the day when a group of extremists, led by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, would assume the reins of govern- ment in order to undertake an entire programme of measures based on the self-proclaimed objective of shaping Spanish society in the very image of their own ideology. This group was made up of a band of professional politicians who aimed to implement a project that sought to destroy the family, dismantle the Catholic Church, control the minds of our children and restrict citizens’ rights and freedoms. Since 2004, the year in which he took office at La Moncloa, Rodríguez Zapatero has driven through a veritable avalanche of laws, regulations and policies with a view to bulldozing the basic institutions that make up our society and imposing his cultural project on the public as a whole. He has also sought to export his project to our sister nations in Latin America and in other parts of the world.




However, Rodríguez Zapatero is not exactly an anomaly in the twenty-first century. Quite the contrary, in fact. He shares a com- mon project with thinkers and politicians who are working in other countries to introduce a model of society similar to that proposed by Zapatero. They consist of secularists, relativists, radical feminists, abortionists, representatives of the homosexual lobby and totalitarianists of all stripes and colours. They have gained considerable ground in recent decades. You find them in the UNO, in the European Union and in almost all institutions concerned with international cooperation. They pre- side over the governments of numerous countries on all five conti- nents. In many cases, they have received support from the Spanish Government through the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Span- ish International Cooperation Agency with a view to implementing programmes aimed exclusively at imposing their ideology of gender and sexual diversity. They have held meetings with Rodríguez Zapatero at Summits for Heads of Government in order to promote the “Alliance of Civilisations” and its ideological principles. Neither has the Prime Minister of the Spanish Government in- vented his project ex novo. The Zapatero Project is ideologically rooted in the thought of William of Ockham, the leading exponent of what is known as “nominalism”. For the first time in the history of philosophy, Ockham introduced a concept of freedom based exclu- sively on will, one completely distinct from the ideas of good or virtue. Ockham initiated a line of thought that would conclude with the atheistic humanism of the nineteenth century and Friedrich Nietzsche’s will to power. This is a philosophical current that, in the twentieth century, would lead to two world wars and provide sup- port for Nazism, fascism and Communism. It is a line of thought that, although duly polished up, still informs the Rodríguez Zapatero Project today.



Lifting the Veil

And yet, the actions of the current Prime Minister are perhaps even more dangerous than those of his cousins, the totalitarians of last century. Because the Zapatero Project is concealed under the vel- vety appeal of the magic words of «progress», «tolerance» and «democracy». These words have been emptied of any genuine meaning and are used in the official propaganda to camouflage the

reality of a tyrannical project designed to suppress us. The fundamental aim of this book is precisely this: to lift the veil that conceals the true face of Zapatero’s project. It is not our wish to frighten you with an invented story. That is why we have tried to stick to the words of the General Secretary of PSOE himself when providing testimony to his works. We are writing this book in order to help you understand how the Zapatero Project could affect both you and your family and to show you what you can do to fight against it. This book offers you the tools you need to combat the destructive forces that seek to de- molish the institution of family. We aim to help you become aware of what is actually happen- ing and, at the same time, offer you a source of hope. Because

there are many reasons to be hopeful

one for each citizen who

has stepped up to the challenge. In reality, there are more of us who believe that the family is a basic institution within society than those who support the values of the Zapatero Project.

A Movement to Promote Dignity

This book is published by, a Spanish association that, since the year 2001, has fought on a daily basis to defend the free- doms and rights of all human beings, including those who are yet to be born. We, the authors, have decided to wage this battle, because there is a great deal at stake: the future of our families, the future of your families, and the future of the families of forthcoming generations.



Our children will either reap the rewards of our work or suffer the consequences of our indifference. Although we have won many battles in favour of life and the family, we have lost many others. And the consequences of losing the war would be catastrophic. The health and well-being of our children, the economy, the future of our country and that of the entire world depends on our successful defence of the basic institu- tions that make up our society. The good news is that we can still turn the situation around. We can trace our steps back along the path that the champions of the Zapatero Project have led us along. We can continue to win some of the minor battles and, one day, perhaps win the war. We have seen too many miracles come true to have any doubts. They always occur when a small group of aware and active citizens comes to- gether in order to protect life and the family. When members of society like us become aware of what is hap- pening and recognise the consequences of our passive acceptance, we are able to create a powerful source of resistance, one that, thanks be to God, is already having an effect on the future of our society.


A Project Designed to Subvert Our Society

Off-the-cuff ideas, demagogy, nonsense, opportunism. Critics of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero often resort to labels of this kind in order to define the Prime Minister’s actions in government. The leader of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) is often pre- sented as an ignorant leader who is constantly putting his foot in it and simply governs according to spontaneous impulse. Or his deci- sions are said to be those of an immature and even ignorant person- ality. On other occasions it is assumed that his political initiatives are merely a knee-jerk response to the moment, to the current situa- tion, to specific interests, or merely the result of agreements reached here and there with some political splinter group or social lobby, bearing no discernible relation one to the other. Nothing could be further from the truth. The goals being pur- sued by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero and the Spanish Left today are quite clear, having been set out before Zapatero even assumed the reins of government in 2004. The objectives are perfectly de- fined, as are the means of achieving them. And all of this is in the public domain, because there has never been any attempt to hide it. In fact, on a number of occasions Zapatero has described what his real project is, whilst highlighting the fact that his guidance of the Government of the Nation is merely an instrument to be used to achieve his goals.



Rodríguez Zapatero has explained his intentions at party con- gresses, in speeches, in interviews, in public pronouncements and in the Spanish Parliament. And as long as his critics believe he is just an immature demagogue, a fool or an opportunist, the leader of the Spanish Left will have free rein in order to carry out a project that brandishes ideology as a recruiting post, a means of achieving goals that nobody on the Left had even dared to strive for before he arrived on the scene.

«We Socialists have known for a long time, for more than a century, that the greatest force for change, the force that directs and sweeps the world along, the most powerful force for transformation, is the force of ideas.» 1

The Spanish Royal Academy (RAE) defines the verb «to sub- vert» as «to upset, to overturn, to destroy, especially in relation to morality». This is precisely the plan that Rodríguez Zapatero had the opportunity to devise throughout the fourteen years he served as a Member of Parliament, a silent observer who occupied his place in the Lower Chamber of Spain’s Parliament, but took no initiative and took part in no activity, except for that of voting in favour of proposals indicated by the Party Whip of his parliamen- tary group. Between 1986 and the year 2000, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero brooded over his ambitions, whilst the heavy-weights in his party fell victim, one by one, to the political agenda set out by Felipe González. González, Guerra and the leaders of the PSOE that emerged from the Transition certainly wanted to transform society, but they had to use their time in office in order to establish the foundations for that transformation: the kidnapping of the education system and the world of culture, the establishment of links with radical and nationalist political formations, the construction of a network of


1 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, speech at the 37th PSOE Congress, 2008:



clients that would guarantee the party’s survival at a local and re- gional level, and the strict control of public opinion. In the year 2000, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero felt a calling to finish the work of transformation that Felipe González had be- gun. His predecessors had set out the path to be followed. He no longer had to concern himself with the fine print. He could go straight for the goals that the Spanish Left of the 1970’s and 1980’s had never even dared to recognise. Imitating the fashion- able slogans of European Socialism, he invented his own domestic movement, the New Way, and as soon as he had won the general elections, he began the task of completing the work initiated by his party elders, with the aim of subverting the country and upset- ting, overturning and destroying Spanish society and the territory it inhabits.

Destroying Values and Principles through Political Action

The self-confessed goal, openly recognised by Rodríguez Zapatero, is quite simple and yet ambitious: to turn the country on its head, to change what has always been, that which has always been be-

lieved; to replace these values and beliefs with others. His aim is to introduce new principles tailor-made for a Left that aspires to im-

pose absolute control over every last haven of power

to also establishing absolute control over every citizen. Throughout the year 2007, the Galician writer, Suso de Toro, held a series of conversations with José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in order to produce a book on the PSOE leader. From these conversa- tions, De Toro drew a number of conclusions, which later on would appear in various sections of the media. He labelled the Prime Minister a «a civil soldier», a calculating and obstinate man, a per- son completely unaffected by external or internal influences. He wrote that he had «never been sorry for anything» and that, when faced with criticisms and attacks from his opponents, he «continues the game quite unperturbed, and he will continue to do so until he reaches checkmate».

with a view



The conversations between Rodríguez Zapatero and Suso de Toro were recorded in the book entitled Madera de Zapatero. Re- trato de un presidente (“Zapatero: Portrait of a Prime Minister”), a publication in which the General Secretary of PSOE freely ex- pounds upon his project and his strategy:

«If there is something that characterises this period of government it is that we have a project. It is precisely because we have a project that we come across such useless but active resistance on the part of the hardest sections of the Right, because they know there is a project. They have realised that there is a project imbued with cul- tural values and, therefore, ideological values, which are capable of determining the social and historical identity of modern Spain for many years to come.» 2

All of the ingredients of «Zapateroism» are formulated in this brief fragment, which perfectly reflects the intentions of the man who expressed these words. Rodríguez Zapatero recognises that he has undertaken a project that involves cultural and ideological val- ues and that is capable of subverting «the social and historical iden- tity» of Spain «for many years to come». It is possible that the excessively ambitious character attributed to Rodríguez Zapatero is true, but not in the most conventional sense. The image of a new type of politician, one far removed from the typical political professional, one who shuns «political games», an image that Rodríguez Zapatero managed to sell to the electorate in 2004, is based precisely on the fact that the Prime Minister does not appear to have an excessive longing for power. To many of his followers, Rodríguez Zapatero is a humble man, a person who is open to criticism, a person who is tolerant and prepared to discuss matters. This is all due to the fact that his sense of ambition is not based on a desire for power for power’s sake, but a desire for what power will enable him to do:


2 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in conversation with Suso de Toro, Madera de Zapatero. Retrato de un presidente. Barcelona, 2007.



«For others, government itself may be the objective; for us, gov- ernment is the instrument. For others, government is the goal; for us it is the path.» 3

Rodríguez Zapatero is both ambitious and messianic, a man convinced that he can change the course of history in Spain. Fur- thermore, he believes he can change the very nature of our history, the essence of Spanish society: its identity. In this sense, the Prime Minister does not regard power as an end in itself, but as an instrument. The spell that Rodríguez Zapatero casts on his electorate is based on this kind of idealism, which consists of distracting their attention by holding up supposedly achievable utopias and sublime ideals in front of their eyes, instead of addressing ques- tions of management, instead of discussing reality. In order to carry out his «prophetic» mission, which is at once idealistic and apparently founded on a desire to do good, Rodríguez Zapatero has used all of the instruments of power at his disposal:

legislative amendments, rupture of the majority-backed social mod- els of Spanish society, cultural changes. And sometimes through democratic means, and other times through rather less democratic means, he has acquired the largest possible number of instruments of pressure and control: governments, social agents, citizens’ movements. All this is subordinated to the ultimate goal:

«The change we are calling for goes way beyond merely taking turns in office. This change consists of the transformation of society.» 4

Rodríguez Zapatero’s ideological contribution to the contempo- rary Left, the project he has worked to impose on Spanish society, is founded on three essential pillars:

1. A reinvention of the human, which involves a complete sense of contempt for the natural.


3 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, speech at the 37th PSOE Congress, 2008.

4 Ibid.



2. A divorce between political action and the individual.

3. An adulteration of the concept of freedom.

Through the ideological approach that derives from these prin- ciples, Rodríguez Zapatero has designed a project that entails the cultural and ideological transformation of Spanish society and the territorial and political transformation of the Nation. In this document, we delve into the details of Zapatero’s project for Spain and its citizens, highlighting its ideological dimensions and its strategies. We also analyse the scope of this project and the conse- quences it will have for our country, should it be finally carried out.


Reinvention of the Human and Contempt for Nature

The project that Rodríguez Zapatero seeks to impose on Spain is neither new nor entirely original. At different times throughout Spain’s history since the nineteenth century, various ideas to destroy the values on which society is based have been proposed. The new- est development on this occasion is that the project is actually being promoted by those in power, based on the most radical interpreta- tion of these ideas and at the greatest possible pace. Furthermore, democratic Spain has never known such comprehensive power as that wielded by Rodríguez Zapatero. Throughout Zapatero’s second term in office, the Spanish Socialist Workers Party governs over 23 provincial capitals, plus Santiago de Compostela, Mérida, Vigo and Gijón. It controls 9 regional governments and innumerable provin- cial governments. Through local and regional public administration, it holds the keys to numerous building societies and financial and economic institutions of all kinds. Since 1977, the year in which the first democratic elections took place, some thirty-three years have elapsed. PSOE has governed throughout more than half of this time, specifically for twenty years, whilst the Partido Popular has governed for eight years and Unión de Centro Democrático for just five years. Rodríguez Zapatero has also reaped the rewards of this long period in office.



