Racial Discrimination and African-American Quarterbacks in the National Football League, 1968-1999 Jason Chung McGill University

This version: November 29, 2004

Abstract: This article argues that African-American quarterbacks have faced consistent discrimination in the National Football League since Marlin Briscoe broke through the color barrier at the position in 1968. The author identifies the issue of intelligence as central to the discrimination practiced against African-American NFL quarterbacks and identifies two central arguments traditionally used to "prove" the insufficiency of black intelligence to play the position - the Wonderlic argumentation and the Option argumentation. The author identifies several problems with these arguments. The author concludes by drawing a correlation between the argument used against African-Americans playing quarterback in the NFL and similar discrimination against AfricanAmericans in broader society.

* I thank Robert Cookson of McGill University for providing invaluable critiques of early drafts of this paper. Further thanks are in order to my peers Anish Goorah, Sophie Yu and Robert Yasskin for their assistance and

constructive criticism. Finally, I would especially like to thank Michael McCann at Mississippi College for his encouragement and time.

Introduction On Halloween Sunday 2004, Minnesota Vikings head coach Mike Tice was asked in a televised interview whether he believed his star African-American quarterback, Daunte Culpepper, had been judged unfairly in the past. Tice promptly responded that he absolutely believed that Culpepper had been, and continued to be, criticized far too easily by fans and some media for errors in judgement because of the colour of his skin.1 Testimonials such as this indicate that race is still a volatile issue in professional football. This paper will look at the period between 1968, when Marlin Briscoe became the first starting quarterback in the modern National Football League2, until 1999, after three AfricanAmerican quarterbacks were chosen in the first round of the NFL amateur draft (the equivalent of the total number of black quarterbacks drafted in the first round prior to 1999). It will examine the discrimination that African-American quarterbacks faced due to their perceived lack of intelligence and argue that this discrimination mirrored wider social prejudice.

What are Prejudice and Discrimination? This paper will use the terms prejudice and discrimination quite frequently. For the purposes of this paper, the definition of prejudice will be the one advanced by Harvard psychologist Gordon Allport in his The Nature of Prejudice in 1954. It states, Ethnic prejudice is an antipathy based on faulty and inflexible generalization. It may be felt or expressed. It may be directed toward a group or an individual of that group.3 The term discrimination will refer to Dr. T.R. OConnors assertion that it is an unfavorable action, behavior, outcome, or treatment.4 Thus, the term prejudice will refer to the negative and hostile attitude toward another social group, usually racially defined while discrimination is the expression of that thought or 1

attitude.5 This paper will identify prejudice in U.S. society from the 1960s to the 1990s in the context of professional football and, upon the identification of prejudice, it will look at the discrimination that was suffered by African-American athletes due to their perceived mental weakness.

The Myth of Equitable Integration Before the discrimination that quarterbacks have faced in the National Football League can be examined, the myth of equitable integration must be addressed. To many casual sports observers, professional football in America has been equitably integrated for decades. Defenders of the minority track record of the NFL note that, since Wally Triplett broke the colour barrier in the modern NFL in 1949, there has been a consistent increase in the number of black players in the NFL. They argue that the fact that African-American athletes constituted over 65% of all NFL players in the late 1990s proves that professional football has successfully been integrated.6 However, this argument is flawed because looking at the sheer percentage of NFL players that are African-American does not prove that all prejudice had been banished from the league by 1999. In 1980, sociologist Wilbert Marcellus Leonard II noted that though the percentage of African-American players had gone up significantly since 1958 to 1975 (from 9% to 42%)7, prejudice was still rampant in the NFL. Leonard notes that though the, ...statistical data, in themselves, seem auspicious for black athletes [that] we find subtle and even overt acts of prejudice, segregation, discrimination, and racism when we look deeper.8 Simply looking at the increase in percentage of black athletes in the NFL overlooks underlying social prejudice. Numerous African-American NFL quarterbacks such as Marlin Briscoe in the 1960s, James Harris in the 1970s, Don McPherson in the 1980s and Kordell Stewart in the 1990s have noted that they have suffered in the past due to the lingering prejudice

of feeble mental aptitude. Thus, it is evident that the NFL, while it may have hired black athletes, did not set the same standards between African-American and Caucasian athletes, thus disproving the equitable integration argument.

