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One of the most prevalent counterproductive work behaviors studied is workplace incivility, a relatively minor form of interpersonal deviance (Robinson & Bennett, 1995). Workplace incivility has been found to be rather prevalent and detrimental for organizations and individuals. In their survey of court employees, Cortina, Magley, Williams, and Langout (2001) found that 71% of respondents reported some experience of uncivil behavior in a 5-year period. According to Johnson and Indvik (2001), targets of incivility take various responsive actions that can have negative effects on organizations, such as losing work time trying to avoid the instigator (28%), decreasing effort at work (22%), contemplating changing jobs to avoid the instigator (46%), and actually changing jobs to avoid the instigator (12%). Moreover, targets of incivility also report greater job dis-
satisfaction and psychological distress (Cortina et al., 2001). Although incivility research to date has focused on the characteristics of the instigators of such behavior, few researchers (Cortina & Magley, 2003) have examined whether target characteristics affect the experience of workplace incivility. However, incivility may be provoked by certain personality traits that are annoying, unusual, or bothersome. The present study investigates the role that Big Five personality traits play in individuals experiences and perceptions of workplace incivility. Specically, we propose that individuals who are low in agreeableness or high in neuroticism tend to provoke incivility from others, and that these provocative behaviors are the mediating force behind the incivility that these individuals experience.
Workplace Incivility
Alex C. Milam, Christiane Spitzmueller, and Lisa M. Penney, Department of Psychology, University of Houston. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2006 conference of the European Association of Occupational Health Psychology, Dublin, Ireland. We thank Vicki Magley, Stephanie Tobin, and three anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier drafts of this paper. This paper is based on the rst authors M.A. thesis, under supervision of the second author. Support for this project was provided by a University of Houston GEAR Award to the second author. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Christiane Spitzmueller, Department of Psychology, University of Houston, 123 B Heyne Building, Houston, TX 77204-5022. E-mail: cspitzmueller@uh.edu; amilam3@uh.edu
Workplace incivility has been dened as lowintensity deviant behavior with ambiguous intent to harm the target, in violation of workplace norms for mutual respect. Uncivil behaviors are characteristically rude and discourteous, displaying a lack of regard for others (Andersson & Pearson, 1999, p. 452). Specically, workplace incivility manifests itself in the form of disrespect, condescension, degradation, and so forth (Burneld et al., 2004). Workplace incivility is distinct from other forms of counterproductive work behavior (CWB) in several ways. For example, CWB and interpersonal aggres58
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sion are dened as behaviors committed with the (unambiguous) intent to harm another (Baron, 2004; Neuman & Baron, 2005), whereas incivility is not necessarily intentional or malicious. Workplace incivility is generally milder than bullying or social undermining. Pearson, Andersson, and Porath (2005) argue that an important feature of workplace incivility is the potential spiral effect that occurs when negative behavior from one party is reciprocated by another party yielding a tit-for-tat exchange of increasingly uncivil actions. The recent interest in workplace incivility was prompted by its link to psychological strain experienced by targets of incivility. Cortina et al. (2001) found signicant, medium-sized correlations between experienced workplace incivility and satisfaction with work and job facets. Over time, the experience of workplace incivility may contribute to poor job attitudes and be the root of much of the malaise and job-related strain that many workers experience (Notelaers, Einarsen, De Witte, & Vermunt, 2006).
many researchers are reluctant to do so because the results may be misconstrued as blaming the victim. However, to get a complete picture of workplace incivility, the role that the target plays must be understood. Understanding victim or target characteristics aids in the understanding of the offending act. Although the traits of the target cannot explain the instigators behavior completely, they are nevertheless important and should not be ignored. The present study adds to the literature on workplace incivility by looking at self and coworker reports of targets personality traits and characteristics.