The Left and its tentacles extend throughout almost the entire academic world at all its levels, starting with primary school and continuing right up to university. It is also pervasive throughout the world of culture, both within the creative and the industrial fields. The Left enjoys an overwhelming grip on the media and on most of the instruments that enable it to create and determine public opin- ion. For Spanish society as a whole, the ideas and opinions of the Left provide the model for politically correct thought. Furthermore, a part of the judicial system lies in its hands, which means that it has managed to erase the boundaries established by Montesquieu. With such powerful resources in his grasp, Rodríguez Zapatero has sought to reinvent the very concept of being human.

«As I have evolved and matured, I have come to believe that the most authentic religion is Man. It is the human being that deserves adoration; he is the clear apex of the world as it has revealed itself to be, as we have come to understand it.» 1

The leader of the Socialist Party proposes to break radically away from the idea of the human being as we have understood it up until today. It is a question of erasing the essence of the individual, our natural condition, that which enables us to be a man or a woman, to handle our limitations and channel our compulsions, to be a father or a mother. This anthropological conception of the human being is consid- ered an archaic form of slavery and must be replaced with mere will. And this will is circumstantial, reversible, concrete; it can change meaning as often as may be required. This kind of radical break with the anthropological approach inevitably leads to the creation of a state of affairs that goes beyond the condition of the human being itself. As a faithful apprentice of Nietzsche, Rodríguez Zapatero de- crees the death of the human being in order to announce the birth of the post-human man, of the «human being that deserves adora-


1 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in conversation with Suso de Toro, Madera de Zapatero. Retrato de un presidente. Barcelona, 2007.



tion», far removed from his natural condition and, therefore, artifi- cial.

And once we have burned the bridges that connect us to civilisa- tion, anything goes. Parliament can spend its time contemplating a law that grants human rights to apes. The anthropological conception proposed by PSOE’s General Secretary can be boiled down to three aspects that characterise his legislative measures:

1. Moral relativism moral, which is disguised as an «extension of rights».

2. An extreme secular approach whose aim is to introduce a kind of State-based religion.

3. Gender ideology, which uses an alleged sense of equality and a never-ending battle against discrimination as a rallying cry.

Reinvention of the human being, which is the result of the sys- tematic imposition of these three principles, converts the State into the high priest of the new post-human anthropology proposed by Rodríguez Zapatero, one in which:

Rights no longer belong to citizens themselves, but are granted to them.

The law can pervert reason and nature if this is what the majority decides.

And dissidence disappears.

The State: The Maker of Rights

Man is no longer the bearer of rights. It is the State that determines the rights of the new man, the post-human rights that he lacks. In this respect, the State is the arbiter of the human condition itself. The definition of what a right is in itself is also subject to the will of the State.



Once the link with reality, with the natural condition of the hu-

man being us broken, the rights of each citizen become subject to the rules of the political market, to the vagaries of fashion and cir- cumstance and, in this sense, they become extremely precarious and entirely unstable. They are also subject to the whims and desires of those who hold the reins of power. In this manner, the State (also with a view to securing votes) can turn the subjective desires of the minority into law, such as the de- sire of homosexual lobby groups to see their sexist views enshrined

in law. Desire is thus raised to a political level, even though this may

entail the destruction of institutions such as the family, which have served and continue to serve as the foundations of society.

The Law: Absolute Truth

The law replaces truth and natural reality. Truth is now proscribed,

a rebel without a cause, a crime and an anti-democratic assault

against that other truth, legal truth, which is imposed by the major- ity. The common good, the general interest, the virtuous, is solely defined in terms of what is legal.

«They must understand that within the realm of public life, the only possible moral is that which is found in the Constitution.» 2

The moral point of reference is provided by the State. There are no values over and above those passed by a majority vote. And when that majority legislates against nature, the irrational becomes the virtuous, the appropriate and the democratic. In this new ra- tionality, «father» and «mother» cease to be objective realities if the law decides it is so. «Man» can be «woman» if this is decided by the will of the individual. Just like that. And the idea of «mother» dis- appears, buried under the label of Progenitor B.


2 José Antonio Alonso, PSOE Spokesman in the Lower Chamber of Spain’s Parliament: declaraciones- obispos-sobre-aborto/281336.shtm



«In this country there have been too many historical occasions on which we have sought – and too many people still seek – to legislate morality. Legislate the morality of the country. And the only order that we must establish is the order that grants freedom to all, not that which grants freedom to each individual. It is freedom that makes us true, not truth that makes us free.» 3

The End of Dissidence

If the State is the maker of truth, the point of reference for morality and the artifice of rights, and outside the State there only exists an abyss of anti-democratic forces conceived as the resistance to the majority (the paradigm of evil in Rodríguez Zapatero’s anthropol- ogy), then dissidence has no place and loses all its meaning. The State, the supreme maker, envelops everything, is absolute and, according to the old Hegelian canons of Marxism, is endowed with a dialectic presence: it serves at once as reality and as criticism of that reality. It is the all-encompassing State: everything that sur- rounds its citizens, anything that may concern them, anything they might do, think or desire, either now or in the future, proceeds from the State, which grants and regulates. This proposition recalls the Orwellian State depicted in 1984. In Zapatero’s project, as in the work by Orwell, the State not only serves as the sole public realm, but it also seeks to control our minds. The main character in the novel, the rebel, Winston Smith, is tortured until he admits that two plus two is three, five or what- ever the Party wishes it to be. The same character had written that «freedom is the freedom to say that two plus two make four. If that is granted, all else follows». In this respect, it is impossible to dissent. The Zapatero Project restricts our freedoms. And the freedom of education, freedom of con- science and freedom of religion are the first liberties to be curtailed.


3 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in conversation with Suso de Toro, Madera de Zapatero. Retrato de un presidente. Barcelona, 2007.



Domesticating the Opposition

The omnipotent State proposed by the Zapatero Project corners dissidents in two ways: from a political point of view and from the point of view of individual freedoms. The Zapatero Project extends way beyond the work of government and the terms of office estab- lished by the corresponding legislatures and even beyond PSOE itself. Within the political field, it proposes to domesticate the Op- position, in which respect it is essential for the Socialist Govern- ment itself «to re-found» the Partido Popular:

«The Right must be re-founded both culturally and ideologically. The best aspect of this era is that it is inevitably going to end up forming part of a democratic European Right, a re-founded Right. Absolutely. Yes, yes.» 4

Yielding to all political opposition and bending its principles and values, this new cultural and ideological Right will emerge, both «democratic» and «European», which is to say, ready to serve this new State proposed by the Zapatero Project. The businessman, Jesús Polanco, stated as much to chilling effect when he spoke to his shareholders in March 2007:

«We do not have a right-wing party of which we can say: periods in office have no consequence other than mere changes of manage- ment team.» 5


4 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in conversation with Suso de Toro, Madera de Zapatero. Retrato de un presidente. Barcelona, 2007.

5 A transcription of the address delivered by Jesús Polanco to the Shareholders Meeting of the Prisa Group can be found on the web site of Cadena SER:




Restricting Individual Freedom

However, in addition to ensuring political submissiveness, the

Zapatero Project also seeks to end individual dissent. In this case it

is a question of restricting our freedom of conscience. During the

final throes of the Franco period, the most tolerant sections of the regime proposed that each individual should hold the beliefs he deemed appropriate, provided that he did not do so in public. Ro- dríguez Zapatero has made this proposal his own, adapting it to his own cause: individual beliefs belong to the private realm. And they can only be expressed in the public realm in the manner set out by the law. The Zapatero Project is not concerned about citizens’ principles and beliefs, as long as they are kept indoors. What threatens Zapatero’s plans is the visibility of these beliefs, their free exercise and expression vis-à-vis public opinion.

An All-Encompassing Transformation Project

Endowed with the characteristics described above, the Zapatero Project seeks to bring about a transformation of Spain at every

level. In this respect, this pseudo-millenarian vision is to be pursued

in the ideological, cultural, legislative, social and political realms. The Project’s ambitious goals even include that of erasing the

historical, political and territorial identity of Spain in order to create

a new national identity tailor-made for the new citizens that Zapatero also proposes to create.


Post-Human Rights

Birth, growing up, procreation. The Zapatero Project has not in- vented anything new. It simply takes from reality anything that might disturb it and changes its meaning. In this respect, once all bother- some aspects have been removed, reality itself ends up disappearing, replaced by a gratuitous and artificial creation that, nevertheless, con- tinues to use the same cultural and linguistic codes. However, this is merely an apparent paradox: the Zapatero Project talks, for example, about «family», but its proposal has nothing to do with family.

Birth: The Right to Choose

This sense of ambiguity presides over the destruction of individual and collective identity. The promoters of the Zapatero Project de- liver their messages like the card-sharps you find on the street- corners of large cities. With the argument-cum-alibi of promoting freedom and new rights, they corner the traditional family whilst supporting «new families»; they condemn marriage but promote homosexual «marriages»; they scorn parental authority but invent new «progenitors». The first new right that the Zapatero Project formulates is applied at the very moment of birth. Compared to his «enslaved» predecessor,



the new Man «who deserves adoration», first of all breaks away from his own body. The type of anthropology proposed by the Zapatero Project, thus, launches its first slogan, the right to choose, when faced with the first reality: the identity of each human being. It is a matter of burning the bridges that tie us to nature, in such a way that you are no longer born man or woman: you choose what you are, regardless of your body’s attributes when you entered the world. Even if you decide to continue your path through life with the same identity and the same body as you born with, you will retain your right to change your mind and choose a different option. Be- cause whatever your identity may be, whatever form your body takes, nothing makes you any different to anyone else: there are no differences between men and women. First, human beings broke away from nature, and now they are breaking away from their sex- ual identity: gender and the individual are destined to tread differ- ent paths. And sex and gender have become one of the guiding threads of the Zapatero Project: Citizenship Education, «sexual and reproductive health», «sexual rights». This obsession with sex and gender has even reached realms that are somewhat far removed from the issue, such as the Red Cross and a series of apparently innocent activities such as games. In 2009, the Ministry for Health subsidised an interactive game pro- duced by Red Cross Youth. It was called VIHDAS and was aimed at youngsters between 15 and 18 years of age. The game involved a party held by a number of young people: a group of boys and girls get together and the members are invited «get to know each other in an intimate place». In order to do so, the players-members of the group are invited to make use of the corresponding condom. After this, the player (either boy or girl) must choose a partner of a differ- ent or the same sex and choose from among a range of different options: kisses, masturbation, oral sex, caresses, use of sex toys, vaginal sex or anal sex. A laudable eradication of discrimination thus leads to the elimi- nation of natural differences, replaced by a form of egalitarianism that confuses and erases identities:



«Let’s look at some examples of gender discrimination as suffered by men. The definition of maternity as a biological function (and not as it is: a social function that can be learned) is an example of discrimination against men, one which, furthermore, creates a bi- ased perspective of our social identities and capacities as people. We men have the right to be mothers. Or is biology our fate?» 1

«Little by little new ways of managing our bodies are gradually permeating throughout society. People are beginning to determine themselves at a sexual level.» 2

What an individual might do by himself or what he might achieve automatically becomes a right for all the rest, irrespective of the characteristics, aptitude and limitations of each individual. In this manner our rights are multiplied. They are also trivialised:

the list of new human rights includes all and anything. Provided that these are things that serve to destroy the values that make up our cultural identity. Rodríguez Zapatero calls these values «ideological myths»:

«If Spanish society [takes on the idea of homosexual marriage and] interiorises the idea that it is all right, that everything will continue as before, that certain people who were unhappy will now be hap- pier and that nobody is going to be forced to do anything in any way and that everything is going to turn out just fine, then these ideological myths will begin to fall away.» 3

When theory becomes legislation, these new rights replace the man and woman, the couple who make up the nucleus of the family unit, with any kind of cooperative agreement between two parties. The argument that underpins the new family legislation


1 A paper presented at the Complutense University of Madrid by Andreu Guasch, a lecturer in sociology at Barcelona University, within the framework of the Mageeq Project.