The Black Quarterback Myth: Low on Intelligence and High on Athleticism A key example of a racial prejudice partly based on intelligence in the NFL can be seen via position allocation. This discriminatory practice was labelled stacking by Harry Edwards in 1967 and it refers to the disproportionate concentration of ethnic minorities particularly blacks in specific team positions.9 Thus, while the majority of National Football League players may have been African-American from the 1970s onwards, the increase of black NFL quarterbacks is relatively recent. Though black athletes have constituted at least 26 percent of all NFL players since 196610, black quarterbacks constituted a mere 20 percent of NFL quarterbacks prior to the 1999 draft in which Daunte Culpepper was selected.11 Jon Entine notes in his book Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk About It notes, African-Americans are concentrated in sports and positions that demand speed and quickness, the reactive positions. Whites, on the other hand, are over-represented at so-called strategic positions that presumably demand decision-making skills.12 Entine points to the positions of defensive back, receiver and running back as reactive positions and those of quarterback and center as strategic ones. This stacking phenomenon can be attributed to two longstanding prejudices. For

decades, African-Americans who wished to play quarterback were deemed not cerebral enough for the position13 or have been shifted to other positions to take advantage of their athleticism.14

There is a longstanding belief among football experts that the quarterback position is one that requires intelligence above all else. NFL observers note that offensive playbooks have progressively been getting larger and that defences have been getting more complex as well. The growing intricacy of the game, they argue, necessitates a smart quarterback to master these details and deliver victory.15 In short, the argument goes that good players need brains as well as brawns to be winners.16 This emphasis on intelligence has traditionally served as a barrier against AfricanAmerican quarterbacks who were viewed as athletically gifted but not intelligent enough for the jump to NFL football. There were two basic facts that facilitated this discrimination: (1) black quarterbacks played and excelled primarily in less pass-oriented (read intelligence-based) and run-oriented offences in college and (2) lower scores on intelligence tests proved that black quarterbacks were not intelligent enough to take over NFL offences.

The Option Argumentation Othello Harris, writing in 1993, noted that black quarterbacks were not given as much responsibility for executing complex and intellectually demanding pass-oriented offences at an early level, especially the collegiate level, and were instead used primarily as an additional runner out of the backfield.17 This option offence contrasted starkly with the offence practiced by professional teams in the modern NFL. NFL teams in the modern era relied heavily on quarterbacks that used their football intelligence to complete passes to teammates while remaining in the pocket. African-American NFL head coach Tony Dungy notes that [e]veryone was looking for a drop back passer with a cannon arm who was relatively tall18 and black quarterbacks were not entrusted with such a passer-oriented and cerebral offensive system in college. Tee Martin of the University of Tennessee noted that,

Being a black quarterback, you have this stigma put on you (by fans) that you're going to be an option quarterback. ... Before any of them saw me play they were expecting that from me.19 Thus, they were passed over at the professional level because there was little evidence that they could handle intellectually meaty NFL-style offences. Wishbone system quarterbacks, even today, are denigrated with quotes such as that of Jesse Thompson of Chaser Magazine who exclaimed that [s]ome of these qubes come from the Wishbone Offense (authors note: The Wishbone Offense is a popular version of the option offence), where it's really only one play. That's not too tough to memorize.20 Thus, these quarterbacks were viewed primarily as athletes who could use their natural gifts to gain yards primarily along the ground. An example of an option quarterback that was viewed as not ready for the task of handling a real NFL offence was Don McPherson of Syracuse University in the late 1980s. NFL head coach Denny Green observes that a perceived lack of intelligence cost McPherson a fair chance at NFL stardom. This can be attributed partly due to the fact that he played in a runoriented option offence at Syracuse. Though he finished ahead of Troy Aikman as colleges toprated passer, he recalls beings shunned by many NFL scouts who deemed him unprepared to play big-league quarterback.21 I had not dented [sceptics] image of the physical v. intelligent black athlete, he complains, I should have shattered the image of the athletic and mobile black quarterback and replaced it with the intelligent black quarterback.22 Unfortunately for McPherson, though he was finally drafted in the sixth round of the 1988 NFL draft, he would not revolutionize attitudes toward option quarterbacks. Like other black option quarterbacks, McPherson would fall victim to prejudice against quarterbacks who ran a simple option offence in college. He would follow in the footsteps of talented college black option quarterbacks such as Condredge Holloway of the University of Tennessee in the