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tion of the characteristic. Ones public self, or reputation, is dened by visible, outward behaviors that may be interpersonally provocative and contribute to workplace incivility experiences through provocation of uncivil acts. Ones private self, or identity, is less visible and less interpersonally provocative and would contribute to workplace incivility experiences via the perception of one being treated in an uncivil manner. Thus, to adequately assess the full picture of workplace incivility, we obtained ratings of target personality traits from both employee targets and their coworkers. Specically, we are interested in agreeableness, neuroticism, and extraversion because they represent the most visible of the Big Five traits.
of incivility, which we refer to as provocative behavior, and may indeed provide the impetus for much workplace incivility. Bernstein and Watson (1997) refer to provocation in their study of targets of childhood bullying. Extending behavior to workplace settings, provocative targets most likely continue to behave in ways that provoke uncivil behavior from others. Accordingly, there should be a negative relation between coworker-reports of agreeableness and targets experiences of workplace incivility. Hypothesis 1: There is a negative relation between agreeableness and workplace incivility. The private self-manifestation of neuroticism is marked by feelings of nervousness, worrying, and insecurity (Mount et al., 1994), which is closely related to negative affectivity (NA; Watson & Clark, 1984). According to Watson and Clark, individuals who are high in NA tend to be anxious, angry, sad, and guilty. As NA often affects ones mood, Affective Events Theory (AET; Weiss & Cropanzano, 1996) would predict that NA inuences how an individual interprets events such as incivility at work. Specically, Weiss and Cropanzano assert that individuals who are high in NA will have stronger reactions to negative events than individuals low in NA. Brief, Butcher, and Roberson (1995) found that even when presented with a positive mood-inducing event, individuals who are high in NA still report negative attitudes. Thus, an individual high in NA may perceive an innocuous comment or action by a coworker as threatening and in turn, respond in an uncivil manner. Others may see this response as contentious or confrontational, making the high-NA individual a provocative target. Individuals who identify themselves as high in neuroticism may have trouble handling small daily conicts because of their inability to exhibit the appropriate emotions when dealing with others. Diefendorff and Richard (2003) conducted a study on the role that various personality traits play in perceptions of emotional display rules. Display rules are the unwritten standards in a job that regulate the appropriate expression of emotion, rather than the actual feelings of an employee. Typically, jobs require employees to display positive emotions while suppressing negative emotion. However, Diefendorff and Richard found that individuals who are high in neuroticism are unaware of rules that demand displaying positive emotion, but are very aware that they are to suppress negative emotion in the workplace. There-
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fore, the neurotic individual experiences a greater frequency of unpleasant events, some of which are simply ambiguous events interpreted as negative. He or she then reacts in a confrontational manner, which makes him or her a provocative target. According to AET, this would cause a temporary increase, or at least maintenance of the individuals magnitude of neuroticism, at least at the affective level, which would continue the cycle and the individual would likely become a frequent target of incivility. The public perspective of neuroticism may also contribute to workplace incivility. Behaviors associated with nervousness and insecurity (e.g., dgeting, nervous speech, excessive talking, ruminating aloud) may be viewed by others as unusual or bothersome, and may make the outwardly neurotic individual a provocative target of incivility. According to McCrae and Costa (1991), neurotic individuals have more daily hassles and fewer uplifts, and this may be because of the provocative nature of the public perspective of neuroticism. Hypothesis 2: There is a positive relation between neuroticism and workplace incivility. Extraversion should also have very different public and private characteristics. Although the public prole of an extravert describes one who is sociable, talkative, assertive, ambitious, and active (Mount et al., 1994), the private feeling of extraversion is described as being in search of excitement and having energy directed toward others (Costa & McCrae, 1992). Extraversion is also pertinent to the interpretation of coworkers actions as benign or malicious acts of incivility. Coyne et al. (2000) found that victims of workplace bullying were quiet and reserved, with a preference for quiet and familiar surroundings, suggesting low levels of extraversion. Extraverts enjoy spending their time and energy in activities that attract social attention (Ashton, Lee, & Paunonen, 2002). Thus, positive social interactions serve to enhance the extraverts well-being. Meyer and Shack (1989) reported that extraversion was highly correlated (.66) with positive affectivity (PA), a temperamental dimension of emotions that predisposes individuals to the mood states of joyfulness, interest, condence, and alertness (Watson & Clark, 1992). According to Watson and Clark, individuals high in PA perceive a greater frequency of pleasant events and even interpret neutral events in a pleasant light. Therefore, even if a high PA individual is truly the target of incivility, he or she may not perceive that
any type of uncivil act has occurred because he or she will have either not perceived the infraction or interpreted it in a pleasant light. As extraverts experience positive events more frequently and interpret neutral events in a positive light, we propose that individuals who are high in self-reported extraversion may not even notice when a breach of a social contract has occurred on behalf of a coworker, or at least they may not attach a negative meaning to such behavior. As extraverts tend to nd satisfaction with social interaction, it is in their best interest to make these interactions rewarding to the other party as well. Accordingly, extraverts tend to be better at networking and socializing in the workplace (Forret & Dougherty, 2001) and also form a larger number of friendships (Jensen-Campbell et al., 2002; Mallay, 1936). This indicates that individuals high in extraversion are less likely to provoke incivility than individuals low in extraversion, or at the very least, have more allies to protect them from such behavior. Hypothesis 3: There is a negative relation between extraversion and workplace incivility.