2 Andreu Guasch, interview in El Norte de Castilla, 14.2.08.

3 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in conversation with Suso de Toro, Madera de Zapatero. Retrato de un presidente. Barcelona, 2007.



does not require the parties to be a man and a woman. It is enough for anybody to express a wish to reach agreements re- garding a shared residence and life with someone else. The law, thus, places common-law partners on the same footing as married couples. However, the intention that underlies this legislation could also serve at some point to provide a legal rubber-stamp for the polygamous relationships of a Muslim immigrant or even those of a Spaniard. Children are not the result of a marriage, but the product of an agreement between the contracting parties and, in this respect, they no longer require the prior existence of a mother and a father. Techniques that have emerged from research financed by the State provide these «new families» with the children they require, with- out any need to stick to the antiquated and bothersome obligation imposed by the fact that the human species is made up of two dif- ferent sexes, man and woman. In this sense, gender roles are the next item on the list of things to be eradicated. «Father» and «mother» are relative concepts and no longer correspond to the gender of the parties who sign the family agreement. Neither are they necessary in order to create a nuclear family or to procreate, and they are even less essential when it comes to bringing up the children. In fact, in the approach proposed by the Zapatero Project, «new families» means, above all, families in which nobody is a man or a woman, or a father or a mother, all of which are realities that, like the nation itself, are «debatable and controversial». The next stop (but not the end of the road) consists of the rup- ture between individual and sexuality. The new rights translate into the disappearance of individual rights. You no longer have rights, those old rights that helped you as a mother or as a man. A shining universe of absolute equality unfolds before you in which your for- mer identity has become the identity of everyone, in the name of equality. Doublethink leaps from the pages of Orwell’s famous novel to transform our ID: if your identity is the identity of everyone, it is not precisely the identity of anyone. In this manner, your identity, together with your freedom, remains for ever in the possession of the State:



«Doublethink means the power of holding two contradictory be- liefs in one’s mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them. The Party intellectual knows in which direction his memories must be altered; he therefore knows that he is playing tricks with reality; but by the exercise of doublethink he also satisfies himself that reality is not violated. »The process has to be conscious, or it would not be carried out

with sufficient precision, but it also has to be unconscious, or it would bring with it a feeling of falsity and hence of guilt. »Doublethink lies at the very heart of Ingsoc, since the essential act of the Party is to use conscious deception while retaining the firmness of purpose that goes with complete honesty. »To tell deliberate lies while genuinely believing in them, to for- get any fact that has become inconvenient, and then, when it be- comes necessary again, to draw it back from oblivion for just so long as it is needed, to deny the existence of objective reality and all

the while to take account of the reality which one denies

all this

is indispensably necessary. »Even in using the word doublethink it is necessary to exercise doublethink. For by using the word one admits that one is tamper- ing with reality; by a fresh act of doublethink one erases this knowl- edge; and so indefinitely, with the lie always one leap ahead of the truth. Ultimately it is by means of doublethink that the Party has been able – and may, for all we know, continue to be able for thou- sands of years – to arrest the course of history.» 4

Growing Up: The Right to An Absence of Compromise

Rodríguez Zapatero proposes a total and ongoing rejection of every- thing that detracts from absolute freedom, breaking away from all traditions and moral values. Again, here, Zapatero is not doing any- thing original. He is simply reflecting the state of opinion that has pervaded wide-ranging sections of Spanish society that have been brought up under educational laws passed by his party.


4 George Orwell, 1984.



One product of this educational model, which punishes excel- lence and stretches tolerance to the point of placing it above reason, consists of the individual who shuns any kind of commitment, something that is considered to be a serious curtailment of freedom. Consecrating freedom as an absolute value and considering rights to be the mere product of circumstance or passing fashions that succeed within the supermarket of our collective customs, are both entirely incompatible with the idea of personal commitment. My right to freedom and pleasure makes it unfeasible to acquire solid bonds that demand a degree of sacrifice, which is the basis of any commitment. In order to subvert the values and identity of our culture within this realm, the Zapatero Project once again turns to gender. The aim is to destroy the foundations of the family by breaking the link be- tween marriage and sexuality. We once again come across an apparent paradox here, especially in view of the neo-language that envelops the entire Zapatero Proj- ect, which does not talk of sex, but of love and happiness. The point of departure is the right to permanent happiness and limitless love, the idea of turning a romantic utopia into reality. And if your utopia grates somewhat, if you fail to achieve it on this occasion, don’t worry! We have other realities packed with happiness and love, other possible combinations, and we can swap them as often as you like. In order to achieve this perpetual and all-embracing happiness, it is necessary to remove all obstacles, all barriers, all those elements that formerly constituted the foundations of commitment. Let us shelve anything that limits our right to pleasure and happiness as bothersome hindrances. No physical or legal impediments must exist, not to men- tion restrictions based on gender or family structures that tie us down. In order to achieve this goal, the State shall place an entire corps of civil servants at my disposal who specialise in rubber-stamping family breakdowns as rapidly as possible, and it shall reinforce its role by means of messages that encourage public opinion to con- sider any form of behaviour based on the unilateral search for love, pleasure and personal self-fulfilment to be entirely natural. With



this “pack”, I can feel truly happy or at least believe that I might aspire to being happy, over and above any bonds of commitment, which are always subordinated to the main goal. In the «new families» proposed by the Zapatero Project, every- thing can be erased in one stroke of the pen. We might call this in- stant elimination an «express service», due to the speed with which civil servants specialising in this field can dissolve any agreements that have been signed. The right proposed by the Zapatero Project to be what we want to be, the right to achieve the «happiness» it offers us, requires the separation of two concepts that have always gone hand in hand in our culture and that have helped to preserve our very civilisation itself: love and gender.

Procreation: The Right to Decide

The Zapatero Project offers us the right to decide anything, even our own nature, which means that the individual is no longer de- termined by his or her gender. It also proposes that we search for happiness without assuming the slightest degree of personal com- mitment, which, among other consequences, eradicates one of the most important family ties, that which links gender and marriage. As a result of all this, the right to decide becomes the most fla- grant axiom of the Zapatero Project. The «human being that de- serves adoration» effectively becomes God. And, in this respect, he will seize God’s first attribute: the ability to give and take away life. Here we find ourselves at the very heart of the Zapatero universe:

the right to live. However, the centre of the Zapatero universe is also a huge black hole. This universe takes for granted that sex no longer bears any rela- tion to procreation, an activity that can be carried out more «effi- ciently» in a laboratory. As the legal impediments continue to fall away, à la carte babies become a reality and human cloning projects financed with public resources are carried out, sex ceases to be the path by which human beings multiply, effectively becoming the ob-



ject of exchange (Law on Gender Identity) or an object for worship (White Paper on Affective-Sexual Diversity in Schools). As far as procreation is concerned, in the Zapatero Project, it is the State that assumes responsibility for this matter. The State decides, through MP’s chosen via closed and blocked lists, about matters relating to life and death. It establishes the fact that sex can have «undesired consequences», a euphemism that hides the existence of a life independent of the mother’s from the very moment of conception. And it regulates the procedures whereby insatiably free citizens with armfuls of rights can free themselves of these «consequences». Through the auspices of the State, the new citizens under the Zapatero Project imagine that they have become God.


The Man Who Dreamt of Being God

As viewed through the prism of the Zapatero Project, the rights that citizens enjoyed under the Felipe González and José María Aznar governments were of very poor quality. The Zapatero Government has spent a good amount of its time presenting a portrait of social life in the past as a veritable abyss of segregation and intransigence, when extreme minority groups were forced to accept the tyrannical decisions of the majority. It is true, women had the right to choose, which is to say, they could abort. But they had to go to a special establishment, they had to identify themselves, even if it were sim- ply for the purposes of paying by credit card. Now and then they were suggested that an exploration should be carried out. And there were even one or two cases in which they were actually asked ques- tions. Furthermore, they had to waste a whole morning so that the «undesired consequence» could be removed. It was all very irritat- ing. Women had the right to decide, yes, but the procedure posed a serious drawback: it was slow (24 hours, sometimes more) and it was inconvenient (travel to the abortion clinic, formalities). During the time that elapsed between the telephone call to ask for an ap- pointment and the beginning of the «interruption» of the embryo’s life, there was a danger than some women might become conscious of what they were doing. Before Zapatero’s arrival on the scene, the



right to decide and its formalities and legal requirements may have highlighted the fact that this was something abnormal, something above the ordinary. Something even important. And yet, however much the businessmen of the abortion industry might facilitate the

procedures and skip the formalities, the business could lose a cus- tomer at any time. And the party could lose a vote. When it proposes turning

the wish to emulate God into a right, the Zapatero Project is well aware that it must facilitate things even further, because when it comes to applying the right to decide regarding life, education, family structure and even one’s own sexual identity in practice, there are many elements that betray the swin- dle being perpetrated by its ad- vocates, effectively revealing the profoundly totalitarian na- ture of such an approach: the subjection of individual free- dom to the will of the State. The Zapatero Project does not wish to endanger its oppor- tunity to twist reason and the law in order to extend the right to choose to the farthest extremes in every realm of life. In this re- spect, it has implemented two

parallel measures: the passing of a new law offering «an abortion free-for-all» and free distribution, without prescription or age limits, of the abortion procedure known as the «morning-after pill» (MAP). In both cases the intention is the same: to guarantee that, in cases where life exists, only one party should have alleged rights and not both, under the Government’s pro-


Jaime Cañellas Galindo, A psy- chiatrist, worked at the abortion clinic, Centro Médico Aragón (Gerona). His work consisted of diagnosing women who wished to abort, based on a possible danger to the mother’s psychological health. After some months work- ing at the clinic, the Guardia Civil questioned him: a complaint had been made which included cer- tificates signed by him authorising abortions. However, these certifi- cates did not include the name of pregnant woman. Dr. Cañellas declared that he had never signed these blank cer- tificates. The clinic, Centro Médico Aragón, used them behind his back in order to speed up the proce- dures for its customers. The psy- chiatrist denounced the practices carried out by the clinic to the me- dia in 2007.



tection. Because under the Zapatero Project, the authority that deter- mines the category of an individual and his corresponding rights is the State.

In 2009, the Government approved the free sale of the «morning-after pill». As of this year, this abortion pill has been on sale over the counter at chemist’s without any kind of restriction, in spite of its serious secondary effects. Thus, any woman, and even a minor, can use this discreet abortion proce- dure as many times as she likes. This measure has had a much wider impact than the abortion law itself, because it seeks to make the law unnec- essary. When the Socialist Government declares that its abortion law of 2010 will re- duce the number of embryos destroyed, its reasoning is based on the following argu- ment: the MAP permits abor- tion without even needing to turn to a business that spe- cialises in termination proce- dures. In this respect, whilst the parliamentary groups were debating the provisions of the Act for Sexual and Reproduc- tive Health and Voluntary In-


The «morning-after pill» began to be sold without prescription at chemist’s in Sep- tember 2009. Sales of the pill have multi- plied since then, to the point where it has become a fashionable product at chemist’s. Figures furnished by Cofares, the largest pharmaceuticals distributor in Spain (based on a 23 per cent market share) con- firm the MAP boom. Between October and December 2009, following the Zapatero Govern- ment’s Decree that authorised free sale, some 45,315 packs of the «morning-after pill» were sold. During the same period the previous year, sales had come to 16,997 packs. In 2008, Cofares distributed some 71,523 MAP packs throughout the whole of Spain. In 2009 the figure came to


According to figures provided by the consultants, IMS Health, the use of these abortion pills in Spain is increasing. Before the authorisation of free sale, some 935 abortion pills were sold in Spain each day. Following prescription- free sales, the «morning-after pill» and the «five-day-after pill» have become the daily abortion procedures of hundreds of thousands of people and the favourite contraceptive of many young women. Sales of these pills are now higher than those of contraceptives, coming to 2,100 units a day.



terruption of Pregnancy at great length, a piece of legislation that sought to authorise minors of sixteen years of age to abort, the Gov- ernment was already gradually opening the door regarding this possi- bility by means of the MAP.