early 1970s, J.C. Watts of Oklahoma in the late 1970s and 1980 and Jamelle Holieway of Nebraska in the mid-1980s who were either never drafted or given a serious look at the NFL level. McPherson would also be the precursor to overlooked talented black option quarterbacks such as Tommy Frazier of Nebraska in the mid-1990s. Even current NFL star Donovan McNabb (Syracuse) appeared to be relegated to the status of yet another black glorified option quarterback, in spite of incredible offensive stats, until a great Senior Bowl enhanced his draft stock. McNabb credited his performance with helping open doors for option quarterbacks, I believe people began to understand that we're not just guys out there running the ball all day. We have to make checks at the line of scrimmage, we're reading defenses, we're making reads on the run. Maybe I run around back there in the pocket. But there's a reason for that. I just try to make a play out there.23 Hence, until 1999, there was a prejudice against option quarterbacks, which black quarterbacks tended to be in college, who were widely believed to be nothing more than athletes playing in a simple offensive system. Quantifying the number of talented black option quarterbacks who were denied a fair chance in the NFL, due to prejudice against simple option quarterbacks, is difficult if not impossible as NFL drafting is an inexact science. However, it is safe to say that the number is not insignificant and as Don McPherson would point out, highly unfair.

The Wonderlic Argumentation Another major barrier that African-American quarterbacks face stems from the increased use of the Wonderlic intelligence test through 1968 to 1999. Michael Callans, President of Wonderlic Consulting, advances the popular argument that,

[Quarterbacks] need to lead, think on their feet, evaluate all of their options and understand the impact their actions will have on the outcome of the game. Wonderlic helps team owners make the best selections by identifying which players have the mental strength to lead their team to victory.24 This belief has been prevalent since at least the 1970s when Tom Landry of the Dallas Cowboys became the first NFL head coach to screen for players using a generic aptitude test - the Wonderlic Personnel Test.25 Landry was looking for a tool to quantify intelligence and draw a correlation between that and performance. In the subsequent 30 years upon its introduction the Wonderlic has become a key performance prognosticator for many NFL franchises. Though most prospective NFL players are put through the test, those players in strategic (read white) positions are scrutinized more closely. NFL scouts believe that the test will help them identify quarterbacks that will assimilate NFL playbooks quicker and identify quarterbacks that make better decisions.26 Generally speaking, a score in the mid-twenties is considered acceptable for a prospective NFL quarterback.27 In 1994, the Cleveland Browns were looking for a quarterback that scored at least a 24 on the Wonderlic.28 These high expectations have acted as an imposing intellect barrier for African-American quarterbacks who, as an ethnic group, have historically had a tough time meeting this benchmark and thus were discounted from consideration by some NFL teams due to a deficiency of intellect.29 There were but few black quarterbacks, the argument went, that had the mental capacity to succeed on the test and therefore on the field. An examination of relatively reliable Wonderlic scores30 shows that black quarterbacks, more commonly than white quarterbacks, score lower than 20: Jeff Blake in 1992, Kordell Stewart in 1995 and Steve McNair in 1995 all scored 17 or lower.31