Provocative Behavior
Personality manifests itself in the form of various behaviors, and some of those behaviors may be seen as bothersome to others. In some instances, targets of incivility may actually provoke uncivil acts via their behavior at work. This is an important consideration when examining workplace incivility. We propose that the knowledge that behaviors and traits contribute to incivility is no less important than the knowledge that physical traits, such as a slight physique contributes to childhood bullying (Bernstein & Watson, 1997). Bernstein and Watson found that many targets of childhood bullying are actually provocative targets. That is, they unwittingly invite acts of aggression through their own behavior. Similarly, we believe that individuals may also unintentionally invite uncivil acts through their behavior, which is inuenced by their personality traits (Costa & McCrae, 1992). The provocation of others by ones personality traits may result in incivility because of goal obstruction or violation of social norms. Both outcomes lend themselves to some type of revenge. Although incivility is not primarily motivated by revenge (Pearson, Andersson, & Wegner, 2001), incivility may function as an initial step in a spiral of incivility that has revenge as its end point. Goal obstruction occurs when one party frustrates the other partys attainment
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of goals (Morrill & Thomas, 1992). This frustration can lead to vengeful responses (Neuman & Baron, 1997). Additionally, when individuals do invite uncivil acts toward others, a social contract is broken involving norms of respect (Pearson et al., 2005). Exchange relationships between coworkers exist because of many factors, including universal norms of reciprocity and belief in a just world. However, there appear to be individual differences with respect to how much we think we owe to others with respect to these implicit contracts, and perhaps this is when ones actions provoke incivility toward others. This social exchange creates strong bonds among individuals in the workplace, and when these contracts are violated, organizational norms are violated (Bies & Tripp, 1996). Thus, this violation of norms functions as both cause and symptom of workplace incivility. In the present case, we expect to nd that individuals who report experiencing frequent incidents of incivility are also identied by coworkers as provocative victims who are deserving of uncivil treatment. Therefore, we hypothesize that exhibiting provocative behaviors mediates the relation between ones personality traits and being the target of uncivil acts. Specically, we hypothesize that low levels of agreeableness, which may lead to arguments and disagreements, and high levels of neuroticism, which may lead to unusual social interactions (e.g., nervousness, ruminating aloud), would manifest themselves as behaviors that are perceived by others to be provocative, and that this provocation leads to acts of incivility toward the individual. We do not believe that extraversion leads to individuals being perceived as provocative targets. Thus, we do not propose a mediated relation between extraversion and incivility. Hypothesis 4: Being a provocative victim mediates the relation between agreeableness and incivility. Hypothesis 5: Being a provocative victim mediates the relation between neuroticism and incivility.
retail, health care, food service, education, nance, aerospace, real estate) and had been in their current job an average of 38 months. Average coworker tenure was 54 months. The participants were primarily female (82%), and racially and ethnically diverse. The coworker respondents were also primarily (66%) female, and similarly diverse. Sixty-three percent of the main participants reported only attending some college, 19% reported having an associates degree, and 11% reported having a bachelors degree.