In December 2009, the So- cialist Parliamentary Group, with the help of ERC, IU and PNV, radicalised its abortionist project still further. And whilst this was going on in the Lower House of Spain’s Parliament, El Congreso de los Diputados, just a short distance away in the Upper House, El Senado, Rodríguez Zapatero was inaugurating the International Colloquium on the Universal Abolition of the Death Penalty. There he was perfectly prepared to proclaim his all-out defence of the right to life, some- thing he called the «Supreme Right», in capital letters:

«The right to life is the Su- preme Right, as it has been called by the Human Rights Committee, because without effective guarantees of this right, all other rights lack meaning and raison d’être. This is something that appears to be obvious to everyone. However, if it really were that obvious, today we would not been obliged to call on public authorities around the world to completely respect the inviola-


Contrary to the claims made by the Zapatero Government’s propaganda, proliferation of MAP use has not helped to reduce the number of un- wanted pregnancies and the number of abortions. Quite the reverse, in fact. Since 2001, in order to gain access to the «morning-after pill» in the Re- gion of Andalusia, it was enough to be just 16 years of age. In that year, the Andalusian Health Service (SAS) dis- tributed 25,785 «morning-after pills» throughout the Region. There were eleven thousand abortions. In 2008 the SAS distributed 66,777 MAP’s. Ac- cording to official figures, there were more than twenty thousand abortions. The free availability of the MAP led to a four-fold increase in sales of the pill as of early October 2009, which was when the Zapatero Government author- ised sale without prescription. Even the commercial profits of this government measure have attracted attention. Carlos González Bosch, the Chair- man of Cofares, the largest pharmaceu- ticals distributor in Spain, has called this increase in post-coital pill sales «scandalous» and has called on the public authorities and on society as a whole «to reflect upon whether this is the goal they were pursuing» when the legislative change was introduced.



ble, unconditional nature of human life and the right to not be sub- jected to cruel, inhuman and degrading penalties.» 1

Unlike his predecessors in government, Zapatero has managed to consecrate the right to end an embryo’s life in two different ways, the legal and the commercial. The Zapatero Project presents the law on abortion as the right to decide, but it has also facilitated the pill, thus extending the possibilities of exterminating embryos to the very limit. However, it has also made the practice of abortion legal. It is now a right. In this respect, those under the age of 16 years can carry out abortions because the State has taken away the parents’ authority:

the law permits minors not to inform their parents of their deci- sion to abort. In the case of minors, it is the State that authorises them to go ahead, not the parents. In this sense, the girl who has decided to have an abortion does so behind her family’s back. And if she takes the «morning-after pill», the decision is exactly the same. In this manner, although the Government argues that the law on abortion seeks, among other objectives, to end all stigmatisa- tion of women who decide to abort and to do away with the clan- destine nature of the practice, the Zapatero Project effectively consecrates the clandestine nature of abortion. The removal of all imaginable barriers, including the obstacle of reason, is imposed as an indispensable objective when it comes to putting the Zapatero Project into practice. In this respect, private agreements between two parties, whatever they may be, are placed on the same footing as a marriage between a man and a woman, which constitutes the essence of matrimony as it has been under- stood in all cultures since the very beginning of civilisation; the family now becomes what the State defines it to be; and life also becomes a relative concept, one that is now subject to the will of the authorities and also subject to its needs.


1 International Colloquium on the Universal Abolition of the Death Pen- alty, Madrid, 9.12.09:



Science has demonstrated the existence of different DNA se- quences in the embryo and in the mother. From the very moment of conception, the DNA of the new being manifests its individuality and independence with regard to the mother. This is a new and dis- tinct life. And this is how it will be until its natural end, in which respect human life will continue to be human life, in spite of illness or decrepitude. Nevertheless, in the face of the scientific facts of life, the Zapatero Project says nothing and the legal facts are diluted: we constantly hear about multiple rights, but the language of power, the neo-language of authority, erases our right to life. The most ele- mentary right of all, the one that constitutes the very roots of the law, is erased by the Zapatero Project. There are lives that do not vote, such as embryonic lives and those in which the characteristic features of life are fading, and their most elementary rights are erased, including the right to ongoing life. The goal being pursued by abortion, camouflaged under the «progressive» gabble of the right to decide, is the same as the objec- tive that is being sought by the rest of the proposals that the Zapatero Project brings together under the heading of «new human rights»: the restriction of civil rights, with the State serving as the sole deposit and regulator of these rights. In the same way in which the Organisation of the Islamic Con- ference passed its Declaration on Human Rights in Islam 2 in Cairo in 1990, a catalogue that was notoriously different with regard to the Universal Declaration and founded on something as far removed from human rights as sharia, the Zapatero Project has built the framework for a series of «new human rights», which are equally far removed from the Declaration passed in 1948 by the General As- sembly of the United Nations 3 .


2 You can read a Spanish version of the Declaration on Human Rights in Islam, translated directly from the Arabic version published by the Organisa- tion of the Islamic Conference, on the UNHCR web site:

3 Reproduced on the United Nations web site:



The United Nations text consecrated the right to life of all hu- man beings without distinction. The Zapatero Project modifies this stance, incorporating into the rights of all human beings that of be- ing exterminated in accordance with the conditions established and regulated by the State. Under the maxim of freedom, the Zapatero Project institutes a culture of death.

In accordance with its neo-language, the extermination of a hu- man life becomes a right that can be freely exercised by anyone who is legitimised by the State for this purpose: owners of abortion clin- ics, abortion pill manufacturers, chemists who sell these products and abortion professionals. The same occurs with euthanasia in its various and euphemistic forms.

Propaganda Versus Reason

In the neo-language of the Zapatero Project, the most extreme and crudest formulation of the extermination of unborn children comes from the former Minister for Equality, Bibiana Aído:

«The foetus is a living being, of course; but what we cannot talk about is a human being, because that has no scientific basis.» 4

Each time the Zapatero Project has been forced to rationalise its proposals, members of the public have been treated to the spectacle of unjust nonsense being turned into propaganda. Public pressure has forced the Rodríguez Zapatero Government to defend abortion as a positive step for society. All of its attempts at justification have resulted in the most crushing failure. In October 2010 the then Minister for Equality, Bibiana Aído, replied to a written question presented by the Member of Parliament for Unión del Pueblo Na- varro, Carlos Salvador, asking for her opinion as to whether the in-


4 Bibiana Aído, declarations made on the radio station, Cadena SER,



terruption of a pregnancy did not constitute the elimination of a human life:

«The Government cannot share the affirmation that the interrup- tion of pregnancy constitutes the elimination of a human life [ ] The State must protect the life of the unborn child and this must be done from the moment of gestation to the moment of birth [ ] Abortion does not entail the termination of a human life because there is no unanimous opinion regarding what a human being is, there is no scientific evidence, given that human life refers to a complex concept based on ideas and philosophical, moral and so- cial beliefs; in short, it is a matter that is subject to different opin- ions and personal preferences.» 5

The most polished example of neo-language is offered by the name of the law itself that turns the extermination of human beings into a right: Act for Sexual and Reproductive Health and the Volun- tary Interruption of Pregnancy. Between the Minister’s definition and the official name of the corresponding law extend the notorious forms of manipulation that the Zapatero Project has applied to the fundamental principles of political propaganda, known as the prin- ciples of simplification, transposition, vulgarisation, orchestration, verisimilitude, hushing up and transfusion 6 :

The principle of simplification (individualising the adversary as a single enemy):

José Antonio Alonso, Minister and PSOE Spokesman in the Lower House of Parliament: «The Catholic Church wants to imprison women who have to voluntarily interrupt their pregnancies».

El País (15.5.09): «The Church and the PP Lash Out at the Abor- tion Bill».



6 The principles listed here were formulated by Hitler’s Minister for Peo- ple’s Education and Propaganda, Joseph Goebbels: y



Juan Luis Cebrián, Managing Director of the PRISA Group (9.1.08): «The Church is the intellectual battering ram of the PP».

Zapatero (6.1.08): «Nobody can impose faith, morality or customs, only respect for the law, which is the DNA of democracy».

The principle of transposition (transferring your own errors onto the adversary in order to attack them):

The Spanish Episcopal Conference published six documents against abortion when the PP was in government, whilst it has pub- lished only three documents under the Zapatero Government. Maribel Montaño, Socialist Secretary for Equality (22.1.08): «The hypocrisy of the Catholic ecclesiastic hierarchy, because they only remember abortion and divorce when the Left is in government».

The principle of vulgarisation (minimising the mental efforts of the public vis-à-vis the messages that are launched):

María Teresa Fernández de la Vega, Deputy Prime Minister of the Government (14.5.09): «We want to safeguard the dignity of women».

Soledad Cabezón, PSOE’s Secretary for Equality Policies (3.10.09):

«We must guarantee women’s right to independence».

«For the youngest members of society. For their right to decide» was the slogan of the campaign dreamt up by the Young Socialists to support the abortion law.

Carmen Montón, PSOE Member of Parliament and Spokeswoman for Equality: «They want abortion to stay in the Penal Code and for woman to be unable to decide themselves».

Dolores Cabrera, PSOE’s Secretary for Equality: «PSOE defends women’s right to decide with regard to sexuality and reproduction».

Francisca Medina, Assistant Spokesman of the Equality Commission in the Lower House of Spain’s Parliament (10.3.09): «Women will de-



cide, without the supervision of third parties. The decision of women is not a question of authorisation, but a question of rights».

The principle of orchestration (constantly repeating the same few ideas). In reaction to the fact that no woman in Spain has ever been imprisoned for carrying out an abortion:

Zapatero (18.11.09): «No woman must go to prison for voluntarily interrupting a pregnancy».

Carme Chacón, Minister for Defence (1.6.09): «We have witnessed abuses of all kinds, people who have been persecuted for aborting».

Leire Pajín, PSOE’s Organisation Secretary (21.5.09): «This law will mean that women in this country no longer have to pay, even with incarceration, for aborting».

José Bono, the Head of the Regional Government of Castile-La Mancha and Speaker of the Lower House of Spain’s Parliament (29.3.09): «No woman must go to prison for aborting».

José Antonio Alonso (17.3.09): «They want to continue sending women to prison who have to abort».

The principle of verisimilitude (arguments based on alleged facts that are either irrelevant or out of context). Vis-à-vis the demonstra- tion in Madrid against the abortion law (17.10.09), which featured the participation of more than one million people:

Report from the daily newspaper, Público: «An abortion of a

demonstration [

ous husbands, all of whom are at zero risk of becoming pregnant,

turned up to protest [

there, children forced by their parents to attend the demonstra- tion. Above all, there were a large number of sixteen-year-old girls, who, by the looks of it, are sufficiently mature to under- stand nonsense such as the idea that their god manufactures little souls as soon as the zygote is formed, but are entirely immature when it comes to deciding whether they can abort an unwanted

Thousands of girls and boys were also

Priests, nuns and pious women with their pi-





foetus [the law proposes that sixteen-year-old girls should be able

to decide to abort without their parents’ consent] [ guard protests against abortion».

] Aznar’s old

The principle of hushing up (suppressing information that may fa- vour the adversary). A demonstration took place on 17 th October 2009 against the abortion law. The demonstrators occupied Calle Alcalá, stretching from Puerta del Sol to the Puerta de Alcalá itself, including all of the adjacent streets. According to the organisers, more than two million demonstrators took part. According to the Madrid Regional Government, the number came to 1.2 million. The demonstration was called by 42 civil associations:

The government news agency, Efe: the number of demonstrators came to 55,316 persons.

El País: «According to estimates made by El País, the demonstra-

The march fea-

tured the participation of top Partido Popular leaders».

tors against the law reform came to 265,000 [


The principle of transfusion (resorting to myths and prejudices and stirring up the most primitive layers of the collective imagination facilitates the rapid acceptance of propaganda):

Mariano Fernández Bermejo, Minister for Justice (30.12.07):

«Through the auspices of its ecclesiastic hierarchy and the most re- actionary elements of the Right, the Nationalist-Catholic movement has sprung into campaign mode».

Bernat Soria, Minister for Health (16.12.07): «We cannot go back to the times of the Inquisition, turn back the clock 500 or 300 years. The country that invented the Inquisition doesn’t seem to want to consign it to the past. We cannot allow some 5 or 6 per cent of people to be the inquisitors of the rest».