The failure of African-American quarterbacks to meet the lofty mid-twenties standard has spawned criticism of the whole procedure. The traditional argument against the Wonderlic has been that it, like all aptitude tests, was culturally biased and therefore systemically set up to ensure that black athletes receive lower scores.32 This charge, until recently, was the primary accusation levelled against the Wonderlic. However, more recent studies have exposed a more illuminating fact. A study by David Chan et al. noted that African-Americans adults in general have a lower regard in general for aptitude tests than their Caucasian counterparts which caused them to score lower on the tests. After motivation was given to black test-takers their scores improved until there was no discernible difference between black test scores and white test scores.33 Similarly, social

psychologist Claude Steele notes that African-Americans often suffer from race-related test anxiety which is described as sensitivity that their performance will be weighed as a measure of inherent black ability. This distraction, Steele maintains, lowers black test-takers

performances in tests where they are asked to identify their race.34 Not only are blacks afraid of failing, they are also afraid of doing too well. Michael Lovaglia observes that African-

Americans fear reprisals for succeeding and subsequently accused of acting white.35 This argument that blacks give up on aptitude tests due to a low regard of such tests or racially motivated frustration seems to carry some weight, with Akili Smith being a good example. Akili Smith was considered a blue chip prospect but scouts were concerned by one fact; his atrocious Wonderlic score of 12. Smith and his agent, Leigh Steinberg, insisted that he was not dumb but that he had not focused for his first Wonderlic test. If one does accept Smiths claim that he is not of below-average intelligence and that his improvement to a score of 37 was

simply due to more focus, it would seem to validate the line of thinking that AfricanAmericans have a low regard for aptitude tests.36 Critics point to additional flaws with the Wonderlic system other than race-related lower test scores. It has been pointed out that there are some Wonderlic smart players that are football dumb. Numerous NFL coaches, including Tony Dungy and Denny Green, note that good Wonderlic scores do not necessarily equate success in decision-making prowess on the field.37 Indeed, the converse is also true, low Wonderlic scores do not necessarily signify weak quarterback play. For instance, Dan Marino, the NFLs all-time leading passer, only scored a 16 but by all accounts he was very intelligent football-wise.38 Still, because it remains the only quantifiable method of measuring intelligence the Wonderlic continues to be used by NFL teams. As a consequence, because of the reasons stated above, it seems black quarterbacks will generally continue to score lower on the Wonderlic than their white counterparts. If the period from 1968 to 1999 is any indication, many black

quarterbacks will be shunned due to a low score and low intelligence.

The Impact of Low Intelligence on Black Quarterbacks Thus, we have seen the two primary traditional arguments against black NFL quarterbacks intelligence. What, then, did black quarterbacks do to earn a living from 1968 to 1999? There were usually three options afforded to them: (1) a position shift, (2) the CFL and (3) relatively early retirement. The vast majority of these players were shifted to other positions to take advantage of their athleticism39, some went to Canada to pursue their dream in the Canadian Football League and others still were forced out from the game altogether. As noted earlier, the stacking phenomenon concentrated black athletes in reactive positions prior to 1999. Reactive positions were ones that were thought of as less cerebral and

central to a teams success.40

Thus, these players were free to use their black physical

superiority to outrun opposing defences as a halfback or wide receiver and shut down wide receivers as a cornerback.41 Black athletes, then, were considered lazy athletes who relied on nothing but physical skill to succeed.42 Several quarterbacks had to make position changes in order to survive in the NFL. Marlin Briscoe, the NFLs first starting black quarterback, was converted into a wide receiver in the 1970s after his initial success as a pivot. Tony Dungy, a successful quarterback in his college days made the jump to defensive back in order to get a chance in the NFL.43 Though both these athletes had some success with their position switch, it was not their preferred choice and they rued the fact that their athleticism, a trait prized in present-day NFL quarterbacks such as Michael Vick, cost them a chance at their top position. Other quarterbacks, such as Warren Moon, were forced to go to Canada to get a chance to play quarterback. It was only after six highly successful seasons from 1978-1983 with the Edmonton Eskimos and after he had won five consecutive Grey Cups that the NFL came calling for his services.44 Other black quarterbacks such as J.C. Watts of the Ottawa Rough Riders never made the leap and instead spent their entire career in the CFL.45 Other quarterbacks, such as Joe Gilliam and James Harris managed to eke out some success in the early years of the NFL but their careers fizzled out. Joe Gilliam managed to briefly unseat Terry Bradshaw as the starting quarterback of the Pittsburgh Steelers in the 1974 but was replaced due to lingering white hostility to a black quarterback even after a 4-1-1 start to the season. Gilliam dropped football a few years afterwards and became a drug addict.46 Similarly, James Harris of the Los Angeles Rams vented his frustrated at being a black NFL quarterback to Ebony Magazine in 1974 by noting that he was constantly pressured to switch