Measures
All measures used a Likert-type response format asking participants to report level of agreement, with options ranging from 1 Strongly Disagree to 5 Strongly Agree. Incivility. Participants completed the 29-item incivility questionnaire developed by Burneld, Clark, Devendorf, and Jex (2004), which asks individuals to report their level of agreement with various statements about workplace incivility they experienced ( .93). Personality traits. Participants completed the agreeableness, neuroticism, and extraversion scales available from the International Personality Item Pool (IPIP; Goldberg, 1999). The IPIP makes available 10-item scales from the bipolar NEO domains (Costa & McCrae, 1992) that have internal consistencies and criterion-related validity comparable to NEO measures (Goldberg, 1999; Goldberg, Grenier, Guion, Sechrest, & Wing, 1991; Johnson, 2005). All IPIP items rated by coworkers were identical to the self-report items, but pertained to the primary participant as a referent. The Agreeableness scale (Goldberg, 1999) had an internal consistency of .84 for the self-report measure and .86 for the coworker measure in the present study. The Neuroticism scale (Goldberg, 1999) had an alpha of .84 for the self-report measure and .81 for the coworker report in the present study. The Extraversion scale (Goldberg, 1999) had an alpha of .86 for the selfreport measure and .78 for the coworker measure in the present study. Provocative victim. A three-item scale was developed specically for this study to measure the extent to which participants were perceived to be provocative victims by their coworkers. The items in this scale were: His or her coworkers argue with him/her frequently, He or she has a tendency to provoke (piss off) other people at work, and When people at work are rude to him/her, it is usually because he or she deserves it.
Method
One hundred seventy-nine full-time employees and their coworkers were surveyed. All participants worked at least 35 hr per week and were between 18 and 65 years of age (M 25; SD 7.15). The main participants completed a survey and were instructed to give a second survey to one of their coworkers. Participants worked in a variety of industries (e.g.,
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Results
Table 1 displays descriptive statistics and correlations between all study variables. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses were performed with gender as a covariate in the rst step of every model test. A summary of these analyses is presented in Tables 2 through 7. Other demographic variables that were investigated included age, tenure, ethnicity, native language, highest level of education, and industry. Each of these demographic variables was screened for bivariate correlations with all independent and dependent variables to ensure that they were not unusually high so as to warrant using them as control variables. Gender differences in personality traits have been suggested to play a role in the perception of being a target of incivility, particularly with respect to agreeableness, neuroticism, and extraversion (Goodwin & Gotlib, 2004). Thus, Hypotheses 1 through 3 were tested using hierarchical multiple regression, and in each case gender was entered as a control variable, followed by the relevant personality trait measure. Hypothesis 1 proposed a negative relation between agreeableness and workplace incivility. Incivility was signicantly related to both self and coworker reports of agreeableness (s .41 & .20, ps .001; see Table 2). In support of Hypothesis 3, both self- and coworker reported neuroticism were positively related to workplace incivility (s .26 & .16, ps .001 and .05, respectively, see Table 3). Extraversion was not signicantly related to perceived workplace incivility for either self-reports ( .05, ns), or for coworker reports ( .11, ns) (see Table 4). Thus, Hypothesis 5 was not supported. Hierarchical regression analyses were also performed entering the three personality trait predictors in step 2 after gender was entered in step 1. Table 5 presents results of these analyses for self and coworker reports of personality traits respectively as predictors. Notably, results did not differ substantially from the separate analyses, with one exception: For coworker ratings of personality traits, extraversion turned out to be a signicant predictor, in the positive direction, whereas neuroticism did not cross the threshold of statistical signicance as a predictor. Hypothesis 4 predicted that being a provocative target would mediate the relation between agreeableness and incivility. The results of the Sobel test for mediation (Preacher & Hayes, 2004) supported both
Hypothesis 5 and 6 for coworker report, but not for self-reports. As we saw in Hypothesis 1, coworker report of agreeableness signicantly predicted incivility received, ( .18, p .02), and the standardized beta weight for coworker report of agreeableness decreased to nonsignicance ( .02, ns) when provocative target status was added to the regression (ZSobel 3.10, p .001). In this case, the total effect of coworker report of agreeableness was .22, and the indirect effect was .13. PM, the indirect effect a b divided by the total effect c, provides an estimation of proportion mediated. The proportion of coworker report of agreeableness that is mediated by provocative target status is 57%. As we saw in Hypothesis 2, coworker report of neuroticism signicantly predicted incivility received ( .19, p .01) and the standardized beta weight for neuroticism decreased to nonsignicance ( .05, ns) when provocative target status was added to the regression (ZSobel 2.77, p .006). In this case, the total effect of coworker report of neuroticism was .62, and the indirect effect was .11. The proportion of coworker report of neuroticism that is mediated by provocative target status is 82%. Tables 6 and 7 report results of the mediator analyses.