Convinced of the fact that politics consists of changing individual forms of behaviour, instead of managing resources and channelling initiatives in order to achieve the common good, a good part of the



Rodríguez Zapatero’s measures and a good part of the activity pursued by PSOE since the year 2004 has been devoted to mere propaganda about abortion, one of the key elements of its project. Without any other arguments except for the tiresome slogans mentioned above and by using the media and a series of audiovisual leisure opportunities that present abortion as an aseptic and impersonal procedure that sig- nifies the very culmination of freedom and modern life, a large part of this Socialist Government’s work has consisted of convincing the pub- lic of the need to increase the number of unborn children. The impact of the Government’s measures on public opinion has not been quite as expected. In this respect, the year 2009, the year in which Rodríguez Zapatero’s abortion law was drafted and the greatest pressure was exerted on public opinion, marked the key turning-point. The black hole that exists within the Zapatero universe has emerged through the auspices of public opinion. Newspapers as close to the abortionist movements as La Vanguardia have recorded the shift in public opinion regarding abortion. According to polls carried out by the Noxa Institute and published by this newspaper, in 2008, before the grand abortionist campaign was launched by the Socialist Gov- ernment, some 57 per cent of the respondents were in favour of abor- tion and 30 per cent were against. One year later, those in favour of abortion had fallen to 44 per cent, whilst the number of advocates of the right to live had increased to 46 per cent. As of that time, all of the polls, even those dependent on the Socialist Government itself, have continued to record a constant rise in the number of people who sup- port the right to live, which constitutes a clear setback for those in fa- vour of PSOE’s pro-abortion reforms. As of the second half of the year 2009, this trend has even been detected among Socialist voters. During this period, some 25 per cent of these voters rejected the Government’s abortionist project. Socialist advocates of the right to live increased by 11 per cent, whilst those in favour of extermination decreased by 13 per cent. This historic sea-change in Spain has been brought about by the determined and tenacious efforts of thousands of citizens, who, throughout the whole country, have come together to form civil platforms to defend the right to live. Throughout the whole of the



year 2009, the activities pursued by these groups of citizens focused on disseminating scientific information regarding abortion and its consequences, not to mention citizen-based activism, denouncing government complicity with abortion clinic associations and resid- ual groups of hot-headed radicals. This work managed to pierce the wall of silence erected by the Socialist Government.

the wall of silence erected by the Socialist Government. September 2008 May 2009 September 2009 Extermination

September 2008

May 2009

September 2009

Extermination of

unborn children




Right to live




PSOE sought to process and pass its abortionist project in the most discreet and rapid manner possible, effectively lifting the pub- lic out of the debate that such an initiative required. The civil groups and platforms halted this attempt and managed to explain Rodríguez Zapatero’s true intentions to the public at large. The PSOE agenda was forced to change and the abortionists then began to bring their propaganda and the sympathetic media into play. But they were now fighting a rearguard action. The initiative lay with those that sought to protect the right to live. On 29 th March 2009, the March for Life 7 brought some half a million people out onto the streets of Madrid, whilst there were nearly one hundred simultaneous demonstrations in other Spanish cities and outside the Spanish embassies located in various different countries. For the first time in Spanish history, an act of defence regarding the right to live broke all of the forecasts that had been made and filled the streets of our cities with a unified protest in fa- vour of life that had never been so strong and determined. Anti-abortion demonstrations date back to the year 1985, which is when the first abortion law was announced. However, for years the ranks of the protestors had been filled with a series of heroic forerun- ners who had acted in the most absolute solitude and had almost





never managed to influence public opinion. The March for Life held in the year 2009 broke the taboo imposed by Spanish society based on a politically-correct «progressive» stance, one in which abortion was considered to be an expression of freedom, rather than a crime. The international press 8 echoed Spanish society’s reaction to the abortionist plans of the Zapatero Project and the Socialist Govern- ment was left somewhat ruffled and with no other recourse except to redouble its propaganda campaign consisting of manipulation and insults against those of us who support the right to live. In Spring 2009, various coaches toured the entire Peninsula over a period of three weeks, spreading the “right to live” message. The Tour for Life 9 carried out by the coaches chartered by the “right to life” platform, Derecho a Vivir (DAV), served to strengthen the mobi- lisation of thousands of people, citizens throughout the whole country who voluntarily demonstrated their determination to be heard, with a view to putting a stop to the Socialist Government’s abortionist plans. The second mass demonstration in favour of the unborn foetus’ right to live took place on 17 th October 2009, on this occasion only in Madrid 10 . Faced with its resounding success, the Socialist Govern- ment and its political and media supporters wrote the event off as a demonstration of «bishops and the Old Guard of the Partido Popu- lar». However, the verbal attacks on the participants have only served to motivate and mobilise even more supporters, as became evident on 7 th March 2010 when the Second International March for Life 11 once again mobilised citizens in cities throughout all of Spain’s provinces. In every province and in many towns and cities, members of the pub- lic took to the streets in order to express their revulsion for Rodríguez Zapatero’s abortion law. Madrid was once again brought to a com- plete standstill as 600,000 supporters of the right to live marched through the city’s streets, whilst Spain’s embassies abroad were sur- rounded by banners condemning the proposed law.








Nevertheless, Zapatero’s project has battled on regardless, because its objectives do not include any kind of consultation with the public, but the mere imposition of its principles. Backed by nationalist and left-wing splinter groups, PSOE managed to gather a sufficient number of votes together on 24 th February in order to pass its abortionist reform in the Upper House of Spain’s Parliament, El Senado. The policy of promoting and facilitating abortion has yielded its «fruits»: between 2001 and 2008 the number of abortions doubled in Spain, whilst the use of contraceptives, which according to the legisla- tion produced by the Zapatero Project serve to reduce abortions, in- creased from 49 per cent in 1997 to 80 per cent in the year 2007.

Development of Abortion in Spain
Development of Abortion in Spain

Source: Institute for Family Policies (IPF).

One abortion takes place every 4.7 minutes in Spain, whilst one out of every five pregnancies ends in abortion, which represents some 20 per cent of all pregnancies. According to the latest figures furnished by the PSOE Government, some 317 abortions take place every day in Spain. And every hour, two adolescents walk into an abortion clinic. Since 2007, Spain has been the country within the EU-15 that has wit- nessed the largest increase in the number of abortions. The Institute for Family Policies (IPF) has compared the official abortion figures furnished by the Ministry of Health with various population figures. The results are as follows: 12


12 Institute for Family Policies (IPF), Evolución de la Familia en España, 2010:



The number of abortions that take place in Spain over a pe- riod of 15 days (4,750 abortions) would serve to cover the annual national and international demand for adoptions.

Every day, 317 children fail to be born in Spain due to abor- tion. This is equivalent to the closing-down of a medium- sized school every 3 days due to a lack of children.

The number of abortions that took place in the year 2008 (more than 115,000) is equivalent to cities such as Orense and Lugo and comes to more than the entire population of the Province of Soria or cities such as Gerona, Cáceres, Toledo, Zamora and Huesca.

The number of abortions that takes place over a period of 15 days exceeds the number of people who die from traffic ac- cidents throughout an entire year.

The number of abortions that takes place in a year (115,812 in the year 2008) is equivalent to Spain’s birth deficit.

• Since abortion practices were legalised in 1985, Spain has witnessed some 1,350,000 abortions. This figure is equivalent to the population of regions such as Extremadura, Aragon, Asturias, the Balearic Islands, or Navarre and Cantabria to- gether.

On the same day that the Upper House of Spain’s Parliament passed the law on abortion with the votes of PSOE and its regional franchises, ERC, IU and BNG, together with various members of the Senate from the parties CiU and PSM-EN and two independent Senate members from Navarre and Ibiza, Rodríguez Zapatero de- clared the following:

«Nobody has the right to take life away from another human being, ab- solutely nobody. Let us work for this cause. I am at your entire dis- posal.» 13


13 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero at the World Congress Against the Death

Penalty, Geneva, 24.2.10:


When Education Is Indoctrination

Education is one of the most carefully controlled instruments of the Zapatero Project and all of the Government’s initiatives in this field contemplate the corresponding indoctrination procedures. The same also applies in the case of abortion.

«For more than a century we have known that the force that sweeps the world along consists of ideas. That is why we must know how to do two things at the same time: change the present through Government and transform the future through ideas.» 1

The Act for Sexual and Reproductive Health and the Volun- tary Interruption of Pregnancy (the law that offers an «abortion free-for-all») imposed by the Socialist Party, does not limit itself to simply amending the abortionist legislation that has been in force in Spain since 1985. This law, which constitutes a key plank of the Zapatero Project, reflects the Prime Minister’s wish to subvert the cur- rent social structure, eradicating its present values and replacing them with others of more dubious democratic credentials. In order to achieve this aim, the law proposed by Rodríguez Zapatero introduces the question of abortion into the education system.


1 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, 37th PSOE Congress, 2008.




In 2009 the Ministry for Equality published the Eighth Health Guide for «adolescent girls between 9 and 17 years of age». This publication recommends girls of this age to abort «as soon as possible», without mak- ing any mention of the need to con- sult their parents at any time. In fact, parents disappear from the text completely:

«There is no specific age or mo- ment for sharing our sexuality. Do not impose it on yourself or let others im- pose it on you. It is your decision. Live, explore, discover, learn. You are the owner of your feelings, of your body, of your pleasure and of your life. »If you do not wish to go ahead with your pregnancy, go to a family planning centre or a health centre as soon as possible. They will help you.» The Ministry’s Eighth Health Guide includes illustrations that show, for example, minors having sex inside cars, as well as provid- ing advice regarding the use of condoms and the «morning-after pill», all aimed at girls of nine years of age and over.

The indoctrinatory dimen- sion of the law receives the name of «sexual and reproduc- tive health». In the terminology of the international abortion lobbies, this so-called sexual and reproductive health has served as a cover for promoting Malthusian population control policies and abortion policies in the least-developed countries on Earth, disguising them as a means of achieving new free- doms exclusively for women:

«The explicit recognition and re- affirmation of the right of all women to control all aspects of their health, in particular their own fertility, is basic to their empowerment.» 2

«Sexual Rights»

Since 1994, the year in which the concept of «sexual and re- productive health» was intro- duced at the International Conference on Population and Development that took place in


2 Fourth edition of the United Nations World Conference on Women, Bei- jing 1995: Various documents relating to this Conference can be downloaded from the web page belonging to the former Ministry for Equality (today State Depart- ment for Equality) —



Cairo, organised by the United Nations Population Fund, in real terms this expression has signified an extension of abortion and abortion procedures as a form of contraception, the end of consci- entious objection on the part of doctors and mass sterilisation:

«The human rights of women include their right to have control over and decide freely and responsibly on matters related to their sexuality, including sexual and reproductive health, free from coer- cion, discrimination and violence.» 3

In this respect, the expression «sexual and reproductive health» has come to serve as an equivalent of the term «abortion»:

«Reproductive health is the state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive system and its functions and processes. Reproductive health therefore implies that people are able to have a satisfying and safe sex life and that they have the capability to reproduce and the freedom to decide if, when and how often to do so. »Sexual health, the purpose of which is the enhancement of life and personal relations, and not merely counselling and care related to reproduction and sexually transmitted diseases.» 4

For her part, the US Secretary of State of the United States, Hillary Clinton, expressly recognised the following during a hearing before a US Senate Committee:

«I will say that I’ve worked in this area for many years. And if we’re talking about maternal health, you cannot have maternal health without reproductive health. And reproductive health includes con- traception and family planning and access to legal, safe abortion.» 5


3 International Conference on Population and Development, Cairo, 1994:

4 Ibid.







1994. The Cairo Conference on Popu- lation and Development established the concept of «sexual and reproduc- tive health», whilst the World Health Organisation has defined «fertility regulation» as «family planning, abor-

tion, raising the minimum age for mar- riage and breast-feeding».

Chapter III Measures within the educational field

Article 9. Incorporation of training re- garding sexual and reproductive health into the education system. The education system shall contemplate the provision of training regarding sexual and reproduc- tive health. e) The prevention of unplanned preg- nancies.

Article 10 Training activities. The public authorities shall support the educational community in carrying out training activities relating to sex educa- tion, the prevention of sexually transmit- ted infections and unplanned pregnan- cies, furnishing the appropriate information to the mothers and fathers.

Chapter IV National Strategy for Sexual and Repro- ductive Health

Beijing. The Fourth United

Nations World Conference on Women. Abortion and sexual and reproductive rights were constituted as human rights for women.



The European Parliament’s

Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality recommended that «in order to safeguard women’s repro- ductive health and rights, abortion should be made legal, safe and accessi- ble to all». 2004. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe Council passed the European Strategy for the Promo- tion of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights. Article 2: «The right to sexual and reproductive health implies that people are able to enjoy a mutually satisfying and safe relation- ship, free from coercion or violence and without fear of sexually transmit- ted infections (STIs), including HIV/Aids, or unwanted pregnancies. Individuals and couples should be able to regulate their fertility without ad- verse or dangerous consequences».

Article 11. Elaboration of a National Strategy for Sexual and Reproductive Health. In order to fulfil the objectives set out in this law, the State Government, in collaboration with the Regional Gov- ernments, shall implement a Plan, which shall be known as the National Strategy for Sexual and Reproductive Health.

The neo-language that characterises the Zapatero Project defines the concept of sexual and reproductive health in the following manner:


6 As reproduced in the Official State Gazette (BOE) 4.3.10:



«Sexual health: a state of physical, psychological and socio-cultural well-being linked to sexuality, which requires an environment that

is free from coercion, discrimination and violence. »Reproductive health: a state of physical, psychological and so-

cio-cultural well-being with regard to aspects linked to the repro- ductive capacity of an individual, which entails the possibility of

a safe sex life, the freedom to have children and the freedom to decide when to have them.»