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positions and by saying that blacks get two types of opportunities to play quarterback in the NFL: A chance and a nigger chance.47 Harris career was a disappointment and many, including his college coach at Grambling, Eddie Robinson, continue to insist that it was racial prejudice that dropped Harris draft stock in 1969 all the way to the eighth round and ultimately made him a career backup.48 Now it should be noted that there were prominent exceptions to these three options such as Doug Williams and Randall Cunningham who had long, productive careers in the NFL but these examples are few and far between prior to 1999. In addition, if one looks at the specific cases of Williams and Cunningham, these two quarterbacks benefited from advantages many African-American quarterbacks did not enjoy. Doug Williams, was primarily given a fair chance because, in college, he was given a chance to play in a non-option offence at a predominately black school in Grambling. In addition, he also benefited from a supportive coach in Eddie Robinson, who made it his mission to develop a successful black NFL quarterback (James Harris being his previous attempt). Robinson ensured that Williams was not perceived as an option quarterback and publicized the fact that Williams was an NFL-style drop back passer with a rifle arm.49 In this environment, Williams thrived and became an all-American (the first from a black college) and was the first African-American pivot drafted as a quarterback in the first round.50 Doug Williams, then, was the NFLs first black star quarterback prospect and as a high profile prospect was given a chance to showcase his abilities rather than being cast aside like his predecessors (eg. James Harris). Randall Cunningham, on the other hand, was lucky to benefit from a colour-blind coach in Buddy Ryan. Ryan offered Cunningham a genuine chance to win the starters job from Ron Jaworski and recognized that Cunningham was not a black athlete that played quarterback but an

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athletic quarterback.51 Ryans progressive stance towards black quarterbacks was made even more evident when even drafted another black quarterback in Don McPherson and kept him on the roster as a backup quarterback: Most teams would not keep a black on the roster as the backup, McPherson notes.52 Cunningham, then, was fortunate to become available when

Buddy Ryan was looking for a successor to Ron Jaworski and to play for a coach that was willing to give a black quarterback a chance to demonstrate his talents. It should be noted that both Williams and Cunningham took advantage of the chance afforded to them by their respective teams to display their skill. However, many quarterbacks did not get this opportunity due to implicit racial barriers, of which intelligence was a key obstacle.

Linkages between Prejudice against Black Quarterbacks and African-Americans at Large: Using Affirmative Action as an Example From the 1960s until 1999, black quarterbacks were continually labelled as not intelligent enough for the quarterback position. This prejudice and the resulting discrimination was

reflected in the rest of society as well. Traditional opposition to affirmative action is an example of how NFL franchises traditional view of lower black intelligence and societys view of lower black intelligence converges. In the 1960s, Lyndon Baines Johnsons administration introduced the Great Society, a sweeping program of social reforms designed to address serious social problems in the United States such as poverty and civil rights. Aggressive programs such as affirmative action were introduced to give blacks the tools with which to succeed and to give them the opportunity to benefit from institutions, such as college, that whites frequented.53 Bruce Schulman notes that Johnson promised much broader federal action to promote racial equality in employment,