Discussion
The purpose of the present study was to determine if personality traits, namely agreeableness, neuroticism, and extraversion, predict ones likelihood of experiencing incivility. Further, we conducted this study to examine provocative target behavior as a potential mediator that may explain why target personality traits, as rated by ones coworkers may lead to higher instances of perceived incivility. The present paper is unique in that it is the rst to look at the presence of a mediator that serves as the mechanism for this relation. The ndings of the present study show that agreeableness plays a fairly major role in becoming the target of incivility in the workplace. Individuals low in agreeableness experience more incivility than those who are high in agreeableness, regardless of whether agreeableness is measured from the perspective of the individual or a coworker. Additionally, the results of the mediation analysis suggest that individuals who are rated low on agreeableness by their coworkers report more incivility because they are seen as individuals who invite this sort of behavior from their coworkers. It is not surprising that the test for mediation failed for self-reported agreeableness, as the self-reported perspective of personality may
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Variable
10
11
12
13
14
15
1. 2. 3.
2.13 3.72
4. 5.
3.97 2.49
6. 7.
2.24 3.50
Incivility Agreeableness Coworker report of agreeableness Neuroticism Coworker report of neuroticism Extraversion Coworker report of extraversion Provocative target Gender Gender of coworker Age Coworker age Tenure (months) Coworker tenure (months) Time coworker has known participant (months) .05 .13 .00 .00 .08 .09 .02 .02 .14 .58 .02 .11 .06 .10 .16 .02 .35 .41 .01 .17 .07 .09 .01 .04 .42 .15 .21 .08 .10 .10 .06 .09 (.83) .08 .14 .19 .12 .14 .04 .05 .12 .01 .05 .03 .06 .03 .07 .01 .00 .06 .43 .48 .14 .18
.33 .53
.46
33.78
49.31
p .05.
p .01.
65
Table 2 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Agreeableness Predicting Perceptions of Incivility (N 179)
Step 1 Gender Agreeableness (self-report) R2 Gender Agreeableness (coworker report) R2
SE B .13 .13
p .05.
p .01.
not manifest itself as behavior that is irritating or bothersome. The nding that low agreeableness plays a role in targets experience of workplace incivility is noteworthy because it suggests that coworkers may engage in some sort of low-intensity retaliation for the annoying behaviors that may be exhibited by people who are low on agreeableness. Individuals low on agreeableness may be confrontational, surly, argumentative, and may come across as disrespectful (Graziano, Jensen-Campbell, & Hair, 1996). If coworkers are exposed to this repeatedly and consistently, it is not surprising that they would react to this individual in a manner differently than they would react to others in the workplace. It may also be the case that those who are high in agreeableness are in such need for harmony that they are more apt to give others the benet of the doubt and attribute ambiguous, uncivil behavior to the situation, rather than to the individual (Graziano et al., 1996). Future researchers may want to further investigate the impact that agreeableness has on other types of social interactions in the workplace. The present study also indicates that for individuals high on neuroticism, perceived incivility may be a function of a more negative general evaluation of a
neurotic individuals surroundings, whereas hypotheses pertaining to extraversion were not supported. Consistent with Weiss and Cropanzanos (1996) Affective Events Theory, the self-reported neurotic individuals experience incivility with greater frequency than their lesser-neurotic counterparts. The present study lends further support to AET by illustrating that people view life and workplace events through different prisms and these prisms may allow one to see more incivility. To the neurotic individual who is characterized by worrying, nervousness, insecurity, and self-pity, events that may seem innocuous to others may look like or feel like incivility. As the mediational results suggest, the types of behaviors that are manifested as a result of neuroticism, or the public perception of neuroticism are the types of behaviors that engender incivility. It is also not surprising that the test for mediation failed for selfreported neuroticism, as coworkers may not even notice people who feel a high level of neuroticism. What is more salient to others, with respect to inviting uncivil behaviors is the behavioral manifestation of neuroticism, which may be better measured with coworker reports.