This definition appears in what is known as the National Strategy for Sexual and Reproductive Health 7 , an initiative promoted in the year 2009 by the Socialist Government through the auspices of the Ministry of Health and Social Policy. This document, which is al- most 200 pages long, does not feature a single mention of the terms «child» or «baby», which are replaced with the term «offspring». Thus, the text often makes reference to «women and their off- spring», but never to women and their children. This document clearly establishes the fact that reproductive health means abortion («one of the basic rights of women with re- gard to reproductive health consists of their right to information and their right to decide freely»). It also makes it clear what these new «sexual rights» mean:

«The concept of sexual rights is constantly evolving and being re- vised. Its conceptualisation is the result of a process that has emerged due to the demands of different social movements, such as international women’s movements and international organisa- tions such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and LGBT groups (lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transsexuals).» 8

With the precedents having been laid regarding the «legiti- macy» of the sexual rights proposed by the Zapatero Project, the


7 Estrategia Nacional de Salud Sexual y Reproductiva, Ministry of Health and Social Policy, 2010. The entire document can be consulted at

8 Ibid.



Strategy introduces a relativist approach from the very beginning, firmly applying its doctrine of destruction regarding reality and nature:

«The concept of “gender” refers to the series of biological, physical, economic, social, psychological, erotic, political and cultural charac- teristics attributed to individuals according to their sex. Based on gender, a social construct emerges regarding what it means to be a man and a woman, one that varies over time and from one society to another, effectively building the idea of gender and producing the masculine and feminine dichotomy. »Each culture defines what is normal and morally virtuous with regard to the sexual activity of individuals, their sexual op- tions/orientations and their sexual practices.» 9

By applying the script followed by all of the other initiatives promoted by the Zapatero Project with mechanical precision, the Strategy then goes on to destroy the very foundations of society by questioning maternity and, consequently, the family:

«The myth of maternal instinct, which is supposedly natural and in- trinsic, predestines women to be mothers so that they subsequently grant priority to looking after the offspring they give birth to, al- though there is no equivalent correlation in the case of men. Mater- nity, and especially the practice of maternity, condition maternal consciousness. The myth of maternal instinct is a clear example of the use of biological facts (such as the uterus, pregnancy and child- birth) in order to confine women in relation to their reproductive function. »Maternity is not a natural fact, given that the process of human

procreation is mediated by cultural factors [

] Consequently, the

ideology of maternity (Albite-Vélez & Valle-Ferrer, 2003; Golden, 1998) was constructed as an inducement for women to exercise a sense of sacrifice and self-denial in favour of the family’s well-being, laying the foundations for women’s oppression within the domestic,


9 Ibid.



private and public realms, as well as for the multiple forms of vio- lence against women both inside and outside the home.» 10

The Strategy also offers a reward for those who apply themselves to the cause. For all those who accept the interference of the State under the sheets and with regard to their conscience, the Zapatero Project promises a secular heaven bursting with happiness and ab- solute pleasure:

«We depart from an integral approach for the promotion of sexual health, one that guarantees the sexual rights of men and women and seeks to encourage change regarding gender bias, fostering, for example, the joint responsibility of individuals within sexual rela- tions, irrespective of their sex and sexual options or orientations. That is to say, both men and women are responsible for promoting a satisfactory, pleasurable and egalitarian experience of sexuality.» 11

The National Strategy for Sexual and Reproductive Health was approved by the Zapatero Government and the Health Depart- ments of the different Regional Governments, except for those gov- erned by the Partido Popular, in October 2010. The text that emerged from the Inter-Territorial Council of the National Health System, that body that gave the go-ahead to the Strategy, offers a meticulously precise distinction between «reproductive health» and «sexual health». Trinidad Jiménez, at that time Minister for Health, boasted of the alleged achievement:

«For the first time in Spain, a distinction has been made between re- productive health and sexual health, in order to recognise the right to sexuality without reproduction. This initiative is born with the voca- tion to guarantee the sexual and reproductive rights of all citizens.» 12


10 Ibid.

11 Ibid.




Instilling Destruction

All of these initiatives, the Strategy, the Abortion Law of 2010 and the free distribution of the morning-after pill, have been enthusias- tically applied to the education system, based on the idea that by controlling future citizens, you can control society. In this respect, the abortion policies and those relating to the sexual life of citizens promoted by Rodríguez Zapatero propose specific indoctrination measures at education centres catering for all ages, starting with infant schools and continuing up to university:

«Within the field of education, sex education for infants and ado- lescents shall be promoted, in accordance with the level of devel- opment at each age, using a holistic perspective of sexuality and di- versity as a point of reference. »Channels of communication and cooperation with regard to the world of education shall be promoted in order to include the idea of sexual health, based on an integral and gender-aware perspective, in university studies, post-graduate studies and spe- cialised education.» 13

The National Strategy for Sexual and Reproductive Health also details the assault on the world of university: abortion becomes «teaching» for medical students and students of other specialised fields linked to health. The Zapatero Project requires the unconditional surrender of our intelligence and will, as well as determining the manner in which professional activities are to be approached:

«The training of health professionals shall be undertaken from a gender-aware perspective and shall entail the incorporation of sex- ual and reproductive health into curricular programmes corre- sponding to careers relating to medicine and the health sciences, in- cluding research and training regarding clinical practices relating to the voluntary interruption of pregnancy.


13 Estrategia Nacional de Salud Sexual y Reproductiva, Ministry of Health and Social Policy, 2010.




This was the title of a workshop that took place this very academic year for

a second-year class (Segundo de

ESO) at a secondary school in Ma- drid, aimed at students of between 13 and 14 years of age. They are in

the classroom, but there are no books

or exercise books. The object of the

exercise is for «adolescents to learn how to develop their personalities and carry out a practical task». In or- der to do so, the tables are covered with an endless number of sealed

condoms and a spectacular dildo.

The boys, but above all the girls, gig- gling and joking, are required to un- roll the condoms onto the dildo. The ultimate and true objective of the training is described in a digital school magazine with the following text: «Hey girl!»

— If he doesn’t know how, you’ll have to be the one who knows, won’t you?

— Why do they have to make the decision for you?

— What makes you think that the

boy has kept the condom in good condition or knows how to use it? 18

»The training of professionals shall be undertaken based on a gender-aware perspective and shall include sexual and repro- ductive health on ongoing train-

ing programmes throughout the course of a professional’s career. »Maps of professional com- petences (knowledge, skills and

attitudes) shall be created for dif- ferent professional profiles with

a view to incorporating sexual

health aspects into health care

practice, within the framework

of this Strategy.

»Channels of communication and cooperation with regard to the world of education shall be promoted in order to include the idea of sexual health, based on an integral and gender-aware perspective, in university studies, post-graduate studies and spe-

cialised education.» 14

The interference of the public authorities in the pri- vate lives of children and

young people and the conse- quent meddling with their moral conscience has evolved into an apology for sexuality, in its capacity as an «educational» instru- ment. Every year since 2007, the Local Council of Elche, which is governed by the Spanish Socialist Workers Party, organises the Diverse Festival of Lesbian, Gay, Transsexual, Bisexual and Inter-


14 Ibid.



sexual Culture 15 . The activities include workshops in primary and secondary schools throughout the town in order to teach chil- dren to accept «sexual diversity» and «to come out of the closet». There are also storytelling sessions aimed at primary school children with titles such as Once Upon a Time a Child with Two Mummies, and workshops with headings such as To School without Closets. The coordinator of the Festival defines the event in the following manner:

«We propose a new perspective in which the classroom ceases to be a homogeneous whole in order to reflect its entire affective-sexual diversity.»

«Couldn’t it be that what you need is a good homosexual affair?» is one of the slogans of the campaign with which the Local Council of Benicasim (PSOE) addresses the children of the town through its Youth Centre in order to mark what is known as the International Day Against Homophobia. Another slogan reads: «Don’t you think heterosexuality is just a passing phase you’re going through?» 16 . The campaign is aimed at young people of between 14 and 17 years of age. The Guide produced by the Ministries of Education and Health, Gaining Health in School: Guide on How to Achieve It 17 , which was published in 2009, defines the objectives of «affective-sexual educa- tion»:

Integrating affective and sexual education into the curricu- lum at different educational levels.

Using the condom in sexual relations.





17 Technical Secretariat at the Ministry of Education, Madrid, 2009:




Promoting a favourable environment for healthy attitudes re- garding affective and sexual matters.

Providing students with opportunities to explore their feel- ings and opinions regarding affective-sexual matters within a normalised context. 18

With regard to the way in which this subject should tackled, the text declares:

«Educational methods employ active learning strategies, as well as interactive teaching techniques, in order to help students learn. These promote the acquisition of knowledge, attitudes and skills, as well as the confidence required for the development of a satisfac- tory sexual identity and satisfactory affective relations.»

The knowledge that must be imparted in Secondary Education refers to «sexual identity and orientation». Primary Education in- volves the acquisition of other knowledge, including the following:

Greater knowledge about one’s own body. Greater knowl- edge about the characteristics and morphology of the geni- tals.

Bonds between individuals and the relationships that arise as a result. Sexual behaviour as an intimate expression of affection.

In addition to indoctrination tools such as this guide published under the paradoxical name of Gaining Health in School, the intro- duction of the subject “Citizenship Education” in September 2007 constituted a fundamental instrument for implanting the Zapatero Project within the education system at an early age. This is a subject that proposes to build «a shared ethics», one based on the relativ- ism of coincidental agreement. Once again here we come across the outrageous battle that the Zapatero Project is waging against nature,




which is replaces with «unfinished historical conquests» in the form of ever-changing and always relative human rights that are subject to «extension or withdrawal according to the context». The regulatory premises for the subject offer us a key opportu- nity to understand the degree to which the Zapatero Project seeks to indoctrinate students within the educational field:

«Acquisition of knowledge and reflection on human rights are also common, from the perspective of their historical nature, thus help- ing students to value the fact that they are not guaranteed by the existence of a Declaration, but that it is possible to extend or with- draw them according to the context.» 19

extend or with- draw them according to the context.» 1 9 Poster of a pro-ETA trade

Poster of a pro-ETA trade union in the Manual for Citizenship Education, pub- lished by Ediciones del Serbal.

The Zapatero Project once again raises the idea here that it is the State that should determine truth and morality. Citizenship Educa- tion (EpC) talks about «personal identity», about «affective- emotional education» and about «building a moral conscience».


19 Royal Decree 1631/2006, dated 29 th December, which established the minimum teaching contents corresponding to Compulsory Secondary Educa- tion. Official State Gazette (BOE) dated 5.1.2007.



Here we are dealing with the «religion» of the Zapatero Project, a «religion» based on the dogmas of relativism (there is no absolute truth), legal positivism (the laws passed by Parliament have no other external point of reference over and above the will of the legislator), secularism (religions are always a source of violence and regression) and gender ideology (the gender of each human being is not deter- mined by nature, but is the product of an individual decision that is taken after experiencing all kinds of sexual relations):

«The aim is to check whether political and moral pluralism is un- derstood.» 20

Remember, my child, the market is everything. Yes, Sister Free Competition.
Remember, my child, the
market is everything.
Yes, Sister Free

Manual for Citizenship Education published by Ediciones del Serbal.

This political and moral pluralism is defined in the pages of the Official State Gazette (BOE), which becomes the holy book of the new religion, whose morality is shaped by political action. The will of the parties, as expressed through the well-known «rig-


20 School subject known as Ethical-Civic Education, which is taught dur-

ing the fourth year of Compulsory Secondary Education. Evaluation Criteria.



our» of their parliamentary work, ensures that those who have a calling are precisely those who accept the decisions of their party leadership as constituting an expression of supreme will, the very same leadership echelons that close the doors on the public with their closed lists. As for the recalcitrant members of society who insist on resisting the State’s efforts to regulate people’s private lives, they are expelled from the «progressive» paradise and so- cially repudiated and condemned for seeking to guarantee that «democratic» power is restricted solely to the regulation of collec- tive public affairs. “Extremists”, “ultra-Conservatives”, “reactionaries” and “anti- democratic activists” are just some of the names that the authorities attribute to those who believe that universal suffrage should end where individual conscience begins and, consequently, where the freedom of each individual comes into play. And the education sys- tem is the key means with which to bore through the wall of free- dom constructed by individual conscience.

And who do you love the most? Mummy or Daddy? Daddy and my two Mummies.
And who do you love the
most? Mummy or Daddy?
Daddy and my
two Mummies.

Manual for Citizenship Education published by Editorial Praxis.