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education and social life54 However, this set of programs led to a racial backlash among many whites. White Americans such as Peter Schrag viewed these programs earmarked for African-Americans as a handout for blacks that came from the pockets of equally deserving white working class Americans: [Johnson gave] the black man a position because he is black, not because he necessarily works harder or does the job better.55 Arguably, affirmative action was Johnsons most controversial program and it generated a great amount of passion. Proponents of affirmative action claimed that it help AfricanAmericans overcome the special nature of negro poverty56 and give African-Americans the training and employment necessary to better their situation. However, critics of affirmative action stated that support for affirmative action meant that unqualified and unintelligent minority candidates would gain employment over qualified and smart white candidates.57 The black unintelligence debate was taking place in wider society as well as on the gridiron. To add to the fire, several studies, such as the one carried out in 1989 by scientist J. Philippe Rushton espoused the fact that there existed a racial hierarchy in intelligence with Asians at the top of the pyramid, whites in the middle and blacks at the bottom.58 Murray and Herrnstein concurred in their 1994 book The Bell Curve which stated that blacks had innately inferior intelligence. Thus, we can see that in wider society, as on the gridiron, African-Americans faced and continue to face, a great deal of scrutiny, prejudice and discrimination over their supposed lack of intelligence. However, studies show that any IQ score gap that may exist between blacks and whites in society can be rectified largely allowing African-Americans access to better education.59 Thus, we can see that the prejudice over intelligence faced by black quarterbacks is consistent with larger social trends.

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Conclusion As this paper has shown, the stigma of unintelligence attached to black quarterbacks was permeated into football culture from 1968-1999 with African-American quarterbacks being dismissed for either playing in a simple but athletic system in college or for scoring lowly on the Wonderlic. Further, black quarterbacks would be routinely shifted from their favoured position to a more reactive one so that their athleticism could be exploited. Even if a black quarterback did beat the odds and make it to the NFL, the fans would be less understanding of a bad game and be quick to point out that the black quarterback lacked football knowledge as Joe Gilliam quickly found out. The unintelligent stigma was not merely attached to professional quarterbacks either. As this essay has demonstrated, with the advent of affirmative action, all African-Americans that were employed in desirable work or enrolled in a good university were in danger of being dismissed offhand as the mere result of a system that was practicing reverse discrimination. Compounding this viewpoint among white society was the fact that the intellect of AfricanAmericans as a race was being questioned by experts. Why, then, are black quarterbacks increasingly prevalent today? Why is the next big thing a scrambling black quarterback by the name of Michael Vick? Why is Donovan McNabb one of the highest paid players in NFL history? This author would like to posit two explanations for the rise of African-American quarterbacks: (a) the evolution of the quarterback position and (b) proven success. Jon Entine notes that NFL teams traditionally favoured a big, strong pocket passer for the quarterback position.60 However, this viewpoint gradually changed, first with the success of white scrambling quarterback Fran Tarkenton in the 1960s and 1970s and then with the success

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of a mobile Joe Montana in the 1980s.

These two quarterbacks clearly demonstrated the

advantages of a mobile quarterback. Coaches at the NFL level had long spoken about the athleticism of black quarterbacks and finally realized that this athleticism could be exploited at the quarterback position and a shift to other positions was not necessary to take advantage of a black quarterbacks skills. Mac Mirabile notes that [a]thleticism at the quarterback position has become more important as players grow bigger and the game becomes faster [athleticism gives quarterbacks the] ability to evade the rush and reflects his potential to be a dual threat to the defense as both a passer and a rusher.61 Thus, black quarterbacks that followed the Montana era were given increased opportunities to succeed. The second reason for the rise of black quarterbacks in todays NFL is directly related to the first. Entine notes that, in the past, [athleticism] was a word [that] echoed all kinds of racial overtones, including less intelligent.62 With the proven success of athletic black quarterbacks such as 2004 MVP candidate Donovan McNabb, 2003 NFL co-MVP Steve McNair, 2003 Pro Bowlers Michael Vick and Daunte Culpepper among others, athletic black quarterbacks have proven themselves capable of, and intelligent enough to, lead NFL offences regardless of Wonderlic score and what type of offence they played in college. Winning, as the adage goes, is everything. Thus, the future for black quarterbacks appears to be brighter and discrimination against black quarterbacks due to a perceived lack of intelligence seems to be on the wane. However, it still remains to be seen whether society will follow suit.