Table 3 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Neuroticism Predicting Perceptions of Incivility (N 179)
Step 1 Gender Neuroticism (self-report) R2 Gender Neuroticism (coworker report) R2
SE B .13 .13
p .05.
p .01.
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Table 4 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Extraversion Predicting Perceptions of Incivility (N 179)
Step 1 Gender Extraversion (self-report) R2 Gender Extraversion (coworker report) R2
SE B .13 .13
p .05.
p .01.
the ratings of neuroticism (r .20), but given the relative visibility of the characteristic, it does not strike us as surprising that they are not that similar. Because of the behavioral differences between an internal feeling of neuroticism, and the outward display of what others may sense as neuroticism, it makes sense that the self- and other ratings would not correspond that closely. It would be interesting for more research to be conducted that further explores this phenomenon as well. One way to disentangle the role that personality traits play in incivility would be to use a multitraitmultimethod design and survey individuals with respect to a number of different interpersonal workplace events, both positive and negative. AET illustrates that personality trait research in the workplace must always have multiple raters assessing events in order for the researcher to gain a better contextual picture. It would be instructive, for example, to see whether neurotic individuals perceive not only higher levels of incivility, but also greater levels
Table 5 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Agreeableness, Neuroticism, and Extraversion Predicting Perceptions of Incivility (N 179)
Step 1 Gender Agreeableness (self-report) Neuroticism (self-report) Extraversion (self-report) R2 Gender Agreeableness (coworker report) Neuroticism (coworker report) Extraversion (coworker report) R2
SE B .12
Step 2 .13 .36 .16 .11 .20 .07 .17 .13 .18 .08
.05
.00 .05
.12
.00
p .05.
p .01.
67
Table 6 Multiple Regression of Agreeableness and Provocative Target Status on Perceptions of Incivility (N 179)
Step 1 Gender Agreeableness (self-report) Provocative status R2 Sobel test statistic Gender Agreeableness (coworker report) Provocative status R2 Sobel test statistic
SE B .13
SE B .12 .07
Step 3 .04 .40 .20 .23 1.64 (n.s.) .03 .01 .23 .09 3.1
.13
.12 .06
p .05.
p .01.
of workplace theft, aggression, or even sexual harassment. In addition, they may perceive fewer instances of positive events, such as organizational citizenship behaviors, organizational support, and acts of friendship on the job. Diary studies could also be employed as a means to assess incivility as it occurs from the perspective of various observers of the same event. It would also be interesting to develop theory with respect to the consequences of these different interpretations of work events. In other words, when two people experience the same event differently, how do the outcomes of these unique experiences differ? For example, are people who are low in agreeableness more likely to retaliate in response to incivility? Or is it possible that a feedback loop exists, similar to the incivility spiral (Andersson & Pearson, 1999) that actually perpetuates the (low) agreeableness trait, thereby leading to stability of the trait?
From a practical perspective, managers should pay attention not only to how various personality traits affect job performance, but also to how personality traits can inuence whether or not someone receives or perceives incivility directed toward him or her. Training that is designed to curtail incivility or lessen the adverse effects of incivility should focus on promoting behaviors that promote lower levels of incivility. For example, instructors could highlight behaviors that are consistent with high agreeableness as possible conict resolution strategies. Similarly, instructors may want to illuminate and discourage behaviors that are consistent with low agreeableness or high neuroticism, as these behaviors may attract or invite incivility toward the actor. Finally, organizations concerned primarily with nding perpetrators of incivility and reprimanding offenders may want to consider that workplace incivility is complex and often needs to be examined in light of all parties concerned.
Table 7 Multiple Regression of Neuroticism and Provocative Target Status on Perceptions of Incivility (N 179)
Step 1 Gender Neuroticism (self-report) Provocative status R2 Sobel test statistic Gender Neuroticism (coworker report) Provocative status R2 Sobel test statistic
SE B .13
SE B .13 .08
Step 3 .09 .22 .21 .14 1.67 (n.s) .03 .05 .21 .09 2.77
.13
.13 .06
p .05.
p .01.
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Received August 22, 2007 Revision received April 18, 2008 Accepted April 22, 2008 y