Below we reproduce various texts taken from the regulatory de- crees for the subject known as Citizenship Education:



«In order to achieve [an understanding of political and moral pluralism], a detailed focus shall be placed on principles of personal and social ethics.»

«Focusing on ethical-civic education based on an ethical re- flection that departs from the most familiar environments, in order to help create a civic moral conscience through an analysis of moral dilemmas.»

«The analysis of moral dilemmas helps students to construct their own ethical judgements based on democratic values and practices.»

Among the student evaluation criteria established for this sub- ject, the Royal Decree for Secondary Education establishes the fol- lowing:

«Differentiation of the basic features that characterise individu- als’ moral dimension (norms, the hierarchy of values, customs, etc.) and the main moral problems. With this criterion the aim is to evaluate whether they identify different aspects regarding the moral dimension of individuals and human behaviour, as well as the moral dilemmas that arise in the world today.»

Through its teaching content, this subject inoculates students with gender-based ideology, in which respect the supposition of gender roles is considered to be nothing more than cultural stereotyping and sexist prejudice. The subject promotes the idea that gender is an iden- tity that everyone can choose voluntarily. It advocates the idea, there- fore, that all «affective-sexual orientations» are comparable:

«Sometimes, people of one sex or another disagree with the gender identity that society assigns to them: they do not wish to fulfil the roles that socially apply to them as men and women. Neither is it very clear what being a boy or a girl exactly is. Socially it is believed that girls should like boys and boys should like girls; but, as you now, it doesn’t always work that way.» 21


21 Manual for Citizenship Education published by Pearson Alhambra.



«The term ‘gender” refers to a cultural construction and, like all cultural aspects, it can be modified. It is clear, then, that the distinc- tion regarding gender relations is not something that is either natu- ral or biological, but something that is learned and, very often, im- posed.» 22

According to Citizenship Education, the family is nothing more than a social construction, a kind of collective state of mind, one that is determined by the customs and practices of each age and one that can be modified at will.

practices of each age and one that can be modified at will. Manual for Citizenship Education

Manual for Citizenship Education published by Ediciones del Serbal.

The laudable aim of eradicating any form of discrimination pur- sued by this subject departs from an initial premise that contami- nates its egalitarian ideas: the confusion between discrimination and difference. The gender-based ideology that impregnates the entire subject and its corresponding relativism lead to a rejection of any kind of difference. In the Citizenship Education Manual published by Octaedro, we can read the following:

«It is common to hear the statement: “Men and women are not the same, they are very different”. Well this is an argument that justifies sexism.


22 Manual for Citizenship Education published by Algaida.



»In order to address sex discrimination, it is necessary to elimi- nate stereotypes regarding men and women, because these are not true reflections of reality, but cultural beliefs that are invented and, therefore, false.»





The Ministry of Health regulates the obligation of all education centres to impart sex and reproductive education to their students. The persons respon- sible for imparting this training shall be from outside the centres and shall be designated by the Government, who shall determine who is qualified to teach this subject. Education centres shall not be able to appeal to their own philosophy in order to oppose this measure, which shall be under the control and supervision of the Government.

La Razón. Trujillo, Cáceres. 13.11.09.– Teresa García is a “gender and equal op- portunities trainer” from the sex shop «Los placeres de Lola» (“Lola’s Pleas- ures”). She is also responsible for im- parting the workshop Pleasure Is in Your Hands among fourth-year secondary education students (ESO) in the town. The press has christened this activity the “Masturbation Workshop”:

«The Manual that was handed to the kids encouraged them to “have a go at a homo- sexual experience” and to compare ideas should they have any doubts about whether they are lesbians or not.»

A Hippy Mother A Traditional Father She believes that young people should gradually acquire responsibilities
A Hippy Mother
Traditional Father
She believes that
young people
should gradually
and learn to make
their own
young people is
His children have
very strictly defined
timetables. Discipline
very important, as
complying with the
rules. He tries to instil
a sense of
productive, given
that it forms the
basis of family
responsibility in them
and believes that
there is nothing good
out on the streets at
night. What is more,
what they can do at
night they can do
during the day.

Manual for Citizenship Education published by Editorial Santillana.

Natural differences (man-woman) are denounced in the name of tolerance, because they are considered to be forms of discrimi-



nation («social and gender-based division of labour»). According to the Ministry of Education, students of Citizenship Education (EpC) must learn:

«To carry out a critical evaluation of social and gender-based divi- sion of labour and racist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, sexist and ho- mophobic social prejudices. »To identify and reject, through an analysis of real and figurative cases, examples of discrimination against persons of different origin, gender, ideology, religion, affective-sexual orientation and others.» 23

religion, affectiv e-sexual orientation and others.» 2 3 Manual for Citizenship Education published by Editorial

Manual for Citizenship Education published by Editorial Akal.

Religious beliefs are discarded, being relegated to what the law describes as “private morality”, in which respect they are consigned to the hidden realm of our private lives. Tolerance regarding differ- ent religious alternatives is encouraged, but this sense of tolerance


23 Educación para la Ciudadanía y derechos humanos, Block 2 (Inter- Personal Relations and Participation). Official State Gazette (BOE) dated 8.1.07. Secondary Education Decree.



is based on the idea that those who profess such beliefs should not make them public.

In Russia we never really knew what Communism is. Yes, but we’ve certainly learned what
In Russia we
never really knew what
Communism is.
Yes, but we’ve
certainly learned what
capitalism is soon

Manual for Citizenship Education published by Ediciones del Serbal.

Indoctrination regarding the «morality» of the new State religion is accompanied by political indoctrination. The contents of this school subject contain elements of a political and even party-based nature, which are as subjective and prone to manipulation as the following:

«A study of the factors of discrimination regarding different groups, an analysis of globalisation, the concept of global citizen- ship, sustainable human development and all aspects relating to co- operation and the development of a culture of peace. »Discovery of the causes that lead to human rights violations, poverty and inequality, as well as the relationship between armed conflicts and under-development, evaluating measures aimed at achieving peace and security and active participation as a means of creating a fairer world. »During this stage, various contents shall be included relating to the measures undertaken by international bodies and those



movements, organisations and forces that work to promote human rights and peace.» 24

According to the provisions set out by the Ministry of Educa- tion, the following criteria should be applied in order to evaluate students:

«Identification of the characteristics of globalisation and the role that the media plays in this respect, recognising the relations that exist between the society in which we live and the life of peoples in other parts of the world.»

You see? That thing that hurts there is the West.
You see? That thing that hurts there is
the West.

Manual for Citizenship Education published by Ediciones del Serbal.

When the legislative theory of education is translated into practice, the picture reflects the indoctrinatory foundations of the Zapatero Project in all its crude reality. What follows is a selection of texts taken from different Citizenship Education Manuals:


24 Royal Decree 1631/2006, dated 29 th December, which established the minimum teaching contents corresponding to Compulsory Secondary Educa- tion. Official State Bulletin (BOE) dated 5.1.2007.



«Write a composition under the following title: if I am self- employed, why do they have to force me to do what I don’t want to?» (Editorial McGraw Hill)

«In 1789 the French Revolution ended the period of abso- lutist government, returned power to the people and intro- duced a regime based on equality and individual freedoms known as Liberalism. In 1917, another revolution, in Russia, brought down the tsars, returned power to the people and introduced a regime based on equality and individual free- doms known as Socialism. In both cases, but in different ways, the old idea of democracy invented many centuries earlier by the Greeks, was reborn.» (Ediciones del Serbal)

«During the twentieth century, the rights that had been gained were consolidated and extended until they encom- passed aspects of private life, such as the right of abortion.»

(Editorial Octaedro)

«Each person can proceed differently (some prefer vaginal in- tercourse and others lean towards other kinds of relations: this person adorns the act with dreams and fantasies, whilst that person is less imaginative, etcetera).» (Editorial McGraw Hill)

«In your relationships with people from different generations to your own (for example, without your parents or grandpar- ents), they very often tell you how you should do things, or whether you should do certain things or not; in short, they give you orders.» (Editorial Bruño)

«Dad, tell me that lovely story again about how they killed that guerrilla leader in Bolivia [Ernesto Che Guevara] and how every-

» (Editorial Praxis)

«All of which culminated around the mid-nineteenth century with the creation of the notion of social justice. Among the most outstanding thinkers, activists and revolutionaries in those organisations, we might mention the Frenchmen, Fou- rier and Proudhon, the Englishman, Owen, and the German thinkers, Marx and LaSalle.» (Editorial McGraw Hill)

«Coexistence of civilisations, clash or alliance? It seems that we are merely destined to see history repeating itself. But we

thing has seemed more ugly since that day



can also attempt to change the course of history. Since the late twentieth century, a series of proposals channelled through the United Nations has advocated an alliance be- tween the West and the Muslim world in order to combat in- ternational terrorism through means other than military methods: especially by means of cultural dialogue and the correction of economic inequalities.» (Ediciones del Serbal)

«Sexually, we are male and female. However, culturally, every historical period has adopted a model for male behaviour and a model for female behaviour. In traditional patriarchal societies, the roles were very strictly defined. This model was discriminatory with regard to women and, therefore, unjust.» (Editorial SM)

«The greatest threat that has ever been posed to the survival of the family is, precisely, capitalism.» (Editorial Akal)

«It is essential for young people to rebel against more mature people. If they did not, they would simply imitate them and society would fail to progress.» (Editorial McGraw Hill)

«Following the format that appears in other modern consti- tutions, the Spanish Constitution consists of: a Preamble, whose drafting, a prime example of clarity and concise ex- pression, is the work of Enrique Tierno Galván, Mayor of Madrid.» (Editorial Bruño)

«The United States and Soviet Russia imposed their demo- cratic models and engaged in a tense period of relations known as the Cold War.» (Ediciones del Serbal)

«The Lower House of Spain’s Parliament has passed the Edu- cation Act with the PP voting against it.» (Editorial Bruño)

«There are cases in which affective-sexual identity does not cor- respond to biological gender. For example, a transsexual woman is a person who feels like a woman trapped in a man’s body. This conflict sometimes leads to a difficult process of gender realloca- tion in order to achieve a sense of harmony between the person’s body and psychological identity.» (Editorial Pearson)

«The detractors of globalisation – anti-globalisation activists – argue that, as we become more globalised, the rich earn



more and the poor are left worse off. As evidence to support their case, they quote objective data provided by numerous international organisations to the effect that inequality is in- creasing throughout the planet.» (Ediciones del Serbal)

«There is only one country in the world that features devel- opment that is acceptable and universally applicable at the same time: Cuba.» (Editorial Akal)

«The greatest triumph of youth was witnessed in the late 1960’s. May 1968 has remained as a symbolic date for the commencement of a profound shift in the way in which we understand life.» (Editorial McGraw Hill)

«Today, global neo-Liberalism seeks to turn the clock back to “less State intervention”: liberalising and privatising pub- lic goods and services, threatening their quality and survival where they already exist (developed countries) and making it impossible for them to emerge where they do not (under- developed countries). And it is the underprivileged who once again pay the consequences.» (Ediciones del Serbal)

With the subjects “Citizenship Education” and “Sciences for the Contemporary World” (which is taught during the two-year pre- university course known as “Bachillerato”), the Zapatero Project takes away another prerogative that corresponds to society: the family ceases to be the natural context in which training and educa- tion takes place and the State becomes the only authority with the right to educate citizens regarding moral matters. And this is the case even if it entails educational failure and the sectarian manipula- tion of generations of Spaniards. Of course, the Government imposes the subject of Citizenship Education in an entirely totalitarian manner on all Spanish children and adolescents without exception:

«There shall be no conscientious objection with regard to Citi- zenship Education.» 25


25 Francisco Caamaño, Minister for Justice, in Europa Press, 12.8.09.


Towards a New Form of Totalitarianism

The Zapatero Project, which implemented its first effective meas- ures following PSOE’s victory in the parliamentary elections of 2004, has been persistently imposed since then by means of differ- ent instruments and at different rates of application. During the first legislature, between 2004 and 2008, the Zapatero Project underwent an initial preparatory phase in the Lower House of Spain’s Parliament with the creation and consoli- dation of quasi-client-based networks for the provision of parlia- mentary support. Following this period, the Government began to lay the key pillars of its Project by passing some of its most em- blematic laws. When it came to looking for parliamentary support in order to force his project through, Rodríguez Zapatero had no compunction in placing everything he had at his disposal on sale. And, thus, after decimating the State’s economic resources, he began to lay his hands on its structures, the object of desire of the nationalist par- ties, whose desire to deconstruct the Nation is as great as their de- sire for money. In exchange for parliamentary support, the Zapatero Project has distributed the State’s resources in a discriminate manner by amending the Financing Law for the Regional Governments and the General State Budget. However, it has also begun to divide up the



State itself in the face of nationalist demands. In this respect, from its Catalonian base it has exchanged support for its goals in the Lower House of Parliament for a drafting of the Statute of Catalo- nia that has effectively undermined the Constitutional Court. The State Government and the Regional Government of Catalonia have, thus, aroused identity-based tensions and placed the country’s very institutional stability at risk. During his first legislature and with the support of minority groups and radical left-wing and secessionist groups, Rodríguez Zapatero managed to pass Parliamentary Acts such as the Educa- tion Act (2006) and the Act for Effective Equality between Men and Women (2007), as well as the reform of various Regional Govern- ment Statutes, pieces of legislation that members of the public failed to understand and that did not correspond to their needs. As of the year 2008, during the Government’s second legislature, the Zapatero Project has passed a new package of legislative meas- ures required to make its ultimate goals a reality, effectively at- tempting to undertake a far-reaching transformation of the struc- tures that sustain our society by means of the application of the laws approved during the first term in office. Milestones of this second phase of the Zapatero Project consist of the Act for Sexual and Reproductive Health and the Voluntary Inter- ruption of Pregnancy, which entered into effect on 5 th July 2010, and an attempt to pass a new Religious Freedom Act in order to prohibit or restrict public expressions of faith. However, furthermore, during its second term, the Zapatero Project has begun to apply the legislation that was passed during the first legislature relating to education and the family, in which respect the Government has applied various direct enforcement measures (regulations, laws) and indirect measures (advertising, the media). The family has now become the target of the Project, be- cause it is within the heart of the family that the culture, identity and roots that form the foundations of our civilisation are naturally manifested and it is in the family that children, society’s future citi- zens, acquire the skills needed to resist the assaults orchestrated by those in power.