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ENDNOTES
1
2

Mike Tice Interview with Pam Oliver, Fox NFL Sunday, October 31, 2004 Briscoe, Marlin with Bob Schaller, The First Black Quarterback, New York: Cross Training Publishing, 2002. 3 Allport, Gordon W., The Nature of Prejudice: 25th Anniversary, New York: Perseus Books Group, 2004. p. 9 4 Definitions and Overview of Prejudice and Discrimination. 1 June 2004. North Carolina Wesleyan College. 18 November 2004. <http://faculty.ncwc.edu/toconnor/soc/355lect01.htm> 5 Ibid. 6 Wendel, Tim. Global Trend Remakes Face of Pro Sports. 2004. Hoop Dreams Scholarship Fund. 14 November 2004, <http://www.hoopdreams.org/Global%20trend%20remakes%20face%20of%20pro%20sports.pdf> 7 Leonard, Wilbert Marcellus II. A Sociological Perspective of Sport. Minneapolis: Burgess Publishing Company, 1980. p. 157 8 Ibid., p. 157 9 Ibid., p. 162 10 Ibid., p. 157 11 Entine, Jon. Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk about It. New York: Public Affairs, 2000, p. 276 12 Ibid., p. 275 13 Lapchick, Richard E. Crime and Athletes: The New Racial Stereotypes of the 1990's. 2004. Center for the Study of Sports in Society. 19 November 2004. <http://www.sportinsociety.org/rel-article05.html> 14 Entine, Jon. Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk about It. New York: Public Affairs, 2000. p. 277 15 Ibid., p. 276 16 How Smart is Your First Round Draft Pick? 2004. Wonderlic Inc. 18 November 2004. <http://www.wonderlic.com/news/summer04/mm_article1.htm> 17 Brooks, Dana and Ronald Althouse. Racism in College Athletics: The African-American Athletes Experience. Morgantown: Fitness Information Technology, 1993. p. 63 18 Entine, Jon. Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk about It. New York: Public Affairs, 2000. p. 276 19 Keim, David. Color Doesnt Count; UTs black quarterbacks have left giant tracks. 2002. Knoxnews.com. 15 November 2004. <http://web.knoxnews.com/web/blackhistory/stories/0225volqb.shtml> 20 Thompson, Jesse. Quarterback Crapshoot. 2004. Chaser Magazine. 10 November 2004. <http://www.chasermag.com/articles/474> 21 Entine, Jon. Dark Thoughts. 1999. Jon Entine Online. 9 November 2004. <http://www.jonentine.com/articles/dark_thoughts.htm> 22 Lapchick, Richard E. Crime and Athletes: The New Racial Stereotypes of the 1990's. 2004. Center for the Study of Sports in Society. 19 November 2004. <http://www.sportinsociety.org/rel-article05.html> 23 NFL Draft Center 99. A fine option. 1999. CNN/SI.com. 20 November 2004. <http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/football/nfl/1999/nfldraft/news/1999/04/12/mcnabb/> 24 How Smart is Your First Round Draft Pick? 2004. Wonderlic Inc. 18 November 2004. <http://www.wonderlic.com/news/summer04/mm_article1.htm> 25 Ibid. 26 Interview with Jon Entine. 2004. About.com. 8 November 2004. <http://racerelations.about.com/library/weekly/aa022201e.htm> 27 Harris, Bob. Backpage: Strange but True Fantasy Football Stories. 2003. Sports Illustrated. 10 November 2004. <http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/2003/fantasy/09/04/back.page/> 28 Young, George. Sports Illustrated. New York: Sep 5,1994. Vol. 81, Iss. 10; pg. 72, 4 pgs 29 Interview with Jon Entine. 2004. About.com. 8 November 2004. <http://racerelations.about.com/library/weekly/aa022201e.htm> 30 Wonderlic scores are not officially published. Wonderlic scores that become publicized primarily come to light via media leaks. 31 Mirabile, Mac. NFL past and present quarterback prospect Wonderlic scores. 20 November 2004. <http://www.unc.edu/~mirabile/Wonderlic.htm>