Nevertheless, whilst Rodríguez Zapatero’s plans to transform Spanish society and turn the country’s identity on its head have not encountered any great resistance in the Lower House of Parliament, the situation is quite different in families and on the streets. This is where the Zapatero Project has had to take on extra work, a task it had never predicted would be so costly in terms of time and re- sources: society’s reaction.

The Awakening of Civil Activism

Since Rodríguez Zapatero assumed the reins the power, various sec- tions of society have sounded the alarm regarding the Prime Minis- ter’s plans. The much-increased activity of the few civil forums and associations that existed in 2004 and the appearance of many other civil groups since then, provide a good example of the social reac- tion that that has resulted from Zapatero’s attempt to impose his project on Spanish society. Numerous members of society have felt that both their identity and values have been attacked by the initiatives undertaken by Ro- dríguez Zapatero. What is more, in the face of resistance, the Proj- ect has radicalised its approach, seeking to close ranks around the most extreme sections of the Left in order to create an unbreakable bond with the Project embodied by the General Secretary of PSOE. As the Zapatero Project progressed during the Government’s first term in office, something quite new occurred in Spain: mem- bers of Spanish society, traditionally rather individualistic and reluc- tant to organise themselves collectively or to join movements and associations, began to swell the ranks of the civil organisations who proposed the most active measures to counter the destructive initia- tives undertaken by Rodríguez Zapatero’s PSOE. The impact made by the association, (HO), and its “Right to Live” forum, Derecho a Vivir (DAV), is a shining example in this respect. In March 2009, just four months after it was founded, with a deadline of just two weeks and without using any other communication media except for the Internet, DAV was ca-



pable of bringing half a million people out onto the streets of Ma- drid, in addition to several hundred thousand others throughout the rest of the provincial capitals around Spain, in order to protest against Rodríguez Zapatero’s abortionist project. The growth of the civil movement opposed to the Zapatero Project has also been facilitated by a section of society that feels especially aggrieved with the Socialist Government: the victims of terrorism. During the Socialist Government’s negotiations with ETA dur- ing the first legislature, the Association of Victims of Terrorism (AVT), headed at that time by Francisco José Alcaraz, became the main point of reference regarding civil protests against the State’s complicity with regard to terrorism. AVT managed to bring out hundreds of thousands of people onto the streets on a number of occasions behind the flag of civil rebellion. The direct democratic participation and mobilisation methods used by AVT helped to break the somewhat conformist attitudes witnessed among wide- ranging sections of Spanish society in recent years, behavour typical of individuals accustomed to living on the margins of political life.

The Zapatero Project Chooses Its Bull’s Eye

Alongside an active and constantly-growing civil protest movement, the most solid resistance to the Zapatero Project has come from a different realm: the Catholic Church. In order to tackle the growing wave of rejection aroused by the Zapatero Project, the Government has employed a strategy that is as predictable as it is simple: it has selected, from among all the ob- jectors to its plans, those who are most liable to keep the most radi- cal sections of the left-wing electorate up at nights. And the chosen target, the institution enthroned as the «enemy» of freedom, is the Church, followed not far behind by the Partido Popular. The spokesmen of the Zapatero Project are unable to recognise that an increasingly wide section of society rejects its plans. Quite the contrary, in fact; everything comes down to «the cavern», a kind



of ultra-right-wing conspiracy, impregnated with who-knows-what Francoist throwbacks, organised by Catholic bishops and the Par- tido Popular. Every time citizens populate the streets in order to say “No” to the Zapatero Project, the declarations of the members of the Socialist Government and PSOE’s leaders accuse the Spanish Episcopal Conference and the Partido Popular of hindering the country’s «progress», ignoring the fact that this civil protest is coming from Spanish society itself, constituting a phenomenon that is as new in our collective life as it is exemplary. The Catholic Church has not had to do anything in particular to become the bull’s eye for the invective that has been thrown by the supporters of the Zapatero Project: all it has done is to remind the faithful of the principles on which their faith is founded. In November 2006, the Spanish Episcopal Conference pub- lished a series of pastoral instructions entitled Moral Guidance Re- garding the Current Situation in Spain. 1 The purpose of this docu- ment was to provide believers with a series of key recommendations in order to maintain «the integrity of the faith and the coherence of Christian life». On the front of the document, Spain’s bishops re- called that «a moral consideration of the affairs of public life, far from constituting a threat of any kind to democracy, is an indispen- sable requirement for the exercise of freedom and the establishment of justice». Throughout the document, the Spanish Church reiterates the idea that it is not attempting to impose anything, nor claiming a leading role or any kind of privilege. It is simply offering its point of view to Catholics and to whomever else wishes to listen, as just another contribution to collective life. The most common message repeated throughout the text con- sists of a desire to search for agreement between the document’s authors, representatives of the feelings expressed by wide-ranging sections of Spanish society, and those who disagree with their stance based on secular ideas, individuals who are not discredited at any point:





«On some points we Catholics and secularists have different points of view. Our desire is to gradually discover a just arrangement in which all of us can live according to our convictions, without any- one seeking to impose their points of view on others by disloyal and unjust means. Within this context, we Catholics simply ask for re- spect for our identity and the freedom to announce, through the ordinary channels, the message of Christ as the universal Saviour, within a climate of tolerance and harmony, without privileges or discrimination of any kind. »We express our will and the will of all Catholics to live in the heart of society by loyally fulfilling our civil obligations, offering the spiritual wealth of the gifts we have received from the Lord, these constituting an important contribution to people’s well-being and the enrichment of life’s spiritual, cultural and moral legacy. We re- spect those who see things differently. We only ask for freedom and respect when it comes to living in accordance with our convictions and freely proposing our way of seeing things, without anyone feeling threatened or interpreting our presence as an offence or a threat to the freedom of others. We sincerely wish to collaborate in the spiritual enrichment of our society, in consolidating justice and harmony and freedom, these being the essential foundations of true peace. »We offer the fruits of our reflections and judgement to mem- bers of the Church and to all those who would listen to us, freely sharing all of our fears and hopes with others. »We once again declare our desire to live in harmony within this society by loyally respecting its democratic institutions, acknowl- edging the legitimate authorities, obeying just laws and cooperating specifically in order to further the common good. Nobody need fear any assault or disloyalty from Catholics with regard to demo- cratic life.» 2

The document, Moral Guidance Regarding the Current Situation in Spain, analyses the approaches adopted by secular forces and emphasises the fact that, in political practice, the aim is not to pro-


2 Orientaciones morales sobre la situación actual de España, Spanish Epis- copal Conference, 2006.



tect «the just autonomy of the present order», but «to do away with God in our vision and evaluation of the world». One consequence of this process is a sense of contempt towards believers:

«Any reference to God is considered to be a sign of deficiency with regard to intellectual maturity and the full exercise of freedom. »Some sections seek to exclude Catholics from public life and speed up secular trends and the acceptance of moral relativism as the only mentality compatible with democracy.»

The Church has highlighted the goal of some secularists «to be

absolute owners of everything, to direct our lives and the life of so-

as if we were the true creators of

the world and of ourselves», thus turning freedom into «the su- preme standard of good and evil». This text, which was harshly criticized by the Socialist Party, was duly misrepresented as an attempt on the part of the bishops to med- dle in politics, a field considered by secularists as being sacrosanct and the sole preserve of Parliament and those who are «instructed» to serve there, namely politicians appointed directly by the party leader- ships and only indirectly by members of the public. The Moral Guidance certainly does address political questions, which are tackled in accordance with the criteria mentioned above. These matters basically refer to a rupture of the spirit of tolerance that the Spanish bishops believe to have characterised the Transi- tion period:

ciety according to our taste [


«Many hoped that the democratic arrangement for a harmonious society, as governed by the Constitution of 1978, and based on the reconciliation and consensus of all Spaniards, would enable us to go beyond the old confrontations that have divided and impover- ished our nation, one of which undoubtedly consisted of the clash between Catholicism and secularism, understood as ways of life that are exclusivist and incompatible. And such a development may well have occurred. However, we are sorry to observe today how a sense of rejection and distrust regarding the Church and the Catholic re- ligion has re-emerged in recent years and in a somewhat more radi-



cal and far-reaching manner than a mere return to the old anti- clericalism.»

The statement most susceptible to being interpreted as Church interference within the field of politics is one that mentions some- thing that is somewhat obvious, namely the need for believers to vote in general elections in accordance with their principles:

«Before supporting one option or another with their vote, Catholics and those citizens who wish to act responsibly must evaluate the different political manifestos, bearing in mind the importance that each party, each programme and each leader grants to the moral dimension of life. They must also consider the moral justification of their ideas and programmes.»

Eduardo Sotillos responded to this statement in the following manner in the Socialist organ, Fundación Sistema:

«The Government is proving to be eminently respectful in the face of the stepped-up campaign being waged by an effective propa- ganda apparatus that is fighting against it ferociously. This is un- doubtedly what is must and should do, but it would be suicidal to close one’s eyes to this belligerent attitude and fail to formulate an appropriate response.» 3

From the PSOE group known as “Cristianos Socialistas” (“Christian Socialists”), the Federal Coordinator, Carlos García de Andoaín, declared the following to Europa Press:

«As opposed to an evangelical or specifically Christian approach, a conservative current of thought exists. There is a group of bishops that has decided to help the PP regain power.» 4






José Blanco, Organisation Secretary at PSOE at the time, de- clared on the eve of the general elections in 2008 that «nothing will be the same afterwards [after the elections] regarding the relations between the Catholic hierarchy and the Government», and he then went on to threaten the Church with financial strangulation 5 . Blanco stated that the time had come «to turn words into actions» and «to take definitive steps» regarding the financial state of the Church. This active member of the Socialist leadership omitted to mention the fact that the money he was referring to did not belong to PSOE, but to members of society who freely choose to hand it over to the Church.

«Religious freedom must have limits [

logic of this society [

also freedom of conscience.» 6

It must conform to the

We must regulate religious freedom, but



The programme that has resulted from the Zapatero Project’s attempts to confront the Church has focused on expelling the latter from the public arena. In this respect, the Zapatero Project seeks to eradicate all moral references from collective life, to the point at which the «morality» of the State is the only kind that persists. In order to do this, the Zapatero Project has designed a new product, one that is half ideology and half State «morality»: the National Plan for the Alliance of Civilisations. This Plan employs various different instruments: the Pluralism and Harmonious Coexistence Foundation, the Observatory for Cultural and Religious Pluralism and the Bill for a new Religious Freedom Law. Through all of these channels it seeks to extend the ideological- moral ideas of the Alliance of Civilisations among young people, attempting to promote more minority confessions in order to place them on an equal footing with the Catholic faith and, above all, re-


5 El Mundo, 4.2.08:

6 Francisco Caamaño, Minister for Justice, at the Summer Courses of El