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32

Helms, J. E. (1992). Why is there no study of cultural equivalence in standardized cognitive ability testing? American Psychologist, 47, 1083-1101 33 David Chan et al. Journal of Applied Psychology. Washington: Apr 1997.Vol.82, Iss. 2; pg. 311 34 Farkas, George. The Black-White Test Score Gap. 2003. University of California Press. 11 November 2004. <http://iris.ingentaselect.com/vl=2061804/cl=118/nw=1/fm=docpdf/rpsv/cw/ucp/15365042/v3n2/s3/p12> 35 Ibid. 36 Pompeii, Dan. Good Test Scores Enhance Draft-Day Status Wonderlic Personnel Test and Related Articles. 1999. The Sporting News. 9 November 2004. <http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1208/is_12_223/ai_54245995> 37 Entine, Jon. Dark Thoughts. 1999. Jon Entine Online. 9 November 2004. <http://www.jonentine.com/articles/dark_thoughts.htm> 38 Reilly, Rick. Liccing My Wounds. 2001. Sports Illustrated. 8 November 2004. <http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/inside_game/magazine/life_of_reilly/news/2001/04/17/life_of_reilly/> 39 Entine, Jon. Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk about It. New York: Public Affairs, 2000. p. 277 40 Leonard, Wilbert Marcellus II. A Sociological Perspective of Sport. Minneapolis: Burgess Publishing Company, 1980. p. 163 41 Jon Entine, Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk about it, p. 77 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid., p. 276 44 Warren Moon Player. 2004. The Official Site of the Canadian Football League. 11 November 2004. <http://www.cfl.ca/CFLHistoryHallOfFame/moon_warren.html> 45 Watts, J.C. 2001. Oklahomas U.S. Congressional Delegation. 10 November 2004. <http://www.odl.state.ok.us/usinfo/congress/107cong/watts107.htm> 46 Anonymous, Joe Gilliam Jr., 49, Pioneer Black NFL quarterback, dies in Nashvillle. Jet; Jan 15, 2001; 99, 5; Research Library Core, pg. 51 47 Ebony Magazine. December 1974, pg. 134. 48 Barber, Phil. Williams busted Broncos, barriers. 18 November 2004. <http://www.nfl.com/insider/2001/williams_doug090601.html> 49 Entine, Jon. Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk about It. New York: Public Affairs, 2000, p. 276 50 Ibid. 51 Weintraub, Robert, The Case for Cunningham. 2002. MSN Slate. 21 November 2004. <http://slate.msn.com/?id=2070146> 52 Entine, Jon. Dark Thoughts. 1999. Jon Entine Online. 9 November 2004. <http://www.jonentine.com/articles/dark_thoughts.htm> 53 Schulman, Bruce. Lyndon B. Johnson and American Liberalism. Boston: Bedford Books, 1995. p. 201-208 54 Ibid., p. 201 55 Ibid., p. 241 56 Ibid., p. 204 57 Ten Myths About Affirmative Action. 2004. Understanding Prejudice. 11 November 2004. <http://www.understandingprejudice.org/readroom/articles/affirm.htm> 58 Entine, Jon. Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk about It. New York: Public Affairs, 2000. p. 74 59 Everding, Gerry, Challenging the Bell Curve: College Education Halves Black, White IQ Score Gap. 1997. The Record: Washington University in Saint Louis. November 11, 2004. <http://record.wustl.edu/archive/1997/11-06-97/7682.html> 60 Entine, Jon. Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk about It. New York: Public Affairs, 2000. p. 276-277 61 Mirabile, Mac. The Drafting and Compensation of College Quarterbacks: Salary Determinants and Evidence of Discrimination in the NFL. 20 November 2004. < http://www.unc.edu/~mirabile/Mirabile.pdf> 62 Entine, Jon. Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why Were Afraid to Talk about It. New York: Public Affairs, 2000. p. 277

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